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Tout, M.A..</title> +<style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + + p.one {text-indent: -1em; margin-left: 1em;} + p.two {text-indent: 0em; margin-left: 15%; font-size: 0.9em} + p.three {text-indent: -1.5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em} + p.four {text-indent: 0em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em} + p.caption {text-indent: 0.0em; margin-left: 11%} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + ul {list-style-type: none;} + ul.IX { /* styling the IndeX */ + list-style-type: none; + font-size: 90%; + } + ul.IX li { /* list items in an index list: compressed */ + margin-top: 0; + + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + td.cell_lt {vertical-align: top; width: 25%; text-align: right;} + td.cell_mid {vertical-align: top; width: 70%; text-align: left;} + td.cell_rt {vertical-align: bottom; width: 5%; text-align: right;} + + td.cell_lt1 {vertical-align: top; width: 95%; text-align: left;} + td.cell_rt1 {vertical-align: top; width: 5%; text-align: right;} + + td.cell_lt0 {vertical-align: top; width: 10%; text-align: right;} + td.cell_mid0 {vertical-align: top; width: 85%; text-align: left;} + td.cell_rt0 {vertical-align: bottom; width: 5%; text-align: right;} + td.cell_center {vertical-align: bottom; width: 5%; text-align: center;} + + + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .linenum {position: absolute; top: auto; left: 4%;} /* poetry number */ + .blockquot{margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + .pagenum {position: absolute; left: 92%; font-size: smaller; text-align: right;} /* page numbers */ + .sidenote {width: 20%; padding-bottom: .5em; padding-top: .5em; + padding-left: .5em; padding-right: .5em; margin-left: 1em; + float: right; clear: right; margin-top: 1em; + font-size: smaller; background: #eeeeee; border: dashed 1px;} + + .bb {border-bottom: solid 2px;} + .bl {border-left: solid 2px;} + .bt {border-top: solid 2px;} + .br {border-right: solid 2px;} + .bbox {border: solid 2px;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + .figleft {float: left; clear: left; margin-left: 0; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-top: + 1em; margin-right: 1em; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .figright {float: right; clear: right; margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-top: 1em; margin-right: 0; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + .poem span {display: block; margin: 0; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em;} + .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 4em;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + +</style> +</head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of England, by T.F. Tout + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The History of England + From the Accession of Henry III. to the Death of Edward III. (1216-1377) + +Author: T.F. Tout + +Editor: William Hunt and Reginald L. Poole + +Release Date: September 10, 2005 [EBook #16679] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND *** + + + + +Produced by Lee Dawei, Anurag Garg, Turgut Dincer and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + +<h1><a name="TOP" id="TOP" />THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND</h1> + +<h4>FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY III.</h4> + +<h4>TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD III.</h4> + +<h5>(1216-1377)</h5> + +<h4>BY</h4> + +<h2>T.F. TOUT, M.A.</h2> + +<h4>PROFESSOR OF MEDIÆVAL AND MODERN HISTORY IN THE</h4> + +<h4>UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER</h4> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND</h2> + +<h4>IN TWELVE VOLUMES</h4> + +<p>Seventy-six years have passed since Lingard completed his +HISTORY OF ENGLAND, which ends with the Revolution of 1688. During +that period historical study has made a great advance. Year after +year the mass of materials for a new History of England has +increased; new lights have been thrown on events and characters, +and old errors have been corrected. Many notable works have been +written on various periods of our history; some of them at such +length as to appeal almost exclusively to professed historical +students. It is believed that the time has come when the advance +which has been made in the knowledge of English history as a whole +should be laid before the public in a single work of fairly +adequate size. Such a book should be founded on independent thought +and research, but should at the same time be written with a full +knowledge of the works of the best modern historians and with a +desire to take advantage of their teaching wherever it appears +sound.</p> + +<p>The vast number of authorities, printed and in manuscript, on +which a History of England should be based, if it is to represent +the existing state of knowledge, renders co-operation almost +necessary and certainly advisable. The History, of which this +volume is an instalment, is an attempt to set forth in a readable +form the results at present attained by research. It will consist +of twelve volumes by twelve different writers, each of them chosen +as being specialty capable of dealing with the period which he +undertakes, and the editors, while leaving to each author as free a +hand as possible, hope to insure a general similarity in method of +treatment, so that the twelve volumes may in their contents, as +well as in their outward appearance, form one History.</p> + +<p>As its title imports, this History will primarily deal with +politics, with the History of England and, after the date of the +union with Scotland, Great Britain, as a state or body politic; but +as the life of a nation is complex, and its condition at any given +time cannot be understood without taking into account the various +forces acting upon it, notices of religious matters and of +intellectual, social, and economic progress will also find place in +these volumes. The footnotes will, so far as is possible, be +confined to references to authorities, and references will not be +appended to statements which appear to be matters of common +knowledge and do not call for support. Each volume will have an +Appendix giving some account of the chief authorities, original and +secondary, which the author has used. This account will be compiled +with a view of helping students rather than of making long lists of +books without any notes as to their contents or value. That the +History will have faults both of its own and such as will always in +some measure attend co-operative work, must be expected, but no +pains have been spared to make it, so far as may be, not wholly +unworthy of the greatness of its subject.</p> + +<p>Each volume, while forming part of a complete History, will also +in itself be a separate and complete book, will be sold separately, +and will have its own index, and two or more maps.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. I. to 1066. By Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., Litt.D., +Fellow of University College, London; Fellow of the British +Academy.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. II. 1066 to 1216. By George Burton Adams, M.A., +Professor of History in Yale University, New Haven, +Connecticut.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. III. 1216 to 1377. By T.F. Tout, M.A., +Professor of Medieval and Modern History in the Victoria University +of Manchester; formerly Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. IV. 1377 to 1485. By C. Oman, M.A., Fellow of +All Souls' College, and Deputy Professor of Modern History in the +University of Oxford.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. V. 1485 to 1547. By H.A.L. Fisher, M.A., Fellow +and Tutor of New College, Oxford.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. VI. 1547 to 1603. By A.F. Pollard, M.A., +Professor of Constitutional History in University College, +London.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. VII. 1603 to 1660. By F.C. Montague, M.A., +Professor of History in University College, London; formerly Fellow +of Oriel College, Oxford.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. VIII. 1660 to 1702. By Richard Lodge, M.A., +Professor of History in the University of Edinburgh; formerly +Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. IX. 1702 to 1760. By I.S. Leadam, M.A., +formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. X. 1760 to 1801. By the Rev. William Hunt, +M.A., D. Litt, Trinity College, Oxford.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. XI. 1801 to 1837. By the Hon. George C. +Brodrick, D.C.L., late Warden of Merton College, Oxford, and J K. +Fotheringham, M.A., Magdalen College, Oxford, Lecturer in Classics +at King's College, London.</p> + +<p class="one">Vol. XII. 1837 to 1901. By Sidney J Low, M.A., +Balliol College, Oxford, formerly Lecturer on History at King's +College, London.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>The Political History of England</h2> + +<h4>IN TWELVE VOLUMES</h4> + +<h4>EDITED BY WILLIAM HUNT, D. LITT., AND</h4> + +<h4>REGINALD L. POOLE, M.A.</h4> + +<h3>III.</h3> + +<h3>THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND</h3> + +<h4>FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY III. TO THE</h4> + +<h4>DEATH OF EDWARD III.</h4> + +<h4>1216-1377</h4> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<h3>CHAPTER I.</h3> + +<h5>THE REGENCY OF WILLIAM MARSHAL.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">19 Oct., 1216.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of King John</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg001">1</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Position of parties</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg001">1</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Church on the king's side</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg002">2</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">28 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Coronation of Henry III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg003">3</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">11 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Great council at Bristol.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg004">4</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">12 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The first charter of Henry III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg005">5</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1216-17.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Progress of the war.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg006">6</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1217.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rising of Wilkin of the Weald.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg007">7</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Louis' visit to France</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg008">8</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Return of Louis from France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg009">9</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Sieges of Dover, Farnham, and Mount +Sorrel.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg009">9</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">20 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The fair of Lincoln.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg010">10</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The sea-fight off Sandwich.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg011">11</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">11 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Lambeth.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg012">12</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">6 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Reissue of the great charter.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg013">13</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Restoration of order by William Marshal.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg014">14</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">14 May, 1219.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of William Marshal.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg015">15</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">His character and career.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg015">15</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER II.</h3> + +<h5>THE RULE OF HUBERT DE BURGH.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1219.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Pandulf the real successor of William +Marshal</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg017">17</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July, 1221.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Langton procures Pandulf's recall.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg019">19</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Ascendency of Hubert de Burgh.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg020">20</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Jan.-Feb., 1221.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The rebellion of Albemarle.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg020">20</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July, 1222.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The sedition of Constantine FitzAthulf.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg022">22</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1221-24.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Marriage alliances.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg023">23</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1219-23.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">War in Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg023">23</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April, 1223.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry III. declared by the pope competent to +govern.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg024">24</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">June, 1224.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revolt of Falkes de +Bréautè.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg025">25</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">20 June-14 Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Siege of Bedford.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg025">25</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fall of Falkes.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg026">26</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Papal and royal taxation.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg027">27</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April, 1227.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">End of the minority.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg029">29</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Relations with France during the +minority.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg029">29</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Lusignans and the Poitevin barons.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg030">30</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1224.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Louis VIII.'s conquest of Poitou.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg031">31</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1225.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Expedition of Richard of Cornwall and William +Longsword to Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg032">32</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Nov., 1226.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Accession of Louis IX. in France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg034">34</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1229-30.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry III.'s campaign in Brittany and +Poitou.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg034">34</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">21-30 July, 1230.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Siege of Mirambeau.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg036">36</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1228.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Kerry campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg037">37</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">2 May, 1230.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of William of Braose.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg038">38</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1231.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry III.'s second Welsh campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg038">38</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Archbishop Richard le Grand.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg039">39</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gregory IX. and Henry III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg039">39</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1232.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Riots of Robert Twenge</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg039">39</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">29 July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fall of Hubert de Burgh.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg040">40</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1231.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of William Marshal the Younger.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg041">41</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1232.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Randolph of Blundeville, Earl of +Chester.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg041">41</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER III.</h3> + +<h5>THE ALIEN INVASION.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1232-34.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rule of Peter des Roches.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg043">43</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Aug., 1233.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revolt of Richard Marshal</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg045">45</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fight near Monmouth.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg047">47</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1234.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Richard Marshal in Ireland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg048">48</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Defeat and death of the Earl Marshal near +Kildare.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg049">49</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">2 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edmund Rich consecrated Archbishop of +Canterbury.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg050">50</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">9 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fall of Peter des Roches.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg051">51</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Beginning of Henry III.'s personal +government</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg051">51</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Character of Henry III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg052">52</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The alien invasions</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg053">53</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">14 Jan., 1236.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry's marriage to Eleanor of Provence.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg054">54</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Savoyards in England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg054">54</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revival of Poitevin influence.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg055">55</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1239.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Simon of Montfort Earl of Leicester.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg056">56</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1237.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The legation of Cardinal Otto.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg057">57</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1239.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Quarrel of Gregory IX. and Frederick II.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg058">58</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1235.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg059">59</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">16 Nov., 1240.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Edmund Rich in exile.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg060">60</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry III. and Frederick II.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg061">61</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Attempted reconquest of Poitou.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg062">62</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">May-Sept., 1242.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The campaign of Taillebourg.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg063">63</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1243.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Truce with France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg064">64</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Lusignans in England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg065">65</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The baronial opposition.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg066">66</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Grosseteste's opposition to Henry III., and +Innocent IV..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg066">66</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1243.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Relations with Scotland and Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg067">67</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1240.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Llewelyn ap Iorwerth.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg067">67</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1246.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of David ap Llewelyn.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg068">68</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER IV.</h3> + +<h5>POLITICAL RETROGRESSION and NATIONAL PROGRESS.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1248-58.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Characteristics of the history of these ten +years.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg069">69</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Decay of Henry's power in Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg069">69</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1248-52.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Simon de Montfort, seneschal of Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg070">70</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Aug., 1253.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry III. in Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg072">72</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1254.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Marriage and establishment of Edward the +king's son.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg073">73</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's position in Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg073">73</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's position in Cheshire.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg074">74</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1254.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Llewelyn ap Griffith sole Prince of North +Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg075">75</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward in the four cantreds and in West +Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg076">76</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1257.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Welsh campaign of Henry and Edward.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg076">76</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revival of the baronial opposition.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg077">77</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1255.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Candidature of Edmund, the king's son, for +Sicily.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg078">78</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1257.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Richard of Cornwall elected and crowned King +of the Romans.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg080">80</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Leicester as leader of the opposition.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg081">81</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Progress in the age of Henry III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg081">81</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The cosmopolitan and the national ideals.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg082">82</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">French influence.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg083">83</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The coming of the friars.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg084">84</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1221.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gilbert of Freynet and the first Dominicans in +England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg084">84</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1224.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Arrival of Agnellus of Pisa and the first +Franciscans in England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg084">84</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Other mendicant orders in England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg085">85</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The influence of the friars.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg086">86</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The universities.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg088">88</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Prominent English schoolmen.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg089">89</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Paris and Oxford.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg090">90</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The mendicants at Oxford.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg091">91</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Roger Bacon and Duns Scotus.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg092">92</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Academic influence in public life.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg092">92</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Beginnings of colleges.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg093">93</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Intellectual characteristics of thirteenth +century.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg093">93</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Literature in Latin and French.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg094">94</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Literature in English.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg095">95</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Art.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg090">90</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gothic architecture.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg090">90</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The towns and trade.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg090">90</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER V.</h3> + +<h5>THE BARONS' WAR.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">2 April, 1258.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament at London.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg098">98</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">11 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Mad Parliament</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg099">99</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Provisions of Oxford.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg100">100</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Flight of the Lusignans.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg102">102</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Appointment of the Fifteen</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg103">103</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Working of the new Constitution</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg104">104</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">4 Dec., 1259.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Paris.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg104">104</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Its unpopularity in England and France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg106">106</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1259.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Dissensions among the baronial leaders.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg107">107</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1259.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Provisions of Westminster.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg108">108</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1261.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry III.'s repudiation of the +Provisions.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg109">109</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1263.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Reconstitution of parties.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg110">110</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The changed policy of the marchers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg111">111</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Outbreak of civil war.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg112">112</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The appeal to Louis IX.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg112">112</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 Jan., 1264.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Mise of Amiens.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg113">113</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Renewal of the struggle.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg113">113</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">4 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Sack of Northampton.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg114">114</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The campaign in Kent and Sussex.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg115">115</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">14 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Lewes.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg116">116</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Personal triumph of Montfort.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg118">118</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER VI.</h3> + +<h5>THE RULE OF MONTFORT AND THE ROYALIST RESTORATION.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">15 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Mise of Lewes.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg119">119</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">15 Dec.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Provisions of Worcester.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg121">121</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Jan.-Mar., 1265.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Parliament of 1265.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg121">121</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Split up of the baronial party.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg123">123</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Quarrel of Leicester and Gloucester.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg123">123</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">28 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's escape.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg124">124</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Pipton.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg125">125</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Small results of the alliance of Llewelyn and +the barons.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg125">125</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The campaign in the Severn valley.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg126">126</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">4 Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Evesham.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg127">127</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The royalist restoration.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg128">128</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1266.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The revolt of the Disinherited.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg129">129</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">15 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Chesterfield.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg130">130</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">31 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The <i>Dictum de Kenilworth</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg131">131</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Michaelmas.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Ely rebellion.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg131">131</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April, 1267.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gloucester's support of the Disinherited.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg132">132</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">End of the rebellion.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg132">132</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">25 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Shrewsbury.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg133">133</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1267.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Marlborough.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg134">134</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1270-72.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's Crusade.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg134">134</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">16 Nov., 1272.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Henry III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg135">135</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER VII.</h3> + +<h5>THE EARLY FOREIGN POLICY AND LEGISLATION OF EDWARD I.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Character of Edward I.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg136">136</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1272-74.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rule of the regency.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg139">139</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's doings in Italy and France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg139">139</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's relations with Philip III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg140">140</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1273-74.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Wars of Béarn and Limoges.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg141">141</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward I. and Gregory X.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg142">142</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">May-July, 1274.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Council of Lyons.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg142">142</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Relations of Edward I. and Rudolf of +Hapsburg.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg143">143</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 May, 1279.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Amiens.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg145">145</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1281.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">League of Macon.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg146">146</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1282.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Sicilian vespers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg146">146</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1285.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Deaths of Philip III., Charles of Anjou, Peter +of Aragon, and Martin IV.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg146">146</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Bishop Burnell.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg147">147</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1275.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Westminster, the first.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg147">147</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1278.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Gloucester.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg148">148</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Hundred Rolls and <i>placita de quo +warranto</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg149">149</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Archbishops Kilwardby and Peckham.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg150">150</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1279.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Mortmain.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg151">151</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1285.</td> +<td class="cell_mid"><i>Circumspecte agatis</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg152">152</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1285.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Westminster, the second (De +<i>Donis</i>).</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg153">153</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1285.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Winchester.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg154">154</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER VIII.</h3> + +<h5>THE CONQUEST OF NORTH WALES.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Execution of the Treaty of Shrewsbury.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg155">155</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Llewelyn's refusal of homage.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg156">156</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1277.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's first Welsh campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg157">157</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1277.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Aberconway.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg159">159</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's attempts to introduce English law +into the ceded districts.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg160">160</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1282.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Welsh revolt.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg161">161</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1282.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's second Welsh campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg162">162</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Llewelyn's escape to the Upper Wye.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg163">163</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">11 Dec.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Orewyn Bridge.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg164">164</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1283.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliaments and financial expedients.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg164">164</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Subjection of Gwynedd completed.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg165">165</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">3 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament of Shrewsbury and execution of +David.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg165">165</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Edwardian castles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg165">165</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Mid-Lent, 1284.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg166">166</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Effect of the conquest upon the march.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg167">167</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Peckham and the ecclesiastical settlement of +<i>Wales</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg167">167</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1287.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revolt of Rhys ap Meredith.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg168">168</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER IX.</h3> + +<h5>THE SICILIAN AND THE SCOTTISH ARBITRATIONS.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward I. at the height of his fame.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg169">169</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April, 1286-Aug, 1289.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's long visit to France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg170">170</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1289.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Sicilian arbitration.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg170">170</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1287.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Oloron.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg171">171</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1288.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Canfranc.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg171">171</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1291.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Tarascon.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg171">171</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Maladministration during Edward's +absence.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg172">172</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Judicial and official scandals.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg172">172</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1289.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Special commission for the trial of +offenders.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg172">172</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1290.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Westminster, the third (<i>Quia +emptores</i>).</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg173">173</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The feud between Gloucester and Hereford.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg174">174</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1291.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The courts at Ystradvellte and +Abergavenny.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg174">174</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Humiliation of the marcher earls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg174">174</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1290.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Expulsion of the Jews.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg175">175</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The rise of the Italian bankers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg176">176</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1272-86.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Early relations of Edward to Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg177">177</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1286.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Alexander III. of Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg177">177</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1286-89.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Regency in the name of the Maid of +Norway.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg177">177</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1289.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Salisbury.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg178">178</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1290.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Brigham.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg178">178</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of the Maid of Norway.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg179">179</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The claimants to the Scottish throne.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg179">179</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">May, 1291.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament of Norham. Edward recognised as +overlord of Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg181">181</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1291-92.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The great suit for Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg181">181</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">17 Nov., 1292.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">John Balliol declared King of Scots.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg183">183</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's conduct in relation to Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg183">183</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1290.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Eleanor of Castile.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg184">184</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Transition to the later years of the +reign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg184">184</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's later ministers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg185">185</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER X.</h3> + +<h5>THE FRENCH AND SCOTTISH WARS AND THE CONFIRMATION OF THE +CHARTERS.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Commercial rivalry of English and French +seamen.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg186">186</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">15 May, 1293.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle off Saint-Mahé.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg186">186</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1294.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edmund of Lancaster's failure to procure a +settlement with Philip IV.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg187">187</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The French occupation of Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg187">187</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">June, 1294.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">War with France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg188">188</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Preparations for a French campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg188">188</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1294.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revolts of Madog, Maelgwn, and Morgan.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg189">189</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's danger at Aberconway.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg189">189</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 Jan., 1293.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Maes Madog.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg190">190</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Welsh revolts suppressed.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg190">190</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1295.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Failure of the Gascon campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg191">191</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Failure of attempted coalition against +France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg191">191</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Organisation of the English navy.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg192">192</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treason of Sir Thomas Turberville.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg192">192</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The naval attack on England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg192">192</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rupture between Edward and the Scots.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg193">193</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">5 July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Alliance between the French and Scots.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg194">194</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The "Model Parliament".</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg195">195</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1296.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gascon expedition and death of Edmund of +Lancaster.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg196">196</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's invasion of Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg196">196</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">27 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Dunbar.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg197">197</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">10 July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Submission of John Balliol.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg197">197</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Conquest and administration of Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg198">198</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Ragman Roll.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg198">198</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Sept., 1294.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Consecration of Archbishop Winchelsea.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg199">199</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">29 Feb., 1296.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Boniface VIII. issues <i>Clericis +laicos</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg200">200</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Conflict of Edward and Winchelsea.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg200">200</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 Feb., 1297.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament at Salisbury.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg202">202</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Conflict of Edward with the earls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg202">202</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Break up of the clerical opposition.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg203">203</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Increasing moderation of baronial +opposition.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg204">204</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's departure for Flanders.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revolt of the Scots under William +Wallace.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">11 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Stirling Bridge..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg207">207</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">12 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Confirmation of the charters with new +clauses.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg208">208</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XI.</h3> + +<h5>THE SCOTTISH FAILURE.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1297.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's unsuccessful campaign in +Flanders.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg210">210</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">31 Jan., 1298.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Truce of Tournai, and end of the French +war.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg211">211</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's invasion of Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg212">212</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Falkirk.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg213">213</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Slowness of Edward's progress towards the +conquest of Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg215">215</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">>19 June, 1299.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Montreuil.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg216">216</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">9 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Marriage of Edward and Margaret of +France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg217">217</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Mar., 1300.</td> +<td class="cell_mid"><i>Articuli super cartas</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg217">217</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July-Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Carlaverock campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg218">218</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">20 Jan.-14 Feb., 1301.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament of Lincoln.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg218">218</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The barons' letter to the pope.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg219">219</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward of Carnarvon, Prince of Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg220">220</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1302.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Philip IV.'s troubles with the Flemings and +Boniface VIII.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg221">221</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">20 May, 1303.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Peace of Paris between Edward and Philip.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg222">222</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Increasing strength of Edward's position.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg222">222</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The decay of the earldoms.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg223">223</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Additions to the royal demesne.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg224">224</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1303.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Conquest of Scotland seriously +undertaken.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg225">225</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 July, 1304.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Capture of Stirling.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg225">225</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Aug., 1305.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Execution of Wallace and completion of the +conquest.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg226">226</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The settlement of the government of +Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg227">227</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1305.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Disgrace of Winchelsea and Bek.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg228">228</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward I. and Clement V..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg230">230</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1307.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Carlisle.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg230">230</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1305.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Ordinance of Trailbaston.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg231">231</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">10 Jan., 1306.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Murder of Comyn.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg232">232</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rising of Robert Bruce.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg233">233</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">25 Mar.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Bruce crowned King of Scots.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg233">233</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Preparations for a fresh conquest of +Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg234">234</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">7 July, 1307.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Edward I.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg235">235</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XII.</h3> + +<h5>GAVESTON, THE ORDAINERS, AND BANNOCKBURN.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Character of Edward II..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg236">236</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1307.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Peter Gaveston Earl of Cornwall.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg238">238</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">25 Jan., 1308.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Marriage of Edward with Isabella of +France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg239">239</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">25 Feb.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Coronation of Edward II.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg239">239</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Power and unpopularity of Gaveston.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg240">240</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">8 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gaveston exiled.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg241">241</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July 1309.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Return of Gaveston condoned by Parliament at +Stamford.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg242">242</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1310.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Renewal of the opposition of the barons to +Gaveston.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg243">243</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">16 Mar.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Appointment of the lords ordainers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg244">244</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Abortive campaign against the Scots.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg245">245</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Character and policy of Thomas, Earl of +Lancaster.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg245">245</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1311.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The ordinances.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg247">247</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Nov., 1311, Jan., 1312.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gaveston's second exile and return.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg249">249</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The earls at war against Edward and +Gaveston.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg250">250</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gaveston's surrender at Scarborough.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg250">250</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">19 June, 1312.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Murder of Gaveston.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg251">251</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Consequent break up of the baronial +party.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg252">252</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Oct., 1313.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward and Lancaster reconciled.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg253">253</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Archbishop Winchelsea.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg254">254</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1312.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fall of the Templars.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg254">254</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Walter Reynolds Archbishop of Canterbury.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg256">256</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Complaints of papal abuses.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg256">256</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Progress of Bruce's power in Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg257">257</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1314.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The siege of Stirling.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg258">258</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">An army collected for its relief.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg259">259</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 June,</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Bannockburn.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg260">260</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The results of the battle.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg262">262</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XIII.</h3> + +<h5>LANCASTER, PEMBROKE, AND THE DESPENSERS.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Failure of the rule of Thomas of +Lancaster.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg264">264</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1315.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Revolts of Llewelyn Bren.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg267">267</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1315.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rising of Adam Banaster.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg267">267</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1316.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Bristol disturbances..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg268">268</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1315.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward Bruce's attack on the English in +Ireland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg268">268</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1317.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Roger Mortimer in Ireland..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg271">271</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1318.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Edward Bruce at Dundalk.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg272">272</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Lancaster's failure and the break up of his +party.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg272">272</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Pembroke and the middle party.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg273">273</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">9 Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Leek and the supremacy of the middle +party.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg274">274</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1314-18.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Progress of Robert Bruce..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg275">275</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1319.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Renewed attack on Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg275">275</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Myton.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg276">276</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rise of the Despensers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg277">277</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1317.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The partition of the Gloucester +inheritance.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg279">279</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1320.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">War between the husbands of the Gloucester +heiresses in South Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg280">280</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">June, 1321.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Conferences at Pontefract and Sherburn.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg281">281</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The exile of the Despensers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg281">281</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Break up of the opposition after their +victory.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg282">282</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23-31 Oct., 1321.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The siege of Leeds Castle.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg282">282</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Jan.-Feb., 1322.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's successful campaign in the +march.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg284">284</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">11 Feb.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Recall of the Despensers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg284">284</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The king's march against the northern +barons.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg284">284</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">16 Mar.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Boroughbridge.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg285">285</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 Mar.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Execution of Lancaster.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg286">286</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">2 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament at York and repeal of the +ordinances.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg287">287</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The triumph of the Despensers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg288">288</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XIV.</h3> + +<h5>THE FALL OF EDWARD II. AND THE RULE OF ISABELLA AND +MORTIMER.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Renewed attack on the Scots.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg289">289</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward II.'s narrow escape at Byland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg289">289</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Mar., 1323.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treason and execution of Andrew Harclay.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg290">290</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Incapacity of the Despensers as +administrators.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg290">290</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Their quarrels with the old nobles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg290">290</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1324.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Their breach with Queen Isabella.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg291">291</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Their chief helpers: Walter Stapledon and +Ralph Baldock.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg292">292</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Reaction against the Despensers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg293">293</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1303-14.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Relations of England and France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg294">294</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1314-22.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's dealings with Louis X. and Philip +V.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg294">294</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1322.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Accession of Charles IV.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg295">295</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1324.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Affair of Saint-Sardos.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg295">295</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Renewal of war. Sequestration of Gascony. +Charles of Valois' conquest of the Agenais and La +Réole.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg296">296</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Isabella's mission to Paris.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg297">297</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward of Aquitaine's homage to Charles +IV.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg297">297</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1325.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treachery of Charles IV. and second +sequestration of Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg297">297</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1326.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Relations of Mortimer and Isabella.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg298">298</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Hainault marriage.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg298">298</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Landing of Isabella and Mortimer.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg299">299</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Riots in London: murder of Stapledon.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg299">299</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">26 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Execution of the elder Despenser.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg300">300</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">16 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Capture of Edward and the younger +Despenser.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg300">300</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Triumph of the revolution.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg301">301</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">7 Jan., 1327.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament's recognition of Edward of +Aquitaine as king.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg301">301</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">20 Jan.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward II.'s resignation of the crown.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg302">302</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 Jan.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Proclamation of Edward III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg302">302</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 Sept., 1328.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Murder of Edward II.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg303">303</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1327-30.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Rule of Isabella and Mortimer.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg304">304</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1327.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Abortive Scottish campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg304">304</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April, 1328.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Northampton; "the shameful +peace".</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg305">305</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Character and ambition of Mortimer.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg306">306</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Mortimer Earl of the March of Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg306">306</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry of Lancaster's opposition to him.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg307">307</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Mar., 1330.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Execution of the Earl of Kent.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg307">307</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament at Nottingham.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg308">308</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">19 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Arrest of Mortimer.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg308">308</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">29 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">His execution.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg309">309</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1330-58.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Later life of Isabella.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg309">309</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XV.</h3> + +<h5>THE PRELIMINARIES OF THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Character and policy of Edward III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg310">310</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1330-40.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The rule of the Stratfords.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg314">314</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1337.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The new earldoms.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg314">314</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Scotland during the minority of David +Bruce.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg315">315</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward Balliol and the Disinherited.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg315">315</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">6 Aug., 1332.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Disinherited in Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg317">317</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Dupplin Moor.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg318">318</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">6 Aug.-16 Dec.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward Balliol's brief reign and +expulsion.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg319">319</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Roxburgh.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg319">319</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1333.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Attempt to procure his restoration.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg319">319</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Siege of Berwick.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg319">319</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">19 July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Halidon Hill.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg320">320</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward Balliol restored.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg320">320</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">12 June, 1334.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Newcastle, ceding to Edward +south-eastern Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg321">321</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Failure of Edward Balliol.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg300">300</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1334-36.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III.'s Scottish campaigns.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg322">322</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1341.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Return of David Bruce from France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg323">323</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1327-37.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Relations of England and France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg323">323</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">31 Mar., 1327.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Paris.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg324">324</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's lands in Gascony after the treaty of +Paris.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg324">324</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1328.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Accession of Philip of Valois in France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg325">325</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Protests of the English regency.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg325">325</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1328.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The legal and political aspects of the +succession question.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg326">326</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III.'s claim to France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg327">327</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">6 June, 1329.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's homage to Philip VI.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg327">327</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">8 May, 1330.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Convention of the Wood of Vincennes.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg328">328</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">9 Mar., 1331.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg328">300</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Interview of Pont-Sainte-Maxence.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg300">328</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Crusading projects of John XXII..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg329">329</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1336.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Abandonment of the crusade by Benedict +XII.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg329">329</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Strained relations between England and +France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg330">330</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1337.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Mission of the Cardinals Peter and +Bertrand.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg330">330</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward and Robert of Artois.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg330">330</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The <i>Vow of the Heron</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg331">331</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Preparations for war.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg331">331</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Breach with Flanders and stoppage of export of +wool.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg332">332</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Alliance with William I. and II. of +Hainault.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg332">332</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's other Netherlandish allies.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg332">332</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1337.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Breach between France and England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg333">333</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Sir Walter Manny at Cadzand.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg334">334</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fruitless negotiations and further +hostilities.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg334">334</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July, 1338.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III.'s departure for Flanders.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg335">335</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">5 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Interview of Edward and the Emperor Louis of +Bavaria at Coblenz.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg335">335</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Anglo-imperial alliance.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg335">335</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Further fruitless negotiations.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg336">336</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Renewal of Edward's claim to the French +crown.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg337">337</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The responsibility for the war.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg337">337</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XVI.</h3> + +<h5>THE EARLY CAMPAIGNS OF THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1339.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's invasion of France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg339">339</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Campaign of the Thiérache.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg340">340</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The failure at Buironfosse.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg340">340</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Alliance between Edward and the Flemish +cities.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg341">341</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">James van Artevelde.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg342">342</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Jan., 1340.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III. at Ghent.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg343">343</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">His proclamation as King of France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg344">344</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">20 Feb.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">His return to England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg344">344</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">22 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">His re-embarkation for Flanders.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg344">344</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parallel naval development of England and +France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg344">344</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Norman navy and the projected invasion of +England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg345">345</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Sluys.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg346">346</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Ineffective campaigns in Artois and the +Tournaisis.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg347">347</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">25 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Truce of Esplechin.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg348">348</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">30 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's return to London.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg349">349</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The ministers displaced and a special +commission appointed to try them.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg349">349</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">30 Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Controversy between Edward and Archbishop +Stratford.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg350">350</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 April, 1341.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament at London supporting Stratford and +forcing Edward to choose ministers after consulting it.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg350">350</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's repudiation of his concessions.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg351">351</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April, 1343.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Repeal of the statutes of 1341.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg351">351</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">John of Montfort and Charles of Blois claim +the duchy of Brittany.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg352">352</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">War of the Breton succession.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg353">353</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">June, 1342.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The siege of Hennebont raised.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg354">354</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1343.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Morlaix.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg354">354</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">19 Jan., 1343.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III. in Brittany.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg354">354</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Truce of Malestroit.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg355">355</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward's financial and political +troubles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg355">355</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">End of the Flemish alliance.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg356">356</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">June, 1345.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Henry of Derby in Gascony.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg357">357</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">21 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Auberoche.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg358">358</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1346.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Siege of Aiguillon and raid in Poitou.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg358">358</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Preparations for Edward III.'s campaign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg359">359</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">>July-Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The march through Normandy.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg359">359</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">26 July.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Capture of Caen.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg360">360</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The march up the Seine valley.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg360">360</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The retreat northwards.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg361">361</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The passage of the Somme at the <i>Blanche +taque</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg361">361</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">26 Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Crecy.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg362">362</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">17 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Neville's Cross.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg364">364</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">4 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Siege of Calais.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg366">366</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">3 Aug., 1347.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Capture of Calais.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg367">367</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">20 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of La Roche Derien.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg368">368</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">28 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Truce of Calais.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg368">368</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XVII.</h3> + +<h5>FROM THE BLACK DEATH TO THE TREATY OF CALAIS.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1347-48.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Prosperity of England after the truce.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg369">369</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1348-50.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Black Death and its results.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg370">370</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1351.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of labourers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg372">372</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Social and economic unrest.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg374">374</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Religious unrest.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg376">376</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Flagellants.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg376">376</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The anti-clerical movement.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg377">377</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1351.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">First statute of provisors.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg377">377</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1353.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">First statute of <i>præmunire</i>.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg378">378</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Richard Fitzralph and the attack on the +mendicants.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg379">379</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1354.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Ordinance Of the Staple.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg380">380</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1352.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of treasons.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg380">380</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1349.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Foundation of the Order of the Garter.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg380">380</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Dagworth's administration of Brittany.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg381">381</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Hugh Calveley and Robert Knowles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg382">382</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">27 Mar., 1351.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of the Thirty.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg382">382</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1352.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Mauron.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg383">383</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fighting round Calais.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg383">383</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1352.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Capture of Guînes.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg384">384</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">29 Aug., 1350.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of the Spaniards-on-the-sea.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg384">384</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">6 April, 1354.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Preliminaries of peace signed at +Guînes.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg385">385</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1355.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Failure of the negotiations and renewal of the +war.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg385">385</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Failure of John of Gaunt in Normandy.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg386">386</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Sept.-Nov.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Black Prince's raid in Languedoc.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg386">386</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1356.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Operations of John of Gaunt in Normandy in +alliance with Charles of Navarre and Geoffrey of Harcourt.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg387">387</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">9 Aug.-2 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Black Prince's raid northwards to the +Loire.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg388">388</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">19 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Poitiers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg390">390</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 Mar., 1357.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Truce of Bordeaux.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg392">392</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Berwick.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg393">393</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1357-71.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The last years of David II.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg393">393</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1371.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Accession of Robert II. in Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg393">393</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1358.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Preliminaries of peace signed between Edward +III. and John.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg393">393</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">State of France after Poitiers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg394">394</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 Mar., 1359.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of London.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg395">395</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The rejection of the treaty by the +French.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg395">395</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Nov., 1359-April, 1360.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III.'s invasion of Northern France +Champagne and Burgundy.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg396">396</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">11 Jan., 1360.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Guillon.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg396">396</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">7 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Siege of Paris.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg396">396</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">8 May.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Brétigni.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg396">396</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">24 Oct.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Calais.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg396">396</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XVIII.</h3> + +<h5>THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR FROM THE TREATY OF CALAIS TO THE TRUCE +OF BRUGES.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Difficulties in carrying out the treaty of +Calais.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg399">399</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Guerilla warfare: exploits of Calveley, Pipe, +and Jowel.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg400">400</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">16 May, 1364.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Cocherel.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg401">401</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">29 Sept.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Auray.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg401">401</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1365.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treaty of Guérande.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg402">402</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Exploits of the free companies: John +Hawkwood.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg402">402</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1361.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The charters of renunciation not +exchanged.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg402">402</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1364.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of King John: accession of Charles +V..</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg403">403</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1366.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Expulsion of Peter the Cruel from Castile by +Du Guesclin and the free companies.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg404">404</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Feb., 1367.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Black Prince's expedition to Spain.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg404">404</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">3 April.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Nájera.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg405">405</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Black Prince's rule in Aquitaine.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg406">406</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">His difficulties with the great nobles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg407">407</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Jan., 1368.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The hearth tax imposed.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg408">408</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Jan., 1369.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Renewal of the war.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg400">408</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Changed military and political +conditions.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg409">409</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Relations of England and Flanders.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg409">409</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1371.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle in Bourgneuf Bay.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg410">410</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Successes of the French.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg411">411</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Sept., 1370.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Sack of the <i>cité</i> of +Limoges.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg412">412</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1371.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The Black Prince's return to England with +shattered health.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg413">413</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1370.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Futile expeditions of Lancaster and +Knowles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg413">413</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Treason of Sir John Minsterworth.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg413">413</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Battle of Pontvallain.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg414">414</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1370-72.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Exploits of Sir Owen of Wales.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg414">414</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">23 June, 1370.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Defeat of Pembroke at La Rochelle.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg415">415</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Aug.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Defeat of Thomas Percy at Soubise.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg415">415</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1372.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III.'s last military expedition.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg416">416</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Expulsion of the English from Poitou and +Brittany.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg416">416</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">July-Dec., 1373.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">John of Gaunt's march from Calais to +Bordeaux.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg417">417</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1374.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Ruin of the English power in France.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg417">417</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">27 June, 1375.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Truce of Bruges.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg418">418</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>CHAPTER XIX.</h3> + +<h5>ENGLAND DURING THE LATTER YEARS OF EDWARD III.</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Glories of the years succeeding the treaty of +Calais.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg419">419</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1361-69.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">John Froissart in England.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg419">419</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">His picture of the life of court and +people.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg420">420</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The national spirit in English +literature.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg420">420</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Gower and Minot.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg420">420</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Geoffrey Chaucer.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg421">421</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The standard English language.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg421">421</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Lowland Scottish.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg422">422</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The national spirit in art.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg422">422</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">"Flowing decorated" and "perpendicular" +architecture.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg422">422</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Contrast between England and Scotland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg423">423</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The national spirit in popular English +literature.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg423">423</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">William Langland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg423">423</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">His picture of the condition of the poor.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg424">424</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The national spirit and the universities.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg424">424</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Early career of John Wycliffe.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg425">425</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Spread of cultivation among the laity.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg426">426</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The national spirit in English law.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg426">426</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The national spirit in commerce.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg426">426</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III.'s family settlement.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg427">427</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Marriage of the Black Prince and Joan of +Kent.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg428">428</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Marriages of Lionel of Antwerp with Elizabeth +de Burgh and Violante Visconti.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg429">429</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Lionel in Ireland.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg429">429</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Statute of Kilkenny.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg429">429</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">1361-69.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Philippa of Clarence's marriage with the Earl +of March.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg430">430</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">John of Gaunt and the Duchy of Lancaster.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg430">430</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Continuation of ancient rivalries between +houses now represented by branches of the royal family.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg431">431</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The great prelates of the end of Edward III.'s +reign.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg431">431</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Feb., 1371.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Parliament: clerical ministers superseded by +laymen.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg432">432</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Clerical and anti-clerical, constitutional and +court parties.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg433">433</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Edward III.'s dotage.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg434">434</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Alice Perrers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg434">434</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Struggle of parties at court.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg434">434</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Increasing bitterness of the opposition to the +courtiers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg434">434</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">April-July, 1376.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">The "Good Parliament".</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg435">435</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Fall of the courtiers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg436">436</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">8 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of the Black Prince.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg437">437</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">John of Gaunt restored to power.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg438">438</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">Jan., 1377.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Packed parliament, and the reaction against +the Good Parliament.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg438">438</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Persistence of the clerical opposition.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg439">439</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">The attack on John Wycliffe.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg439">439</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">10 Feb.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Wycliffe before Bishop Courtenay.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg439">439</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">John of Gaunt's substantial triumph.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg440">440</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt">21 June.</td> +<td class="cell_mid">Death of Edward III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg441">441</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt"></td> +<td class="cell_mid">Characteristics of his age.</td> +<td class="cell_rt"><a href="#pg441">441</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h3>APPENDIX.</h3> + +<h5>ON AUTHORITIES.</h5> + +<h5>(1216-1377.)</h5> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Comparative value of records and +chronicles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg443">443</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Record sources for the period.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg443">443</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Chancery Records:—</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg400">400</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Patent Rolls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg444">444</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Close Rolls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg444">444</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Rolls of Parliament.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg444">444</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Charter Rolls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg445">445</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Inquests Post-Mortem.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg445">445</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Fine Rolls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg445">445</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Gascon Rolls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg445">445</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Hundred Rolls.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg446">446</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Exchequer Records.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg446">446</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Plea Rolls and records of the common law +courts.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg447">447</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Records of local courts.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg448">448</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Scotch and Irish records.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg449">449</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Ecclesiastical records.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg449">448</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Bishops' registers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg449">449</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Monastic Cartularies.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg450">450</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt0"></td> +<td class="cell_mid0">Papal records.</td> +<td class="cell_rt0"><a href="#pg450">450</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Chroniclers of the period.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg451">451</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">St. Alban's Abbey as a school of history.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg451">451</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Matthew Paris.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg451">451</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Later St. Alban's chroniclers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg452">452</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Other chroniclers of Henry III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg454">454</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Other monastic annals.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg455">455</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Chroniclers of Edward I.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg455">455</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Civic chronicles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg457">457</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Chroniclers of Edward II.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg457">457</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Chroniclers of Edward III.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg458">458</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Scottish and Welsh chronicles.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg459">459</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">French chronicles illustrating English +history.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg459">459</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">The three redactions of Froissart.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg460">460</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Other French chroniclers of the Hundred Years' +War.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg460">460</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Legal literature.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg461">461</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Literary aids to history.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg461">461</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Modern works on the period.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg462">462</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Maps.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg464">464</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Bibliographies.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg464">464</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">Note on authorities for battle of +Poitiers.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg464">464</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_lt1">INDEX.</td> +<td class="cell_rt1"><a href="#pg465">465</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<h4>MAPS.</h4> + +<div class="center"><a id="walesthumb"></a> <a href= +"images/wales1000.jpg"><img src="images/walesthumb.jpg" alt= +"Map of Wales and the March at the end of the XIIIth century." +title= +"Map of Wales and the March at the end of the XIIIth century." /></a> + +<p class="caption">1. Map of Wales and the March at the end of the +XIIIth century.</p> +</div> + +<div class="center"><a id="scottlandthumb"></a> <a href= +"images/scottland1000.jpg"><img src="images/scottlandthumb.jpg" +alt= +"Map of Southern Scotland and Northern England in the XIIIth and XIVth centuries." + title= +"Map of Southern Scotland and Northern England in the XIIIth and XIVth centuries." /></a> + + +<p class="caption">2. Map of Southern Scotland and Northern England +in the XIIIth and XIVth centuries.</p> +</div> + +<div class="center"><a id="francethumb"></a> <a href= +"images/france1000.jpg"><img src="images/francethumb.jpg" alt= +"Map of France in the XIIIth and XIVth centuries." title= +"Map of France in the XIIIth and XIVth centuries." /></a> + +<p class="caption">3. Map of France in the XIIIth and XIVth +centuries.</p> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h4>THE REGENCY OF WILLIAM MARSHAL.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg001" id= +"pg001">001</a></span>When John died, on October 19, 1216, the +issue of the war between him and the barons was still doubtful. The +arrival of Louis of France, eldest son of King Philip Augustus, had +enabled the barons to win back much of the ground lost after John's +early triumphs had forced them to call in the foreigner. Beyond the +Humber the sturdy north-country barons, who had wrested the Great +Charter from John, remained true to their principles, and had also +the support of Alexander II., King of Scots. The magnates of the +eastern counties were as staunch as the northerners, and the rich +and populous southern shires were for the most part in agreement +with them. In the west, the barons had the aid of Llewelyn ap +Iorwerth, the great Prince of North Wales. While ten earls fought +for Louis, the royal cause was only upheld by six. The towns were +mainly with the rebels, notably London and the Cinque Ports, and +cities so distant as Winchester and Lincoln, Worcester and +Carlisle. Yet the baronial cause excited little general sympathy. +The mass of the population stood aloof, and was impartially +maltreated by the rival armies.</p> + +<p>John's son Henry had at his back the chief military resources of +the country; the two strongest of the earls, William Marshal, Earl +of Pembroke, and Randolph of Blundeville, Earl of Chester; the +fierce lords of the Welsh March, the Mortimers, the Cantilupes, the +Cliffords, the Braoses, and the Lacys; and the barons of the West +Midlands, headed by Henry of Neufbourg, Earl of Warwick, and +William of Ferrars, Earl of Derby. This powerful phalanx gave to +the royalists a stronger hold in the west than their opponents had +in any one part of the much wider territory within their sphere of +influence. There was <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg002" id= +"pg002">002</a></span> no baronial counterpart to the successful +raiding of the north and east, which John had carried through in +the last months of his life. A baronial centre, like Worcester, +could not hold its own long in the west. Moreover, John had not +entirely forfeited his hereditary advantages. The administrative +families, whose chief representative was the justiciar Hubert de +Burgh, held to their tradition of unswerving loyalty, and joined +with the followers of the old king, of whom William Marshal was the +chief survivor. All over England the royal castles were in safe +hands, and so long as they remained unsubdued, no part of Louis' +dominions was secure. The crown had used to the full its rights +over minors and vacant fiefs. The subjection of the south-west was +assured by the marriage of the mercenary leader, Falkes de +Bréauté, to the mother of the infant Earl of Devon, +and by the grant of Cornwall to the bastard of the last of the +Dunstanville earls. Though Isabella, Countess of Gloucester, John's +repudiated wife, was as zealous as her new husband, the Earl of +Essex, against John's son, Falkes kept a tight hand over Glamorgan, +on which the military power of the house of Gloucester largely +depended. Randolph of Chester was custodian of the earldoms of +Leicester and Richmond, of which the nominal earls, Simon de +Montfort and Peter Mauclerc, were far away, the one ruling +Toulouse, and the other Brittany. The band of foreign adventurers, +the mainstay of John's power, was still unbroken. Ruffians though +these hirelings were, they had experience, skill, and courage, and +were the only professional soldiers in the country.</p> + +<p>The vital fact of the situation was that the immense moral and +spiritual forces of the Church remained on the side of the king. +Innocent III. had died some months before John, but his successor, +Honorius III., continued to uphold his policy. The papal legate, +the Cardinal Gualo, was the soul of the royalist cause. Louis and +his adherents had been excommunicated, and not a single English +bishop dared to join openly the foes of Holy Church. The most that +the clerical partisans of the barons could do was to disregard the +interdict and continue their ministrations to the excommunicated +host. The strongest English prelate, Stephen Langton, Archbishop of +Canterbury, was at Rome in disgrace. Walter Grey, Archbishop of +York, and Hugh of Wells, Bishop<span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg003" id="pg003">003</a></span> of Lincoln, were also abroad, +while the Bishop of London, William of Sainte-Mère-Eglise, +was incapacitated by illness. Several important sees, including +Durham and Ely, were vacant. The ablest resident bishop, Peter des +Roches of Winchester, was an accomplice in John's +misgovernment.</p> + +<p>The chief obstacle in the way of the royalists had been the +character of John, and the little Henry of Winchester could have +had no share in the crimes of his father. But the dead king had +lately shown such rare energy that there was a danger lest the +accession of a boy of nine might not weaken the cause of monarchy. +The barons were largely out of hand. The war was assuming the +character of the civil war of Stephen's days, and John's +mercenaries were aspiring to play the part of feudal potentates. It +was significant that so many of John's principal supporters were +possessors of extensive franchises, like the lords of the Welsh +March, who might well desire to extend these feudal immunities to +their English estates. The triumph of the crown through such help +might easily have resolved the united England of Henry II. into a +series of lordships under a nominal king.</p> + +<p>The situation was saved by the wisdom and moderation of the +papal legate, and the loyalty of William Marshal, who forgot his +interests as Earl of Pembroke in his devotion to the house of +Anjou. From the moment of John's death at Newark, the cardinal and +the marshal took the lead. They met at Worcester, where the tyrant +was buried, and at once made preparations for the coronation of +Henry of Winchester. The ceremony took place at St. Peter's Abbey, +Gloucester, on October 28, from which day the new reign was +reckoned as beginning. The marshal, who had forty-three years +before dubbed the "young king" Henry a knight, then for a second +time admitted a young king Henry to the order of chivalry. When the +king had recited the coronation oath and performed homage to the +pope, Gualo anointed him and placed on his head the plain gold +circlet that perforce did duly for a crown.[1]<span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg004" id="pg004">004</a></span> Next day +Henry's supporters performed homage, and before November 1 the +marshal was made justiciar.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] There is some conflict of evidence on this +point, and Dr. Stubbs, following Wendover, iv., 2, makes Peter of +Winchester crown Henry. But the official account in <i>Fædera, +i.</i>, 145, is confirmed by <i>Ann. Tewkesbury</i>, p. 62; +<i>Histoire de G. le Maréchal</i>, lines 15329-32; <i>Hist. +des ducs de Normandie, et des rois d'Angleterre</i>, p. 181, and +<i>Ann. Winchester</i>, p. 83. Wykes, p. 60, and <i>Ann. +Dunstable</i>, p. 48, which confirm Wendover, are suspect by reason +of other errors.</p> + +<p>On November 2 a great council met at Bristol. Only four earls +appeared, and one of these, William of Fors, Earl of Albemarle, was +a recent convert. But the presence of eleven bishops showed that +the Church had espoused the cause of the little king, and a throng +of western and marcher magnates made a sufficient representation of +the lay baronage. The chief business was to provide for the +government during the minority. Gualo withstood the temptation to +adopt the method by which Innocent III. had ruled Sicily in the +name of Frederick II. The king's mother was too unpopular and +incompetent to anticipate the part played by Blanche of Castile +during the minority of St. Louis. After the precedents set by the +Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, the barons took the matter into their +own hands. Their work of selection was not an easy one. Randolph of +Chester was by far the most powerful of the royalist lords, but his +turbulence and purely personal policy, not less than his excessive +possessions and inordinate palatine jurisdictions, made him +unsuitable for the regency. Yet had he raised any sort of claim, it +would have been hardly possible to resist his pretensions.[1] +Luckily, Randolph stood aside, and his withdrawal gave the aged +earl marshal the position for which his nomination as justiciar at +Gloucester had already marked him out. The title of regent was as +yet unknown, either in England or France, but the style, "ruler of +king and kingdom," which the barons gave to the marshal, meant +something more than the ordinary position of a justiciar. William's +friends had some difficulty in persuading him to accept the office. +He was over seventy years of age, and felt it would be too great a +burden. Induced at last by the legate to undertake the charge, from +that moment he shrank from none of its responsibilities. The +personal care of the king was comprised within the marshal's +duties, but he delegated that branch of his work to Peter des +Roches.[2] These two, with Gualo, controlled the whole policy of +the new reign.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg005" id= +"pg005">005</a></span> Next to them came Hubert de Burgh, John's +justiciar, whomthe marshal very soon restored to that office. But +Hubert at once went back to the defence of Dover, and for some time +took little part in general politics.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The fears and hopes of the marshal's friends +are well depicted in <i>Histoire de Guillaume le +Maréchal</i>, lines 15500-15708.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] The panegyrist of the marshal emphasises +strongly the fact that Peter's charge was a delegation, +<i>ibid.</i>, lines 17993-18018.</p> + +<p>On November 12, the legate and the regent issued at Bristol a +confirmation of the Great Charter. Some of the most important +articles accepted by John in 1215 were omitted, including the +"constitutional clauses" requiring the consent of the council of +barons for extraordinary taxation. Other provisions, which tied the +hands of the government, were postponed for further consideration +in more settled times. But with all its mutilations the Bristol +charter of 1216 marked a more important moment than even the +charter of Runnymede. The condemnation of Innocent III. would in +all probability have prevented the temporary concession of John +from becoming permanent. Love of country and love of liberty were +doubtless growing forces, but they were still in their infancy, +while the papal authority was something ultimate against which few +Christians dared appeal. Thus the adoption by the free will of the +papal legate, and the deliberate choice of the marshal of the +policy of the Great Charter, converted, as has well been said, "a +treaty won at the point of the sword into a manifesto of peace and +sound government".[1] This wise change of policy cut away the ground +from under the feet of the English supporters of Louis. The friends +of the young Henry could appeal to his innocence, to his sacred +unction, and to his recognition by Holy Church. They offered a +programme of limited monarchy, of the redress of grievances, of +vested rights preserved, and of adhesion to the good old traditions +that all Englishmen respected. From that moment the Charter became +a new starting-point in our history.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Stubbs, <i>Const. Hist.</i>, ii., 21.</p> + +<p>In strange contrast to this programme of reform, the aliens, who +had opposed the charter of Runnymede, were among the lords by whose +counsel and consent the charter of Bristol was issued. In its +weakness the new government sought to stimulate the zeal both of +the foreign mercenaries and of the loyal barons by grants and +privileges which seriously entrenched upon the royal authority. +Falkes de Bréauté was confirmed in the custody of a +compact group of six midland shires,<span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg006" id="pg006">006</a></span> besides the earldom of Devon, and +the "county of the Isle of Wight,"[1] which he guarded in the +interests of his wife and stepson. Savary de Mauléon, who in +despair of his old master's success had crossed over to Poitou +before John's death, was made warden of the castle of Bristol. +Randolph of Chester was consoled for the loss of the regency by the +renewal of John's recent grant of the Honour of Lancaster which was +by this time definitely recognised as a shire.[2]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Histoire des ducs de Normandie</i>, etc., +p. 181.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] Tait, <i>Medieval Manchester and the +Beginnings of Lancashire</i>, p. 180.</p> + +<p>The war assumed the character of a crusade. The royalist troops +wore white crosses on their garments, and were assured by the +clergy of certain salvation. The cruel and purposeless ravaging of +the enemy's country, which had occupied John's last months of life, +became rare, though partisans, such as Falkes de +Bréauté, still outvied the French in plundering +monasteries and churches. The real struggle became a war of +castles. Louis endeavoured to complete his conquest of the +south-east by the capture of the royal strongholds, which still +limited his power to the open country. At first the French prince +had some successes. In November he increased his hold on the Home +counties by capturing the Tower of London, by forcing Hertford to +surrender, and by pressing the siege of Berkhampsted. As Christmas +approached the royalists proposed a truce. Louis agreed on the +condition that Berkhampsted should be surrendered, and early in +1217 both parties held councils, the royalists at Oxford and the +barons at Cambridge. There was vague talk of peace, but the war was +renewed, and Louis captured Hedingham and Orford in Essex, and +besieged the castles of Colchester and Norwich. Then another truce +until April 26 was concluded, on the condition that the royalists +should surrender these two strongholds.</p> + +<p>Both sides had need to pause. Louis, at the limit of his +resources, was anxious to obtain men and money from France. He was +not getting on well with his new subjects. The eastern counties +grumbled at his taxes. Dissensions arose between the English and +French elements in his host. The English lords resented the grants +and appointments he gave to his countrymen. The French nobles +professed to despise the English as traitors. When Hertford was +taken, Robert<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg007" id= +"pg007">007</a></span> FitzWalter demanded that its custody should +be restored to him. Louis roughly told him that Englishmen, who had +betrayed their natural lord, were not to be entrusted with such +charges. It was to little purpose that he promised Robert that +every man should have his rights when the war was over. The +prospects of ending the war grew more remote every day. The +royalists took advantage of the discouragement of their opponents. +The regent was lavish in promises. There should be no inquiry into +bygones, and all who submitted to the young king should be +guaranteed all their existing rights. The result was that a steady +stream of converts began to flow from the camp of Louis to the camp +of the marshal. For the first time signs of a national movement +against Louis began to be manifest. It became clear that his rule +meant foreign conquest.</p> + +<p>Louis wished to return to France, but despite the truce he could +only win his way to the coast by fighting. The Cinque Ports were +changing their allegiance. A popular revolt had broken out in the +Weald, where a warlike squire, William of Cassingham,[1] soon +became a terror to the French under his nickname of Wilkin of the +Weald. As Louis traversed the disaffected districts, Wilkin fell +upon him near Lewes, and took prisoners two nephews of the Count of +Nevers. On his further march to Winchelsea, the men of the Weald +broke down the bridges behind him, while on his approach the men of +Winchelsea destroyed their mills, and took to their ships as avowed +partisans of King Henry. The French prince entered the empty town, +and had great difficulty in keeping his army alive. "Wheat found +they there," says a chronicler; "in great plenty, but they knew not +how to grind it. Long time were they in such a plight that they had +to crush by hand the corn of which they made their bread. They +could catch no fish. Great store of nuts found they in the town; +these were their finest food."[2] Louis was in fact besieged by the +insurgents, and was only released by a force of knights riding down +from London to help him. These troops dared not travel by the +direct road through the Weald, and made their way to Romney through +Canterbury. Rye was strongly<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg008" +id="pg008">008</a></span> held against them and the ships of the +Cinque Ports dominated the sea, so that Louis was still cut off +from his friends at Romney. A relieving fleet was despatched from +Boulogne, but stress of weather kept it for a fortnight at Dover, +while Louis was starving at Winchelsea. At last the French ships +appeared off Winchelsea. Thereupon the English withdrew, and Louis +finding the way open to France returned home.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Mr. G.J. Turner has identified Cassingham with +the modern Kensham, between Rolvenden and Sandhurst, in Kent.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] <i>Histoire des ducs de Normandie</i>, etc., +p. 183.</p> + +<p>A crowd of waverers changed sides. At their head were William +Longsword, Earl of Salisbury, the bastard great-uncle of the little +king, and William, the young marshal, the eldest son of the Earl of +Pembroke. The regent wandered from town to town in Sussex, +receiving the submission of the peasantry, and venturing to +approach as near London as Dorking. The victorious Wilkin was made +Warden of the Seven Hundreds of the Weald. The greatest of the +magnates of Sussex and Surrey, William, Earl Warenne, followed the +example of his tenantry, and made his peace with the king. The +royalists fell upon the few castles held by the barons. While one +corps captured Odiham, Farnham, Chichester, and other southern +strongholds, Falkes de Bréauté overran the Isle of +Ely, and Randolph of Chester besieged the Leicestershire fortress +of Mount Sorrel. Enguerrand de Coucy, whom Louis had left in +command, remained helpless in London. His boldest act was to send a +force to Lincoln, which occupied the town, but failed to take the +castle. This stronghold, under its hereditary warden, the valiant +old lady, Nichola de Camville,[1] had already twice withstood a +siege.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] On Nichola de Camville or de la Hay see M. +Petit-Dutaillis in <i>Mélanges Julien Havet</i>, pp. +369-80.</p> + +<p>Louis found no great encouragement in France, for Philip +Augustus, too prudent to offend the Church, gave but grudging +support to his excommunicated son. When, on the eve of the +expiration of the truce, Louis returned to England, his +reinforcements comprised only 120 knights. Among them, however, +were the Count of Brittany, Peter Mauclerc, anxious to press in +person his rights to the earldom of Richmond, the Counts of Perche +and Guînes, and many lords of Picardy, Artois and Ponthieu. +Conscious that everything depended on the speedy capture of the +royal castles, Louis introduced for the first time into England the +<i>trébuchet</i>, a recently invented<span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg009" id="pg009">009</a></span> machine that +cast great missiles by means of heavy counterpoises. "Great was the +talk about this, for at that time few of them had been seen in +France."[1] On April 22, Louis reached Dover, where the castle was +still feebly beset by the French. On his nearing the shore, Wilkin +of the Weald and Oliver, a bastard of King John's, burnt the huts +of the French engaged in watching the castle. Afraid to land in +their presence, Louis disembarked at Sandwich. Next day he went by +land to Dover, but discouraged by tidings of his losses, he gladly +concluded a short truce with Hubert de Burgh. He abandoned the +siege of Dover, and hurried off towards Winchester, where the two +castles were being severely pressed by the royalists. But his +progress was impeded by his siege train, and Farnham castle blocked +his way.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Histoire des ducs de Normandie, etc.</i>, +p. 188; cf. <i>English Hist. Review</i>, xviii. (1903), 263-64.</p> + +<p>Saer de Quincy, Earl of Winchester, joined Louis outside the +walls of Farnham. Saer's motive was to persuade Louis to hasten to +the relief of his castle of Mount Sorrel. The French prince was not +in a position to resist pressure from a powerful supporter. He +divided his army, and while the Earl of Winchester, along with the +Count of Perche and Robert FitzWalter, made their way to +Leicestershire, he completed his journey to Winchester, threw a +fresh force into the castles, and, leaving the Count of Nevers in +charge, hurried to London. There he learnt that Hubert de Burgh at +Dover had broken the truce, and he at once set off to renew the +siege of the stronghold which had so continually baulked his plans. +But little good came of his efforts, and the much-talked-of +<i>trébuchet</i> proving powerless to effect a breach, Louis +had to resign himself to a weary blockade. While he was besieging +Dover, Saer de Quincy had relieved Mount Sorrel, whence he marched +to the help of Gilbert of Ghent, the only English baron whom Louis +ventured to raise to comital rank as Earl of Lincoln. Gilbert was +still striving to capture Lincoln Castle, but Nichola de Camville +had resisted him from February to May. With the help of the army +from Mount Sorrel, the castle and its <i>châtelaine</i> were +soon reduced to great straits.</p> + +<p>The marshal saw that the time was come to take the offensive, +and resolved to raise the siege. Having no field<span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg010" id="pg010">010</a></span> army, he +stripped his castles of their garrisons, and gave rendezvous to his +barons at Newark. There the royalists rested three days, and +received the blessing of Gualo and the bishops. They then set out +towards Lincoln, commanded by the regent in person, the Earl of +Chester, and the Bishop of Winchester, whom the legate appointed as +his representative. The strong water defences of the rebel city on +the south made it unadvisable for them to take the direct route +towards it. Their army descended the Trent to Torksey, where it +rested the night of May 19. Early next day, the eve of Trinity +Sunday, it marched in four "battles" to relieve Lincoln Castle.</p> + +<p>There were more than 600 knights besieging the castle and +holding the town, and the relieving army only numbered 400 knights +and 300 cross-bowmen. But the barons dared not risk a combat that +might have involved them in the fate of Stephen in 1141. They +retreated within the city and allowed the marshal to open up +communications with the castle. The marshal's plan of battle was +arranged by Peter des Roches, who was more at home in the field +than in the church. The cross-bowmen under Falkes de +Bréauté were thrown into the castle, and joined with +the garrison in making a sally from its east gate into the streets +of the town. While the barons were thus distracted, the marshal +burst through the badly defended north gate. The barons taken in +front and flank fought desperately, but with no success. Falkes' +cross-bowmen shot down their horses, and the dismounted knights +soon failed to hold their own in the open ground about the +cathedral. The Count of Perche was slain by a sword-thrust through +the eyehole of his helmet. The royalists chased the barons down the +steep lanes which connect the upper with the lower town. When they +reached level ground the baronial troops rallied, and once more +strove to reascend the hill. But the town was assailed on every +side, and its land defences yielded with little difficulty. The +Earl of Chester poured his vassals through one of the eastern +gates, and took the barons in flank. Once more they broke, and this +time they rallied not again, but fled through the Wigford suburb +seeking any means of escape. Some obstruction in the Bar-gate, the +southern exit from the city, retarded their flight, and many of the +leaders were captured. The remnant fled to London,<span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg011" id="pg011">011</a></span> thinking that +"every bush was full of marshals," and suffering severely from the +hostility of the peasantry. Only three persons were slain in the +battle, but there was a cruel massacre of the defenceless citizens +after its close. So vast was the booty won by the victors that in +scorn they called the fight the Fair of Lincoln![1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For a discussion of the battle, see <i>English +Hist. Review</i>, xviii. (1903), 240-65.</p> + +<p>Louis' prospects were still not desperate. The victorious army +scattered, each man to his own house, so that the marshal was in no +position to press matters to extremities. But there was a great +rush to make terms with the victor, and Louis thought it prudent to +abandon the hopeless siege of Dover, and take refuge with his +partisans, the Londoners. Meanwhile the marshal hovered round +London, hoping eventually to shut up the enemy in the capital. On +June 12, the Archbishop of Tyre and three Cistercian abbots, who +had come to England to preach the Crusade, persuaded both parties +to accept provisional articles of peace. Louis stipulated for a +complete amnesty to all his partisans; but the legate declined to +grant pardon to the rebellious clerks who had refused to obey the +interdict, conspicuous among whom was the firebrand Simon Langton, +brother of the archbishop. Finding no compromise possible, Louis +broke off the negotiations rather than abandon his friends. Gualo +urged a siege of London, but the marshal saw that his resources +were not adequate for such a step. Again many of his followers went +home, and the court abode first at Oxford and afterwards at +Gloucester. It seemed as if the war might go on for ever.</p> + +<p>Blanche of Castile, Louis' wife, redoubled her efforts on his +behalf. In response to her entreaties a hundred knights and several +hundred men-at-arms took ship for England. Among the knights was +the famous William des Barres, one of the heroes of Bouvines, and +Theobald, Count of Blois. Eustace the Monk, a renegade clerk turned +pirate, and a hero of later romance, took command of the fleet. On +the eve of St. Bartholomew, August 23, Eustace sailed from Calais +towards the mouth of the Thames. Kent had become royalist; the +marshal and Hubert de Burgh held Sandwich, so that the long voyage +up the Thames was the only way of taking succour to Louis. Next day +the old earl remained on shore, but sent out Hubert<span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg012" id="pg012">012</a></span> with the fleet. +The English let the French pass by, and then, manoeuvring for the +weather gage, tacked and assailed them from behind.[1] The fight +raged round the great ship of Eustace, on which the chief French +knights were embarked. Laden with stores, horses, and a ponderous +<i>trébuchet</i>, it was too low in the water to manoeuvre +or escape. Hubert easily laid his own vessel alongside it. The +English, who were better used to fighting at sea than the French, +threw powdered lime into the faces of the enemy, swept the decks +with their crossbow bolts and then boarded the ship, which was +taken after a fierce fight. The crowd of cargo boats could offer +little resistance as they beat up against the wind in their retreat +to Calais; the ships containing the soldiers were more fortunate in +escaping. Eustace was beheaded, and his head paraded on a pole +through the streets of Canterbury.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] This successful attempt of the English fleet +to manoeuvre for the weather gage, that is to secure a position to +the windward of their opponents, is the first recorded instance of +what became the favourite tactics of British admirals. For the +legend of Eustace see <i>Witasse le Moine</i>, ed. Förster +(1891).</p> + +<p>The battle of St. Bartholomew's Day, like that of Lincoln a +triumph of skill over numbers, proved decisive for the fortunes of +Louis. The English won absolute control of the narrow seas, and cut +off from Louis all hope of fighting his way back to France. As soon +as he heard of the defeat of Eustace, he reopened negotiations with +the marshal. On the 29th there was a meeting between Louis and the +Earl at the gates of London. The regent had to check the ardour of +his own partisans, and it was only after anxious days of +deliberation that the party of moderation prevailed. On September 5 +a formal conference was held on an island of the Thames near +Kingston. On the 11th a definitive treaty was signed at the +archbishop's house at Lambeth.</p> + +<p>The Treaty of Lambeth repeated with little alteration the terms +rejected by Louis three months before. The French prince +surrendered his castles, released his partisans from their oaths to +him, and exhorted all his allies, including the King of Scots and +the Prince of Gwynedd, to lay down their arms. In return Henry +promised that no layman should lose his inheritance by reason of +his adherence to Louis, and that the baronial prisoners should be +released without further payment<span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg013" id="pg013">013</a></span> of ransom. London, despite its +pertinacity in rebellion, was to retain its ancient franchises. The +marshal bound himself personally to pay Louis 10,000 marks, +nominally as expenses, really as a bribe to accept these terms. A +few days later Louis and his French barons appeared before the +legate, barefoot and in the white garb of penitents, and were +reconciled to the Church. They were then escorted to Dover, whence +they took ship for France. Only on the rebellious clergy did +Gualo's wrath fall. The canons of St. Paul's were turned out in a +body; ringleaders like Simon Langton were driven into exile, and +agents of the legate traversed the country punishing clerks who had +disregarded the interdict. But Honorius was more merciful than +Gualo, and within a year even Simon received his pardon. The laymen +of both camps forgot their differences, when Randolph of Chester +and William of Ferrars fought in the crusade of Damietta, side by +side with Saer of Winchester and Robert FitzWalter. The +reconciliation of parties was further shown in the marriage of +Hubert de Burgh to John's divorced wife, Isabella of Gloucester, a +widow by the death of the Earl of Essex, and still the foremost +English heiress. On November 6 the pacification was completed by +the reissue of the Great Charter in what was substantially its +final form. The forest clauses of the earlier issues were published +in a much enlarged shape as a separate Forest Charter, which laid +down the great principle that no man was to lose life or limb for +hindering the king's hunting.</p> + +<p>It is tempting to regard the defeat of Louis as a triumph of +English patriotism. But it is an anachronism to read the ideals of +later ages into the doings of the men of the early thirteenth +century. So far as there was national feeling in England, it was +arrayed against Henry. To the last the most fervently English of +the barons were steadfast on the French prince's side, and the +triumph of the little king had largely been procured by John's +foreigners. To contemporary eyes the rebels were factious assertors +of class privileges and feudal immunities. Their revolt against +their natural lord brought them into conflict with the sentiment of +feudal duty which was still so strong in faithful minds. And +against them was a stronger force than feudal loyally. From this +religious standpoint the Canon of Barnwell best sums up the<span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg014" id="pg014">014</a></span> +situation: "It was a miracle that the heir of France, who had won +so large a part of the kingdom, was constrained to abandon the +realm without hope of recovering it. It was because the hand of God +was not with him. He came to England in spite of the prohibition of +the Holy Roman Church, and he remained there regardless of its +anathema."</p> + +<p>The young king never forgot that he owed his throne to the pope +and his legate. "When we were bereft of our father in tender +years," he declared long afterwards, "when our subjects were turned +against us, it was our mother, the Holy Roman Church, that brought +back our realm under our power, anointed us king, crowned us, and +placed us on the throne."[1] The papacy, which had secured a new +hold over England by its alliance with John, made its position +permanent by its zeal for the rights of his son. By identifying the +monarchy with the charters, it skilfully retraced the false step +which it had taken. Under the ægis of the Roman see the national +spirit grew, and the next generation was to see the temper fostered +by Gualo in its turn grow impatient of the papal supremacy. It was +Gualo, then, who secured the confirmation of the charters. Even +Louis unconsciously worked in that direction, for, had he not +gained so strong a hold on the country, there would have been no +reason to adopt a policy of conciliation. We must not read the +history of this generation in the light of modern times, or even +with the eyes of Matthew Paris.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Grosseteste, <i>Epistolæ</i>, p. 339.</p> + +<p>The marshal had before him a task essentially similar to that +which Henry II had undertaken after the anarchy of Stephen's reign. +It was with the utmost difficulty that the sum promised to Louis +could be extracted from the war-stricken and famished tillers of +the soil. The exchequer was so empty that the Christmas court of +the young king was celebrated at the expense of Falkes de +Bréauté. Those who had fought for the king clamoured +for grants and rewards, and it was necessary to humour them. For +example, Randolph of Blundeville, with the earldom of Lincoln added +to his Cheshire palatinate and his Lancashire Honour, had acquired +a position nearly as strong as that of the Randolph of the reign of +Stephen. "Adulterine castles" had grown up in such numbers that the +new issue of the Charter insisted upon their destruction.<span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg015" id="pg015">015</a></span> Even the +lawful castles were held by unauthorised custodians, who refused to +yield them up to the king's officers. Though Alexander, King of +Scots, purchased his reconciliation with Rome by abandoning +Carlisle and performing homage to Henry, the Welsh remained +recalcitrant. One chieftain, Morgan of Caerleon, waged war against +the marshal in Gwent, and was dislodged with difficulty. During the +war Llewelyn ap Iorwerth conquered Cardigan and Carmarthen from the +marchers, and it was only after receiving assurances that he might +retain these districts so long as the king's minority lasted that +he condescended to do homage at Worcester in March, 1218.</p> + +<p>In the following May Stephen Langton came back from exile and +threw the weight of his judgment on the regent's side. Gradually +the worst difficulties were surmounted. The administrative +machinery once more became effective. A new seal was cast for the +king, whose documents had hitherto been stamped with the seal of +the regent. Order was so far restored that Gualo returned to Italy. +He was a man of high character and noble aims, caring little for +personal advancement, and curbing his hot zeal against +"schismatics" in his desire to restore peace to England. His memory +is still commemorated in his great church of St. Andrew, at +Vercelli, erected, it may be, with the proceeds of his English +benefices, and still preserving the manuscript of legends of its +patron saint, which its founder had sent thither from his +exile.</p> + +<p>At Candlemas, 1219, the aged regent was smitten with a mortal +illness. His followers bore him up the Thames from London to his +manor of Caversham, where his last hours were disturbed by the +intrigues of Peter of Winchester for his succession, and the +importunity of selfish clerks, clamouring for grants to their +churches. He died on May 14, clad in the habit of the Knights of +the Temple, in whose new church in London his body was buried, and +where his effigy may still be seen. The landless younger son of a +poor baron, he had supported himself in his youth by the spoils of +the knights he had vanquished in the tournaments, where his +successes gained him fame as the model of chivalry. The favour of +Henry, the "young king," gave him political importance, and his +marriage with Strongbow's daughter made him a mighty <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg016" id="pg016">016</a></span>man in England, +Ireland, Wales, and Normandy. Strenuous and upright, simple and +dignified, the young soldier of fortune bore easily the weight of +office and honour which accrued to him before the death of his +first patron. Limited as was his outlook, he gave himself entirely +to his master-principle of loyally to the feudal lord whom he had +sworn to obey. This simple conception enabled him to subordinate +his interests as a marcher potentate to his duty to the English +monarchy. It guided him in his difficult work of serving with +unbending constancy a tyrant like John. It shone most clearly when +in his old age he saved John's son from the consequences of his +father's misdeeds. A happy accident has led to the discovery in our +own days of the long poem, drawn up in commemoration of his +career[1] at the instigation of his son. This important work has +enabled us to enter into the marshal's character and spirit in much +the same way as Joinville's <i>History of St. Louis</i> has made us +familiar with the motives and attributes of the great French king. +They are the two men of the thirteenth century whom we know most +intimately. It is well that the two characters thus portrayed at +length represent to us so much of what is best in the chivalry, +loyalty, statecraft, and piety of the Middle Ages.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Histoire de Guillaume le +Maréchal</i>, published by P. Meyer for the Soc. de +l'histoire de France. Petit-Dutaillis, <i>Étude sur Louis +VIII.</i> (1894), and G.J. Turner, <i>Minority of Henry III.</i>, +part i, in <i>Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc.</i>, new ser., +viii. (1904), 245-95, are the best modern commentaries on the +history of the marshal's regency.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h4>THE RULE OF HUBERT DE BURGH.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg017" id= +"pg017">017</a></span>William Marshal had recognized that the +regency must end with him. "There is no land," he declared, "where +the people are so divided as they are in England. Were I to hand +over the king to one noble, the others would be jealous. For this +reason I have determined to entrust him to God and the pope. No one +can blame me for this, for, if the land is not defended by the +pope, I know no one who can protect it." The fortunate absence of +Randolph of Chester on crusade made it easy to carry out this plan. +Accordingly the king of twelve years was supposed to be capable of +acting for himself. But the ultimate authority resided with the new +legate Pandulf, who, without any formal designation, was the real +successor of the marshal. This arrangement naturally left great +power to Peter des Roches, who continued to have the custody of the +king's person, and to Hubert the justiciar, who henceforth acted as +Pandulf's deputy. Next to them came the Archbishop of Canterbury. +Langton's share in the struggle for the charters was so +conspicuous, that we do not always remember that it was as a +scholar and a theologian that he acquired his chief reputation +among his contemporaries. On his return from exile he found such +engrossing occupation in the business of his see, that he took +little part in politics for several years. His self-effacement +strengthened the position of the legate.</p> + +<p>Pandulf was no stranger to England. As subdeacon of the Roman +Church he received John's submission in 1213, and stood by his side +during nearly all his later troubles. He had been rewarded by his +election to the bishopric of Norwich, but was recalled to Rome +before his consecration, and only came <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg018" id="pg018">018</a></span> back to England in the +higher capacity of legate on December 3, 1218, after the recall of +Gualo. He had been the cause of Langton's suspension, and there was +probably no love lost between him and the archbishop. It was in +order to avoid troublesome questions of jurisdiction that Pandulf, +at the pope's suggestion, continued to postpone his consecration as +bishop, since that act would have subordinated him to the +Archbishop of Canterbury. But neither he nor Langton was disposed +to push matters to extremities. Just as Peter des Roches balanced +Hubert de Burgh, so the archbishop acted as a makeweight to the +legate. When power was thus nicely equipoised, there was a natural +tendency to avoid conflicting issues. In these circumstances the +truce between parties, which had marked the regency, continued for +the first years after Earl William's death. In all doubtful points +the will of the legate seems to have prevailed. Pandulf's +correspondence shows him interfering in every matter of state. He +associated himself with the justiciar in the appointment of royal +officials; he invoked the papal authority to put down "adulterine +castles," and to prevent any baron having more than one royal +stronghold in his custody; he prolonged the truce with France, and +strove to pacify the Prince of North Wales; he procured the +resumption of the royal domain, and rebuked Bishop Peter and the +justiciar for remissness in dealing with Jewish usurers; he filled +up bishoprics at his own discretion. Nor did he neglect his own +interests; his kinsfolk found preferment in his English diocese, +and he appropriated certain livings for the payment of his debts, +"so far as could be done without offence". But in higher matters he +pursued a wise policy. In recognising that the great interest of +the Church was peace, he truly expressed the policy of the mild +Honorius. For more than two years he kept Englishmen from flying at +each other's throats. If they paid for peace by the continuance of +foreign rule, it was better to be governed by Pandulf than pillaged +by Falkes. The principal events of these years were due to papal +initiative.[1] Honorius looked askance on the maimed rites of<span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg019" id="pg019">019</a></span> the +Gloucester coronation, and ordered a new hallowing to take place at +the accustomed place and with the accustomed ceremonies. This +supplementary rite was celebrated at Westminster on Whitsunday, May +17, 1220. Though Pandulf was present, he discreetly permitted the +Archbishop of Canterbury to crown Henry with the diadem of St. +Edward. "This coronation," says the Canon of Barnwell, "was +celebrated with such good order and such splendour that the oldest +magnates who were present declared that they had seen none of the +king's predecessors crowned with so much goodwill and +tranquillity." Nor was this the only great ecclesiastical function +of the year. On July 7 Langton celebrated at Canterbury the +translation of the relics of St. Thomas to a magnificent shrine at +the back of the high altar. Again the legate gave precedence to the +archbishop, and the presence of the young king, of the Archbishop +of Reims, and the Primate of Hungary, gave distinction to the +solemnity. It was a grand time for English saints. When Damietta +was taken from the Mohammedans, the crusaders dedicated two of its +churches to St. Thomas of Canterbury and St. Edmund the King. A new +saint was added to the calendar, who, if not an Englishman, had +done good work for the country of his adoption. In 1220 Honorius +III. canonised Hugh of Avalon, the Carthusian Bishop of Lincoln, on +the report of a commission presided over by Langton himself.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] H.R. Luard, <i>On the Relations between +England and Rome during the Earlier Portion of the Reign of Henry +III.</i> (1877), illustrates papal influence at this period.</p> + +<p>No real unity of principle underlay the external tranquillity. +As time went on Peter des Roches bitterly resented the growing +preponderance of Hubert de Burgh. Not all the self-restraint of the +legate could commend him to Langton, whose obstinate insistence +upon his metropolitical authority forced Pandulf to procure bulls +from Rome specifically releasing him from the jurisdiction of the +primate. In these circumstances it was natural for Bishop Peter and +the legate to join together against the justiciar and the +archbishop. Finding that the legate was too strong for him, Langton +betook himself to Rome, and remained there nearly a year. Before he +went home he persuaded Honorius to promise not to confer the same +benefice twice by papal provision, and to send no further legate to +England during his lifetime. Pandulf was at once recalled, and left +England in July, 1221, a month before his<span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg020" id="pg020">020</a></span> rival's return. He was +compensated for the slight put upon him by receiving his +long-deferred consecration to Norwich at the hands of the pope. +There is small reason for believing that he was exceptionally +greedy or unpopular. But his withdrawal removed an influence which +had done its work for good, and was becoming a national danger. +Langton henceforth could act as the real head of the English +Church. In 1222, he held an important provincial council at Oseney +abbey, near Oxford, where he issued constitutions, famous as the +first provincial canons still recognised as binding in our +ecclesiastical courts. He began once more to concern himself with +affairs of state, and Hubert found him a sure ally. Bishop Peter, +disgusted with his declining influence, welcomed his appointment as +archbishop of the crusading Church at Damietta. He took the cross, +and left England with Falkes de Bréauté as his +companion. Learning that the crescent had driven the cross out of +his new see, he contented himself with making the pilgrimage to +Compostella, and soon found his way back to England, where he +sought for opportunities to regain power.</p> + +<p>Relieved of the opposition of Bishop Peter, Hubert insisted on +depriving barons of doubtful loyalty of the custody of royal +castles, and found his chief opponent in William Earl of Albemarle. +In dignity and possessions, Albemarle was not ill-qualified to be a +feudal leader. The son of William de Fors, of Oléron, a +Poitevin adventurer of the type of Falkes de Bréauté, +he represented, through his mother, the line of the counts of +Aumâle, who had since the Conquest ruled over Holderness from +their castle at Skipsea. The family acquired the status of English +earls under Stephen, retaining their foreign title, expressed in +English in the form of Albemarle, being the first house of comital +rank abroad to hold an earldom with a French name unassociated with +any English shire. During the civil war Albemarle's +tergiversations, which rivalled those of the Geoffrey de Mandeville +of Stephen's time, had been rewarded by large grants from the +victorious party. Since 1219 he suffered slight upon slight, and in +1220 was stripped of the custody of Rockingham Castle. Late in that +year Hubert resolved to enforce an order, promulgated in 1217, +which directed Albemarle to restore to his former subtenant Bytham +Castle, in South Kesteven, of which he was<span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg021" id="pg021">021</a></span> overlord, and of which he +had resumed possession on account of the treason of his vassal. The +earl hurried away in indignation from the king's Christmas court, +and in January, 1221, threw himself into Bytham, eager to hold it +by force against the king. For a brief space he ruled over the +country-side after the fashion of a baron of Stephen's time. He +plundered the neighbouring towns and churches, and filled the +dungeons of Castle Bytham with captives. On the pretext of +attending a council at Westminster he marched southwards, but his +real motive was disclosed when he suddenly attacked the castle of +Fotheringhay. His men crossed the moat on the ice, and, burning +down the great gate, easily overpowered the scanty garrison. "As if +he were the only ruler of the kingdom," says the Canon of Barnwell, +"he sent letters signed with his seal to the mayors of the cities +of England, granting his peace to all merchants engaged in plying +their trades, and allowing them free licence of going and coming +through his castles." Nothing in the annals of the time puts more +clearly this revival of the old feudal custom that each baron +should lord it as king over his own estates.</p> + +<p>Albemarle's power did not last long. He incurred the wrath of +the Church, and both in Kesteven and in Northamptonshire set +himself against the interests of Randolph of Chester. Before +January was over Pandulf excommunicated him, and a great council +granted a special scutage, "the scutage of Bytham," to equip an +army to crush the rebel. Early in February a considerable force +marched northwards against him. The Earl of Chester took part in +the campaign, and both the legate and the king accompanied the +army. Before the combined efforts of Church and State, Albemarle +dared not hold his ground, and fled to Fountains, where he took +sanctuary. His followers abandoned Fotheringhay, but stood a siege +at Bytham. After six days this castle was captured on February 8. +Even then secret sympathisers with Albemarle were able to exercise +influence on his behalf, and Pandulf himself was willing to show +mercy. The earl came out of sanctuary, and was pardoned on +condition of taking the crusader's vow. No effort was made to +insist on his going on crusade, and within a few months he was +again in favour. "Thus," says Roger of Wendover, "the king set the +worst of<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg022" id= +"pg022">022</a></span> examples, and encouraged future rebellions." +Randolph of Chester came out with the spoils of victory. He secured +as the price of his ostentatious fidelity the custody of the Honour +of Huntingdon, during the nonage of the earl, his nephew, John the +Scot.</p> + +<p>A tumult in the capital soon taught Hubert that he had other +foes to fight against besides the feudal party. At a wrestling +match, held on July 25, 1222, between the city and the suburbs, the +citizens won an easy victory. The tenants of the Abbot of +Westminster challenged the conquerors to a fresh contest on August +1 at Westminster. But the abbot's men were more anxious for revenge +than good sport, and seeing that the Londoners were likely to win, +they violently broke up the match. Suspecting no evil, the citizens +had come without arms, and were very severely handled by their +rivals. Driven back behind their walls, the Londoners clamoured for +vengeance. Serlo the mercer, their mayor, a prudent and +peace-loving man, urged them to seek compensation of the abbot. But +the citizens preferred the advice of Constantine FitzAthulf, who +insisted upon an immediate attack on the men of Westminster. Next +day the abbey precincts were invaded, and much mischief was done. +The alarm was the greater because Constantine was a man of high +position, who had recently been a sheriff of London, and had once +been a strenuous supporter of Louis of France. It was rumoured that +his followers had raised the cry, "Montjoie! Saint Denis!" The +quarrels of neighbouring cities were as dangerous to sound rule as +the feuds of rival barons, and Hubert took instant measures to put +down the sedition. With the aid of Falkes de +Bréauté's mercenaries, order was restored, and +Constantine was led before the justiciar. Early next day Falkes +assembled his forces, and crossed the river to Southwark. He took +with him Constantine and two of his supporters, and hanged all +three, without form of trial, before the city knew anything about +it. Then Falkes and his soldiers rushed through the streets, +capturing, mutilating, and frightening away the citizens. +Constantine's houses and property were seized by the king. The weak +Serlo was deposed from the mayoralty, and the city taken into the +king's hands. It was the last time that Hubert and Falkes worked +together, and something of the violence of<span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg023" id="pg023">023</a></span> the <i>condottiere</i> +captain sullied the justiciar's reputation. As the murderer of +Constantine, Hubert was henceforth pursued with the undying hatred +of the Londoners.</p> + +<p>During the next two years parties became clearly defined. Hubert +more and more controlled the royal policy, and strove to strengthen +both his master and himself by marriage alliances. Powerful +husbands were sought for the king's three sisters. On June 19, +1221, Joan, Henry's second sister, was married to the young +Alexander of Scotland, at York. At the same time Hubert, a widower +by Isabella of Gloucester's death, wedded Alexander's elder sister, +Margaret, a match which compensated the justiciar for his loss of +Isabella's lands. Four years later, Isabella, the King of Scot's +younger sister, was united with Roger Bigod, the young Earl of +Norfolk, a grandson of the great William Marshal, whose eldest son +and successor, William Marshal the younger, was in 1224 married to +the king's third sister, Eleanor. The policy of intermarriage +between the royal family and the baronage was defended by the +example of Philip Augustus in France, and on the ground of the +danger to the royal interests if so strong a magnate as the earl +marshal were enticed away from his allegiance by an alliance with a +house unfriendly to Henry.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Royal Letters</i>, i., 244-46.</p> + +<p>The futility of marriage alliances in modifying policy was +already made clear by the attitude of Llewelyn ap Iorwerth, the +husband of Henry's bastard sister Joan. This resourceful prince had +already raised himself to a high position by a statecraft which +lacked neither strength nor duplicity. Though fully conscious of +his position as the champion of a proud nation, and, posing as the +peer of the King of Scots, Llewelyn saw that it was his interest to +continue the friendship with the baronial opposition which had +profited him so greatly in the days of the French invasion. The +pacification arranged in 1218 sat rightly upon him, and he plunged +into a war with William Marshal the younger that desolated South +Wales for several years. In 1219 Llewelyn devastated Pembrokeshire +so cruelly that the marshal's losses were currently, though +absurdly, reported to have exceeded the amount of the ransom of +King Richard. There was much more fighting, but Llewelyn's progress +was impeded by difficulties with his own son Griffith, <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg024" id="pg024">024</a></span>and with the +princes of South Wales, who bore impatiently the growing hold of +the lord of Gwynedd upon the affections of southern Welshmen. There +was war also in the middle march, where in 1220 a royal army was +assembled against Llewelyn; but Pandulf negotiated a truce, and the +only permanent result of this effort was the fortification of the +castle and town at Montgomery, which had become royal demesne on +the extinction of the ancient house of Bollers a few years earlier. +But peace never lasted long west of the Severn, and in 1222 William +Marshal drove Llewelyn out of Cardigan and Carmarthen. Again there +were threats of war. Llewelyn was excommunicated, and his lands put +under interdict. The marshal complained bitterly of the poor +support which Henry gave him against the Welsh, but Hubert restored +cordiality between him and the king. In these circumstances the +policy of marrying Eleanor to the indignant marcher was a wise one. +Llewelyn however could still look to the active friendship of +Randolph of Chester. While the storm of war raged in South Wales, +the march between Cheshire and Gwynedd enjoyed unwonted peace, and +in 1223 a truce was patched up through Randolph's mediation.</p> + +<p>Earl Randolph needed the Welsh alliance the more because he +definitely threw in his lot with the enemies of Hubert de Burgh. In +April, 1223, a bull of Honorius III. declared Henry competent to +govern in his own name, a change which resulted in a further +strengthening of Hubert's power. Towards the end of the year +Randolph joined with William of Albemarle, the Bishop of Winchester +and Falkes de Bréauté, in an attempt to overthrow the +justiciar. The discontented barons took arms and laid their +grievances before the king. They wished, they said, no ill to king +or kingdom, but simply desired to remove the justiciar from his +counsels. Hot words passed between the indignant Hubert and Peter +des Roches, and the conference broke up in confusion. The barons +still remained mutinous, and, while the king held his Christmas +court at Northampton, they celebrated the feast at Leicester. At +last Langton persuaded both parties to come to an agreement on the +basis of king's friends and barons alike surrendering their castles +and wardships. This was a substantial victory for the party of +order, and during the next few months much was <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg025" id="pg025">025</a></span>done to transfer +the castles to loyal hands. Randolph himself surrendered Shrewsbury +and Bridgnorth.</p> + +<p>Comparative peace having been restored, and the judicial bench +purged of feudal partisans, private persons ventured to complain of +outrageous acts of "novel disseisin", or unlawful appropriation of +men's lands. In the spring of 1224 the king's justices went +throughout the country, hearing and deciding pleas of this sort. +Sixteen acts of novel disseisin were proved against Falkes de +Bréauté. Despite all the efforts of Langton and +Hubert, that able adventurer, though stripped of some of his +castles, fully maintained the position which he first acquired in +the service of John. He was not the man to put up tamely with the +piecemeal destruction of his power by legal process, and, backed up +secretly by the feudal leaders, resolved to take the law into his +own hands. One of the most active of the judges in hearing +complaints against him was Henry of Braybrook. Falkes bade his +brother, William de Bréauté fall upon the justice, +who had been hearing suits at Dunstable, and take him prisoner. +William faithfully fulfilled his brother's orders, and on June 17 +the unlucky judge was safely shut up in a dungeon of Bedford +Castle, of which William had the custody, as his brother's agent. +So daring an outrage on the royal authority was worse than the +action of William of Albemarle four years before. Hubert and the +archbishop immediately took strong measures to enforce the sanctity +of the law. While Langton excommunicated Falkes and his abettors, +Hubert hastily turned against the traitor the forces which were +assembling at Northampton with the object of reconquering Poitou. +Braybrook was captured on Monday. On Thursday the royal troops +besieged Bedford.</p> + +<p>The siege lasted from June 20 to August 14. The "noble castle of +Bedford" was new, large, and fortified with an inner and outer +baily, and two strong towers. Falkes trusted that it would hold out +for a year, and had amply provided it with provisions and munitions +of war. In effect, though William de Bréauté and his +followers showed a gallant spirit, it resisted the justiciar for +barely two months. When called upon to surrender the garrison +answered that they would only yield at their lord's orders, and +that the more as they were not bound to the king by homage or +fealty. Nothing was left <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg026" id= +"pg026">026</a></span>but a fight to the death. The royalists made +strenuous efforts. A new scutage, the "scutage of Bedford," was +imposed on the realm. Meanwhile Falkes fled to his accomplice, the +Earl of Chester, and afterwards took refuge with Llewelyn. But the +adventurer found such cold comfort from the great men who had lured +him to his ruin that he perforce made his way back to England, +along with a motley band of followers, English and French, Scottish +and Welsh.[1] A hue and cry was raised after him, and, like William +of Albemarle, he was forced to throw himself into sanctuary, while +Randolph of Chester openly joined the besiegers of Bedford. In his +refuge in a church at Coventry, Falkes was persuaded to surrender +to the bishop of the diocese, who handed him over to Langton.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The names of his <i>familia</i> taken with him +are in <i>Patent Rolls of Henry III.</i>, 1216-1227, pp. +461-62.</p> + +<p>During Falkes's wanderings his brother had been struggling +valiantly against overwhelming odds. <i>Petrariae</i> and mangonels +threw huge stones into the castle, and effected breaches in keep +and curtain. Miners undermined the walls, while over-against the +stronghold two lofty structures of wood were raised, from which the +crossbowmen, who manned them, were able to command the whole of the +interior. At last the castle was captured in four successive +assaults. In the first the barbican was taken; in the next the +outer baily was stormed; in the third the interior baily was won; +and in the last the keep was split asunder. The garrison then +allowed the women and captives, including the wife of Falkes and +the unlucky Braybrook, to make their way to the enemies' lines. +Next day the defenders themselves surrendered. The only mercy shown +to these gallant men was that they were allowed to make their peace +with the Church before their execution. Of the eighty prisoners, +three Templars alone were spared.</p> + +<p>Falkes threw himself upon the king's mercy, appealing to his +former services to Henry and his father. He surrendered to the King +the large sums of money which he had deposited with his bankers, +the Templars of London, and ordered his castellans in Plympton and +the other west-country castles of his wife to open their gates to +the royal officers. In return for these concessions he was released +from excommunication. His life was spared, but his property was +confiscated, and he<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg027" id= +"pg027">027</a></span> was ordered to abjure the realm. Even his +wife deserted him, protesting that she had been forced to marry him +against her will. On October 26 he received letters of safe conduct +to go beyond sea. As he left England, he protested that he had been +instigated by the English magnates in all that he had done. On +landing at Fécamp he was detained by his old enemy Louis, +then, by his father's death, King of France. But Louis VIII. was +the last man to bear old grudges against the Norman adventurer, +especially as Falkes's rising had enabled him to capture the chief +towns of Poitou.</p> + +<p>Even in his exile Falkes was still able to do mischief. He +obtained his release from Louis' prison about Easter, 1225, on the +pretence of going on crusade. He then made his way to Rome where he +strove to excite the sympathy of Honorius III., by presenting an +artful memorial, which throws a flood of light upon his character, +motives, and hopes. Honorius earnestly pleaded for his restitution, +but Hubert and Langton stood firm against him. They urged that the +pope had been misinformed, and declined to recall the exile. +Honorius sent his chaplain Otto to England, but the nuncio found it +impossible to modify the policy of the advisers of the king. Falkes +went back from Italy to Troyes, where he waited for a year in the +hope that his sentence would be reversed. At last Otto gave up his +cause in despair, and devoted himself to the more profitable work +of exacting money from the English clergy. Falkes died in 1226. +With him disappears from our history the lawless spirit which had +troubled the land since the war between John and his barons. The +foreign adventurers, of whom he was the chief, either went back in +disgust to their native lands, or, like Peter de Mauley, became +loyal subjects and the progenitors of a harmless stock of English +barons. The ten years of storm and stress were over. The +administration was once more in English hands, and Hubert enjoyed a +few years of well-earned power.</p> + +<p>New difficulties at once arose. The defeat of the feudalists and +their Welsh allies involved heavy special taxation, and the king's +honour required that an effort should be made both to wrest Poitou +from Louis VIII., and to strengthen the English hold over Gascony. +Besides national obligations, clergy and laity alike were still +called upon to contribute towards the<span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg028" id="pg028">028</a></span> cost of crusading enterprises, +and in 1226 the papal nuncio, Otto, demanded that a large +proportion of the revenues of the English clergy should be +contributed to the papal coffers. To the Englishman of that age all +extraordinary taxation was a grievance quite irrespective of its +necessity. The double incidence of the royal and papal demands was +met by protests which showed some tendency towards the splitting up +of the victorious side into parties. It was still easy for all to +unite against Otto, and the papal agent was forced to go home empty +handed, for councils both of clergy and barons agreed to reject his +demands. Whatever other nations might offer to the pope, argued the +magnates, the realms of England and Ireland at least had a right to +be freed from such impositions by reason of the tribute which John +had agreed to pay to Innocent III. The demand of the king's +ministers for a fifteenth to prosecute the war with France was +reluctantly conceded, but only on the condition of a fresh +confirmation of the charters in a form intended to bring home to +the king his personal obligation to observe them. Hubert de Burgh, +however, was no enthusiast for the charters. His standpoint was +that of the officials of the age of Henry II. To him the +re-establishment of order meant the restoration of the prerogative. +There he parted company with the archbishop, who was an eager +upholder of the charters, for which he was so largely responsible. +The struggle against the foreigner was to be succeeded by a +struggle for the charters.</p> + +<p>In January, 1227, a council met at Oxford. The king, then nearly +twenty years old, declared that he would govern the country +himself, and renounced the tutelage of the Bishop of Winchester. +Henry gave himself over completely to the justiciar, whom he +rewarded for his faithful service by making him Earl of Kent. In +deep disgust Bishop Peter left the court to carry out his +long-deferred crusading vows. For four years he was absent in +Palestine, where his military talents had ample scope as one of the +leaders of Frederick II.'s army, while his diplomatic skill sought, +with less result, to preserve some sort of relations between the +excommunicated emperor and the new pope, Gregory IX., who in this +same year succeeded Honorius. In April Gregory renewed the bull of +1223 in which his predecessor recognised Henry's competence to +govern.</p> + +<p>Thus ended the first minority since the Conquest. The<span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg029" id="pg029">029</a></span> +successful restoration of law and order when the king was a child, +showed that a strong king was not absolutely necessary for good +government. From the exercise of royal authority by ministers +without the personal intervention of the monarch arose the ideas of +limited monarchy, the responsibility of the official, and the +constitutional rights of the baronial council to appoint ministers +and control the administration. We also discern, almost for the +first time, the action of an inner ministerial council which was +ultimately to develop into the <i>consilium ordinarium</i> of a +later age.</p> + +<p>No sudden changes attended the royal majority. Those who had +persuaded Henry to dismiss Bishop Peter had no policy beyond +getting rid of a hated rival. The new Earl of Kent continued to +hold office as justiciar for five years, and his ascendency is even +more marked in the years 1227 to 1232 than it had been between 1224 +and 1227. Hubert still found the task of ruling England by no means +easy. With the mitigation of home troubles foreign affairs assumed +greater importance, and England's difficulties with France, the +efforts to establish cordial relations with the empire, the +ever-increasing aggressions of Llewelyn of Wales, and the chronic +troubles of Ireland, involved the country in large expenses with +little compensating advantage. Not less uneasy were the results of +the growing encroachments of the papacy and the increasing +inability of the English clergy to face them. Papal taxation, added +to the burden of national taxation, induced discontent that found a +ready scapegoat in the justiciar. The old and the new baronial +opposition combined to denounce Hubert as the true cause of all +evils. The increasing personal influence of the young king +complicated the situation. In his efforts to deal with all these +problems Hubert became involved in the storm of obloquy which +finally brought about his fall.</p> + +<p>At the accession of Henry III., the truce for five years +concluded between his father and Philip Augustus on September 18, +1214, had still three years to run. The expedition of Louis to +England might well seem to have broken it, but the prudent +disavowal by Philip II. of his son's sacrilegious enterprise made +it a point of policy for the French King to regard it as still in +force, and neither John nor the earl marshal <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg030" id="pg030">030</a></span>had a mind to +face the enmity of the father as well as the invasion of the son. +Accordingly the truce ran out its full time, and in 1220 Honorius +III., ever zealous for peace between Christian sovereigns, procured +its prolongation for four years. Before this had expired, the +accession of Louis VIII. in 1223 raised the old enemy of King Henry +to the throne of France. Louis still coveted the English throne, +and desired to complete the conquest of Henry's French dominions in +France. His accession soon involved England in a new struggle, +luckily delayed until the worst of the disorders at home had been +overcome.</p> + +<p>Peace was impossible because Louis, like Philip, regarded the +forfeiture of John as absolute, and as involving the right to deny +to Henry III. a legitimate title to any of his lands beyond sea. +Henry, on the other hand, was still styled Duke of Normandy, Count +of Anjou, Count of Poitou, and Duke of Aquitaine. Claiming all that +his father had held, he refused homage to Philip or Louis for such +French lands as he actually possessed. For the first time since the +Conquest, an English king ruled over extensive French territories +without any feudal subjection to the King of France. However, +Henry's French lands, though still considerable, were but a shadow +of those once ruled by his father. Philip had conquered all +Normandy, save the Channel Islands, and also the whole of Anjou and +Touraine. For a time he also gained possession of Poitou, but +before his death nearly the whole of that region had slipped from +his grasp. Poitiers, alone of its great towns, remained in French +hands. For the rest, both the barons and cities of Poitou +acknowledged the over-lordship of their English count. Too much +importance must not be ascribed to this revival of the English +power. Henry claimed very little domain in Poitou, which +practically was divided between the feudal nobles and the great +communes. So long as they maintained a virtual freedom, they were +indifferent as to their overlord. If they easily transferred their +allegiance from Philip to Henry, it was because the weakness of +absentee counts was less to be dreaded than the strength of a +monarch near at hand. Meanwhile the barons carried on their feuds +one against the other, and all alike joined in oppressing the +townsmen.</p> + +<p>During Henry's minority the crown was not strong enough <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg031" id="pg031">031</a></span>to deal +with the unruly Foitevins. Seneschals quickly succeeded each other; +the barons expected the office to be filled by one of their own +order, and the towns, jealous of hostile neighbours, demanded the +appointment of an Englishman. At last, in 1221, Savary de +Mauléon, one of King John's mercenaries, a poet, and a +crusader against infidels and Albigenses, was made seneschal. His +English estates ensured some measure of fidelity, and his energy +and experience were guarantees of his competence, though, as a +younger member of the great house of Thouars, he belonged by birth +to the inner circle of the Poitevin nobility, whose treachery, +levity, and self-seeking were proverbial. The powerful Viscounts of +Thouars were constantly kept in check by their traditional enemies +the Counts of La Marche, whose representative, Hugh of Lusignan, +was by far the strongest of the local barons. His cousin, and +sometime betrothed, Isabella, Countess of Angoulême, the +widow of King John, had left England to resume the administration +of her dominions. Early in 1220 she married Hugh, justifying +herself to her son on the ground that it would be dangerous to his +interests if the Count of La Marche should contract an alliance +with the French party. But this was mere excuse. The union of La +Marche and Angoulême largely increased Count Hugh's power, +and he showed perfect impartiality in pursuing his own interests by +holding a balance between his stepson and the King of France. +Against him neither Savary nor the Poitevin communes could contend +with success. The anarchy of Poitou was an irresistible temptation +to Louis VII. "Know you," he wrote to the men of Limoges, "that +John, king of England, was deprived by the unanimous judgment of +his peers of all the lands which he held of our father Philip. We +have now received in inheritance all our father's rights, and +require you to perform the service that you owe us." While the +English government weakly negotiated for the prolongation of the +truce, and for the pope's intervention, Louis concluded treaties +with the Poitevin barons, and made ready an army to conquer his +inheritance. Foremost among his local partisans appeared Henry's +stepfather.</p> + +<p>The French army met at Tours on June 24, 1224, and marched +through Thouars to La Rochelle, the strongest of the Poitevin +towns, and the most devoted to England. On <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg032" id="pg032">032</a></span>the way Louis forced Savary +de Mauléon to yield up Niort, and to promise to defend no +other place than La Rochelle, before which city he sat down on July +15. At first Savary resisted vigorously. The siege of Bedford, +however, prevented the despatch of effective help from England, and +Savary was perhaps already secretly won over by Louis. Be this as +it may, the town surrendered on August 3, and with it went all +Aquitaine north of the Dordogne. Savary took service with the +conqueror, and was made warden of La Rochelle and of the adjacent +coasts, while Lusignan received the reward of his treachery in a +grant of the Isle of Oléron. When Louis returned to the +north, the Count of La Marche undertook the conquest of Gascony. He +soon made himself master of St. Emilion, and of the whole of +Périgord. The surrender of La Réole opened up the +passage of the Garonne, and the capture of Bazas gave the French a +foothold to the south of that river. Only the people of Bordeaux +showed any spirit in resisting Hugh. But their resistance proved +sufficient, and he withdrew baffled before their walls.</p> + +<p>The easiness of Louis' conquests showed their instability. "I am +sure," wrote one of Henry's officers, "that you can easily recover +all that you have lost, if you send speedy succour to these +regions." After the capture of Bedford, Hubert undertook the +recovery of Poitou and the defence of Gascony. Henry's younger +brother Richard, a youth of sixteen, was appointed Earl of Cornwall +and Count of Poitou, dubbed knight by his brother, and put in +nominal command of the expedition despatched to Gascony in March, +1225. His experienced uncle, William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury, +and Philip of Aubigny, were sent with him as his chief counsellors. +Received with open arms by Bordeaux, he boasted on May 2 that he +had conquered all Gascony, save La Réole, and had received +the allegiance of every Gascon noble, except Elie Rudel, the lord +of Bergerac. The siege of La Réole, the only serious +military operation of the campaign, occupied Richard all the summer +and autumn, and it was not until November 13 that the burgesses +opened their gates. As soon as the French had retired, the lord of +Bergerac, "after the fashion of the Poitevins," renounced Louis and +professed himself the liegeman of Earl Richard. Then the worst +trouble was that Savary de <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg033" +id="pg033">033</a></span>Mauléon's ships commanded the Bay +of Biscay, and rendered communication between Bordeaux and England +very difficult.[1] Once more the men of the Cinque Ports came to +the king's aid, and there was severe fighting at sea, involving +much plunder of merchant vessels and dislocation of trade.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The names of his <i>familia</i> taken with him +are in <i>Patent Rolls of Henry III.</i>, 1216-1227, pp. +461-62.</p> + +<p>The English sought to supplement their military successes by +diplomacy. Richard of Cornwall made an alliance with the counts of +Auvergne, and the home administration negotiated with all possible +enemies of the French King. A proposal to affiance Henry's sister, +Isabella, to Henry, King of the Romans, the infant son of Frederick +II., led to no results, for the Archbishop of Cologne, the chief +upholder of the scheme in Germany, was murdered, and the young king +found a bride in Austria. Yet the project counteracted the +negotiations set on foot by Louis to secure Frederick II. for his +own side, and induced the Emperor to take up a position of +neutrality. An impostor appeared in Flanders who gave out that he +was the old Count Baldwin, sometime Latin Emperor of the East, who +had died in prison in Bulgaria twenty years before. Baldwin's +daughter, Joan, appealed to Louis for support against the false +Baldwin, whereupon Henry recognised his claims and sought his +alliance. Nothing but the capture and execution of the impostor +prevented Henry from effecting a powerful diversion in Flanders. +Peter Mauclerc, Count of Brittany, was won over by an offer of +restitution to his earldom of Richmond, and by a promise that Henry +would marry his daughter Iolande. Intrigues were entered into with +the discontented Norman nobles, and the pope was importuned to save +Henry from French assaults at the same moment that the king made a +treaty of alliance with his first cousin, the heretical Raymond +VII. of Toulouse. Honorius gave his ward little save sympathy and +good advice. His special wish was to induce Louis to lead a French +expedition into Languedoc against the Albigensian heretics. As soon +as Louis resolved on this, the pope sought to prevent Henry from +entering into unholy alliance with Raymond. It was the crusade of +1226, not the good-will of the Pope or the fine-drawn English +negotiations, which gave Gascony a short respite. Louis VIII. died +on November 8 in the course of his expedition, and the Capetian +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg034" id= +"pg034">034</a></span>monarchy became less dangerous during the +troubles of a minority, in which his widow, Blanche, strove as +regent to uphold the throne of their little son, Louis IX.</p> + +<p>The first months of Louis IX.'s reign showed how unstable was +any edifice built upon the support of the treacherous lords of +Poitou. Within six weeks of Louis VIII.'s death, Hugh of Lusignan, +the viscount of Thouars, Savary de Mauléon, and many other +Poitevin barons, concluded treaties with Richard of Cornwall, by +which in return for lavish concessions they went back to the +English obedience. In the spring of 1227, however, the appearance +of a French army south of the Loire caused these same lords to make +fresh treaties with Blanche. Peter of Brittany also became friendly +with the French regent, and gave up his daughter's English +marriage. With allies so shifty, further dealings seemed hopeless. +Before Easter, Richard patched up a truce and went home in disgust. +The Capetians lost Poitou, but Henry failed to take advantage of +his rival's weakness, and the real masters of the situation were +the local barons. Fifteen more years were to elapse before the +definitive French conquest of Poitou.</p> + +<p>During the next three years the good understanding between the +Bretons, the Poitevins, and the regent Blanche came to an end, and +the progress of the feudal reaction against the rule of the young +King of France once more excited hopes of improving Henry's +position in south-western France. Henry III. was eager to win back +his inheritance, though Hubert de Burgh had little faith in +Poitevin promises, and, conscious of his king's weakness, managed +to prolong the truce, until July 22, 1229. Three months before +that, Blanche succeeded in forcing the unfortunate Raymond VII. to +accept the humiliating treaty of Meaux, which assured the +succession to his dominions to her second son Alfonse, who was to +marry his daughter and heiress, Joan. The barons of the north and +west were not yet defeated, and once more appealed to Henry to come +to their aid. Accordingly, the English king summoned his vassals to +Portsmouth on October 15 for a French campaign. When Henry went +down to Portsmouth he found that there were not enough ships to +convey his troops over sea. Thereupon he passionately denounced the +justiciar as an "old traitor," and accused him of being bribed by +the French queen. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg035" id= +"pg035">035</a></span>Nothing but the intervention of Randolph of +Chester, Hubert's persistent enemy, put an end to the undignified +scene.</p> + +<p>Count Peter of Brittany, who arrived at Portsmouth on the 9th, +did homage to Henry as King of France, and received the earldom of +Richmond and the title of Duke of Brittany which he had long +coveted, but which the French government refused to recognise. He +persuaded Henry to postpone the expedition until the following +spring. When that time came Henry appointed Ralph Neville, the +chancellor, and Stephen Segrave, a rising judge, as wardens of +England, and on May 1, 1230, set sail from Portsmouth. It was the +first time since 1213 that an English king had crossed the seas at +the head of an army, and every effort was made to equip a +sufficient force. Hubert the justiciar, Randolph of Chester, +William the marshal, and most of the great barons personally shared +in the expedition, and the ports of the Channel, the North Sea, and +the Bay of Biscay were ransacked to provide adequate shipping. Many +Norman vessels served as transports, apparently of their owners' +free-will.</p> + +<p>On May 3 Henry landed at St. Malo, and thence proceeded to +Dinan, the meeting-place assigned for his army, the greater part of +which landed at Port Blanc, a little north of Tréguier. +Peter Mauclerc joined him, and a plan of operations was discussed. +The moment was favourable, for a great number of the French +magnates were engaged in war against Theobald, the poet-count of +Champagne, and the French army, which was assembled at Angers, +represented but a fraction of the military strength of the land. +Fulk Paynel, a Norman baron who wished to revive the independence +of the duchy, urged Henry to invade Normandy. Hubert successfully +withstood this rash proposal, and also Fulk's fatal suggestion that +Henry should divide his army and send two hundred knights for the +invasion of Normandy. Before long the English marched through +Brittany to Nantes, where they wasted six weeks. At last, on the +advice of Hubert, they journeyed south into Poitou. The innate +Poitevin instability had again brought round the Lusignans, the +house of Thouars, and their kind to the French side, and Henry +found that his own mother did her best to obstruct his progress. He +was too strong to make open resistance safe, and his long progress +from Nantes <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg036" id= +"pg036">036</a></span>to Bordeaux was only once checked by the need +to fight his way. This opposition came from the little town and +castle of Mirambeau, situated in Upper Saintonge, rather more than +half-way between Saintes and Blaye.[1] From July 21 to 30 Mirambeau +stoutly held out, but Henry's army was reinforced by the chivalry +of Gascony, and by a siege-train borrowed from Bordeaux and the +loyal lords of the Garonne. Against such appliances of warfare +Mirambeau could not long resist. On its capitulation Henry pushed +on to Bordeaux.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] E. Berger, <i>Bibl. Ecole des Chartes</i>, +1893, <i>pp. 35-36</i>, shows that Mirambeau, not Mirebeau, was +besieged by Henry; see also his <i>Blanche de Castille</i> +(1895).</p> + +<p>Useless as the march through Poitou had been, it was then +repeated in the reverse way. With scarcely a week's rest, Henry +left the Gascon capital on August 10, and on September 15 ended his +inglorious campaign at Nantes. Although he was unable to assert +himself against the faithless Poitevins, the barons of the province +were equally impotent to make head against him. On reaching +Brittany, Hubert once more stopped further military efforts. After +a few days' rest at Nantes, Henry made his way by slow stages +through the heart of Brittany. It was said that his army had no +better occupation than teaching the local nobles to drink deep +after the English fashion. The King had wasted all his treasure, +and the poorer knights were compelled to sell or pawn their horses +and arms to support themselves. The farce ended when the King +sailed from St. Pol de Leon, and late in October landed at +Portsmouth. He left a portion of his followers in Brittany, under +the Earls of Chester and Pembroke. Randolph himself, as a former +husband of Constance of Brittany, had claims to certain dower lands +which appertained to Count Peter's mother-in-law. He was put in +possession of St. James de Beuvron, and thence he raided Normandy +and Anjou. By this time the coalition against the count of +Champagne had broken down, and Blanche was again triumphant. It was +useless to continue a struggle so expensive and disastrous, and on +July 4, 1231, a truce for three years was concluded between France, +Brittany, and England. Peter des Roches, then returning through +France from his crusade, took an active part in negotiating the +treaty. Just as the king was disposed to make the justiciar the +scapegoat of his failure, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg037" id= +"pg037">037</a></span>Hubert's old enemy appeared once more upon +the scene. The responsibility for blundering must be divided among +the English magnates, and not ascribed solely to their monarch. If +Hubert saved Henry from reckless adventures, he certainly deserves +a large share of the blame for the Poitevin fiasco.</p> + +<p>The grave situation at home showed the folly of this untimely +revival of an active foreign policy. The same years that saw the +collapse of Henry's hopes in Normandy and Poitou, witnessed +troubles both in Ireland and in Wales. In both these regions the +house of the Marshals was a menace to the neighbouring chieftains, +and Hugh de Lacy, Earl of Ulster, and Llewelyn ap Iorwerth, made +common cause against it and vigorously attacked their rivals both +in Leinster and in South Wales. Nor was this the only disturbance. +The summons of the Norman chieftains of Ireland to Poitou gave the +king of Connaught a chance of attacking the justiciar of Ireland, +Geoffrey Marsh, who ultimately drove the Irish back with severe +loss. Llewelyn was again as active and hostile as ever. Irritated +by the growing strength of the new royal castle of Montgomery, he +laid siege to it in 1228. Hubert de Burgh, then castellan of +Montgomery, could only save his castle by summoning the levies of +the kingdom. At their head Hubert went in person to hold the field +against Llewelyn, taking the king with him. The Welsh withdrew as +usual before a regular army, and Hubert and the king, late in +September, marched a few miles westwards of Montgomery to the vale +of Kerry, where they erected a castle. But Llewelyn soon made the +English position in Kerry untenable. Many of the English lords were +secretly in league with him, and the army suffered severely from +lack of food. In the fighting that ensued the Welsh got the better +of the English, taking prisoner William de Braose, the heir of +Builth, and one of the greatest of the marcher lords. At last king +and justiciar were glad to agree to demolish the new castle on +receiving from Llewelyn the expenses involved in the task. The +dismantled ruin was called "Hubert's folly". "And then," boasts the +Welsh chronicler, "the king returned to England with shame."</p> + +<p>In 1230 Llewelyn inflicted another slight upon his overlord. +William de Braose long remained the Welsh prince's captive, and +only purchased his liberty by agreeing to wed his <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg038" id="pg038">038</a></span>daughter to +Llewelyn's son, and surrendering Builth as her marriage portion. +The captive had employed his leisure in winning the love of +Llewelyn's wife, Joan, Henry's half-sister. At Easter, Llewelyn +took a drastic revenge on the adulterer. He seized William in his +own castle at Builth, and on May 2 hanged him on a tree in open day +in the presence of 900 witnesses. Finding that neither the king nor +the marchers moved a finger to avenge the outrage done to sister +and comrade, Llewelyn took the aggressive in regions which had +hitherto been comparatively exempt from his assaults. In 1231 he +laid his heavy hand on all South Wales, burning down churches full +of women, as the English believed, and signalling out for special +attack the marshal's lands in Gwent and Pembroke. Once more the +king penetrated with his barons into Mid Wales, while the pope and +archbishop excommunicated Llewelyn and put his lands under +interdict. Yet neither temporal nor spiritual arms were of avail +against the Welshman. Henry's only exploit in this, his second +Welsh campaign, was to rebuild Maud's Castle in stone. He withdrew, +and in December agreed to conclude a three years' truce, and +procure Llewelyn's absolution. Hubert once more bore the blame of +his master's failure.</p> + +<p>On July 9, 1228, Stephen Langton died. Despite their differences +as to the execution of the charters, his removal lost the justiciar +a much-needed friend. Affairs were made worse by the unteachable +folly of the monks of Christ Church. Regardless of the severe +warning which they had received in the storms that preceded the +establishment of Langton's authority, the chapter forthwith +proceeded to the election of their brother monk, Walter of Eynsham. +The archbishop-elect was an ignorant old monk of weak health and +doubtful antecedents, and Gregory IX. wisely refused to confirm the +election. On the recommendation of the king and the bishops, +Gregory himself appointed as archbishop Richard, chancellor of +Lincoln, an eloquent and learned secular priest of handsome person, +whose nickname of "le Grand" was due to his tall stature. The first +Archbishop of Canterbury since the Conquest directly nominated by +the pope—for even in Langton's case there was a form of +election—Richard le Grand at once began to quarrel with the +justiciar, demanding that he <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg039" +id="pg039">039</a></span>should surrender the custody of Tunbridge +castle on the ground of some ancient claim of the see of +Canterbury. Failing to obtain redress in England, Richard betook +himself to Rome in the spring of 1231. There he regaled the pope's +ears with the offences of Hubert, and of the worldly bishops who +were his tools. In August, Richard's death in Italy left the Church +of Canterbury for three years without a pastor.</p> + +<p>While Gregory IX. did more to help Henry against Louis than +Honorius III., the inflexible character and lofty hierarchical +ideals of this nephew of Innocent III. made his hand heavier on the +English Church than that of his predecessor. Above all, Gregory's +expenses in pursuing his quarrel with Frederick II. made the wealth +of the English Church a sore temptation to him. With his imposition +of a tax of one-tenth on all clerical property to defray the +expenses of the crusade against the emperor, papal taxation in +England takes a newer and severer phase. The rigour with which +Master Stephen, the pope's collector, extorted the tax was bitterly +resented. Not less loud was the complaint against the increasing +numbers of foreign ecclesiastics forced into English benefices by +papal authority, and without regard for the rights of the lawful +patrons and electors. A league of aggrieved tax-payers and patrons +was formed against the Roman agents. At Eastertide, 1232, bands of +men, headed by a knight named Robert Twenge, who took the nickname +of William Wither, despoiled the Romans of their gains, and +distributed the proceeds to the poor. These doings were the more +formidable from their excellent organisation, and the strong +sympathy everywhere extended to them. Hubert, who hated foreign +interference, did nothing to stop Twenge and his followers. His +inaction further precipitated his ruin. Archbishop Richard had +already poisoned the pope's mind against him, and his suspected +connivance with the anti-Roman movement completed his disfavour. +Bitter letters of complaint arrived in England denouncing the +outrages inflicted on the friends of the apostolic see. It is hard +to dissociate the pope's feeling in this matter from his rejection +of the nomination of the king's chancellor, Ralph Neville, Bishop +of Chichester, to the see of Canterbury, as an illiterate +politician.</p> + +<p>The dislike of the taxes made necessary by the Welsh <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg040" id="pg040">040</a></span>and French +wars, such as the "scutage of Poitou" and the "scutage of Kerry," +swelled the outcry against the justiciar. So far back as 1227 +advantage had been taken of Henry's majority to exact large sums of +money for the confirmation of all charters sealed during his +nonage. The barons made it a grievance that his brother Richard was +ill-provided for, and a rising in 1227 extorted a further provision +for him from what was regarded as the niggardliness of the +justiciar. Nor did Hubert, with all his rugged honesty, neglect his +own interests. He secured for himself lucrative wardships, such as +the custody for the second time of the great Gloucester earldom, +and of several castles, including the not very profitable charge of +Montgomery, and the important governorship of Dover. On the very +eve of his downfall he was made justice of Ireland. His brother was +bishop of Ely, and other kinsmen were promoted to high posts. He +was satisfied that he spent all that he got in the King's service, +in promoting the interests of the kingdom, but his enemies regarded +him as unduly tenacious of wealth and office. All classes alike +grew disgusted with the justiciar. The restoration of the malign +influence of Peter of Winchester completed his ruin. The king +greedily listened to the complaints of his old guardian against the +minister who overshadowed the royal power. At last, on July 29, +1232, Henry plucked up courage to dismiss him.</p> + +<p>With Hubert's fall ends the second period of Henry's reign. +William Marshal expelled the armed foreigner. Hubert restored the +administration to English hands. Matthew Paris puts into the mouth +of a poor smith who refused to fasten fetters on the fallen +minister words which, though probably never spoken, describe with +sufficient accuracy Hubert's place in history: "Is he not that most +faithful Hubert who so often saved England from the devastation of +the foreigners and restored England to England?" Hubert was, as has +been well said, perhaps the first minister since the Conquest who +made patriotism a principle of policy, though it is easy in the +light of later developments to read into his doings more than he +really intended. But whatever his motives, the results of his +action were clear. He drove away the mercenaries, humbled the +feudal lords, and set limits to the pope's interference. He renewed +respect for law and obedience to the law courts. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg041" id="pg041">041</a></span>Even in the +worst days of anarchy the administrative system did not break down, +and the records of royal orders and judicial judgments remain +almost as full in the midst of the civil war as in the more +peaceful days of Hubert's rule. But it was easy enough to issue +proclamations and writs. The difficulty was to get them obeyed, and +the work of Hubert was to ensure that the orders of king and +ministers should really be respected by his subjects. He made many +mistakes. He must share the blame of the failure of the Kerry +campaign, and he was largely responsible for the sorry collapse of +the invasion of Poitou. He neither understood nor sympathised with +Stephen Langton's zeal for the charters. A straightforward, +limited, honourable man, he strove to carry out his rather +old-fashioned conception of duty in the teeth of a thousand +obstacles. He never had a free hand, and he never enjoyed the +hearty support of any one section of his countrymen. Hated by the +barons whom he kept away from power, he alienated the Londoners by +his high-handed violence, and the tax-payers by his heavy +exactions. The pope disliked him, the aliens plotted against him, +and the king, for whom he sacrificed so much, gave him but grudging +support. But the reaction which followed his retirement made many, +who had rejoiced in his humiliation, bitterly regret it.</p> + +<p>Three notable enemies of Hubert went off the stage of history +within a few months of his fall. The death of Richard le Grand has +already been recorded. William Marshal, the brother-in-law of the +king, the gallant and successful soldier, the worthy successor of +his great father, came home from Brittany early in 1231. His last +act was to marry his sister, Isabella, to Richard of Cornwall. +Within ten days of the wedding his body was laid beside his father +in the Temple Church at London. In October, 1232, died Randolph of +Blundeville, the last representative of the male stock of the old +line of the Earls of Chester, and long the foremost champion of the +feudal aristocracy against Hubert. The contest between them had +been fought with such chivalry that the last public act of the old +earl was to protect the fallen justiciar from the violence of his +foes. For more than fifty years Randolph had ruled like a king over +his palatine earldom; had, like his master, his struggles with his +own vassals, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg042" id= +"pg042">042</a></span>and had perforce to grant to his own barons +and boroughs liberties which he strove to wrest from his overlord +for himself and his fellow nobles. He was not a great statesman, +and hardly even a successful warrior. Yet his popular personal +qualities, his energy, his long duration of power, and his enormous +possessions, give him a place in history. His memory, living on +long in the minds of the people, inspired a series of ballads which +vied in popularity with the cycle of Robin Hood,[1] though, +unfortunately, they have not come down to us. His estates were +divided among his four sisters. His nephew, John the Scot, Earl of +Huntingdon, received a re-grant of the Chester earldom; his +Lancashire lands had already gone to his brother-in-law, William of +Ferrars, Earl of Derby; other portions of his territories went to +his sister, the Countess of Arundel, and the Lincoln earldom, +passing through another sister, Hawise of Quincy, to her +son-in-law, John of Lacy, constable of Chester, raised the chief +vassal of the palatinate to comital rank. None of these heirs of a +divided inheritance were true successors to Randolph. With him died +the last of the great Norman houses, tenacious beyond its fellows, +and surpassing in its two centuries of unbroken male descent the +usual duration of the medieval baronial family. Its collapse made +easier the alien invasion which threatened to undo Hubert's +work.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] "Ich can rymes of Robyn Hode, and of Randolf +erl of Chestre," <i>Vision of Piers Plowman</i>, i., 167; ii., +94.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h4>THE ALIEN INVASION.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg043" id= +"pg043">043</a></span>With the dismissal of Hubert on July 29, +1232, Peter des Roches resumed his authority over Henry III. +Mindful of past failures, the bishop's aim was to rule through +dependants, so that he could pull the wires without making himself +too prominent. His chief agents in pursuing this policy were Peter +of Rivaux, Stephen Segrave, and Robert Passelewe. Of these, Peter +of Rivaux was a Poitevin clerk, officially described as the +bishop's nephew, but generally supposed to have been his son. +Stephen Segrave, the son of a small Leicestershire landholder, was +a lawyer who had held many judicial and administrative posts, +including the regency during the king's absence abroad in 1230. He +abandoned his original clerical profession, received knighthood, +married nobly, and was the founder of a baronial house in the +midlands. His only political principle was obedience to the powers +that were in the ascendant. Passelewe, a clerk who had acted as the +agent of Randolph of Chester and Falkes of Bréauté at +the Roman court, was, like Segrave, a mere tool.</p> + +<p>The Bishop of Winchester began to show his hand. Between June 26 +and July 11, nineteen of the thirty-five sheriffdoms were bestowed +on Peter of Rivaux for life. As Segrave was sheriff of five shires, +and the bishop himself had acquired the shrievalty of Hampshire, +this involved the transference of the administration of over +two-thirds of the counties to the bishop's dependants. On the +downfall of Hubert, Segrave became justiciar. He was not the equal +of his predecessors either in personal weight or in social +position, and did not aspire to act as chief minister. The +appointment of a mere lawyer to the great Norman office of state +marks <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg044" id= +"pg044">044</a></span>the first stage in the decline, which before +long degraded the justiciarship into a simple position of headship +over the judges, the chief justiceship of the next generation. +Hubert's offices and lands were divided among his supplanters. +Peter of Rivaux became keeper of wards and escheats, castellan of +many castles on the Welsh march, and the recipient of even more +offices and wardships in Ireland than in England. The custody of +the Gloucester earldom went to the Bishop of Winchester. The last +steps of the ministerial revolution were completed at the king's +Christmas court at Worcester. There Rivaux, who had yielded up +before Michaelmas most of his shrievalties, was made treasurer, +with Passelewe as his deputy. Of the old ministers only the +chancellor, Ralph Neville, Bishop of Chichester, was suffered to +remain in office. Finally the king's new advisers imported a large +company of Poitevin and Breton mercenaries, hoping with their help +to maintain their newly won position. The worst days of John seemed +renewed.</p> + +<p>The Poitevin gang called upon Hubert to render complete accounts +for the whole period of his justiciarship. When he pleaded that +King John had given him a charter of quittance, he was told that +its force had ended with the death of the grantor. He was further +required to answer for the wrongs which Twenge's bands had +inflicted on the servants of the pope. He was accused of poisoning +William Earl of Salisbury, William Marshal, Falkes de +Bréauté, and Archbishop Richard. He had prevented the +king from contracting a marriage with a daughter of the Duke of +Austria; he had dissuaded the king from attempting to recover +Normandy; he had first seduced and then married the daughter of the +King of Scots; he had stolen from the treasury a talisman which +made its possessor invincible in war and had traitorously given it +to Llewelyn of Wales; he had induced Llewelyn to slay William de +Braose; he had won the royal favour by magic and witchcraft, and +finally he had murdered Constantine FitzAthulf.</p> + +<p>Many of these accusations were so monstrous that they carried +with them their own refutation. It was too often the custom in the +middle ages to overwhelm an enemy with incredible charges for it to +be fair to accuse the enemies of Hubert of any excessive malignity. +The substantial innocence of Hubert is clear, for the only charges +brought against him <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg045" id= +"pg045">045</a></span>were either errors of judgment and policy, or +incredible crimes. Nevertheless he was in such imminent danger that +he took sanctuary with the canons of Merton in Surrey. Thereupon +the king called upon the Londoners to march to Merton and bring +their ancient foe, dead or alive, to the city. Randolph of Chester +interposed between his fallen enemy and the royal vengeance. He +persuaded Henry to countermand the march to Merton and to suffer +the fallen justiciar to leave his refuge with some sort of safe +conduct. But the king was irritated to hear that Hubert had +journeyed into Essex. Again he was pursued, and once more he was +forced to take sanctuary, this time in a chapel near Brentwood. +From this he was dragged by some of the king's household and +brought to London, where he was imprisoned in the Tower. The Bishop +of London complained to the king of this violation of the rights of +the Church, and Hubert was allowed to return to his chapel. +However, the levies of Essex surrounded the precincts, and he was +soon forced by hunger to surrender. He offered to submit himself to +the king's will, and was for a second time confined in the Tower. +On November 10, he was brought before a not unfriendly tribunal, in +which the malice of the new justiciar was tempered by the baronial +instincts of the Earls of Cornwall, Warenne, Pembroke, and Lincoln. +He made no effort to defend himself, and submitted absolutely to +the judgment of the king. It was finally agreed that he should be +allowed to retain the lands which he had inherited from his father, +and that all his chattels and the lands that he had acquired +himself should be forfeited to the crown. Further, he was to be +kept in prison in the castle of Devizes under the charge of the +four earls who had tried him.</p> + +<p>Peter des Roches was soon in difficulties. The earls who had +saved Hubert began to oppose the whole administration. Their leader +was Richard, Earl of Pembroke, the second son of the great regent, +and since his brother's death head of the house of Marshal. Richard +was bitterly prejudiced against the king and his courtiers by an +attempt to refuse him his brother's earldom. A gallant warrior, +handsome and eloquent, pious, upright, and well educated, Richard, +the best of the marshal's sons, stood for the rest of his short +life at the head of the opposition. He incited his friends to +refuse to attend a <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg046" id= +"pg046">046</a></span>council summoned to meet at Oxford, on June +24, 1233. The king would have sought to compel their presence, had +not a Dominican friar, Robert Bacon, when preaching before the +court, warned him that there would be no peace in England until +Bishop Peter and his son were removed from his counsels. The +friar's boldness convinced him that disaffection was widespread, +and he promised the magnates at a later council at London that he +would, with their advice, correct whatever he found there was need +to reform. Meanwhile the Poitevins brought into England fresh +swarms of hirelings from their own land, and Peter des Roches urged +Henry to crush rebellion in the bud. As a warning to greater +offenders, Gilbert Basset was deprived of a manor which he had held +since the reign of King John, and an attempt was made to lay +violent hands upon his brother-in-law, Richard Siward. The two +barons resisted, whereupon all their estates were transferred to +Peter of Rivaux. Yet Richard Marshal still continued to hope for +peace, and, after the failure of earlier councils, set off to +attend another assembly fixed for August 1, at Westminster. On his +way he learnt from his sister Isabella, the wife of Richard of +Cornwall, that Peter des Roches was laying a trap for him. In high +indignation he took horse for his Welsh estates, and prepared for +rebellion.</p> + +<p>The king summoned the military tenants to appear with horses and +arms at Gloucester on the 14th. There Richard Marshal was declared +a traitor and an invasion of his estates was ordered. But the king +had not sufficient resources to carry out his threats, and October +saw the barons once more wrangling with Henry at Westminster, and +claiming that the marshal should be tried by his peers. Peter of +Winchester declared that there were no peers in England as there +were in France, and that in consequence the king had power to +condemn any disloyal subject through his justices. This daringly +unconstitutional doctrine provoked a renewed outcry. The bishops +joined the secular magnates, and threatened their colleague with +excommunication. A formidable civil war broke out. Siward and +Basset harried the lands of the Poitevins, while the marshal made a +close alliance with Llewelyn of Wales. The king still had +formidable forces on his side. Richard of Cornwall was persuaded by +Bishop Peter to take up arms for his brother, and <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg047" id="pg047">047</a></span>the two new +earls, John the Scot of Chester, and John de Lacy of Lincoln, +joined the royal forces. Hubert de Burgh took advantage of the +increasing confusion to escape from Devizes castle to a church in +the town. Dragged back with violence to his prison, he was again, +as at Brentwood, restored to sanctuary through the exertions of the +bishop of the diocese. There he remained, closely watched by his +foes, until October 30, when Siward and Basset drove away the +guard, and took him off with them to the marshal's castle of +Chepstow.</p> + +<p>The tide of war flowed to the southern march of Wales. Llewelyn +and Richard Marshal devastated Glamorgan, which, as a part of the +Gloucester inheritance, was under the custody of the Bishop of +Winchester. They took nearly all its castles, including that of +Cardiff. Thence they subdued Usk, Abergavenny, and other +neighbouring strongholds, while an independent army, including the +marshal's Pembrokeshire vassals and the men of the princes of South +Wales, wasted months in a vain attack on Carmarthen. The king's +vassals were again summoned to Gloucester, whence Henry led them +early in November towards Chepstow, the centre of the marshal's +estates in Gwent. Earl Richard devastated his lands so effectively +that the king could not support his army on them, and was compelled +to move up the Wye valley towards the castles of Monmouth, +Skenfrith, Whitecastle, and Grosmont, the strong quadrilateral of +Upper Gwent which still remained in the hands of the king's +friends. Marching to the most remote of these, Grosmont, on the +upper Monnow, Henry spent several days in the castle, while his +army lay around under canvas. On the night of November 11, the +sleeping soldiers were suddenly set upon by the barons and their +Welsh allies; they fled unarmed to the castle, or scattered in +confusion. The assailants seized their horses, harness, arms and +provisions, but refrained from slaying or capturing them. The royal +forces never rallied. Many gladly went home, giving as their excuse +that they were unable to fight since they had lost their equipment. +Henry and his ministers withdrew to Gloucester. More convinced than +ever of the treachery of Englishmen, the king entrusted the defence +of the border castles to mercenaries from Poitou.</p> + +<p>The fighting centred round Monmouth, which Richard approached on +the 25th with a small company. A sudden <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg048" id="pg048">048</a></span>sortie almost overwhelmed the +little band. The marshal held his own heroically against twelve, +until at last Baldwin of Guînes, the warden of the castle, +took him prisoner. Thereupon Baldwin fell to the ground, his armour +pierced by a lucky bolt from a crossbow. His followers, smitten +with panic, abandoned the marshal, and bore their leader home. By +that time, however, the bulk of the marshal's forces had come upon +the scene. A general engagement followed, in which the Anglo-Welsh +army drove the enemy back into Monmouth and took possession of the +castle. This set the marshal free to march northwards and join +Llewelyn in a vigorous attack upon Shrewsbury. In January, 1234, +they burnt that town and retired to their own lands loaded with +booty. Meanwhile Siward devastated the estates of the Poitevins and +of Richard of Cornwall. Afraid to be cut off from his retreat to +England the king abandoned Gloucester, where he had kept his +melancholy Christmas court, and found a surer refuge in Bishop +Peter's cathedral city. Thereupon Gloucestershire suffered the fate +of Shropshire. "It was a wretched sight for travellers in that +region to see on the highways innumerable dead bodies lying naked +and unburied, to be devoured by birds of prey, and so polluting the +air that they infected healthy men with mortal sickness."[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Wendover, iv., 291.</p> + +<p>The king swore that he would never make peace with the marshal, +unless he threw himself on the royal mercy as a confessed traitor +with a rope round his neck. Having, however, exhausted all his +military resources, he cunningly strove to entice Richard from +Wales to Ireland. The two Peters wrote to Maurice Fitzgerald, then +justiciar of Ireland, and to the chief foes of the marshal, urging +them to fall upon his Irish estates and capture the traitor, dead +or alive. Many of the most powerful nobles of Ireland lent +themselves to the conspiracy. The Lacys of Meath, his old enemies, +joined with Fitzgerald, Geoffrey Marsh, and Richard de Burgh, the +greatest of the Norman lords of Connaught, and the nephew of +Hubert, in carrying out the plot. The confederates fell suddenly +upon the marshal's estates and devastated them with fire and sword. +On hearing of this attack Richard immediately left Wales, and, +accompanied by only fifteen knights, took ship for Ireland. On his +arrival Geoffrey Marsh, the meanest of the conspirators, <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg049" id="pg049">049</a></span>received +him with every profession of cordiality, and urged him to attack +his enemies without delay. Geoffrey was an old man; he had long +held the great post of justiciar of Ireland; and he was himself the +liegeman of the marshal. Richard therefore implicitly trusted him, +and forthwith took the field.</p> + +<p>The first warlike operations of Earl Richard were successful. +After a short siege he obtained possession of Limerick, and his +enemies were fain to demand a truce. Richard proposed a conference +to be held on April 1, 1234, on the Curragh of Kildare. The +conference proved abortive, for Geoffrey Marsh cunningly persuaded +the marshal to refuse any offer of terms which the magnates would +accept, and Richard found that he had been duped into taking up a +position that he was not strong enough to maintain. Marsh withdrew +from his side, on the ground that he could not fight against Lacy, +whose sister he had married. The marshal foresaw the worst. "I +know," he declared, "that this day I am delivered over to death, +but it is better to die honourably for the cause of justice than to +flee from the field and become a reproach to knighthood."</p> + +<p>The forsworn Irish knights slunk away to neighbouring places of +sanctuary or went over to the enemy. When the final struggle came, +later on the same April 1, Richard had few followers save the +faithful fifteen knights who had crossed over with him from Wales. +The little band, outnumbered by more than nine to one, struggled +desperately to the end. At last the marshal, unhorsed and severely +wounded, fell into the hands of his enemies. They bore him, more +dead than alive, to his own castle of Kilkenny, which had just been +seized by the justiciar. After a few days Richard's tough +constitution began to get the better of his wounds. Then his +enemies, showing him the royal warranty for their acts, induced him +to admit them into his castles. An ignorant or treacherous surgeon, +called in by the justiciar, cauterised his wounds so severely that +his sufferings became intense. He died of fever on the 16th, and +was buried, as he himself had willed, in the Franciscan church at +Kilkenny. No one rejoiced at the death of the hero save the +traitors who had lured him to his doom and the Poitevins who had +suborned them. Their victim, the weak king, mourned for his friend +as David had lamented Saul and <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg050" id="pg050">050</a></span>Jonathan.[1] The treachery of his +enemies brought them little profit. While Richard Marshal lay on +his deathbed, a new Archbishop of Canterbury drove the Poitevins +from office.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Dunstable Ann.</i>, p. 137.</p> + +<p>In the heyday of the Poitevins' power the Church sounded a +feeble but clear note of alarm. The pope expostulated with Henry +for his treatment of Hubert de Burgh, and Agnellus of Pisa, the +first English provincial of the newly arrived Franciscan order, +strove to reconcile Richard Marshal with his sovereign in the +course of the South-Welsh campaign. More drastic action was +necessary if vague remonstrance was to be translated into fruitful +action. The three years' vacancy of the see of Canterbury, after +the death of Richard le Grand, paralysed the action of the Church. +After the pope's rejection of the first choice of the convent of +Christ Church, the chancellor, Ralph Neville, the monks elected +their own prior, and him also Gregory refused as too old and +incompetent. Their third election fell upon John Blunt, a +theologian high in the favour of Peter des Roches, who sent him to +Rome, well provided with ready money, to secure his confirmation. +Simon Langton, again restored to England, and archdeacon of +Canterbury, persuaded the pope to veto Blunt's appointment on the +ground of his having held two benefices without a dispensation. His +rejection was the first check received by the Poitevin faction. It +was promptly followed by a more crushing blow. Weary of the long +delay, Gregory persuaded the Christ Church monks then present at +Rome to elect Edmund Rich, treasurer of Salisbury. Edmund, a +scholar who had taught theology and arts with great distinction at +Paris and Oxford, was still more famous for his mystical devotion, +for his asceticism and holiness of life. He was however an old man, +inexperienced in affairs, and, with all his gracious gifts, +somewhat wanting in the tenacity and vigour which leadership +involved. Yet in sending so eminent a saint to Canterbury, Rome +conferred on England a service second only to that which she had +rendered when she secured the archbishopric for Stephen +Langton.</p> + +<p>Before his consecration as archbishop on April 2, 1234, Edmund +had already joined with his suffragans on February 2 in upholding +the good fame of the marshal and in warning the king <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg051" id="pg051">051</a></span>of the +disastrous results of preferring the counsels of the Poitevins to +those of his natural-born subjects. A week after his consecration +Edmund succeeded in carrying out a radical change in the +administration. On April 9 he declared that unless Henry drove away +the Poitevins, he would forthwith pronounce him excommunicate. +Yielding at once, Henry sent the Bishop of Winchester back to his +diocese, and deprived Peter of Rivaux of all his offices. The +followers of the two Peters shared their fate, and Henry, +despatching Edmund to Wales to make peace with Llewelyn and the +marshal, hurried to Gloucester in order to meet the archbishop on +his return. His good resolutions were further strengthened by the +news of Earl Richard's death. On arriving at Gloucester he held a +council in which the ruin of the Poitevins was completed. A truce, +negotiated by the archbishop with Llewelyn, was ratified. The +partisans of the marshal were pardoned, even Richard Siward being +forgiven his long career of plunder. Gilbert Marshal, the next +brother of the childless Earl Richard, was invested with his +earldom and office, and Henry himself dubbed him a knight. Hubert +de Burgh was included in the comprehensive pardon. Indignant that +his name and seal should have been used to cover his ex-ministers' +treachery to Earl Richard, Henry overwhelmed them with reproaches, +and strove by his violence against them to purge himself from +complicity in their acts. The Poitevins lurked in sanctuary, +fearing for the worst. Segrave forgot his knighthood, resumed the +tonsure, and took refuge in a church in Leicester. The king's worst +indignation was reserved for Peter of Rivaux. Peter protested that +his orders entitled him to immunity from arrest, but it was found +that he wore a mail shirt under his clerical garments, and, without +a word of reproach from the archbishop, he was immured in a lay +prison on the pretext that no true clerk wore armour. Of the old +ministers Ralph Neville alone remained in office.</p> + +<p>With Bishop Peter's fall disappeared the last of the influences +that had prevailed during the minority. The king, who felt his +dignity impaired by the Poitevin domination, resolved that +henceforward he would submit to no master. He soon framed a plan of +government that thoroughly satisfied his jealous and exacting +nature. Henceforth no magnates, either of Church or State, should +stand between him and his subjects. <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg052" id="pg052">052</a></span>He would be his own chief +minister, holding in his own hands all the strings of policy, and +acting through subordinates whose sole duly was to carry out their +master's orders. Under such a system the justiciarship practically +ceased to exist. The treasurership was held for short periods by +royal clerks of no personal distinction. Even the chancellorship +became overshadowed. Henry quarrelled with Ralph Neville in 1238, +and withdrew from him the custody of the great seal, though he +allowed him to retain the name and emoluments of chancellor. On +Neville's death the office fell into abeyance for nearly twenty +years, during which time the great seal was entrusted to seven +successive keepers. Like his grandfather, Henry wished to rule in +person with the help of faithful but unobtrusive subordinates. This +system, which was essentially that of the French monarchy, +presupposed for success the constant personal supervision of an +industrious and strong-willed king. Henry III was never a strenuous +worker, and his character failed in the robustness and +self-reliance necessary for personal rule. The magnates, who +regarded themselves as the king's natural-born counsellors, were +bitterly incensed, and hated the royal clerks as fiercely as they +had disliked the ministers of his minority. Opposed by the barons, +distrusted by the people, liable to be thrown over by their master +at each fresh change of his caprice, the royal subordinates showed +more eagerness in prosecuting their own private fortunes than in +consulting the interests of the State. Thus the nominal government +of Henry proved extremely ineffective. Huge taxes were raised, but +little good came from them. The magnates held sullenly aloof; the +people grumbled; the Church lamented the evil days. Yet for five +and twenty years the wretched system went on, not so much by reason +of its own strength as because there was no one vigorous enough to +overthrow it.</p> + +<p>The author of all this mischief was a man of some noble and many +attractive qualities. Save when an occasional outburst of temper +showed him a true son of John, Henry was the kindest, mildest, most +amiable of men. He was the first king since William the Conqueror +in whose private life the austerest critics could find nothing +blameworthy. His piety stands high, even when estimated by the +standards of the thirteenth century. He was well educated and had a +touch of the artist's temperament, <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg053" id="pg053">053</a></span>loving fair churches, beautiful +sculpture, delicate goldsmith's work, and richly illuminated books. +He had a horror of violence, and never wept more bitter tears than +when he learned how treacherously his name had been used to lure +Richard Marshal to his doom. But he was extraordinarily deficient +in stability of purpose. For the moment it was easy to influence +him either for good or evil, but even the ablest of his counsellors +found it impossible to retain any hold over him for long. One day +he lavished all his affection on Hubert de Burgh; the next he +played into the hands of his enemies. In the same way he got rid of +Peter des Roches, the preceptor of his infancy, the guide of his +early manhood. Jealous, self-assertive, restless, and timid, he +failed in just those qualities that his subjects expected to find +in a king. Born and brought up in England, and never leaving it +save for short and infrequent visits to the continent, he was proud +of his English ancestors and devoted to English saints, more +especially to royal saints such as Edward the Confessor and Edmund +of East Anglia. Yet he showed less sympathy with English ways than +many of his foreign-born predecessors. Educated under alien +influences, delighting in the art, the refinement, the devotion, +and the absolutist principles of foreigners, he seldom trusted a +man of English birth. Too weak to act for himself, too suspicious +to trust his natural counsellors, he found the friendship and +advice for which he yearned in foreign favourites and kinsmen. Thus +it was that the hopes excited by the fall of the Poitevins were +disappointed. The alien invasion, checked for a few years, was +renewed in a more dangerous shape.</p> + +<p>During the ten years after the collapse of Peter des Roches, +swarms of foreigners came to England, and spoiled the land with the +king's entire good-will. Henry's marriage brought many +Provençals and Savoyards to England. The renewed troubles +between pope and emperor led to a renewal of Roman interference in +a more exacting form. The continued intercourse with foreign states +resulted in fresh opportunities of alien influence. A new attempt +on Poitou brought as its only result the importation of the king's +Poitevin kinsmen. The continued close relationship between the +English and the French baronage involved the frequent claim of +English estates and titles by men of alien birth. Even such +beneficial movements as the establishment of the mendicant orders +in England, and the cosmopolitan outlook <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg054" id="pg054">054</a></span>of the increasingly important +academic class contributed to the spread of outlandish ideas. As +wave after wave of foreigners swept over England, Englishmen +involved them in a common condemnation. And all saw in the weakness +of the king the very source of their power.</p> + +<p>The first great influx of foreigners followed directly from +Henry's marriage. For several years active negotiations had been +going on to secure him a suitable bride. There had also at various +times been talk of his selecting a wife from Brittany, Austria, +Bohemia, or Scotland, and in the spring of 1235 a serious +negotiation for his marriage with Joan, daughter and heiress of the +Count of Ponthieu, only broke down through the opposition of the +French court. Henry then sought the hand of Eleanor, a girl twelve +years old, and the second of the four daughters of Raymond Berengar +IV., Count of Provence, and his wife Beatrice, sister of Amadeus +III., Count of Savoy. The marriage contract was signed in October. +Before that time Eleanor had left Provence under the escort of her +mother's brother, William, bishop-elect of Valence. On her way she +spent a long period with her elder sister Margaret, who had been +married to Louis IX. of France in 1234. On January 14, 1236, she +was married to Henry at Canterbury by Archbishop Edmund, and +crowned at Westminster on the following Sunday.</p> + +<p>The new queen's kinsfolk quickly acquired an almost unbounded +ascendency over her weak husband. With the exception of the +reigning Count Amadeus of Savoy, her eight maternal uncles were +somewhat scantily provided for. The prudence of the French +government prevented them from obtaining any advantage for +themselves at the court of their niece the Queen of France, and +they gladly welcomed the opportunity of establishing themselves at +the expense of their English nephew. Self-seeking and not +over-scrupulous, able, energetic, and with the vigour and resource +of high-born soldiers of fortune, several of them play honourable +parts in the history of their own land, and are by no means +deserving of the complete condemnation meted out to them by the +English annalists.[1] The <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg055" id= +"pg055">055</a></span>bishop-elect of Valence was an able and +accomplished warrior. He stayed on in England after accomplishing +his mission, and with him remained his clerk, the younger son of a +house of Alpine barons, Peter of Aigueblanche, whose cunning and +dexterity were as attractive to Henry as the more martial qualities +of his master. Weary of standing alone, the king eagerly welcomed a +trustworthy adviser who was outside the entanglements of English +parties, and made Bishop William his chief counsellor. It was +believed that he was associated with eleven others in a secret +inner circle of royal advisers, whose advice Henry pledged himself +by oath to follow. Honours and estates soon began to fall thickly +on William and his friends. He made himself the mouthpiece of +Henry's foreign policy. When he temporarily left England, he led a +force sent by the king to help Frederick II. in his war against the +cities of northern Italy. His influence with Henry did much to +secure for his brother, Thomas of Savoy, the hand of the elderly +countess Joan of Flanders. With Thomas as the successor of +Ferdinand of Portugal, the rich Flemish county, bound to England by +so many political and economic ties, seemed in safe hands, and +preserved from French influence. In 1238 Thomas visited England, +and received a warm welcome and rich presents from the king.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For Eleanor's countrymen see Mugnier, <i>Les +Savoyards en Angleterre au XIIIe siècle, et Pierre +d'Aigueblanche, évêque d'Héreford</i> +(1890).</p> + +<p>Despite the establishment of the Savoyards, the Poitevin +influence began to revive. Peter des Roches, who had occupied +himself after his fall by fighting for Gregory IX. against the +revolted Romans, returned to England in broken health in 1236, and +was reconciled to the king. Peter of Rivaux was restored to favour, +and made keeper of the royal wardrobe. Segrave and Passelewe again +became justices and ministers. England was now the hunting-ground +of any well-born Frenchmen anxious for a wider career than they +could obtain at home.[1] Among the foreigners attracted to England +to prosecute legal claims or to seek the royal bounty came Simon of +Montfort, the second son of the famous conqueror of the Albigenses. +Amice, the mother of the elder Simon, was the sister and heiress of +Robert of Beaumont, the last of his line to hold the earldom of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg056" id= +"pg056">056</a></span>Leicester. After Amice's death her son used +the title and claimed the estates of that earldom. But these +pretensions were but nominal, and since 1215 Randolph of Chester +had administered the Leicester lands as if his complete property. +However, Amaury of Montfort, the Count of Toulouse's eldest son, +ceded to his portionless younger brother his claims to the Beaumont +inheritance, and in 1230 Simon went to England to push his +fortunes. Young, brilliant, ambitious and attractive, he not only +easily won the favour of the king, but commended himself so well to +Earl Randolph that in 1231 the aged earl was induced to relax his +grasp on the Leicester estates. In 1239 the last formalities of +investiture were accomplished. Amaury renounced his claims, and +after that Simon became Earl of Leicester and steward of England. A +year before that he had secured the great marriage that he had long +been seeking. In January, 1238, he was wedded to the king's own +sister, Eleanor, the childless widow of the younger William +Marshal. Simon was for the moment high in the affection of his +brother-in-law. To the English he was simply another of the foreign +favourites who turned the king's heart against his born +subjects.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] This is well illustrated by Philip de +Beaumanoir's well-known romance, <i>Jean de Dammartin et Blonde +d'Oxford</i> (ed. by Suchier, Soc. des anciens Textes +français, and by Le Roux de Lincy, Camden Soc.).</p> + +<p>In 1238 Peter des Roches died. With all his faults the Poitevin +was an excellent administrator at Winchester,[1] and left his +estates in such a prosperous condition that Henry coveted the +succession for the bishop-elect of Valence, though William already +had the prospect of the prince-bishopric of liege. But the monks of +St. Swithun's refused to obey the royal order, and Henry sought to +obtain his object from the pope. Gregory gave William both Liege +and Winchester, but in 1239 death ended his restless plans. +William's death left more room for his kinsfolk and followers. His +clerk, Peter of Aigueblanche, returned to the land of promise, and +in 1240 secured his consecration as Bishop of Hereford. William's +brother, Peter of Savoy, lord of Romont and Faucigny, was invited +to England in the same year. In 1241 he was invested with the +earldom of Richmond, which a final breach with Peter of Brittany +had left in the king's hands. Peter, the ablest member of his +house, thus became its chief representative in England.[2]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See H. Hall, <i>Pipe Roll of the Bishop of +Winchester</i>, 1207-8.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] For Peter see Wurstemberger, <i>Peter II., +Graf von Savoyen</i> (1856).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg057" id= +"pg057">057</a></span>With the Provençals and Savoyards came +a fresh swarm of Romans. In 1237 the first papal legates <i>a +latere</i> since the recall of Pandulf landed in England. The +deputy of Gregory IX. was the cardinal-deacon Otto, who in 1226 had +already discharged the humbler office of nuncio in England. It was +believed that the legate was sent at the special request of Henry +III., and despite the remonstrances of the Archbishop of +Canterbury. Those most unfriendly to the legate were won over by +his irreproachable conduct. He rejected nearly all gifts. He was +unwearied in preaching peace; travelled to the north to settle +outstanding differences between Henry and the King of Scots, and +thence hurried to the west to prolong the truce with Llewelyn. His +zeal for the reformation of abuses made the canons of the national +council, held under his presidency at St. Paul's on November 18, +1237, an epoch in the history of our ecclesiastical +jurisprudence.</p> + +<p>Despite his efforts the legate remained unpopular. The +pluralists and nepotists, who feared his severity, joined with the +foes of all taxation and the enemies of all foreigners in +denouncing the legate. To avoid the danger of poison, he thought it +prudent to make his own brother his master cook. During the council +of London it was necessary to escort him from his lodgings and back +again with a military force. In the council itself the claim of +high-born clerks to receive benefices in plurality found a +spokesman in so respectable a prelate as Walter of Cantilupe, the +son of a marcher baron, whom Otto had just enthroned in his +cathedral at Worcester, and the legate, "fearing for his skin," was +suspected of mitigating the severity of his principles to win over +the less greedy of the friends of vested interests. His Roman +followers knew and cared little about English susceptibilities, and +feeling was so strong against them that any mischance might excite +an explosion. Such an accident occurred on St. George's day, April +23, 1238, when the legate was staying with the Austin Canons of +Oseney, near Oxford, while the king was six miles off at Abingdon. +Some of the masters of the university went to Oseney to pay their +respects to the cardinal, and were rudely repulsed by the Italian +porter. Irritated at this discourtesy, they returned with a host of +clerks, who forced their way into the abbey. Amongst them was a +poor Irish chaplain, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg058" id= +"pg058">058</a></span>who made his way to the kitchen to beg for +food. The chief cook, the legate's brother, threw a pot of scalding +broth into the Irishman's face. A clerk from the march of Wales +shot the cook dead with an arrow. A fierce struggle followed, in +the midst of which Otto, hastily donning the garb of his hosts, +took refuge in the tower of their church, where he was besieged by +the infuriated clerks, until the king sent soldiers from Abingdon +to release him. Otto thereupon laid Oxford under an interdict, +suspended all lectures, and put thirty masters into prison. English +opinion, voiced by the diocesan, Grosseteste, held that the +cardinal's servants had provoked the riot, and found little to +blame in the violence of the clerks.</p> + +<p>In 1239 Gregory IX. began his final conflict with Frederick II., +and demanded the support of all Europe. As before, from 1227 to +1230, the pressure of the papal necessity was at once felt in +England. The legate had to raise supplies at all costs. Crusaders +were allowed to renounce their vows for ready money. Every +visitation or conference became an excuse for procurations and +fees. Presents were no longer rejected, but rather greedily +solicited. On the pretence that it was necessary to reform the +Scottish Church, "which does not recognise the Roman Church as its +sole mother and metropolitan," Otto excited the indignation of +Alexander II. by attempts to extend his jurisdiction to Scotland, +hitherto unvisited by legates. In England his claims soon grew +beyond all bearing. At last he demanded a fifth of all clerical +goods to enable the pope to finance the anti-imperial crusade. Even +this was more endurable than the order received from Rome that 300 +clerks of Roman families should be "provided" to benefices in +England in order that Gregory might obtain the support of their +relatives against Frederick. Both as feudal suzerain and as +spiritual despot, the pope lorded it over England as fully as his +uncle Innocent III.</p> + +<p>Weakness, piety, and self-interest combined to make Henry III. +acquiesce in the legate's exactions. "I neither wish nor dare," +said he, "to oppose the lord pope in anything." The union of king +and legate was irresistible. The lay opposition was slow and +feeble. Gilbert Marshal, though showing no lack of spirit, was not +the man to play the part which his brother Richard had filled so +effectively. Richard, Earl of Cornwall, who constituted himself the +spokesman of the magnates, made <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg059" id="pg059">059</a></span>a special grievance of the +marriage of Simon of Montfort with his sister Eleanor. England, he +said, was like a vineyard with a broken hedge, so that all that +went by could steal the grapes. He took arms, and subscribed the +first of the long series of plans of constitutional reform that the +reign was to witness, according to which the king was to be guided +by a chosen body of counsellors. But at the crisis of the movement +he held back, having accomplished nothing.</p> + +<p>There was more vigour in the ecclesiastical opposition. Robert +Grosseteste,[1] a Suffolk man of humble birth, had already won for +himself a position of unique distinction at Oxford and Paris. A +teacher of rare force, a scholar of unexampled range, a thinker of +daring originality, and a writer who had touched upon almost every +known subject, he was at the height of his fame when, in 1235, his +appointment as Bishop of Lincoln gave the fullest opportunities for +the employment of his great gifts in the public service. He was +convinced that the preoccupation of the clergy in worldly +employment and the constant aggressions of the civil upon the +ecclesiastical courts lay at the root of the evils of the time. His +conviction brought him into conflict with the king rather than the +legate, though for the moment his absorption in the cares of his +diocese distracted his attention from general questions. The +bishops generally had become so hostile that Otto shrank from +meeting them in another council, and strove to get money by +negotiating individually with the leading churchmen. The old foe of +papal usurpations, Robert Twenge, renewed his agitation on behalf +of the rights of patrons, and the clergy of Berkshire drew up a +remonstrance against Otto's extortions.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For Grosseteste, see F.S. Stevenson, <i>Robert +Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln</i> (1899).</p> + +<p>Archbishop Edmund saw the need of opposing both legate and king; +but he was hampered by his ecclesiastical and political principles, +and still more, perhaps, by the magnitude of the rude task thrown +upon him. He had set before himself the ideal of St. Thomas, not +only in the asceticism of his private life, but in his zeal for his +see and the Church. But few men were more unlike the strong-willed +and bellicose martyr of Canterbury than the gentle and yielding +saint of Abingdon. A plentiful crop <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg060" id="pg060">060</a></span>of quarrels, however, soon showed +that Edmund had, in one respect, copied only too faithfully the +example of his predecessor. He was engaged in a controversy of some +acerbity with the Archbishop of York, and he was involved in a long +wrangle with the monks of his cathedral, which took him to Rome +soon after the legate's arrival. He got little satisfaction there, +and found a whole sea of troubles to overwhelm him on his return. +At last came the demand of the fifth from Otto. Edmund joined in +the opposition of his brethren to this exaction, but his attitude +was complicated by his other difficulties. Leaning in his weakness +on the pope, he found that Gregory was a taskmaster rather than a +director. At last he paid his fifth, but, broken in health and +spirits, he was of no mind to withstand the demands of the Roman +clerks for benefices. If he could not be another St. Thomas +defending the liberties of the Church, he could at least withdraw +like his prototype from the strife, and find a refuge in a foreign +house of religion. Seeking out St. Thomas's old haunt at Pontigny, +he threw himself with ardour into the austere Cistercian life. On +the advice of his physicians, he soon sought a healthier abode with +the canons of Soisy, in Brie, at whose house he died on November +16, 1240. His body was buried at Pontigny in the still abiding +minster which had witnessed the devotions of Becket and Langton, +and miracles were soon wrought at his tomb. Within eight years of +his death he was declared a saint; and Henry, who had thwarted him +in life, and even opposed his canonisation, was among the first of +the pilgrims who worshipped at his shrine. It needed a tougher +spirit and a stronger character than Edmund's to grapple with the +thorny problems of his age.</p> + +<p>The retirement of the archbishop enabled Otto to carry through +his business, and withdraw from England on January 7, 1241. On +August 21 Gregory IX. died, with his arch-enemy at the gates of +Rome and all his plans for the time frustrated. High-minded, able +and devout, he wagered the whole fortunes of the papacy on the +result of his secular struggle with the emperor. In Italy as in +England, the spiritual hegemony of the Roman see and the spiritual +influence of the western Church were compromised by his exaltation +of ecclesiastical politics over religion.</p> + +<p>The monks of Christ Church won court favour by electing as +archbishop, Boniface of Savoy, Bishop-elect of Belley, one <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg061" id="pg061">061</a></span>of the +queen's uncles. There was no real resistance to the appointment, +though a prolonged vacancy in the papacy made it impossible for him +to receive formal confirmation until 1243, and it was not until +1244 that he condescended to visit his new province. Meanwhile his +kinsmen were carrying everything before them. Richard of Cornwall +lost his first wife, Isabella, daughter of William Marshal, in +1240, an event which broke almost the last link that bound him to +the baronial opposition. He withdrew himself from the troubles of +English politics by going on crusade, and with him went his former +enemy, Simon of Leicester. Richard was back in England early in +1242, and on November 23, 1243, his marriage with Sanchia of +Provence, the younger sister of the queens of France and England, +completed his conversion to the court party.</p> + +<p>Henry III.'s cosmopolitan instincts led him to take as much part +in foreign politics as his resources allowed. In 1235 he married +his sister Isabella to Frederick II., and henceforth manifested a +strong interest in the affairs of his imperial brother-in-law. His +relations with France were still uneasy, and he hoped to find in +Frederick's support a counterpoise to the steady pressure of French +hostility. All England watched with interest the progress of the +emperor's arms. Peter of Savoy led an English contingent to fight +for Frederick against the Milanese, and Matthew Paris, the greatest +of the English chroniclers, narrates the campaign of Corte Nuova +with a detail exceeding that which he allows to the military +enterprises of his own king. Frederick constantly corresponded with +both the king and Richard of Cornwall, and it was nothing but +solicitude for the safely of the heir to the throne that led the +English magnates to reject the emperor's request that Richard +should receive a high command under him. Even Frederick's breach +with the pope in 1239 did not destroy his friendship with Henry. +The situation became extremely complicated, since Innocent IV. +derived large financial support for his crusade from the unwilling +English clergy, while Henry still professed to be Frederick's +friend. The king allowed Otto to proclaim Frederick's +excommunication in England, and then urged the legate to quit the +country because the emperor strongly protested against the presence +of an avowed enemy at his brother-in-law's court. Neither pope nor +emperor could <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg062" id= +"pg062">062</a></span>rely upon the support of so half-hearted a +prince. Renewed trouble with France explains in some measure the +anxiety of Henry to remain in good relations with the emperor +despite Frederick's quarrel with the pope.</p> + +<p>The position of the French monarchy was far stronger than it had +been when Henry first intervened in continental politics. Blanche +of Castile had broken the back of the feudal coalition, and even +Peter Mauclerc had made his peace with the monarchy at the price of +his English earldom. Louis IX. attained his majority in 1235, and +his first care was to strengthen his power in his newly won +dominions. If Poitou were still in the hands of the Count of La +Marche and the Viscount of Thouars, the royal seneschals of +Beaucaire and Carcassonne after 1229 ruled over a large part of the +old dominions of Raymond of Toulouse. In 1237 the treaty of Meaux +was further carried out by the marriage of Raymond's daughter and +heiress, Joan, to Alfonse, the brother of the French king. In 1241 +Alfonse came of age, and Louis at once invested him with Poitou and +Auvergne. The lords of Poitou saw that the same process which had +destroyed the feudal liberties of Normandy now endangered their +disorderly independence. Hugh of Lusignan and his wife had been +present at Alfonse's investiture, and the widow of King John had +gone away highly indignant at the slights put upon her dignity.[1] +She bitterly reproached her husband with the ignominy involved in +his submission. Easily moved to new treasons, Hugh became the soul +of a league of Poitevin barons formed at Parthenay, which received +the adhesion of Henry's seneschal of Gascony, Rostand de Sollers, +and even of Alfonse's father-in-law, the depressed Raymond of +Toulouse. At Christmas Hugh openly showed his hand. He renounced +his homage to Alfonse, declared his adhesion to his step-son, +Richard of Cornwall, the titular count of Poitou, and +ostentatiously withdrew from the court with his wife. The rest of +the winter was taken up with preparations for the forthcoming +struggle.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See the graphic letter of a citizen of La +Rochelle to Blanche, published by M. Delisle in +<i>Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes</i>, série +ii., iv., 513-55 (1856).</p> + +<p>Untaught by experience, Henry III. listened to the appeals of +his mother and her husband. Richard of Cornwall, who came back from +his crusade in January, 1242, was persuaded that he had another +chance of realising his vain title of Count <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg063" id="pg063">063</a></span>of Poitou. But +the king had neither men nor money and the parliament of February 2 +refused to grant him sums adequate for his need, so that, +despairing of dealing with his barons in a body, Henry followed the +legate's example of winning men over individually. He made a strong +protest against the King of France's breach of the existing truce, +and his step-father assured him that Poitou and Gascony would +provide him with sufficient soldiers if he brought over enough +money to pay them. Thereupon, leaving the Archbishop of York as +regent, Henry took ship on May 9 at Portsmouth and landed on May 13 +at Royan at the mouth of the Gironde. He was accompanied by Richard +of Cornwall, seven earls, and 300 knights.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Louis IX. marshalled a vast host at Chinon, which from +April to July overran the patrimony of the house of Lusignan, and +forced many of the confederate barons to submit. Peter of Savoy and +John Mansel, Henry's favourite clerk, then made seneschal of +Gascony, assembled the Aquitanian levies, while Peter of +Aigueblanche, the Savoyard Bishop of Hereford, went to Provence to +negotiate the union between Earl Richard and Sanchia, and, if +possible, to add Raymond Berengar to the coalition against the +husband of his eldest daughter. Henry hoped to win tactical +advantages by provoking Louis to break the truce, and mendaciously +protested his surprise at being forced into an unexpected conflict +with his brother-in-law. Towards the end of July, Louis, who had +conquered all Poitou, advanced to the Charente, and occupied +Taillebourg. If the Charente were once crossed, Saintonge would +assuredly follow the destinies of Poitou; and the Anglo-Gascon army +advanced from Saintes to dispute the passage of the river. On July +21 the two armies were in presence of each other, separated only by +the Charente. Besides the stone bridge at Taillebourg, the French +had erected a temporary wooden structure higher up the stream, and +had collected a large number of boats to facilitate their passage. +Seeing with dismay the oriflamme waving over the sea of tents +which, "like a great and populous city," covered the right bank, +the soldiers of Henry retreated precipitately to Saintes. There was +imminent danger of their retreat being cut off, but Richard of +Cornwall went to the French camp, and obtained an armistice of a +few hours, which gave his brother time to reach the town.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg064" id= +"pg064">064</a></span>Next day Louis advanced at his ease to the +capital of Saintonge. The Anglo-Gascons went out to meet him, and, +despite their inferior numbers, fought bravely amidst the vineyards +and hollow lanes to the west of the city. But the English king was +the first to flee, and victory soon attended the arms of the +French. Immediately after the battle, the lords of Poitou abandoned +Richard for Alfonse. Henry fled from Saintes to Pons, from Pons to +Barbezieux, and thence sought a more secure refuge at Blaye, +leaving his tent, the ornaments of his chapel, and the beer +provided for his English soldiers as booty for the enemy. The +outbreak of an epidemic in the French army alone prevented a siege +of Bordeaux, by necessitating the return of St. Louis to the +healthier north. Henry lingered at Bordeaux until September, when +he returned to England.[1] Meanwhile the French dictated peace to +the remaining allies of Henry. On the death of Raymond of Toulouse, +in 1249, Alfonse quietly succeeded to his dominions. The next +twenty years saw the gradual extension of the French administrative +system to Poitou, Auvergne, and the Toulousain. English Gascony was +reduced to little more than the districts round Bordeaux and +Bayonne. Even a show of hostility was no longer useful, and on +April 7, 1243, a five years' truce between Henry and Louis was +signed at Bordeaux. The marriage of Beatrice of Provence, the +youngest of the daughters of Raymond Berengar, to Charles of Anjou, +Louis' younger brother, removed Provence from the sphere of English +influence. On his father-in-law's death in 1245, Charles of Anjou +succeeded to his dominions to the prejudice of his two English +brothers-in-law, and became the founder of a Capetian line of +counts of Provence, which brought the great fief of the empire +under the same northern French influences which Alfonse of Poitiers +was diffusing over the lost inheritances of Eleanor of Aquitaine +and the house of Saint-Gilles.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The only good modern account of this +expedition is that by M. Charles Bémont, <i>La campagne de +Poitou, 1242-3</i>, in <i>Annales du Midi</i>, v., 389-314 (1893). +For the Lusignans see Boissonade, <i>Quomodo comites Engolismenses +erga reges Angliæ et Franciæ se gesserint</i>, 1152-1328 +(1893).</p> + +<p>A minor result of Louis' triumph was the well-deserved ruin of +Hugh of Lusignan and Isabella of Angoulême. The proud spirit +of Isabella did not long tolerate her humiliation. She <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg065" id="pg065">065</a></span>retired to +Fontevraud and died there in 1246. Hugh X. followed her to the tomb +in 1248. Their eldest son, Hugh XI., succeeded him, but the rest of +their numerous family turned for support to the inexhaustible +charity of the King of England. Thus in 1247 a Poitevin invasion of +the king's half-brothers and sisters recalled to his much-tried +subjects the Savoyard invasion of ten years earlier. In that single +year three of the king's brothers and one of his sisters accepted +his invitation to make a home in England. Of these, Guy, lord of +Cognac, became proprietor of many estates. William, called from the +Cistercian abbey in which he was born William of Valence, secured, +with the hand of Joan of Munchensi, a claim to the great +inheritance that was soon to be scattered by the extinction of the +male line of the house of Marshal. Aymer of Valence, a very +unclerical churchman, obtained in 1250 his election as bishop of +Winchester, though his youth and the hostility of his chapter +delayed his consecration for ten years. Alice their sister found a +husband of high rank in the young John of Warenne, Earl of Warenne +or Surrey, while a daughter of Hugh XI. married Robert of Ferrars, +Earl of Ferrars or Derby. Others of their kindred flocked to the +land of promise. Any Poitevin was welcome, even if not a member of +the house of Lusignan. Thus the noble adventurer John du Plessis, +came over to England, married the heiress of the Neufbourg Earls of +Warwick, and in 1247 was created Earl of Warwick. The alien +invasion took a newer and more grievous shape.</p> + +<p>The expenses of the war were still to be paid; and in 1244 Henry +assembled a council, declaring that, as he had gone to Gascony on +the advice of his barons, they were bound to make him a liberal +grant towards freeing him from the debts which he had incurred +beyond sea. Prelates, earls, and barons each deliberated apart, and +a joint committee, composed of four members of each order, drew up +an uncompromising reply. The king had not observed the charters; +previous grants had been misapplied, and the abeyance of the great +offices of state made justice difficult and good administration +impossible. The committee insisted that a justiciar, a chancellor, +and a treasurer should forthwith be appointed. This was the last +thing that the jealous king desired. Helpless against a united +council, he strove to break up the solidarity between its lay and +clerical <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg066" id= +"pg066">066</a></span>elements by laying a papal order before the +prelates to furnish him an adequate subsidy. The leader of the +bishops was now Grosseteste, who from this time until his death in +1253 was the pillar of the opposition. "We must not," he declared, +"be divided from the common counsel, for it is written that if we +be divided we shall all die forthwith." At last a committee of +twelve magnates was appointed to draw up a plan of reform. The +unanimity of all orders was shown by the co-operation on this body +of prelates such as Boniface of Savoy with patriots of the stamp of +Grosseteste and Walter of Cantilupe, while among the secular lords, +Richard of Cornwall and 'Simon of Leicester worked together with +baronial leaders like Norfolk and Richard of Montfichet, a survivor +of the twenty-five executors of Magna Carta. The obstinacy of the +king may well have driven the estates into drawing up the +remarkable paper constitution preserved for us by Matthew Paris.[1] +By it the execution of the charters and the supervision of the +administration were to be entrusted to four councillors, chosen +from among the magnates, and irremovable except with their consent. +It is unlikely that the scheme was ever carried out; but its +conception shows an advance in the claims of the opposition, and +anticipates the policy of restraining an incompetent ruler by a +committee responsible to the estates, which, for the next two +centuries, was the popular specific for royal maladministration. +For the moment neither side gained a decided victory. Though the +barons persisted in their refusal of an extraordinary grant, they +agreed to pay an aid to marry the king's eldest daughter to the son +of Frederick II.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Chron. Maj</i>., iv., 366-68.</p> + +<p>Further demands arose from the quarrel between Innocent IV.' and +the emperor. A new papal envoy, Master Martin, came to England to +extort from the clergy money to enable Innocent to carry on his war +against Frederick. The lords told Martin that if he did not quit +the realm forthwith he would be torn in pieces. In terror he prayed +for a safe conduct. "May the devil give you a safe conduct to +hell," was the only reply that the angry Henry vouchsafed. Even his +complaisance was exhausted by Master Martin.</p> + +<p>On July 26, 1245, a few weeks before Martin's expulsion, <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg067" id="pg067">067</a></span>Innocent +IV. opened a general council at Lyons, in which Frederick was +deposed from the imperial dignity. Grosseteste, the chief English +prelate to attend the gathering, was drawn in conflicting +directions by his zeal for pope against emperor and by his dislike +of curialist exactions. This attitude of the bishop is reflected in +the remonstrance, in the name of the English people, laid before +Innocent, declaring the faithfulness of England to the Holy See and +the wrongs with which her fidelity had been requited. The +increasing demands for money, the intrusion of aliens into English +cures, and Martin's exactions were set forth at length. Innocent +refused to entertain the petition, forced all the bishops at Lyons +to join in the deprivation of the emperor, and required every +English bishop to seal with his own seal the document by which John +had pledged the nation to a yearly tribute. No one could venture to +stand up against the successor of St. Peter, and so, despite futile +remonstrance, Innocent still had it all his own way. In 1250 +Grosseteste again met Innocent face to face at Lyons, and urged him +to "put to flight the evils and purge the abominations" which the +Roman see had done so much to foster. But this outspoken +declaration was equally without result. Bold as were Grosseteste's +words, he fully accepted the curialist theory which regarded the +pope as the universal bishop, the divinely appointed source of all +ecclesiastical jurisdiction. He could therefore do no more than +protest. If the pope chose to disregard him, there was nothing to +be done but wait patiently for better times. The plague of foreign +ecclesiastics was still to torment the English Church for many a +year.</p> + +<p>The king's difficulties were increased by fresh troubles in +Scotland and Wales. The friendship between Henry and his +brother-in-law, Alexander II., was weakened by the death of the +Queen of Scots and by Alexander's marriage to a French lady in +1239. At last, in 1244, relations were so threatening that the +English levies were mustered for a campaign at Newcastle. However, +on the mediation of Richard of Cornwall, Alexander bound himself +not to make alliances with England's enemies, and the trouble +passed away. In Wales the difficulties were more complicated. +Llewelyn ap Iorwerth died in 1240, full of years and honour. In the +last years of his reign broken health and the revolts of his eldest +son Griffith made the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg068" id= +"pg068">068</a></span>old chieftain anxious for peace with England, +as the best way of securing the succession to all his dominions of +David, his son by Joan of Anjou. Henry III., anxious that David as +his nephew should inherit the principality, granted a temporary +cessation of hostilities. After Llewelyn's death David was accepted +as Prince of Snowdon, and made his way to Gloucester, where he +performed homage, and was dubbed knight by his uncle. Next year, +however, hostilities broke out, and Henry, disgusted with his +nephew, made a treaty with the wife of Griffith, Griffith himself +being David's prisoner. In 1241 Henry led an expedition from +Chester into North Wales, and forced David to submit. He +surrendered Griffith to his uncle's safe keeping and promised to +yield his principality to Henry if he died without a son. Three +years later Griffith broke his neck in an attempt to escape from +the Tower. The death of his rival emboldened David to take up a +stronger line against his uncle. A fresh Welsh expedition was +necessary for the summer of 1245, in which the English advanced to +the Conway, but were speedily forced to retire. David held his own +until his death, without issue, in March, 1246, threw open the +question of the Welsh succession.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h4>POLITICAL RETROGRESSION AND NATIONAL PROGRESS.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg069" id= +"pg069">069</a></span>The ten years from 1248 to 1258 saw the +continuance of the misgovernment, discontent, and futile opposition +which have already been sufficiently illustrated. The history of +those years must be sought not so much in the relations of the king +and his English subjects as in Gascony, in Wales, in the crusading +revival, and in the culmination of the struggle of papacy and +empire. In each of these fields the course of events reacted +sharply upon the domestic affairs of England, until at last the +failures of Henry's foreign policy gave unity and determination to +the party of opposition whose first organised success, in 1258, +ushered in the Barons' War.</p> + +<p>The relations between England and France remained anomalous. +Formal peace was impossible, since France would yield nothing, and +the English king still claimed Normandy and Aquitaine. Yet neither +Henry nor Louis had any wish for war. They had married sisters: +they were personally friendly, and were both lovers of peace. In +such circumstances it was not hard to arrange truces from time to +time, so that from 1243 to the end of the reign there were no open +hostilities. In 1248 the friendly feeling of the two courts was +particularly strong. Louis was on the eve of departure for the +crusade and many English nobles had taken the cross. Henry, who was +himself contemplating a crusade, was of no mind to avail himself of +his kinsman's absence to disturb his realm.</p> + +<p>The French could afford to pass over Henry's neglect to do +homage, for Gascony seemed likely to emancipate itself from the +yoke of its English dukes without any prompting from Paris. After +the failure of 1243, a limited amount of territory between the +Dordogne and the Pyrenees alone acknowledged Henry. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg070" id="pg070">070</a></span>This narrower +Gascony was a thoroughly feudalised land: the absentee dukes had +little authority, domain, or revenue: and the chief lordships were +held by magnates, whose relations to their overlord were almost +formal, and by municipalities almost as free as the cities of +Flanders or the empire. The disastrous campaign of Taiilebourg +lessened the prestige of the duke, and Henry quitted Gascony +without so much as attempting to settle its affairs. In the +following years weak seneschals, with insufficient powers and +quickly succeeding each other, were unable to grapple with +ever-increasing troubles. The feudal lords dominated the +countryside, pillaged traders, waged internal war and defied the +authority of the duke. In the autonomous towns factions had arisen +as fierce as those of the cities of Italy. Bordeaux was torn +asunder by the feuds of the Rosteins and Colons. Bayonne was the +scene of a struggle between a few privileged families, which sought +to monopolise municipal office, and a popular opposition based upon +the seafaring class. The neighbouring princes cast greedy eyes on a +land so rich, divided, and helpless. Theobald IV., the poet, Count +of Champagne and King of Navarre, coveted the valley of the Adour. +Gaston, Viscount of Béarn, the cousin of Queen Eleanor, +plundered and destroyed the town of Dax. Ferdinand the Saint of +Castile and James I. of Aragon severally claimed all Gascony. +Behind all these loomed the agents of the King of France. Either +Gascony must fall away altogether, or stronger measures must be +taken to preserve it.</p> + +<p>In this extremity Henry made Simon of Montfort seneschal or +governor of Gascony, with exceptionally full powers and an assured +duration of office for seven years. Simon had taken the crusader's +vow, but was persuaded by the king to abandon his intention of +following Louis to Egypt. He at once threw himself into his rude +task with an energy that showed him to be a true son of the +Albigensian crusader. In the first three months he traversed the +duchy from end to end; rallied the royal partisans; defeated +rebels; kept external foes in check, and administered the law +without concern for the privileges of the great. In 1249 he crushed +the Rostein faction at Bordeaux. The same fate was meted out to +their partisans in the country districts. Order was restored, but +the seneschal utterly disregarded impartiality or justice. He +sought to rule Gascony by terrorism <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg071" id="pg071">071</a></span>and by backing up one faction +against the other. It was the same with minor cities, like Bazas +and Bayonne, and with the tyrants of the countryside. The Viscount +of Fronsac saw his castle razed and his estates seized. Gaston of +Béarn, tricked by the seneschal out of the succession of +Bigorre, was captured, sent to England, and only allowed to return +to his home, humiliated and powerless to work further evil. The +lesser barons had to acknowledge Simon their master. On the death +of Raymond of Toulouse in 1249, his son-in-law and successor, +Alfonse of Poitiers, had all he could do to secure his inheritance, +and was too closely bound by the pacific policy of his brother to +give Simon much trouble. The truce with France was easily renewed +by reason of St. Louis' absence on a crusade. The differences +between Gascony and Theobald of Navarre were mitigated in 1248 at a +personal interview between Leicester and the poet-king.</p> + +<p>Gascony for the moment was so quiet that the rebellious hordes +called the <i>Pastoureaux</i>, who had desolated the royal domain, +withdrew from Bordeaux in terror of Simon's threats. But the +expense of maintaining order pressed heavily on the seneschal's +resources, and his master showed little disposition to assist him. +Moreover Gascony could not long keep quiet. There were threats of +fresh insurrections, and the whole land was burning with +indignation against its governor. Complaints from the Gascon +estates soon flowed with great abundance into Westminster. For the +moment Henry paid little attention to them. His son Edward was ten +years of age, and he was thinking of providing him with an +appanage, sufficient to support a separate household and so placed +as to train the young prince in the duties of statecraft. Before +November, 1249, he granted to Edward all Gascony, along with the +profits of the government of Ireland, which were set aside to put +Gascony in a good state of defence. Simon's strong hand was now +more than ever necessary to keep the boy's unruly subjects under +control. The King therefore continued Simon as seneschal of +Gascony, though henceforth the earl acted as Edward's minister. +"Complete happily," Henry wrote to the seneschal, "all our affairs +in Gascony and you shall receive from us and our heirs a recompense +worthy of your services." For the moment Leicester's triumph seemed +complete, but the Gascons, who had hoped that Edward's <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg072" id="pg072">072</a></span>establishment +meant the removal of their masterful governor, were bitterly +disappointed at the continuance of his rule. Profiting by Simon's +momentary absence in England, they once more rose in revolt. Henry +wavered for the moment. "Bravely," declared he to his +brother-in-law, "hast thou fought for me, and I will not deny thee +help. But complaints pour in against thee. They say that thou hast +thrown into prison, and condemned to death, folk who have been +summoned to thy court under pledge of thy good faith." In the end +Simon was sent back to Gascony, and by May, 1251, the rebels were +subdued.</p> + +<p>Next year Gaston of Béarn stirred up another revolt, and, +while Simon was in England, deputies from the Aquitanian cities +crossed the sea and laid new complaints before Henry. A stormy +scene ensued between the king and his brother-in-law. Threatened +with the loss of his office, Simon insisted that he had been +appointed for seven years, and that he could not be removed without +his own consent. Henry answered that he would keep no compacts with +traitors. "That word is a lie," cried Simon; "were you not my king +it would be an ill hour for you when you dared to utter it." The +sympathy of the magnates saved Leicester from the king's wrath, and +before long he returned to Gascony, still seneschal, but with +authority impaired by the want of his sovereign's confidence. +Though the king henceforth sided with the rebels, Simon remained +strong enough to make headway against the lord of Béarn. +Before long, however, Leicester unwillingly agreed to vacate his +office on receiving from Henry a sum of money. In September, 1252, +he laid down the seneschalship and retired into France. While +shabbily treated by the king, he had certainly shown an utter +absence of tact or scruple. But the tumults of Gascony raged with +more violence than ever now that his strong hand was withdrawn. +Those who had professed to rise against the seneschal remained in +arms against the king. Once more the neighbouring princes cast +greedy eyes on the defenceless duchy. In particular, Alfonso the +Wise, King of Castile, who succeeded his father Ferdinand in 1252, +renewed his father's claims to Gascony.</p> + +<p>The only way to save the duchy was for Henry to go there in +person. Long delays ensued before the royal visit took place, and +it was not until August, 1253, that Bordeaux saw <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg073" id="pg073">073</a></span>her hereditary +duke sail up the Gironde to her quays. The Gascon capital remained +faithful, but within a few miles of her walls the rebels were +everywhere triumphant. It required a long siege to reduce +Bénauge to submission, and months elapsed before the towns +and castles of the lower Garonne and Dordogne opened their gates. +Even then La Réole, whither all the worst enemies of +Montfort had fled, held out obstinately. Despairing of military +success, Henry fell back upon diplomacy. The strength of the Gascon +revolt did not lie in the power of the rebels themselves but in the +support of the neighbouring princes and the French crown. By +renewing the truce with the representatives of Louis, Henry +protected himself from the danger of French intervention, and at +the same time he cut off a more direct source of support to the +rebels by negotiating treaties with such magnates as the lord of +Albret, the Counts of Comminges and Armagnac, and the Viscount of +Béarn. His master-stroke was the conclusion, in April, 1254, +of a peace with Alfonso of Castile, whereby the Spanish king +abandoned his Gascon allies and renounced his claims on the duchy. +In return it was agreed that the lord Edward should marry Alfonso's +half-sister, Eleanor, heiress of the county of Ponthieu through her +mother, Joan, whom Henry had once sought for his queen. As Edward's +appanage included Aquitaine, Alfonso, in renouncing his personal +claims, might seem to be but transferring them to his sister.</p> + +<p>In May, 1254, Queen Eleanor joined Henry at Bordeaux. With her +went her two sons, Edward and Edmund, her uncle, Archbishop +Boniface, and a great crowd of magnates. In August Edward went with +his mother to Alfonso's court at Burgos, where he was welcomed with +all honour and dubbed to knighthood by the King of Castile, and in +October he and Eleanor were married at the Cistercian monastery of +Las Huelgas. His appanage included all Ireland, the earldom of +Chester, the king's lands in Wales, the Channel Islands, the whole +of Gascony, and whatsoever rights his father still had over the +lands taken from him and King John by the Kings of France. Thus he +became the ruler of all the outlying dependencies of the English +crown, and the representative of all the claims on the Aquitanian +inheritance of Eleanor and the Norman inheritance of William the +Conqueror. The caustic <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg074" id= +"pg074">074</a></span>St. Alban's chronicler declared that Henry +left to himself such scanty possessions that he became a "mutilated +kinglet".[1] But Henry was too jealous of power utterly to renounce +so large a share of his dominions. His grants to his son were for +purposes of revenue and support, and the government of these +regions was still strictly under the royal control. Yet from this +moment writs ran in Edward's name, and under his father's direction +the young prince was free to buy his experience as he would. Soon +after his son's return with his bride, Henry III. quitted Gascony, +making his way home through France, where he visited his mother's +tomb at Fontevraud and made atonement at Pontigny before the shrine +of Archbishop Edmund. Of more importance was his visit to King +Louis, recently returned from his Egyptian captivity. The cordial +relations established by personal intercourse between the two kings +prepared the way for peace two years later.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Matthew Paris, <i>Chron. Maj.</i>, v., +450.</p> + +<p>Edward remained in Gascony about a year after his father. He +checked with a stern hand the disorders of his duchy, strove to +make peace between the Rosteins and Colons, and failing to do so, +took in 1261 the decisive step of putting an end to the tumultuous +municipal independence of the Gascon capital by depriving the +jurats of the right of choosing their mayor.[1] Thenceforth +Bordeaux was ruled by a mayor nominated by the duke or his +lieutenant. Edward's rule in Gascony has its importance as the +first experiment in government by the boy of fifteen who was later +to become so great a king. Returning to London in November, 1255, +he still forwarded the interests of his Gascon subjects, and an +attempt to protect the Bordeaux wine-merchants from the exactions +of the royal officers aroused the jealousy of Henry, who declared +that the days of Henry II. had come again, when the king's sons +rose in revolt against their father. Despite this characteristic +wail, Edward gained his point. Yet his efforts to secure the +well-being of Gascony had not produced much result. The hold of the +English duke on Aquitaine was as precarious under Edward as it had +been in the days of Henry's direct rule.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See Bémont, <i>Rôles Gascons</i>, +i., supplément, pp. cxvi.-cxviii.</p> + +<p>The affairs of Wales and Cheshire involved Edward in +responsibilities even more pressing than those of Gascony. <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg075" id="pg075">075</a></span>On the +death of John the Scot without heirs in 1237, the palatinate of +Randolph of Blundeville became a royal escheat. Its grant to Edward +made him the natural head of the marcher barons. The Cheshire +earldom became the more important since the Welsh power had been +driven beyond the Conway. Since the death of David ap Llewelyn in +1246, divisions in the reigning house of Gwynedd had continued to +weaken the Welsh. Llewelyn and Owen the Red, the two elder sons of +the Griffith ap Llewelyn who had perished in attempting to escape +from the Tower, took upon themselves the government of Gwynedd, +dividing the land, by the advice of the "good men," into two equal +halves. The English seneschal at Carmarthen took advantage of their +weakness to seize the outlying dependencies of Gwynedd south of the +Dovey. War ensued, for the brothers resisted this aggression. But +in April, 1247, they were forced to do homage at Woodstock for +Gwynedd and Snowdon. Henry retained not only Cardigan and +Carmarthen, but the debatable lands between the eastern boundary of +Cheshire and the river Clwyd, the four cantreds of the middle +country or Perveddwlad, so long the scene of the fiercest warfare +between the Celt and the Saxon. Thus the work of Llewelyn ap +Iorwerth was completely undone, and his grandsons were confined to +Snowdon and Anglesey, the ancient cradles of their house.</p> + +<p>It suited English policy that even, the barren lands of Snowdon +should be divided. As time went on, other sons of Griffith ap +Llewelyn began to clamour for a share of their grandfather's +inheritance. Owen, the weaker of the two princes, made common cause +with them, and David, another brother, succeeded in obtaining his +portion of the common stock. Llewelyn showed himself so much the +most resourceful and energetic of the brethren that, when open war +broke out between them in 1254, he easily obtained the victory. +Owen was taken prisoner, and David was deprived of his lands. +Llewelyn, thus sole ruler of Gwynedd, at once aspired to follow in +the footsteps of his grandfather. He overran Merioneth, and +frightened the native chieftains beyond the Dovey into the English +camp. His ambitions were, however, rudely checked by the grant of +Cheshire and the English lands in Wales to Edward.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg076" id= +"pg076">076</a></span>Besides the border palatinate, Edward's Welsh +lands included the four cantreds of Perveddwlad, and the districts +of Cardigan and Carmarthen. Young as he was, he had competent +advisers, and, while he was still in Aquitaine, designs were formed +of setting up the English shire system in his Welsh lands, so as to +supersede the traditional Celtic methods of government by feudal +and monarchical centralisation. Efforts were made to subject the +four cantreds to the shire courts at Chester; and Geoffrey of +Langley, Edward's agent in the south, set up shire-moots at +Cardigan and Carmarthen, from which originated the first beginnings +of those counties. The bitterest indignation animated Edward's +Welsh tenants, whether on the Clwyd or on the Teivi and Towy. They +rose in revolt against the alien innovators, and called upon +Llewelyn to champion their grievances. Llewelyn saw the chance of +extending his tribal power into a national principality over all +Wales by posing as the upholder of the Welsh people. He overran the +four cantreds in a week, finding no resistance save before the two +castles of Deganwy and Diserth. He conquered Cardigan with equal +ease, and prudently granted out his acquisition to the local +chieftain Meredith ap Owen. Nor were Edward's lands alone exposed +to his assaults. In central Wales Roger Mortimer was stripped of +his marches on the upper Wye, and Griffith ap Gwenwynwyn, the lord +of upper Powys, driven from the regions of the upper Severn. In the +spring of 1257 the lord of Gwynedd appeared in regions untraversed +by the men of Snowdon since the days of his grandfather. He +devastated the lands of the marchers on the Bristol Channel and +slew Edward's deputy in battle. "In those days," says Matthew +Paris, "the Welsh saw that their lives were at stake, so that those +of the north joined together in indissoluble alliance with those of +the south. Such a union had never before been, since north and +south had always been opposed." The lord of Snowdon assumed the +title of Prince of Wales.</p> + +<p>Edward was forced to defend his inheritance. Henry III. paid +little heed to his misfortunes, and answered his appeal for help by +saying: "What have I to do with the matter? I have given you the +land; you must defend it with your own resources. I have plenty of +other business to do." Nevertheless, Henry accompanied his son on a +Welsh campaign in August, 1257. <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg077" id="pg077">077</a></span>The English army got no further +than Deganwy, and therefore did not really invade Llewelyn's +dominions at all. After waiting idly on the banks of the Conway for +some weeks, it retired home, leaving the open country to be ruled +by Llewelyn as he would, and having done nothing but revictual the +castles of the four cantreds. Next year a truce was made, which +left Llewelyn in possession of the disputed districts. Troubles at +home were calling off both father and son from the Welsh war, and +thus Llewelyn secured his virtual triumph. Though fear of the +progress of the lord of Gwynedd filled every marcher with alarm, +yet the dread of the power of Edward was even more nearly present +before them. The marcher lords deliberately stood aside, and the +result was inevitable disaster. Edward found that the territories +handed over to him by his father had to be conquered before they +could be administered, and Henry III.'s methods of government made +it a hopeless business to find either the men or the money for the +task.</p> + +<p>England still resounded with complaints of misgovernment, and +demands for the execution of the charters. Before going to Bordeaux +in 1253, Henry obtained from the reluctant parliament a +considerable subsidy, and pledged himself as "a man, a Christian, a +knight, and a crowned and anointed king," to uphold the charters. +During his absence a parliament, summoned by the regents, Queen +Eleanor and Richard of Cornwall, for January, 1254, showed such +unwillingness to grant a supply that a fresh assembly was convened +in April, to which knights of the shire, for the first time since +the reign of John, and representatives of the diocesan clergy, for +the first occasion on record, were summoned, as well as the +baronial and clerical grandees. Nothing came of the meeting save +fresh complaints. The Earl of Leicester became the spokesman of the +opposition. Hurrying back from France he warned the parliament not +to fall into the "mouse-traps" laid for them by the king. In +default of English money, enough to meet the king's necessities was +extorted from the Jews, recently handed over to the custody of +Richard of Cornwall. After his return from France at the end of +1254, Henry's renewed requests for money gave coherence to the +opposition. Between 1254 and 1258 the king's exactions, and an +effective organisation for withstanding them, developed on parallel +lines. To the old sources of discontent were <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg078" id="pg078">078</a></span>added grievances +proceeding from enterprises of so costly a nature that they at last +brought about a crisis.</p> + +<p>The foremost grievance against the king was still his +co-operation with the papacy in spoiling the Church of England. +Though the death of the excommunicated Frederick II. in 1250 was a +great gain for Innocent IV., the contest of the papacy against the +Hohenstaufen raged as fiercely as ever. Both in Germany and in +Italy Innocent had to carry on his struggle against Conrad, +Frederick's son. After Conrad's death, in 1254, there was still +Frederick's strenuous bastard, Manfred, to be reckoned with in +Naples and Sicily. Innocent IV. died in 1254, but his successor, +Alexander IV., continued his policy. A papalist King of Naples was +wanted to withstand Manfred, and also a papalist successor to the +pope's phantom King of the Romans, William of Holland, who died in +1256.</p> + +<p>Candidates to both crowns were sought for in England. Since 1250 +Innocent IV. had been sounding Richard, Earl of Cornwall, as to his +willingness to accept Sicily. The honourable scruple against +hostility to his kinsman, which Richard shared with the king, +prevented him from setting up his claims against Conrad. But the +deaths both of Conrad and of Frederick II.'s son by Isabella of +England weakened the ties between the English royal house and the +Hohenstaufen, and Henry was tempted by Innocent's offer of the +Sicilian throne for his younger son, Edmund, a boy of nine, along +with a proposal to release him from his vow of crusade to Syria, if +he would prosecute on his son's behalf a crusading campaign against +the enemies of the Church in Naples. Innocent died before the +negotiations were completed, but Alexander IV. renewed the offer, +and in April, 1255, Peter of Aigueblanche, Bishop of Hereford, +accepted the preferred kingdom in Edmund's name. Sicily was to be +held by a tribute of money and service, as a fief of the holy see, +and was never to be united with the empire. Henry was to do homage +to the pope on his son's behalf, to go to Italy in person or send +thither a competent force, and to reimburse the pope for the large +sums expended by him in the prosecution of the war. In return the +English and Scottish proceeds of the crusading tenth, imposed on +the clergy at Lyons, were to be paid to Henry. On October 18, 1255, +a cardinal invested Edmund with a ring that symbolised his +appointment. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg079" id= +"pg079">079</a></span>Henry stood before the altar and swore by St. +Edward that he would himself go to Apulia, as soon as he could +safely pass through France.</p> + +<p>The treaty remained a dead letter. Henry found it quite +impossible to raise either the men or the money promised, and +abandoned any idea of visiting Sicily in person. Meanwhile Naples +and Sicily were united in support of Manfred, and discomfited the +feeble forces of the papal legates who acted against him in +Edmund's name. At last the Archbishop of Messina came from the pope +with an urgent request for payment of the promised sums. It was in +vain that Henry led forth his son, clothed in Apulian dress, before +the Lenten parliament of 1257, and begged the magnates to enable +him to redeem his bond. When they heard the king's speech "the ears +of all men tingled". Nothing could be got save from the clergy, so +that Henry was quite unable to meet his obligations. He besought +Alexander to give him time, to make terms with Manfred, to release +Edmund from his debts on condition of ceding a large part of Apulia +to the Church,—to do anything in short save insist upon the +original contract. The pope deferred the payment, but the respite +did Henry no good. Edmund's Sicilian monarchy vanished into +nothing, when, early in 1258, Manfred was crowned king at Palermo. +Before the end of the year, Alexander cancelled the grant of Sicily +to Edmund. Yet his demands for the discharge of Henry's obligations +had contributed not a little towards focussing the gathering +discontent.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For Edmund's Sicilian claims, see W.E. Rhodes' +article on <i>Edmund, Earl of Lancaster</i>, in the <i>English +Historical Review</i>, x. (1895), 20-27.</p> + +<p>While Henry was seeking the Sicilian crown for his son, his +brother Richard was elected to the German throne. Since William of +Holland's death in January, 1256, the German magnates, divided +between the Hohenstaufen and the papalist parties, had hesitated +for nearly a year as to the choice of his successor. As neither +party was able to secure the election of its own partisan, a +compromise was mooted. At last the name of Richard of Cornwall was +brought definitely forward. He was of high rank and unblemished +reputation; a friend of the pope yet a kinsman of the Hohenstaufen; +he was moderate and conciliatory; he had enough money to bribe the +electors <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg080" id= +"pg080">080</a></span>handsomely, and he was never likely to be so +deeply rooted in Germany as to stand in the way of the princes of +the empire. The Archbishop of Cologne became his paid partisan, and +the Count Palatine of the Rhine accepted his candidature on +conditions. The French party set up as his rival Alfonso X. of +Castile, who, despite his newly formed English alliance, was quite +willing to stand against Richard. At last, in January, 1257, the +votes of three electors, Cologne, Mainz, and the Palatine, were +cast for Richard, who also obtained the support of Ottocar, King of +Bohemia. However, in April, Trier, Saxony, and Brandenburg voted +for Alfonso. The double election of two foreigners perpetuated the +Great Interregnum for some sixteen years. Alfonso's title was only +an empty show, but Richard took his appointment seriously. He made +his way to Germany, and was crowned King of the Romans on May 17, +1257, at Aachen. He remained in the country nearly eighteen months, +and succeeded in establishing his authority in the Rhineland, +though beyond that region he never so much as showed his face.[1] +The elevation of his brother to the highest dignity in Christendom +was some consolation to Henry for the Sicilian failure.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for Richard's career, Koch's <i>Richard +von Cornwallis</i>, 1209-1257, and the article on <i>Richard, King +of the Romans</i>, in the <i>Dictionary of National +Biography</i>.</p> + +<p>The nation was disgusted to see maladministration grow worse and +worse; the nobles were indignant at the ever-increasing sway of the +foreigners; and several years of bad harvests, high prices, rain, +flood, and murrain sharpened the chronic misery of the poor. The +withdrawal of Earl Richard to his new kingdom deprived the king and +nation of an honourable if timid counsellor, though a more capable +leader was at last provided in the disgraced governor of Gascony. +Simon still deeply resented the king's ingratitude for his +services, and had become enough of an Englishman to sympathise with +the national feelings. Since his dismissal in 1253 he had held +somewhat aloof from politics. He knew so well that his interests +centred in England that he declined the offer of the French regency +on the death of Blanche of Castile. He prosecuted his rights over +Bigorre with characteristic pertinacity, and lawsuits about his +wife's jointure from her first husband exacerbated his relations +with Henry. It cannot, however, be said that the two were as <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg081" id="pg081">081</a></span>yet +fiercely hostile. Simon went to Henry's help in Gascony in 1254, +served on various missions and was nominated on others from which +he withdrew. His chosen occupations during these years of +self-effacement were religious rather than political; his dearest +comrades were clerks rather than barons.</p> + +<p>Among Montfort's closer intimates, Bishop Grosseteste was +removed by death in 1253. But others of like stamp still remained, +such as Adam Marsh, the Franciscan mystic, whose election to the +see of Ely was quashed by the malevolence of the court; Eudes +Rigaud, the famous Archbishop of Rouen, and Walter of Cantilupe, +Bishop of Worcester, who formed a connecting link between the +aristocracy and the Church. Despite the ineffectiveness of the +clerical opposition to the papacy, the spirit of independence +expressed in Grosseteste's protests had not yet deserted the +churchmen. Clerks had felt the pinch of the papal exactions, had +been bled to the uttermost to support the Sicilian candidature, and +had seen aliens and non-residents usurping their revenues and their +functions. More timid and less cohesive than the barons, they had +quicker brains, more ideas, deeper grievances, and better means of +reaching the masses. If resentment of the Sicilian candidature was +the spark that fired the train, the clerical opposition showed the +barons the method of successful resistance. The rejection of +Henry's demands for money in the assemblies of 1257 started the +movement that spread to the baronage in the parliaments of 1258. In +the two memorable gatherings of that year the discontent, which had +smouldered for a generation, at last burst into flame. In the next +chapter we shall see in what fashion the fire kindled.</p> + +<p>The futility of the political history of the weary middle period +of the reign suggests, to those who make the history of the state +the criterion of every aspect of the national fortunes, a +corresponding barrenness and lack of interest in other aspects of +national life. Yet a remedy for Henry's misrule was only found +because the age of political retrogression was in all other fields +of action an epoch of unexampled progress. The years during which +the strong centralised government of the Angevin kings was breaking +down under Henry's weak rule were years which, to the historian of +civilisation, are among the most fruitful in our annals. In vivid +contrast to the tale of misrule, the <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg082" id="pg082">082</a></span>historian can turn to the revival +of religious and intellectual life, the growing delight in ideas +and knowledge, the consummation of the best period of art, and the +spread of a nobler civilisation which make the middle portion of +the thirteenth century the flowering time of English medieval life. +It is part of this strange contrast that Henry, the obstacle to all +political progress, was himself a chief supporter of the religious +and intellectual movements which were so deeply influencing the +age.</p> + +<p>Much has been said of the alien invasion, and of the strong +national opposition it excited. But insularity is not a good thing +in itself, and the natural English attitude to the foreigners +tended to confound good and bad alike in a general condemnation. +Even the Savoyards were by no means as evil as the English thought +them, and Henry in welcoming his kinsmen was not merely moved by +selfish and unworthy motives; he believed that he was showing his +openness to ideas and his welcome to all good things from +whencesoever they came. There were, in fact, two tendencies, +antagonistic yet closely related, which were operative, not only in +England but all over western Europe, during this period. Nations, +becoming conscious and proud of their unity, dwelt, often +unreasonably, on the points wherein they differed from other +peoples, and strongly resented alien interference. At the same time +the closer relations between states, the result of improved +government, better communications, increased commercial and social +intercourse, the strengthening of common ideals, and the +development of cosmopolitan types of the knight, the scholar, and +the priest, were deepening the union of western Christendom on +common lines. Neither the political nor the military nor the +ecclesiastical ideals of the early middle ages were based upon +nationality, but rather on that ecumenical community of tradition +which still made the rule of Rome, whether in Church or State, a +living reality. In the thirteenth century the papal tradition was +still at its height. The jurisdiction of the papal <i>curia</i> +implied a universal Christian commonwealth. World-wide religious +orders united alien lands together by ties more spiritual than +obedience to the papal lawyers. The academic ideal was another and +a fresh link that connected the nations together. To the ancient +reasons for union—symbolised by the living Latin speech of +all clerks, of all scholars, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg083" +id="pg083">083</a></span>of all engaged in serious affairs-were +added the newer bonds of connexion involved in the common knightly +and social ideals, in the general spread of a common art and a +common vernacular language and literature.</p> + +<p>As Latin expressed the one series of ties, so did French +represent the other. The France of St. Louis meant two things. It +meant, of course, the French state and the French nationality, but +it meant a great deal more than that. The influence of the French +tongue and French ideals was wider than the political influence of +the French monarchy. French was the common language of knighthood, +of policy, of the literature that entertained lords and ladies, of +the lighter and less technical sides of the cosmopolitan culture +which had its more serious embodiments in Latin. To the Englishman +of the thirteenth century the French state was the enemy; but the +English baron denounced France in the French tongue, and leant a +ready ear to those aspects of life which, cosmopolitan in reality, +found their fullest exposition in France and among French-speaking +peoples. In the age which saw hostility to Frenchmen become a +passion, a Frenchman like Montfort could become the champion of +English patriotism, English scholars could readily quit their +native land to study at Paris, the French vernacular literature was +the common property of the two peoples, and French words began to +force their way into the stubborn vocabulary of the English +language, which for two centuries had almost entirely rejected +these alien elements. In dwelling, however briefly, on the new +features which were transforming English civilisation during this +memorable period, we shall constantly see how England gained by her +ever-increasing intercourse with the continent, by necessarily +sharing in the new movements which had extended from the continent +to the island, no longer, as in the eleventh century, to be +described as a world apart. Neither the coming of the friars, nor +the development of university life and academic schools of +philosophy, theology, and natural science, nor the triumph of +gothic art, nor the spread of vernacular literature, not even the +scholarly study of English law nor the course of English political +development-not one of these movements could have been what it was +without the close interconnexion of the various parts of the +European commonwealth, which was <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg084" id="pg084">084</a></span>becoming more homogeneous at the +same time that its units were acquiring for themselves sped +characteristics of their own.</p> + +<p>In the early days of Henry III.'s reign, a modest alien invasion +anticipated the more noisy coming of the Poitevin or the +Provençal. The most remarkable development of the +"religious" life that the later middle age was to witness had just +been worked out in Italy. St. Francis of Assisi had taught the cult +of absolute poverty, and his example held up to his followers the +ideal of the thorough and literal imitation of Christ's life. Thus +arose the early beginnings of the Minorite or Franciscan rule. St. +Dominic yielded to the fascination of the Umbrian enthusiast, and +inculcated on his Order of Preachers a complete renunciation of +worldly goods which made a society, originally little more than a +new type of canons regular, a mendicant order like the Franciscans, +bound to interpret the monastic vow of poverty with such +literalness as to include corporate as well as individual +renunciation of possessions, so that the order might not own lands +or goods, and no member of it could live otherwise than by labour +or by alms. In the second chapter of the Dominican order, at +Whitsuntide, 1221, an organisation into provinces was carried out; +and among the eight provinces, each with its prior, then +instituted, was the province of England, where no preaching friar +had hitherto set foot, and over it Gilbert of Freynet was appointed +prior. Then Dominic withdrew to Bologna, where he died on August 6. +Within a few days of the saint's death, Friar Gilbert with thirteen +companions made his way to England. In the company of Peter des +Roches the Dominican pioneers went to Canterbury, where Archbishop +Langton was then residing. At the archbishop's request Gilbert +preached in a Canterbury church, and Langton was so much delighted +by his teaching that henceforth he had a special affection for the +new order. From Canterbury the friars journeyed to London and +Oxford. Mindful of the work of their leaders at Paris and Bologna, +they built their first English chapel, house, and schools in the +university town. Soon these proved too small for them, and they had +to seek ampler quarters outside the walls. From these beginnings +the Dominicans spread over England.</p> + +<p>The Franciscans quickly followed the Dominicans. On September +10, 1224, there landed at Dover a little band of four <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg085" id="pg085">085</a></span>clerks and five +laymen, sent by St. Francis himself to extend the new teaching into +England. At their head was the Italian, Agnellus of Pisa, a deacon, +formerly warden of the Parisian convent, who was appointed +provincial minister in England. His three clerical companions were +all Englishmen, though the five laymen were Italians or Frenchmen. +Like the Dominican pioneers, the Franciscan missionaries first went +to Canterbury, where the favour of Simon Langton, the archdeacon, +did for them what the goodwill of his brother Stephen had done for +their precursors. Leaving some of their number at Canterbury, four +of the Franciscans went on to London, and thence a little later two +of them set out for Oxford. Alike at London and at Oxford, they +found a cordial welcome from the Dominicans, eating in their +refectories, and sleeping in their dormitories, until they were +able to erect modest quarters in both places. The brethren of the +new order excited unbounded enthusiasm. Necessity and choice +combined to compel them to interpret their vow of poverty as St. +Francis would have wished. They laboured with their own hands at +the construction of their humble churches. The friars at Oxford +knew the pangs of debt and hunger, rejected pillows as a vain +luxury, and limited the use of boots and shoes to the sick and +infirm. The faithful saw the brethren singing songs as they picked +their way over the frozen mud or hard snow, blood marking the track +of their naked feet, without their being conscious of it. The +joyous radiance of Francis himself illuminated the lives of his +followers. "The friars," writes their chronicler, "were so full of +fun among themselves that a deaf mute could hardly refrain from +laughter at seeing them." With the same glad spirit they laboured +for the salvation of souls, the cure of sickness, and the relief of +distress. The emotional feeling of the age quickly responded to +their zeal. Within a few years other houses had arisen at +Gloucester, at Nottingham, at Stamford, at Worcester, at +Northampton, at Cambridge, at Lincoln, at Shrewsbury. In a +generation there was hardly a town of importance in England that +had not its Franciscan convent, and over against it a rival +Dominican house.</p> + +<p>The esteem felt for the followers of Francis and Dominic led to +an extraordinary extension of the mendicant type. New orders of +friars arose, preserving the essential attribute of <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg086" id="pg086">086</a></span>absolute +poverty, though differing from each other and from the two +prototypes in various particulars. Some of these lesser orders +found their way to England. In the same year as Agnellus, there +came to England the Trinitarian friars, called also the Maturins, +from the situation of their first house in Paris, an order whose +special function was the redemption of captives. In 1240 returning +crusaders brought back with them the first Carmelite friars, for +whom safer quarters had to be found than in their original abodes +in Syria. This society spread widely, and in 1287, to the disgust +of the older monks, it laid aside the party-coloured habit, forced +upon it in derision by the infidels, and adopted the white robe, +which gave them their popular name of White Friars. Hard upon +these, in 1244, came also the Crutched Friars, so called from the +red cross set upon their backs or breasts; but these were never +deeply rooted in England. The multiplication of orders of friars +became an abuse, so that, at the Council of Lyons of 1245, Innocent +IV abolished all save four. Besides Dominicans and Franciscans the +pope only continued the Carmelites, and an order first seen in +England a few years later, the Austin friars or the hermits of the +order of St. Augustine. These made up the traditional four orders +of friars of later history. Yet even the decree of a council could +not stay the growth of new mendicant types. In 1257 the Friars of +the Penance of Jesus Christ, popularly styled Friars of the Sack, +from their coarse sackcloth garb, settled down in London, exempted +by papal dispensation from the fate of suppression; and even later +than this King Richard's son, Edmund of Cornwall, established a +community of Bonhommes at Ashridge in Buckinghamshire.</p> + +<p>The friars were not recluses, like the older orders, but active +preachers and teachers of the people. The parish clergy seldom held +a strong position in medieval life. The estimation in which the +monastic ideal was held limited their influence. They were, as a +rule, not much raised above the people among whom they laboured. If +the parish priest were a man of rank or education, he was too often +a non-resident and a pluralist, bestowing little personal attention +on his parishioners. Nor were the numerous parishes served by monks +in much better plight. The monastery took the tithes and somehow +provided for the services; but the efforts of Grosseteste <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg087" id="pg087">087</a></span>to secure +the establishment of permanent stipendiary vicarages in his diocese +exemplify the reluctance of the religious to give their +appropriations the benefit of permanent pastors, paid on an +adequate scale. It was an exceptional thing for the parish +clergymen to do more than discharge perfunctorily the routine +duties of their office, and preaching was almost unknown among +them. The friars threw themselves into pastoral work with such +devotion as to compel the reluctant admiration of their natural +rivals, the monks. "At first," says Matthew Paris,[1] "the +Preachers and the Minorites lived a life of poverty and extreme +sanctity. They busied themselves in preaching, hearing confessions, +the recital of divine service, in teaching and study. They embraced +voluntary poverty for God's sake, abandoning all their worldly +goods and not even reserving for themselves their food for +to-morrow." A special field of labour was in the crowded suburbs of +the larger towns, where so often they chose to erect their first +convents. The care of the sick and of lepers was their peculiar +function. Their sympathy and charity carried everything before +them, and they remained the chief teachers of the poor down to the +Reformation. They ingratiated themselves with the rich as much as +with the poor. Henry III. and Edward selected mendicants as their +confessors. The strongest and holiest of the bishops, Grosseteste, +became their most active friend. Simon of Montfort sought the +advice and friendship of a friar like Adam Marsh. The mere fact +that Stephen Langton and Peter des Roches were their first patrons +in England shows how they appealed alike to the best and worst +clerical types of the time.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Chron. Maj.</i>, v., 194.</p> + +<p>Men and women of all ranks, while still living in the world and +fulfilling their ordinary occupations, associated themselves to the +mendicant brotherhoods. Besides these <i>tertiaries</i>, as they +were called, still wider circles sought the friars' direction in +all spiritual matters and showed eagerness to be buried within +their sanctuaries. Nor did the friars limit themselves to pastoral +care. They won a unique place in the intellectual history of the +time. They made themselves the spokesmen of all the movements of +the age. They were eager to make peace, and Agnellus himself +mediated between Henry III. and the earl marshal. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg088" id="pg088">088</a></span>They were the +strenuous preachers of the crusades, whether against the infidel or +against Frederick II. The Franciscans taught a new and more +methodical devotion to the Virgin Mother. The friars upheld the +highest papal claims, were constantly selected as papal agents and +tax-gatherers, and yet even this did not deprive them of their +influence over Englishmen. Their zeal for truth often made them +defenders of unpopular causes, and it was much to their honour that +they did not hesitate to incur the displeasure of the Londoners by +their anxiety to save innocent Jews accused of the murder of +Christian children. The parish clergy hated and envied them as +successful rivals, and bitterly resented the privilege which they +received from Alexander IV of hearing confessions throughout the +world. Not less strong was the hostility of the monastic orders +which is often expressed in Matthew Paris's free-spoken abuse of +them. They were accused of terrorising dying men out of their +possessions, of laxity in the confessional, of absolving their +friends too easily, of overweening ambition and restless +meddlesomeness. They were violent against heretics and enemies of +the Church. They answered hate with hate. They despised the +seculars as drones and the monks as lazy and corrupt. The +dissensions between the various orders of friars, and particularly +between the sober and intellectual Dominicans and the radical and +mystic Franciscans, were soon as bitter as those between monks and +friars, or monks and seculars. But when all allowances have been +made, the good that they wrought far outbalanced the evil, and in +England at least, the mendicant orders exhibited a nobler +conception of religion, and of men's duly to their fellowmen than +had as yet been set before the people. If the main result of their +influence was to strengthen that cosmopolitan conception of +Christendom of which the papacy was the head and the friars the +agents, their zeal for righteousness often led them beyond their +own rigid platform, and Englishmen honoured the wandering friar as +the champion of the nation's cause.</p> + +<p>Like the religious orders, the universities were part of the +world system and only indirectly represented the struggling +national life. The ferment of the twelfth century revival +crystallised groups of masters or doctors into guilds called +universities, with a strong class tradition, rigid codes of rules, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg089" id="pg089">089</a></span>and +intense corporate spirit. The schools at Oxford, whose continuous +history can be traced from the days of Henry II., had acquired a +considerable reputation by the time that his grandson had ascended +the throne. Oxford university, with an autonomous constitution of +its own since <i>1214</i>, was presided over by a chancellor who, +though in a sense the representative of the distant diocesan at +Lincoln, was even in the earliest times the head of the scholars, +and no mere delegate of the bishop. Five years earlier the Oxford +schools were sufficiently vigorous to provoke a secession, from +which the first faint beginnings of a university at Cambridge +arose. A generation later there were other secessions to Salisbury +and Northampton, but neither of these schools succeeded in +maintaining themselves. Cambridge itself had a somewhat languid +existence throughout the whole of the thirteenth century, and was +scarcely recognised as a <i>studium generale</i> until the bull of +John XXII. in 1318 made its future position secure. In early days +the university owed nothing to endowments, buildings, social +prestige, or tradition. The two essentials was the living voice of +the graduate teacher and the concourse of students desirous to be +taught. Hence migrations were common and stability only gradually +established. When, late in Henry III.'s reign, the chancellor, +Walter of Merton, desired to set up a permanent institution for the +encouragement of poor students, he hesitated whether to establish +it at Oxford, or Cambridge, or in his own Surrey village. Oxford, +though patriots coupled it with Paris and Bologna, only gradually +rose into repute. But before the end of Henry III.'s reign it had +won an assured place among the great universities of western +Europe, though lagging far behind that of the supreme schools of +Paris.</p> + +<p>The growing fame of the university of Oxford was a matter of +national importance. Down to the early years of the thirteenth +century a young English clerk who was anxious to study found his +only career abroad, and was too often cut off altogether from his +mother country. Among the last of this type were the Paris +mathematician, John of Holywood or Halifax, Robert Curzon, +cardinal, legate, theologian, and crusader, and Alexander of Hales. +Stephen Langton, who did important work in revising the text of the +Vulgate, might well have been one of those lost to England but for +the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg090" id= +"pg090">090</a></span>wisdom of Innocent III who restored him, in +the fulness of his reputation and powers, to the service of the +English Church. Not many years younger than Langton was his +successor Edmund of Abingdon, but the difference was enough to make +the younger primate a student of the Oxford schools in early life. +Though he left Oxford for Paris, Edmund returned to an active +career in England, when experience convinced him of the vanity of +scholastic success. Bishop Grosseteste, another early Oxford +teacher of eminence, probably studied at Paris, for so late as 1240 +he held up to the Oxford masters of theology the example of their +Paris brethren for their imitation. The double allegiance of Edmund +and Grosseteste was typical. A long catalogue of eminent names +adorned the annals of Oxford in the thirteenth century, but the +most distinguished of her earlier sons were drawn away from her by +the superior attractions of Paris. England furnished at least her +share of the great names of thirteenth century scholasticism, but +of very few of these could it be said that their main obligation +was to the English university. It was at Paris that the academic +organisation developed which Oxford adopted. At Paris the great +intellectual conflicts of the century were fought. There the +ferment seethed round that introduction of Aristotle's teaching +from Moorish sources which led to the outspoken pantheism of an +Amaury of Bène. There also was the reconciliation effected +between the new teacher and the old faith which made Aristotle the +pillar of the new scholasticism that was to justify by reason the +ways of God to man. In Paris also was fought the contest between +the aggressive mendicant friars and the secular doctors whom they +wished to supplant in the divinity schools.</p> + +<p>There is little evidence of even a pale reflection of these +struggles in contemporary Oxford. English scholars bore their full +share in the fight. It was the Englishman Curzon who condemned the +heresies of Amaury of Bène. Another Englishman, Alexander of +Hales, issued in his <i>Summa Theologiæ</i> the first effective +reconciliation of Aristotelian metaphysic with Christian doctrine +which his Paris pupils, Thomas Aquinas, the Italian, and Albert the +Great, the German, were to work out in detail in the next +generation. Hales was the first secular doctor in Europe who in +1222, in the full pride of his powers, abandoned his position in +the university to embrace the voluntary <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg091" id="pg091">091</a></span>poverty of the Franciscans +and resume his teaching, not in the regular schools but in a +Minorite convent. And at the same time another English doctor at +Paris, John of St. Giles, notable as a physician as well as a +theologian, dramatically marked his conversion to the Dominican +order by assuming its habit in the midst of a sermon on the virtues +of poverty. All these famous Englishmen worked and taught at Paris, +and it was only a generation later that their successors could +establish on the Thames the traditions so long upheld on the banks +of the Seine.</p> + +<p>The establishment of the Dominicans and Franciscans at Oxford +gave an immense impetus to the activity of the university. The +Franciscans appointed as the first <i>lector</i> of their Oxford +convent the famous secular teacher Grosseteste, who ever after held +the Minorites in the closest estimation. Grosseteste was the +greatest scholar of his day, knowing Greek and Hebrew as well as +the accustomed studies of the period. A clear and independent +thinker, he was not, like so many of his contemporaries, overborne +by the weight of authority, but appealed to observation and +experience in terms which make him the precursor of Roger Bacon. +Grosseteste's successor as <i>lector</i> was himself a Minorite, +Adam Marsh, whose reputation was so great that Grosseteste was +afraid to leave him when sick in a French town, lest the Paris +masters should persuade him to teach in their schools. Adam's +loyalty to his native university withstood any such temptation, and +from that time Oxford began to hold up its head against Paris. Even +before this, Grosseteste persuaded John of St. Giles to transfer +his teaching from Paris to Oxford, where he remained for the rest +of his life.</p> + +<p>The intense intellectual activity of the thirteenth century +flowed in more than one channel, and Englishmen took their full +share both in building up and in destroying. Two Englishmen of the +next generation mark in different ways the reaction against the +moderate Aristotelianism and orthodox rationalism which their +countryman Hales first brought into vogue. These were the +Franciscan friars, Roger Bacon and Duns Scotus. Bacon, though he +studied at Paris as well as at Oxford, is much more closely +identified with England than with the Continent. His sceptical, +practical intellect led him to heap scorn on Hales and his +followers and to plunge into audacities of <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg092" id="pg092">092</a></span>speculation which cost him +long seclusions in his convent and enforced abstinence from writing +and study. In his war against the Aristotelians, the intrepid friar +upheld recourse to experiment and observation as superior to +deference to authority, in language which stands in strange +contrast to the traditions of the thirteenth century. Grosseteste, +who also had preferred the teachings of experience to the appeal to +the sages of the past, was the only academic leader that escaped +Bacon's scathing censure. When his order kept him silent, Roger was +bidden to resume his pen by Pope Clement IV. A generation still +later, Duns Scotus, probably a Lowland Scot, who taught at Paris +and died at Cologne in 1308, emphasised, sharply enough, but in +less drastic fashion, the reaction against the teaching of Hales +and Aquinas, by accepting a dualism between reason and authority +that broke away from the Thomist tradition of the thirteenth +century and prepared the way for the scholastic decadence of the +fourteenth. After France, England took a leading part in all these +movements; and even in France English scholars had a large share in +making that land the special home of the <i>Studium</i>, as Italy +was of the <i>Sacerdotium</i> and Germany of the +<i>Imperium</i>.</p> + +<p>This intellectual ferment had its results on practical life. +Though the university was cosmopolitan, the individual members of +it were not the less good citizens. A patriot like Grosseteste +strove to his uttermost to keep Englishmen for Oxford or to win +them back from Paris. Oxford clerks fought the battle of England +against the legate Otto, and we shall see them siding with +Montfort. The eminently practical temper of the academic class +could not neglect the world of action for the abstract pursuit of +science. Eager as men were to know, to prove, and to inquire, the +age had little of the mystical temperament about it. The studies +which made for worldly success, such as civil and canon law, +attracted the thousands for whom philosophy or theology had little +attraction. Never before was there a career so fully opened to +talent. The academic teacher's fame took him from the lecture-room +to the court, from the university to the episcopal throne, and so +it was that the university influenced action almost as profoundly +as it influenced thought, and affected all classes of society +alike. The struggles of poor students like Edmund of Abingdon or +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg093" id= +"pg093">093</a></span>Grosseteste must not make us think that the +universities of this period were exclusively frequented by humble +scholars. The academic career of a rich baron's son like Thomas of +Cantilupe, living in his own hired house at Paris with a train of +chaplains and tutors, receiving the visits of the French king, and +feeding poor scholars with the remnants from his table, is as +characteristic as the more common picture of the student begging +his way from one seat of learning to another, and suffering the +severest privations rather than desert his studies. Yet the +function of the <i>studium</i> as promoting a healthy circulation +between the various orders of medieval society, must not be +ignored.</p> + +<p>Partly to help on the poor, partly to encourage men to devote +themselves to the pursuit of knowledge, endowments began to arise +which soon enhanced the splendour of universities though they +lessened their mobility and their freedom. The mendicant convents +at Paris and Oxford prepared the way for secular foundations, at +first small and insignificant, like that which, in the days of +Henry III., John Balliol established at Oxford for the maintenance +of poor scholars, but soon increasing in magnitude and distinction. +The great college set up by St. Louis' confessor at Paris for the +endowment of scholars, desirous of studying the unlucrative but +vital subject of theology, was soon imitated by the chancellor of +Henry III. Side by side with Robert of Sorbon's college of 1257, +arose Walter of Merton's foundation of 1263, and twenty years later +Bishop Balsham's college of Peterhouse extended the "rule of +Merton" to Cambridge.</p> + +<p>The academic movement was not all clear gain. The humanism, of +the twelfth century was crushed beneath the weight of the +specialised science and encyclopædic learning of the thirteenth. +We should seek in vain among most theologians or the philosophers +of our period for any spark of literary art; and the tendency +dominant in them affected for evil all works written in Latin. Even +the historians show a falling away from the example of William of +Malmesbury or of Roger of Hoveden. The one English chronicler of +the thirteenth century who is a considerable man of letters, +Matthew Paris, belongs to the early half of it, before the academic +tradition was fully established, and even with him prolixity +impairs the art without injuring the colour of his work. The <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg094" id="pg094">094</a></span>age of +Edward I., the great time of triumphant scholasticism, is recorded +in chronicles so dreary that it is hard to make the dry bones live. +Walter of Hemingburgh, the most attractive historian of the time, +belongs to the next generation: and his excellencies are only great +in comparison with his fellows. Something of this decadence may be +attributed to the falling away of the elder monastic types, whose +higher life withered up from want of able recruits, for the secular +and mendicant careers offered opportunities so stimulating that few +men of purpose, or earnest spiritual character, cared to enter a +Benedictine or a Cistercian house of religion. Something more may +be assigned to the growing claims of the vulgar tongue on literary +aspirants. But the chief cause of the literary defects of +thirteenth century writers must be set down to the doctrine that +the study of "arts"—of grammar, rhetoric and the +rest—was only worthy of schoolboys and novices, and was only +a preliminary to the specialised faculties which left little room +for artistic presentation. Science in short nearly killed +literature.</p> + +<p>It was the same with the vulgar tongues as with Latin. French +remained the common language of the higher classes of English +society, and the history of French literature belongs to the +history of the western world rather than to that of England. The +share taken in it by English-born writers is less important than in +the great age of romance when the contact of Celt and Norman on +British soil added the Arthurian legend to the world's stock of +poetic material. The practical motive, which destroyed the art of +so many Latin writers, impaired the literary value of much written +in the vernacular. We have technical works in French and even in +English, such as Walter of Henley's treatise on <i>Husbandry</i>, +composed in French for the guidance of stewards of manors, and +translated, it is said by Grosseteste, into English for the benefit +of a wider public. Grosseteste is also said to have drawn up in +French a handbook of rules for the management of a great estate, +and he certainly wrote French poetry. The legal literature, written +in Latin or French, and illustrated by such names as Bracton, +Britton, and "Fleta," shows that there was growing up a school of +earnest students of English law who, though anxious, like Bracton, +to bring their conclusions under the rules of Roman jurisprudence, +began to treat their science with an independence <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg095" id="pg095">095</a></span>which secured +for English custom the opportunity of independent development. Of +more literary interest than such technicalities were the rhyming +chronicles, handed on from the previous age, of which one of the +best, the recently discovered history of the great William Marshal, +has already been noticed. The spontaneity of this poem proves that +its language was still the natural speech of the writer, and impels +its French editor to claim for it a French origin. As the century +grew older there was no difficulty in deciding whether French works +were written by Englishmen or Frenchmen. The Yorkshire French of +Peter Langtoft's <i>Chronicle</i>, and the jargon of the <i>Year +Books</i>, attest how the political separation of the two lands, +and the preponderance in northern France of the dialect of Paris, +placed the insular French speech in strong contrast to the language +of polite society beyond the Channel. Yet barbarous as Anglo-French +became, it retained the freshness of a living tongue, and gained +some ground at the expense of Latin, notably in the law courts and +in official documents.</p> + +<p>English was slowly making its way upwards. There was a public +ready to read vernacular books, and not at home with French. For +their sake a great literature of translations and adaptations was +made, beginning with Layamon's English version of Wace's +<i>Brut</i>, which by the end of the century made the cycle of +French romance accessible to the English reader. Many works of +edification and devotion were written in English; and Robert of +Gloucester's rhyming history appealed to a larger public than the +Yorkshire French of Langtoft. It is significant of the trend of +events that the early fourteenth century saw Langtoft himself done +into English by Robert Mannyng, of Bourne. While as yet no +continuous works of high merit were written in English, there was +no lack of experiments, of novelties, and of adaptations. Much +evidence of depth of feeling, power of expression, and careful art +lies hidden away in half-forgotten anonymous lyrics, satires, and +romances. The language in which these works were written was +steadily becoming more like our modern English. The dialectical +differences become less acute; the inflections begin to drop away; +the vocabulary gradually absorbs a larger romance element, and the +prosody drops from the forms of the West Saxon period into measures +and modes that reflect a living connexion with <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg096" id="pg096">096</a></span>the contemporary +poetry of France. Thus, even in the literature of a not too +literary age, we find abundant tokens of that strenuous national +life which was manifesting itself in so many different ways.</p> + +<p>Art rather than literature reflected the deeper currents of the +thirteenth century. Architecture, the great art of the middle age, +was in its perfection. The inchoate gothic which the Cistercians +brought from Burgundy to the Yorkshire dales, and William of Sens +transplanted from his birthplace to Canterbury, was superseded by +the more developed art of St. Hugh's choir at Lincoln. In the next +generation the new style, imported from northern France, struck out +ways of its own, less soaring, less rigidly logical, yet of +unequalled grace and picturesqueness, such as we see in Salisbury +cathedral, which altogether dates from the reign of Henry III. Here +also, as in literature, foreign models stood side by side with +native products. Henry III.'s favourite foundation at Westminster +reproduced on English soil the towering loftiness, the vaulted +roofs, the short choir, and the ring of apsidal chapels, of the +great French minsters. This was even more emphatically the case +with the decorations, the goldsmith's and metal work, the +sculpture, painting, and glass, which the best artists of France +set up in honour of the English king's favourite saint. In these +crafts English work would not as yet bear a comparison with +foreign, and even the glories of the statuary of the façade +of Wells cannot approach the sculptured porches of Amiens or Paris. +As the century advanced some of the fashions of the French +builders, notably as regards window tracery, were taken up in the +early "Decorated" of the reign of Edward I.; and here the claims of +English to essential equality with French building can perhaps be +better substantiated than in the infancy of the art. But all these +comparisons are misleading. The impulse to gothic art came to +England from France, like the impulse to many other things. Its +working out was conducted on English local lines, ever becoming +more divergent from those of the prototype, though not seldom +stimulated by the constant intercourse of the two lands.</p> + +<p>The new gothic art enriched the medieval town with a splendour +of buildings hitherto unknown, which symbolised the growth of +material prosperity as well as of a keener artistic <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg097" id="pg097">097</a></span>appreciation. In +the greater towns the four orders of friars erected their large and +plain churches, designed as halls for preaching to great +congregations. The development of domestic architecture is even +more significant than the growth of ecclesiastical and military +buildings. Stone houses were no longer the rare luxuries of Jews or +nobles. Never were the towns more prosperous and more energetic. +They were now winning for themselves both economic and +administrative independence. Magnates, such as Randolph of Chester, +followed the king's example by granting charters to the smaller +towns. Even the lesser boroughs became not merely the abodes of +agriculturists but the homes of organised trading communities. It +was the time when the merchant class first began to manifest itself +in politics, and the power of capital to make itself felt. Capital +was almost monopolised by Jews, Lombards, or Tuscans, and the +fierce English hatred of the foreigner found a fresh expression in +the persecution of the Hebrew money-lenders and in the increasing +dislike felt for the alien bankers and merchants who throve at +Englishmen's expense. The fact that so much of English trade with +the continent was still in the hands of Germans, Frenchmen, and +Italians made this feeling the more intense. But there were limits +even to the ill-will towards aliens. The foreigner could make +himself at home in England, and the rapid naturalisation of a +Montfort in the higher walks of life is paralleled by the +absorption into the civic community of many a Gascon or German +merchant, like that Arnold Fitz Thedmar,[1] a Bremen trader's son, +who became alderman of London and probably chronicler of its +history. Yet even the greatest English towns did not become strong +enough to cut themselves off from the general life of the people. +They were rather a new element in that rich and purposeful nation +that had so long been enduring the rule of Henry of Winchester. The +national energy spurned the feebleness of the court, and the time +was at hand when the nation, through its natural leaders, was to +overthrow the wretched system of misgovernment under which it had +suffered. Political retrogression was no longer to bar national +progress.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for Arnold the <i>Chronica majorum et +vicecomitum Londoniarum</i> in <i>Liber de antiquis legibus</i>, +and Riley's introduction to his translation of <i>Chronicles of the +Mayors and Sheriffs of London</i> (1863).</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h4>THE BARONS' WAR.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg098" id= +"pg098">098</a></span>During the early months of 1258, the aliens +ruled the king and realm, added estate to estate, and defied all +attempts to dislodge them. Papal agents traversed the country, +extorting money from prelates and churches. The Welsh, in secret +relations with the lords of the march, threatened the borders, and +made a confederacy with the Scots. The French were hostile, and the +barons disunited, without leaders, and helpless. A wretched harvest +made corn scarce and dear. A wild winter, followed by a long late +frost, cut off the lambs and destroyed the farmers' hopes for the +summer. A murrain of cattle followed, and the poor were dying of +hunger and pestilence. Henry III. was in almost as bad a plight as +his people. He had utterly failed to subdue Llewelyn. A papal agent +threatened him with excommunication and the resumption of the grant +of Sicily. He could not control his foreign kinsfolk, and the +rivalry of Savoyards and Poitevins added a new element of turmoil +to the distracted relations of the magnates. His son had been +forced to pawn his best estates to William of Valence, and the +royal exchequer was absolutely empty. Money must be had at all +risks, and the only way to get it was to assemble the magnates.</p> + +<p>On April 2 the chief men of Church and State gathered together +at London. For more than a month the stormy debates went on. The +king's demands were contemptuously waved aside. His exceptional +misdeeds, it was declared, were to be met by exceptional measures. +Hot words were spoken, and William of Valence called Leicester a +traitor. "No, no, William," the earl replied, "I am not a traitor, +nor the son of a traitor; your father and mine were men of a +different stamp," <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg099" id= +"pg099">099</a></span>An opposition party formed itself under the +Earls of Gloucester, Leicester, Hereford, and Norfolk. Even the +Savoyards partially fell away from the court, and a convocation of +clergy at Merton, presided over by Archbishop Boniface, drew up +canons in the spirit of Grosseteste. In parliament all that Henry +could get was a promise to adjourn the question of supply until a +commission had drafted a programme of reform. On May 2 Henry and +his son Edward announced their acceptance of this proposal; +parliament was forthwith prorogued, and the barons set to work to +mature their scheme.</p> + +<p>On June 11 the magnates once more assembled, this time at +Oxford. A summons to fight the Welsh gave them an excuse to appear +attended with their followers in arms. The royalist partisans +nicknamed the gathering the Mad Parliament, but its proceedings +were singularly business-like. A petition of twenty-nine articles +was presented, in which the abuses of the administration were laid +bare in detail. A commission of twenty-four was appointed who were +to redress the grievances of the nation, and to draw up a new +scheme of government. According to the compact Henry himself +selected half this body. It was significant of the falling away of +the mass of the ruling families from the monarchy, that six of +Henry's twelve commissioners were churchmen, four were aliens, +three were his brothers, one his brother-in-law, one his nephew, +one his wife's uncle. The only earls that accepted his nomination +were the Poitevin adventurer, John du Plessis, Earl of Warwick, and +John of Warenne, who was pledged to a royalist policy by his +marriage to Henry's half-sister, Alice of Lusignan. The only +bishops were, the queen's uncle, Boniface of Canterbury, and Fulk +Basset of London, the richest and noblest born of English prelates, +who, though well meaning, was too weak in character for continued +opposition. Yet these two were the most independent names on +Henry's list. The rest included the three Lusignan brothers, Guy, +William, and Aymer, still eight years after his election only elect +of Winchester; Henry of Almaine, the young son of the King of the +Romans; the pluralist official John Mansel; the chancellor, Henry +Wingham; the Dominican friar John of Darlington, distinguished as a +biblical critic, the king's confessor and the pope's agent; and the +Abbot of Westminster, an old man pledged by long years of +dependence to do <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg100" id= +"pg100">100</a></span>the will of the second founder of his house. +In strong contrast to these creatures of court favour were the +twelve nominees of the barons. The only ecclesiastic was Walter of +Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester, and the only alien was Earl Simon +of Leicester. With him were three other earls, Richard of Clare, +Earl of Gloucester, Roger Bigod, earl marshal and Earl of Norfolk, +and Humphrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford. Those of baronial rank were +Roger Mortimer, the strongest of the marchers, Hugh Bigod, the +brother of the earl marshal, John FitzGeoffrey, Richard Grey, +William Bardolf, Peter Montfort, and Hugh Despenser.</p> + +<p>The twenty-four drew up a plan of reform which left little to be +desired in thoroughness. The Provisions of Oxford, as the new +constitution was styled, were speedily laid before the barons and +adopted. By it a standing council of fifteen was established, with +whose advice and consent Henry was henceforth to exercise all his +authority. Even this council was not to be without supervision. +Thrice in the year another committee of twelve was to treat with +the fifteen on the common affairs of the realm. This rather narrow +body was created, we are told, to save the expense involved in too +frequent meetings of the magnates. A third aristocratic junto of +twenty-four was appointed to make grants of money to the crown. All +aliens were to be expelled from office and from the custody of +royal castles. New ministers, castellans, and escheators were +appointed under stringent conditions and under the safeguard of new +oaths. The original twenty-four were not yet discharged from +office. They had still to draw up schemes for the reform of the +household of king and queen, and for the amendment of the exchange +of London. Moreover, "Be it remembered," ran one of the articles, +"that the estate of Holy Church be amended by the twenty-four +elected to reform the realm, when they shall find time and +place".</p> + +<p>For the first time in our history the king was forced to stand +aside from the discharge of his undoubted functions, and suffer +them to be exercised by a committee of magnates. The conception of +limited monarchy, which had been foreshadowed in the early +struggles of Henry's long reign, was triumphantly vindicated, and, +after weary years of waiting, the baronial victors demanded more +than had ever been suggested by the most free <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg101" id="pg101">101</a></span>interpretation +of the Great Charter. The body that controlled the crown was, it is +true, a narrow one. But whatever was lost by its limitation, was +more than gained by the absolute freedom of the whole movement from +any suspicion of the separatist tendencies of the earlier +feudalism. The barons tacitly accepted the principle that England +was a unity, and that it must be ruled as a single whole. The +triumph of the national movement of the thirteenth century was +assured when the most feudal class of the community thus frankly +abandoned the ancient baronial contention that each baron should +rule in isolation over his own estates, a tradition which, when +carried out for a brief period under Stephen, had set up "as many +kings or rather tyrants as lords of castles". The feudal period was +over: the national idea was triumphant. This victory becomes +specially significant when we remember how large a share the barons +of the Welsh march, the only purely feudal region in the country, +took in the movement against the King.</p> + +<p>The unity of the national government being recognised, it was +another sign of the times that its control should be transferred +from the monarch to a committee of barons. At this point the rigid +conceptions of the triumphant oligarchy stood in the way of a wide +national policy. Since the reign of John the custom had arisen of +consulting the representatives of the shire-courts on matters of +politics and finance. In 1258 there is not the least trace of a +suggestion that parliament could ever include a more popular +element than the barons and prelates. On the contrary, the +Provisions diminished the need even for those periodical assemblies +of the magnates which had been in existence since the earliest dawn +of our history. For all practical purposes small baronial +committees were to perform the work of magnates and people as well +as of the crown. Yet it must be recognised that the barons showed +self-control, as well as practical wisdom, in handing over +functions discharged by the baronage as a whole to the various +committees of their selection. The danger of general control by the +magnates was that a large assembly, more skilled in opposition than +in constructive work, was almost sure to become infected by +faction. By strictly limiting and defining who the new rulers of +England were to be, the barons approached a combination of +aristocratic control with the stability and continuity resulting +from limited numbers <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg102" id= +"pg102">102</a></span>and defined functions. It is likely, however, +that in bestowing such extensive powers on their nominees, they +were influenced by the well-grounded belief that the new +constitution could only be established by main force, and that, +even when abandoned by the king, the aliens would make a good fight +before they gave up all that they had so long held in England. The +success of the new scheme largely depended upon the immediate +execution of the ordinance for the expulsion of the foreigners.</p> + +<p>The first step taken to carry out the Provisions was the +appointment of the new ministers. The barons insisted on the +revival of the office of justiciar, and a strenuous and capable +chief minister was found in Hugh Bigod. It was advisable to go +cautiously, and some of the king's ministers were allowed to +continue in office. An appeal to force was necessary before the new +constitution could be set up in detail. The Savoyards bought their +safety by accepting it; but the Poitevins, seeing that flight or +resistance were the only alternatives before them, were spirited +enough to prefer the bolder course. They were specially dangerous +because Edward and his cousin, Henry of Almaine, the son of the +King of the Romans, were much under their influence. In the +Dominican convent at Oxford the baronial leaders formed a sworn +confederacy not to desist from their purpose until the foreigners +had been expelled. There were more hot words between Leicester and +William, the most capable of the Lusignans. The Poitevins soon +found that they could not maintain themselves in the face of the +general hatred. On June 22 they fled from Oxford in the company of +their ally, Earl Warenne. They rode straight for the coast, but +failing to reach it, occupied Winchester, where they sought to +maintain themselves in Aymer's castle of Wolvesey. The magnates of +the parliament then turned against them the arms they professed to +have prepared against the Welsh. Headed by the new justiciar, Hugh +Bigod, they besieged Wolvesey. Warenne abandoned the aliens, and +they gladly accepted the terms offered to them by their foes. They +were allowed to retain their lands and some of their ready money, +on condition of withdrawing from the realm and surrendering their +castles. By the middle of July they had crossed over to France. +With them disappeared the whole of <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg103" id="pg103">103</a></span>the organised opposition to the +new government. Edward, deprived of their support, swore to observe +the Provisions.</p> + +<p>Immediately on the flight of the Lusignans the council of +Fifteen was chosen after a fashion which seemed to give the king's +friends an equal voice with the champions of the aristocracy. Four +electors appointed it, and of these two were the nominees of the +baronial section, and two of the royalist section of the original +twenty-four. The result of their work showed that there was only +one party left after the Wolvesey fiasco. While only three of the +king's twelve had places on the permanent council, no less that +nine of the fifteen were chosen from the baronial twelve. It was +useless for Archbishop Boniface, John Mansel, and the Earl of +Warwick to stand up against the Bishop of Worcester, the Earls of +Leicester, Norfolk, Hereford, and Gloucester, against John +FitzGeoffrey, Peter Montfort, Richard Grey, and Roger Mortimer. +Moreover, of the three, John Mansel alone could still be regarded +as a royalist partisan. There were three of the fifteen chosen from +outside the twenty-four. Of these, Peter of Savoy, Earl of +Richmond, might, like his brother Boniface, be regarded as an +alien, though hatred of the Poitevins had by this time made +Englishmen of the Savoyards. The other two, the marcher-lord James +of Audley and William of Fors, Earl of Albemarle, were of baronial +sympathies. It was the same with the other councils.</p> + +<p>Inquiry was made as to abuses. Gradually the royal officials +were replaced by men of popular leanings. The sheriffs were changed +and were strictly controlled, and four knights from each shire +assembled in October to present to the king the grievances of the +people against the out-going sheriffs. The custody of the castles +was put into trusty and, for the most part, into English hands. +Finally the king was forced to issue a proclamation, in which he +commanded all true men "steadfastly to hold and to defend the +statutes that be made or are to be made by our counsellors". This +document was issued in English as well as in French and Latin. A +copy of the English version was sent to every sheriff, with +instructions to read it several times a year in the county court, +so that a knowledge of its contents might be attained by every man. +It is perhaps the first important proclamation issued in English +since the coming of the Normans. Early in 1259 <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg104" id="pg104">104</a></span>Richard, King of +the Romans, set out to revisit England. He was met at Saint Omer by +a deputation of magnates, who told him that he could only be +allowed to land after taking an oath to observe the Provisions. +Richard blustered, but soon gave in his submission. His adhesion to +the reforms marks the last step in the revolution.</p> + +<p>The new constitution worked without interruption until the end +of 1259. Throughout that period domestic affairs were uneventful, +and the efforts of the ministry were chiefly concerned in securing +peace abroad. In 1258 Wales had been in revolt, Scotland +unfriendly, and France threatening. A truce, ill observed, was made +with Llewelyn, who found it worth while to be cautious, seeing that +his natural enemies, but sometime associates, the marchers, had a +preponderant share in the government. The Scots were easier to +satisfy, for there was at the time no real hostility between either +kings or peoples. The chief event of this period is the conclusion +of the first peace with France since the wars of John and Philip +Augustus. The protracted negotiations which preceded it took the +king and his chief councillors abroad, and that made it easier to +carry on the new domestic system without friction.</p> + +<p>Since the friendly personal intercourse held between Henry and +Louis IX. in 1254, the relations between England and France had +become less cordial. The revival of the English power in Gascony, +the Anglo-Castilian alliance, and the election of Richard of +Cornwall to the German kingship irritated the French, to whom the +persistent English claim to Normandy and Anjou, and the repudiation +of the Aquitanian homage, were perpetual sources of annoyance. The +French championship of Alfonso against Richard achieved the double +end of checking English pretensions, and cooling the friendship +between England and Castile. St. Louis, however, was always ready +to treat for peace, while the revolution of 1258 made all parties +in England anxious to put a speedy end to the unsettled relations +between the two realms. Negotiations were begun as early as 1257, +and made some progress; but the decisive step was taken immediately +after the prorogation of the reforming parliament in the spring of +1258. During May a strangely constituted embassy treated for peace +at Paris, where Montfort and Hugh Bigod worked side by side with +two of the Lusignans and Peter of <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg105" id="pg105">105</a></span>Savoy. They concluded a +provisional treaty in time for the negotiators to take their part +in the Mad Parliament. The unsettled state of affairs in England, +however, delayed the ratification of the treaty. Arrangements had +been made for its publication at Cambrai, but the fifteen dared not +allow Henry to escape from their tutelage, and Louis refused to +treat save with the king himself. There were difficulties as to the +relation of the pope and the King of the Romans to the treaty, +while Earl Simon's wife Eleanor and her children refused to waive +their very remote claims to a share in the Norman and Angevin +inheritances, which her brother was prepared to renounce. As ever, +Montfort held to his personal rights with the utmost tenacity, and +the self-seeking obstinacy of the chief negotiator of the treaty +caused both bad blood and delay. At last he was bought off by the +promise of a money payment, and the preliminary ratifications were +exchanged in the summer of 1259. On November 14 Henry left England +for Paris for the formal conclusion of the treaty. There were great +festivities on the occasion of the meeting of the two kings, but +once more Montfort and his wife blocked the way. Not until the very +morning of the day fixed for the final ceremony were they satisfied +by Henry's promise to deposit on their behalf a large sum in the +hands of the French. Immediately afterwards Henry did homage to +Louis for Gascony.</p> + +<p>The chief condition of the treaty of Paris was Henry's +definitive renunciation of all his claims on Normandy, Anjou, +Maine, Touraine, and Poitou, and his agreement to hold Gascony as a +fief of the French crown. In return for this, Louis not only +recognised him as Duke of Aquitaine, but added to his actual +possessions there by ceding to him all that he held, whether in +fief or in demesne, in the three dioceses of Limoges, Cahors, and +Périgueux. Besides these immediate cessions, the French king +promised to hand over to Henry certain districts then held by his +brother, Alfonse of Poitiers, and his brother's wife Joan of +Toulouse, in the event of their dominions escheating to the crown +by their death without heirs. These regions included Agen and the +Agenais, Saintonge to the south of the Charente, and in addition +the whole of Quercy, if it could be proved by inquest that it had +been given by Richard I. to his sister Joan, grandmother of Joan of +Poitiers, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg106" id= +"pg106">106</a></span>as her marriage portion. Moreover the French +king promised to pay to Henry the sums necessary to maintain for +two years five hundred knights to be employed "for the service of +God, or the Church, or the kingdom of England."[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the treaty and its execution see M. +Gavrilovitch, <i>Étude sur le traité de Paris de +1259</i> (1899).</p> + +<p>The treaty was unpopular both in France and England. The French +strongly objected to the surrender of territory, and were but +little convinced of the advantage gained by making the English king +once more the vassal of France. English opinion was hostile to the +abandonment of large pretensions in return for so small an +equivalent. On the French side it is true that Louis sacrificed +something to his sense of justice and love of peace. But the +territory he ceded was less in reality than in appearance. The +French king's demesnes in Quercy, Périgord, and Limousin +were not large, and the transference of the homage of the chief +vassals meant only a nominal change of overlordship, and was +further limited by a provision that certain "privileged fiefs" were +still to be retained under the direct suzerainty of the French +crown. As to the eventual cessions, Alfonse and his wife were still +alive and likely to live many years. Even the cession of Gascony +was hampered by a stipulation that the towns should take an "oath +of security," by which they pledged themselves to aid France +against England in the event of the English king breaking the +provisions of the treaty. Perhaps the most solid advantage Henry +gained by the treaty was financial, for he spent the sums granted +to enable him to redeem his crusading vow in preparing for war +against his own subjects. It was, however, an immense advantage for +England to be able during the critical years which followed to be +free from French hostility. If, therefore, the French complaints +against the treaty were exaggerated, the English dissatisfaction +was unreasonable. The real difficulty for the future lay in the +fact that the possession of Gascony by the king of a hostile nation +was incompatible with the proper development of the French +monarchy. For fifty years, however, a chronic state of war had not +given Gascony to the French; and Louis IX. was, perhaps, politic as +well as scrupulous in abandoning the way of force and beginning a +new <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg107" id= +"pg107">107</a></span>method of gradual absorption, that in the end +gained the Gascon fief for France more effectively than any +conquest. The treaty of Paris was not a final settlement. It left a +score of questions still open, and the problems of its gradual +execution involved the two courts in constant disputes down to the +beginning of the Hundred Years' War. For seventy years the whole +history of the relations between the two nations is but a +commentary on the treaty of Paris.</p> + +<p>During his visit to Paris Henry arranged a marriage between his +daughter Beatrice and John of Brittany, the son of the reigning +duke. In no hurry to get back to the tutelage of the fifteen, he +prolonged his stay on the continent till the end of April, 1260. +Yet, abroad as at home, he could not be said to act as a free man. +It was not the king so much as Simon of Montfort who was the real +author of the French treaty. Indeed, it is from the conclusion of +the Peace of Paris that Simon's preponderance becomes evident. He +was at all stages the chief negotiator of the peace and, save when +his personal interests stood in the way, he controlled every step +of the proceedings. If in 1258 he was but one of several leaders of +the baronial party in England, he came back from France in 1260 +assured of supremacy. During his absence abroad, events had taken +place in England which called for his presence.</p> + +<p>After their triumph in 1258, the baronial leaders relaxed their +efforts. Contented with their position as arbiters of the national +destinies, they made little effort to carry out the reforms +contemplated at Oxford. The ranks of the victors were broken up by +private dissensions. Before leaving for France, Earl Simon +violently quarrelled with Richard, Earl of Gloucester. It was +currently believed that Gloucester had grown slack, and Simon rose +in popular estimation as a thorough-going reformer who had no mind +to substitute the rule of a baronial oligarchy for the tyranny of +the king. His position was strengthened by his personal qualities +which made him the hero of the younger generation; and his +influence began to modify the policy of Edward the king's son, who, +since the flight of his Poitevin kinsmen, was gradually arriving at +broader views of national policy. Even before his father's journey +to France, Edward took up a line of his own. In the October +parliament of 1259, he listened to a petition presented to the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg108" id= +"pg108">108</a></span>council by the younger nobles[1] who +complained that, though the king had performed all his promises, +the barons had not fulfilled any of theirs. Edward thereupon +stirred up the oligarchy to issue an instalment of the promised +reforms in the document known as the Provisions of Westminster. +During Henry's absence in France the situation became strained. The +oligarchic party, headed by Gloucester, was breaking away from +Montfort; and Edward was forming a liberal royalist party which was +not far removed from Montfort's principles. Profiting by these +discords, the Lusignans prepared to invade England. The papacy was +about to declare against the reformers. When the monks of +Winchester elected an Englishman as their bishop in the hope of +getting rid of the queen's uncle, Alexander IV. summoned Aymer to +his court and consecrated him bishop with his own hands.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] "Communitas bacheleriae Angliæ," <i>Burton +Ann</i>., p. 471. <i>See on</i> this, <i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, +xvii. (1902), 89-94.</p> + +<p>Early in 1260, Montfort went back to England and made common +cause with Edward. Despite the king's order that no parliament +should be held during his absence abroad, Montfort insisted that +the Easter parliament should meet as usual at London. The +discussions were hot. Montfort demanded the expulsion of Peter of +Savoy from the council, and Edward and Gloucester almost came to +blows. The Londoners closed their gates on both parties, but the +mediation of the King of the Romans prevented a collision. Henry +hurried home, convinced that Edward was conspiring against him. The +king threw himself into the city of London, and with Gloucester's +help collected an army. Meanwhile Montfort and Edward, with their +armed followers, were lodged at Clerkenwell, ready for war. Again +the situation became extremely critical, and again King Richard +proved the best peacemaker. Henry held out against his son for a +fortnight, but such estrangement was hard for him to endure. "Do +not let my son appear before me," he cried, "for if I see him, I +shall not be able to refrain from kissing him." A reconciliation +was speedily effected, and nothing remained of the short-lived +alliance of Edward with Montfort save that his feud with Gloucester +continued until the earl's death.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg109" id= +"pg109">109</a></span>The dissensions among the barons encouraged +Henry to shake off the tutelage of the fifteen. As soon as he was +reconciled with his son, he charged Leicester with treason.[1] +"But, thanks <i>be</i> to God, the earl answered to all these +points with such force that the king could do nothing against him." +Unable to break down his enemy by direct attack, Henry followed one +of the worst precedents of his father's reign by beseeching +Alexander IV. to relieve him of his oath to observe the Provisions. +On April 13, 1261, a bull was issued annulling the whole of the +legislation of 1258 and 1259, and freeing the king from his sworn +promise.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Bémont, <i>Simon de Montfort</i>, +Appendix xxxvii., pp. 343-53.</p> + +<p>William of Valence was already back in England, and restored to +his old dignities. His return was the easier because his brother, +Aymer, the most hated of the Poitevins, had died soon after his +consecration to Winchester. On June 14, 1261, the papal bull was +read before the assembled parliament at Winchester. There Henry +removed the baronial ministers and replaced them by his own +friends. Chief among the sufferers was Hugh Despenser, who had +succeeded Hugh Bigod as justiciar; and Bigod himself was expelled +from the custody of Dover Castle. In the summer Henry issued a +proclamation, declaring that the right of choosing his council and +garrisoning his castles was among the inalienable attributes of the +crown. England was little inclined to rebel, for the return of +prosperity and good harvests made men more contented.</p> + +<p>The repudiation of the Provisions restored unity to the +baronage. The defections had been serious, and it was said that +only five of the twenty-four still adhered to the opposition. But +the crisis forced Leicester and Gloucester to forget their recent +feuds, and co-operate once more against the king. They saw that +their salvation from Henry's growing strength lay in appealing to a +wider public than that which they had hitherto addressed. Still +posing as the heads of the government established by the +Provisions, they summoned three knights from each shire to attend +an assembly at St. Alban's. This appeal to the landed gentry +alarmed the king so much that he issued counter-writs to the +sheriffs ordering them to send the knights, not to the baronial +camp at St. Alban's, but to his own court <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg110" id="pg110">110</a></span>at Windsor. Neither party was +as yet prepared for battle. The death of Alexander IV, soon after +the publication of his bull tied the hands of the king. At the same +time the renewed dissensions of Leicester and Gloucester paralysed +the baronage. Before long Simon withdrew to the continent, leaving +everything in Gloucester's hands. At last, on December 7, a treaty +of pacification was patched up, and the king announced that he was +ready to pardon those who accepted its conditions. But there was no +permanence in the settlement, and the king, the chief gainer by it, +was soon pressing the new pope, Urban IV., to confirm the bull of +Alexander. On February 25, 1262, Urban renewed Henry's absolution +from his oath in a bull which was at once promulgated in England. +Montfort then came back from abroad and rallied the baronial party. +In January, 1263, Henry once more confirmed the Provisions, and +peace seemed restored. The death of Richard of Gloucester during +1262 increased Montfort's power. His son, the young Earl Gilbert, +was Simon's devoted disciple, but he was still a minor and the +custody of his lands was handed over to the Earl of Hereford. +Montfort's personal charm succeeded in like fashion in winning over +Henry of Almaine.</p> + +<p>The events of 1263 are as bewildering and as indecisive as those +of the two previous years. Amidst the confusion of details and the +violent clashing of personal and territorial interests, a few main +principles can be discerned. First of all the royalist party was +becoming decidedly stronger, and fresh secessions of the barons +constantly strengthened its ranks. Conspicuous among these were the +lords of the march of Wales, who in 1258 had been almost as one man +on the side of the opposition, but who by the end of 1263 had with +almost equal unanimity rallied to the crown.[1] The causes of this +change of front are to be found partly in public and partly in +personal reasons. In 1258 Henry III., like Charles I. in 1640, had +alienated every class of his subjects, and was therefore entirely +at the mercy of his enemies. By 1263 his concessions had procured +for him a following, so that he now stood in the same position as +Charles after his concessions to the Long <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg111" id="pg111">111</a></span>Parliament made it possible +for him to begin the Civil War in 1642. A new royalist party was +growing up with a wider policy and greater efficiency than the old +coterie of courtiers and aliens. Of this new party Edward was the +soul. He had dissociated himself from Earl Simon, but he carried +into his father's camp something of Simon's breadth of vision and +force of will. He set to work to win over individually the remnant +that adhered to Leicester. What persuasion and policy could not +effect was accomplished by bribes and promises. Edward won over the +Earl of Hereford, whose importance was doubled by his custody of +the Gloucester lands, the ex-justiciar Roger Bigod, and above all +Roger Mortimer.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] On this, and the whole marcher and Welsh +aspect of the period, 1258-1267, see my essay on Wales and <i>the +March during the Barons' Wars</i> in <i>Owens College Historical +Essays</i>, pp. 76-136 (1902).</p> + +<p>The change of policy of the marchers was partly at least brought +about by their constant difficulties with the Prince of Wales. +During the period immediately succeeding the Provisions of Oxford, +Llewelyn ceased to devastate the marches. A series of truces was +arranged which, if seldom well kept, at least avoided war on a +grand scale. Within Wales Llewelyn fully availed himself of the +respite from English war. Triumphant over the minor chiefs, he +could reckon upon the support of every Welsh tenant of a marcher +lord, and at last grew strong enough to disregard the truces and +wage open war against the marchers. It was in vain that Edward, the +greatest of the marcher lords, persuaded David, the Welsh prince's +brother, to rise in revolt against him. Llewelyn devastated the +four cantreds to the gates of Chester, and at last, after long +sieges, forced the war-worn defenders of Deganwy and Diserth to +surrender the two strong castles through which alone Edward had +retained some hold over his Welsh lands. It was the same in the +middle march, where Llewelyn turned his arms against the Mortimers, +and robbed them of their castles. Even in the south the lord of +Gwynedd carried everything before him. "If the Welsh are not +stopped," wrote a southern marcher, "they will destroy all the +lands of the king as far as the Severn and the Wye, and they ask +for nothing less than the whole of Gwent." Up to this point the war +had been a war of Welsh against English, but Montfort sought +compensation for his losses in England by establishing relations +with the Welsh. The alliance between Montfort and their enemy had a +large share in bringing about the secession of the <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg112" id="pg112">112</a></span>marchers. Their +alliance with Edward neutralised the action of Montfort, and once +more enabled Henry to repudiate the Provisions.</p> + +<p>In the summer of 1263, Edward and Montfort both raised armies. +Leicester made himself master of Hereford, Gloucester, and Bristol, +and when Edward threw himself into Windsor Castle, he occupied +Isleworth, hoping to cut his enemy off from London, where the king +and queen had taken refuge in the Tower. But the hostility of the +Londoners made the Tower an uneasy refuge for them. On one +occasion, when the queen attempted to make her way up the Thames in +the hope of joining her son at Windsor, the citizens assailed her +barge so fiercely from London Bridge that she was forced to return +to the Tower. The foul insults which the rabble poured upon his +mother deeply incensed Edward and he became a bitter foe of the +city for the rest of his life. For the moment the hostility of +London was decisive against Henry. Once more the king was forced to +confirm the Provisions, agree to a fresh banishment of the aliens, +and restore Hugh Despenser to the justiciarship. This was the last +baronial triumph. In a few weeks Edward again took up arms, and was +joined by many of Montfort's associates, including his cousin, +Henry of Almaine. Even the Earl of Gloucester was wavering. The +barons feared the appeal to arms, and entered into negotiations. +Neither side was strong enough to obtain mastery over the other, +and a recourse to arbitration seemed the best way out of an +impossible situation. Accordingly, on December, 1263, the two +parties agreed to submit the question of the validity of the +Provisions to the judgment of Louis IX.</p> + +<p>The king and his son at once crossed the channel to Amiens, +where the French king was to hear both sides. A fall from his horse +prevented Leicester attending the arbitration, and the barons were +represented by Peter Montfort, lord of Beaudesert castle in +Warwickshire, and representative of an ancient Anglo-Norman house +that was not akin to the family of Earl Simon. Louis did not waste +time, and on January 23, 1264, issued his decision in a document +called the "Mise of Amiens," which pronounced the Provisions +invalid, largely on the ground of the papal sentence. Henry was +declared free to select his own wardens of castles and ministers, +and Louis expressly annulled <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg113" +id="pg113">113</a></span>"the statute that the realm of England +should henceforth be governed by native-born Englishmen". "We +ordain," he added, "that the king shall have full power and free +jurisdiction over his realm as in the days before the Provisions." +The only consolation to the barons was that Louis declared that he +did not intend to derogate from the ancient liberties of the realm, +as established by charter or custom, and that he urged a general +amnesty on both parties. In all essential points Louis decided in +favour of Henry. Though the justest of kings, he was after all a +king, and the limitation of the royal authority by a baronial +committee seemed to him to be against the fundamental idea of +monarchy. The pious son of the Church was biassed by the authority +of two successive popes, and he was not unmoved by the indignation +of his wife, the sister of Queen Eleanor. A few weeks later Urban +IV. confirmed the award.</p> + +<p>The Mise of Amiens was too one-sided to be accepted. The +decision to refer matters to St. Louis had been made hastily, and +many enemies of the king had taken no part in it. They, at least, +were free to repudiate the judgment and they included the +Londoners, the Cinque Ports, and nearly the whole of the lesser +folk of England. The Londoners set the example of rebellion. They +elected a constable and a marshal, and joining forces with Hugh +Despenser, the baronial justiciar, who still held the Tower, +marched out to Isleworth, where they burnt the manor of the King of +the Romans. "And this," wrote the London Chronicler, "was the +beginning of trouble and the origin of the deadly war by which so +many thousand men perished." The Londoners did not act alone. +Leicester refused to be bound by the award, though definitely +pledged to obey it. It was, he maintained, as much perjury to +abandon the Provisions as to be false to the promise to accept the +Mise of Amiens. After a last attempt at negotiation at a parliament +at Oxford, he withdrew with his followers and prepared for +resistance. "Though all men quit me," he cried, "I will remain with +my four sons and fight for the good cause which I have sworn to +defend—the honour of Holy Church and the good of the realm." +This was no mere boast. The more his associates fell away, the more +the Montfort family took the lead. While Leicester organised +resistance in the south, he sent his elder sons, Simon and Henry, +to head the revolt in the midlands and the west.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg114" id= +"pg114">114</a></span>There was already war in the march of Wales +when Henry Montfort crossed the Severn and strove to make common +cause with Llewelyn. But the Welsh prince held aloof from him, and +Edward himself soon made his way to the march. At first all went +well for young Montfort. Edward, unable to capture Gloucester and +its bridge, was forced to beg for a truce. Before long he found +himself strong enough to repudiate the armistice and take +possession of Gloucester. Master of the chief passage over the +lower Severn, Edward abandoned the western campaign and went with +his marchers to join his father at Oxford, where he at once stirred +up the king to activity. The masters of the university, who were +strong partisans of Montfort, were chased away from the town. Then +the royal army marched against Northampton, the headquarters of the +younger Simon, who was resting there, and, on April 4, the king and +his son burst upon the place. Their first assault was unsuccessful, +but next day the walls were scaled, the town captured, and many +leading barons, including young Simon, taken prisoner. The victors +thereupon marched northwards, devastated Montfort's Leicestershire +estates, and thence proceeded to Nottingham, which opened its gates +in a panic.</p> + +<p>Leicester himself had not been idle. While his sons were +courting disaster in the west and midlands, he threw himself into +London, where he was rapturously welcomed. The Londoners, however, +became very unruly, committed all sorts of excesses against the +wealthy royalists, and cruelly plundered and murdered the Jews. +Montfort himself did not disdain to share in the spoils of the +Jewry, though he soon turned to nobler work. He was anxious to open +up communications with his allies in the Cinque Ports. But Earl +Warenne, in Rochester castle, blocked the passage of the Dover road +over the Medway. Accordingly Montfort marched with a large +following of Londoners to Rochester, captured the town, and +assaulted the castle with such energy that it was on the verge of +surrendering. The news of Warenne's peril reached Henry in the +midlands. In five days the royalists made their way from Nottingham +to Rochester, a distance of over 160 miles. On their approach +Montfort withdrew into London.</p> + +<p>Flushed with their successes at Northampton and Rochester, the +royalists marched through Kent and Sussex, plundering <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg115" id="pg115">115</a></span>and devastating +the lands of their enemies. Though masters of the open country, +they had to encounter the resistance of the Clare castles, and the +solid opposition of the Cinque Ports. Their presence on the south +coast was specially necessary, for Queen Eleanor, who had gone +abroad, was waiting, with an army of foreign mercenaries, on the +Flemish coast, for an opportunity of sailing to her husband's +succour. The royal army was hampered by want of provisions, and was +only master of the ground on which it was camped. As a first fruit +of the alliance with Llewelyn, Welsh soldiers lurked behind every +hedge and hill, cut off stragglers, intercepted convoys, and +necessitated perpetual watchfulness. At last the weary and hungry +troops found secure quarters in Lewes, the centre of the estates of +Earl Warenne.</p> + +<p>Montfort then marched southwards from the capital. Besides the +baronial retinues, a swarm of Londoners, eager for the fray, though +unaccustomed to military restraints, accompanied him. On May 13 he +encamped at Fletching, a village hidden among the dense oak woods +of the Weald, some nine miles north of Lewes. A last effort of +diplomacy was attempted by Bishop Cantilupe of Worcester who, +despite papal censures, still accompanied the baronial forces. But +the royalists would not listen to the mediation of so pronounced a +partisan. Nothing therefore was left but the appeal to the +sword.</p> + +<p>The royal army was the more numerous, and included the greater +names. Of the heroes of the struggle of 1258 the majority was in +the king's camp, including most of the lords of the Welsh march, +and the hardly less fierce barons of the north, whose grandfathers +had wrested the Great Charter from John. The returned Poitevins +with their followers mustered strongly, and the confidence of the +royalists was so great that they neglected all military +preparations. The poverty of Montfort's host in historic families +attested the complete disintegration of the party since 1263. Its +strength lay in the young enthusiasts, who were still dominated by +the strong personality and generous ideals of Leicester, such as +the Earl of Gloucester, or Humphrey Bohun of Brecon, whose father, +the Earl of Hereford, was fighting upon the king's side. Early on +the morning of May 14 Montfort arrayed his troops and marched +southward in the direction of Lewes. Dawn had <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg116" id="pg116">116</a></span>hardly broken +when the troops were massed on the summit of the South Downs, +overlooking Lewes from the north-west.</p> + +<p>Lewes is situated on the right bank of a great curve of the +river Ouse, which almost encircles the town. To the south are the +low-lying marshes through which the river meanders towards the sea, +while to the north, east, and west are the bare slopes of the South +Downs, through which the river forces its way past the gap in which +the town is situated. To the north of the town lies the strong +castle of the Warennes, wherein Edward had taken up his quarters, +while in the southern suburb the Cluniac priory of St. Pancras, the +chief foundation of the Warennes, afforded lodgings for King Henry +and the King of the Romans. When Simon reached the summit of the +downs, his movements were visible from the walls. But the royal +army was still sleeping and its sentinels kept such bad watch that +the earl was able to array his troops at his leisure.</p> + +<p>From the summit of the hills two great spurs, separated by a +waterless valley, slope down towards the north and west sides of +the town. The more northerly led straight to the castle, and the +more southerly to the priory. Montfort's plan was to throw his main +strength on the attack on the priory, while deluding the enemy into +the belief that his chief object was to attack the castle. He was +not yet fully recovered from his fall from his horse, and it was +known that he generally travelled in a closed car or horse-litter. +This vehicle he posted in a conspicuous place on the northerly +spur, and planted over it his standard. In front of it were massed +the London militia, mainly infantry and the least effective element +in his host. Meanwhile the knights and men-at-arms were mustered on +the southerly spur under the personal direction of Montfort, who +held himself in the rear with the reserve, while the foremost files +were commanded by the young Earl of Gloucester, whom Simon solemnly +dubbed to knighthood before the assembled squadrons. Then the two +divisions of the army advanced towards Lewes, hoping to find their +enemies still in their beds.</p> + +<p>At the last moment the alarm was given, and before the barons +approached the town, the royalists, pouring out of castle, town, +and priory, hastily took up their position face to face to the +enemy. All turned out as Montfort had foreseen. Edward, emerging +from the castle with his cousin Henry of Almaine, <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg117" id="pg117">117</a></span>his Poitevin +uncles, and the warriors of the march, observed the standard of +Montfort on the hill, and supposing that the earl was with his +banner, dashed impetuously against the left wing of Leicester's +troops. He soon found himself engaged with the Londoners, who broke +and fled in confusion before his impetuous charge. Eager to revenge +on the flying citizens the insults they had directed against his +parents, he pursued the beaten militia for many a mile, inflicting +terrible damage upon them. On his way he captured Simon's standard +and horse-litter, and slew its occupants, though they were three +royalist members of the city aristocracy detained there for sure +keeping. When the king's son drew rein he was many miles from +Lewes, whither he returned, triumphant but exhausted.</p> + +<p>The removal of Edward and the marchers from the field enabled +Montfort to profit by his sacrifice of the Londoners. The followers +of the two kings on the left of the royalist lines could not +withstand the weight of the squadrons of Leicester and Gloucester. +The King of the Romans was driven to take refuge in a mill, where +he soon made an ignominious surrender. Henry himself lost his horse +under him and was forced to yield himself prisoner to Gilbert of +Gloucester. The mass of the army was forced back on to the town and +priory, which were occupied by the victors. Scarcely was their +victory assured when Edward and the marchers came back from the +pursuit of the Londoners. Thereupon the battle was renewed in the +streets of the town. It was, however, too late for the weary +followers of the king's son to reverse the fortunes of the day. +Some threw themselves into the castle, where the king's standard +still floated; Edward himself took sanctuary in the church of the +Franciscans; many strove to escape eastwards over the Ouse bridge +or by swimming over the river. The majority of the latter perished +by drowning or by the sword: but two compact bands of mail-clad +horsemen managed to cut their way through to safety. One of these, +a force of some two hundred, headed by Earl Warenne himself, and +his brothers-in-law, Guy of Lusignan and William of Valence, +secured their retreat to the spacious castle of Pevensey, of which +Warenne was constable, and from which the possibility of continuing +their flight by sea remained open. Of greater military consequence +was the successful escape of the lords of the Welsh <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg118" id="pg118">118</a></span>march, whose +followers were next day the only section of the royalist army which +was still a fighting force. This was the only immediate limitation +to the fulness of Montfort's victory. After seven weary years, the +judgment of battle secured the triumph of the "good cause," which +had so long been delayed by the weakness of his confederates and +the treachery of his enemies. Not the barons of 1258, but Simon and +his personal following <i>were</i> the real conquerors at +Lewes.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h4>THE RULE OF MONTFORT AND THE ROYALIST RESTORATION.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg119" id= +"pg119">119</a></span>On the day after the battle, Henry III. +accepted the terms imposed upon him by Montfort in a treaty called +the "Mise of Lewes," by which he promised to uphold the Great +Charter, the Charter of the Forests, and the Provisions of Oxford. +A body of arbitrators was constituted, in which the Bishop of +London was the only Englishman, but which included Montfort's +friend, Archbishop Eudes Rigaud of Rouen; the new papal legate, Guy +Foulquois, cardinal-bishop of Sabina; and Peter the chamberlain, +Louis IX.'s most trusted counsellor, with the Duke of Burgundy or +Charles of Anjou, to act as umpire. These arbitrators were, +however, to be sworn to choose none save English councillors, and +Henry took oath to follow the advice of his native-born council in +all matters of state. An amnesty was secured to Leicester and +Gloucester; and Edward and Henry of Almaine surrendered as hostages +for the good behaviour of the marchers, who still remained under +arms. By the establishment of baronial partisans as governors of +the castles, ministers, sheriffs, and conservators of the peace, +the administration passed at once into the hands of the victorious +party. Three weeks later writs were issued for a parliament which +included four knights from every shire. In this assembly the final +conditions of peace were drawn up, and arrangements made for +keeping Henry under control for the rest of his life, and Edward +after him, for a term of years to be determined in due course. +Leicester and Gloucester were associated with Stephen Berkstead, +the Bishop of Chichester, to form a body of three electors. By +these three a Council of Nine was appointed, three of whom were to +be in constant attendance at court; and without their advice the +king was to do nothing. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg120" id= +"pg120">120</a></span>Hugh Despenser was continued as justiciar, +while the chancery went to the Bishop of Worcester's nephew, Thomas +of Cantilupe, a Paris doctor of canon law, and chancellor of the +University of Oxford.</p> + +<p>Once more a baronial committee put the royal authority into +commission, and ruled England through ministers of its own choice. +While agreeing in this essential feature, the settlement of 1264 +did not merely reproduce the constitution of 1258. It was simpler +than its forerunner, since there was no longer any need of the +cumbrous temporary machinery for the revision of the whole system +of government, nor for the numerous committees and commissions to +which previously so many functions had been assigned. The main +tasks before the new rulers were not constitution-making but +administration and defence. Moreover, the later constitution shows +some recognition of the place due to the knights of the shire and +their constituents. It is less closely oligarchical than the +previous scheme. This may partly be due to the continued divisions +of the greater barons, but it is probably also in large measure +owing to the preponderance of Simon of Montfort. The young Earl of +Gloucester and the simple and saintly Bishop of Chichester were but +puppets in his hands. He was the real elector who nominated the +council, and thus controlled the government. Every act of the new +administration reflects the boldness and largeness of his +spirit.</p> + +<p>The pacification after Lewes was more apparent than real, and +there were many restless spirits that scorned to accept the +settlement which Henry had so meekly adopted. The marchers were in +arms in the west, and were specially formidable because they +detained in their custody the numerous prisoners captured at the +sack of Northampton. The fugitives from Lewes were holding their +own behind the walls of Pevensey, though Earl Warenne and other +leaders had made their escape to France, where they joined the army +which Queen Eleanor had collected on the north coast for the +purpose of invading England and restoring her husband to power. The +papacy and the whole official forces of the Church were in bitter +hostility to the new system. The collapse of Henry's rule had +ruined the papal plans in Sicily, where Manfred easily maintained +his ground against so strong a successor of the unlucky Edmund as +Charles of Anjou. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg121" id= +"pg121">121</a></span>The papal legate, Guy Foulquois, was waiting +at Boulogne for admission into England, and, far from being +conciliated by his appointment as an arbitrator, was dexterously +striving to make the arbitration ineffective, by summoning the +bishops adhering to Montfort to appear before him, and sending them +back with orders to excommunicate Earl Simon and all his +supporters. The only gleam of hope was to be found in the +unwillingness of the King of France to interfere actively in the +domestic disputes of England. The death of Urban IV. for the moment +brought relief, but, after a long vacancy, the new pope proved to +be none other than the legate Guy, who in February, 1265, mounted +the papal throne as Clement IV. It was to no purpose that Walter of +Cantilupe assembled the patriotic bishops and appealed to a general +council, or that radical friars like the author of the <i>Song of +Lewes</i> formulated the popular policy in spirited verse. The +greatest forces of the time were steadily opposed to the +revolutionary government, and rare strength and boldness were +necessary to make head against them.</p> + +<p>Before the end of 1264 the vigour of Earl Simon triumphed over +some of his immediate difficulties. In August he summoned the +military forces of the realm to meet the threatened invasion. +Adverse storms, however, dispersed Queen Eleanor's fleet, and her +mercenaries, weary of the long delays that had exhausted her +resources, went home in disgust. This left Simon free to betake +himself to the west, and on December 15 he forced the marcher lords +to accept a pacification called the Provisions of Worcester, by +which they agreed to withdraw for a year and a day to Ireland, +leaving their families and estates in the hands of the ruling +faction.</p> + +<p>On the day after the signature of the treaty, Henry, who +accompanied Simon to the west, issued from Worcester the writs for +a parliament that sat in London from January to March in 1265. From +the circumstances of the case this famous assembly could only be a +meeting of the supporters of the existing government. So scanty was +its following among the magnates that writs of summons were only +issued to five earls and eighteen barons, though the strong muster +of bishops, abbots, and priors showed that the papal anathema had +done little to shake the fidelity of the clergy to Montfort's +cause. The special feature of the gathering, however, was the +summoning <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg122" id= +"pg122">122</a></span>of two knights from every shire, side by side +with the barons of the faithful Cinque Ports and two +representatives from every city and borough, convened by writs +sent, not to the sheriff, after later custom, but to the cities and +boroughs directly. It was the presence of this strong popular +element which long caused this parliament to be regarded as the +first really representative assembly in our history, and gained for +Earl Simon the fame of being the creator of the House of Commons. +Modern research has shown that neither of these views can be +substantiated. It was no novelty for the crown to strengthen the +baronial parliaments by the representatives of the shire-moots, and +there were earlier precedents for the holding meetings of the +spokesmen of the cities and boroughs. What was new was the +combination of these two types of representatives in a single +assembly, which was convoked, not merely for a particular +administrative purpose, but for a great political object. The real +novelty and originality of Earl Simon's action lay in his giving a +fresh proof of his disposition to fall back upon the support of the +ordinary citizen against the hostility or indifference of the +magnates, to whom the men of 1258 wished to limit all political +deliberation. This is in itself a sufficient indication of policy +to give Leicester an almost unique position among the statesmen to +whom the development of our representative institutions are due. +But just as his parliament was not in any sense our first +representative assembly, so it did not include in any complete +sense a House of Commons at all. We must still wait for a +generation before the rival and disciple of Montfort, Edward, the +king's son, established the popular element in our parliament on a +permanent basis. Yet in the links which connect the early baronial +councils with the assemblies of the three estates of the fourteenth +century, not one is more important than Montfort's parliament of +January, 1265.</p> + +<p>The chief business of parliament was to complete the settlement +of the country. Simon won a new triumph in making terms with the +king's son. Edward had witnessed the failure of his mother's +attempts at invasion, the futility of the legatine anathema, and +the collapse of the marchers at Worcester. He saw it was useless to +hold out any longer, and unwillingly bought his freedom at the high +price that Simon exacted. He transferred to his uncle the earldom +of Chester, including all the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg123" +id="pg123">123</a></span>lands in Wales that might still be +regarded as appertaining to it. This measure put Simon in that +strong position as regards Wales and the west which Edward had +enjoyed since the days of his marriage. It involved a breach in the +alliance between Edward and the marchers, and the subjection of the +most dangerous district of the kingdom to Simon's personal +authority. It was safe to set free the king's son, when his +territorial position and his political alliances were thus +weakened.</p> + +<p>At the moment of his apparent triumph, Montfort's authority +began to decline. It was something to have the commons on his side: +but the magnates were still the greatest power in England, and in +pressing his own policy to the uttermost, Simon had fatally +alienated the few great lords who still adhered to him. There was a +fierce quarrel in parliament between Leicester and the shifty +Robert Ferrars, Earl of Derby. For the moment Leicester prevailed, +and Derby was stripped of his lands and was thrown into prison. But +his fate was a warning to others, and the settlement between +Montfort and Edward aroused the suspicions of the Earl of +Gloucester. Gilbert of Clare was now old enough to think for +himself, and his close personal devotion to Montfort could not +blind him to the antagonism of interests between himself and his +friend. He was gallant, strenuous, and high-minded, but +quarrelsome, proud, and unruly, and his strong character was +balanced by very ordinary ability. His outlook was limited, and his +ideals were those of his class; such a man could neither understand +nor sympathise with the broader vision and wider designs of +Leicester. Moreover, with all Simon's greatness, there was in him a +fierce masterfulness and an inordinate ambition which made +co-operation with him excessively difficult for all such as were +not disposed to stand to him in the relation of disciple to master. +And behind the earl were his self-seeking and turbulent sons, set +upon building up a family interest that stood directly in the way +of the magnates' claim to control the state. Thus personal +rivalries and political antagonisms combined to lead Earl Gilbert +on in the same course that his father, Earl Richard, had traversed. +The closest ally of Leicester became his bitterest rival. The +victorious party split up in 1265, as it had split up in 1263. And +the dissolution of the dominant faction once more gave Edward a +better chance of regaining the upper hand than <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg124" id="pg124">124</a></span>was to be hoped +for from foreign mercenaries and from papal support.</p> + +<p>Gloucester was the natural leader of the lords of the Welsh +march. He was not only the hereditary lord of Glamorgan, but had +received the custody of William of Valence's forfeited palatinate +of Pembroke. He had shown self-control in separating himself so +long from the marcher policy; and his growing suspicion of the +Montforts threw him back into his natural alliance with them. Even +after the treaty of Worcester, the marchers remained under arms. +They had obtained from the weakness of the government repeated +prolongations of the period fixed for their withdrawal into +Ireland. It was soon rumoured that they were sure of a refuge in +Gloucester's Welsh estates, and Leicester, never afraid of making +enemies, bitterly reproached Earl Gilbert with receiving the +fugitives into his lands. Shortly after the breaking up of +parliament, Gloucester fled to the march, and a little later +William of Valence and Earl Warenne landed in Pembrokeshire with a +small force of men-at-arms and crossbowmen. There was no longer any +hope of carrying out the Provisions of Worcester, and once more +Montfort was forced to proceed to the west to put down +rebellion.</p> + +<p>By the end of April Montfort was at Gloucester, accompanied by +the king and Edward, who, despite his submission, remained +virtually a prisoner. Earl Gilbert was master of all South Wales, +and closely watched his rival's movements from the neighbouring +Forest of Dean. It was with difficulty that Earl Simon and his +royal captives advanced from Gloucester to Hereford, but Earl +Gilbert preferred to negotiate rather than to push matters to +extremities. He went in person to Hereford and renewed his homage +to the king. Arbitrators were appointed to settle the disputes +between the two earls, and a proclamation was issued declaring that +the rumour of dissension between them was "vain, lying, and +fraudulently invented". For the next few days harmony seemed +restored.</p> + +<p>Gloucester's submission lured Leicester into relaxing his +precautions. His enemies took advantage of his remissness to hatch +an audacious plot which soon enabled them to renew the struggle +under more favourable conditions. Since his nominal release, Edward +had been allowed the diversions of riding and hunting, and on May +28 he was suffered to go out for a ride <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg125" id="pg125">125</a></span>under negligent or corrupt +guard. Once well away from Hereford, the king's son fled from his +lax custodians and joined Roger Mortimer, who was waiting for him +in a neighbouring wood. On the next day he was safe behind the +walls of Mortimer's castle of Wigmore, and, the day after, met Earl +Gilbert at Ludlow, where he promised to uphold the charters and +expel the foreigners. Valence and Warenne hurried from +Pembrokeshire and made common cause with Edward and Gilbert. Edward +then took the lead in the councils of the marchers, who, from that +moment, obtained a unity of purpose and policy that they had +hitherto lacked. He and his allies could claim to be the true +champions of the Charters and the Provisions of Oxford against the +grasping foreigner who strove to rule over king and barons +alike.</p> + +<p>Montfort's small force was cut off from its base by the rapidity +of the marchers' movements. It was in vain that all the supporters +of the existing government were summoned to the assistance of the +hard-pressed army at Hereford. Before the end of June, Edward +completed the conquest of the Severn valley by the capture of the +town and castle of Gloucester. A broad river and a strong army +stood between Montfort and succour from England. Leicester then +turned to Llewelyn of Wales, who took up his quarters at Pipton, +near Hay. There, on June 22, a treaty was signed between the Welsh +prince and the English king by which Henry was forced to make huge +concessions to Llewelyn in order to secure his alliance. Llewelyn +was recognised as prince of all Wales. The overlordship over all +the barons of Wales was granted to him, and the numerous conquests, +which he had made at the expense of the marchers, were ceded to him +in full possession.</p> + +<p>Thus Llewelyn, like his grandfather in the days of the Great +Charter, profited by the dissensions of the English to obtain the +recognition of his claims which had invariably been refused when +England was united. The Welsh prince gained a unique opportunity of +making his weight felt in general English politics, but with all +his ability he hardly rose to the occasion. Montfort had pressing +need of his help. A few days after the treaty of Pipton, Gloucester +Castle opened its gates to Edward, and the marchers advanced +westwards to seek out Earl Simon at Hereford. Leicester fled in +alarm before their overwhelming <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg126" id="pg126">126</a></span>forces. He was driven from the Wye +to the Usk, and, beaten in a sharp fight on Newport bridge, found +refuge only by retreating up the Usk valley, whence he escaped +northwards into the hilly region where Llewelyn ruled over the +lands once dominated by the Mortimers. Before long Montfort's +English followers grew weary of the hard conditions of mountain +warfare. With their heavy armour and barbed horses it was difficult +for them to emulate the tactics of the Welsh, and they revolted +against the simple diet of milk and meat that contented their +Celtic allies. They could not get on without bread, and, as bread +was not to be found among the hills, they forced their leader to +return to the richer regions of the east. Llewelyn did little to +help them in their need, and did not accompany them in their march +back to the Severn valley, though a large but disorderly force of +Welsh infantry still remained with Simon as the fruit of the +alliance with their prince.</p> + +<p>By the end of July, Simon was once more in the Severn valley, +seeking for a passage over the river. On August 2 he found a ford +over the stream some miles south of Worcester. There he crossed +with all his forces and encamped for the night at Kempsey, one of +Bishop Cantilupe's manors on the left bank. His skill as a general +had extricated him from a position of the utmost peril. All might +yet be regained if he could join forces with an army of relief +which his son Simon had slowly levied in the south and midlands. +But his quarrel with Gloucester and his alliance with the Welsh had +done much to undermine Montfort's popularity, and the younger Simon +had no appreciation of the necessity for decisive action. Summoned +from the long siege of Pevensey by his father's danger, he wasted +time in plundering the lands of the royalists, and only left London +on July 8, whence he led his men by slow stages to Kenilworth. On +July 31 young Simon's troops took up their quarters for the night +in the open country round Kenilworth castle. They had no notion +that the enemy was at hand and troubled neither to defend +themselves nor to keep watch. Edward, warned by spies of their +approach, abandoned his close guard of the Severn fords, and in the +early morning of August 1 fell suddenly upon the sleeping host and +scattered it with little difficulty. The younger Simon and a few of +his followers took <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg127" id= +"pg127">127</a></span>refuge in the castle. As a fighting force the +army of relief ceased to exist.</p> + +<p>Leicester, knowing nothing of his son's disaster, made his way, +on August 3, from Kempsey to Evesham, where he rested for the +night. Next morning, after mass and breakfast, the army was about +to continue its march, when scouts descried troops advancing upon +the town. At first it was hoped that they were the followers of +young Simon, but their near approach revealed them to be the army +of the marchers. With extraordinary rapidity Edward led his troops +back to Worcester as soon as he had won the fight at Kenilworth. +Learning there that Simon had crossed the river in his absence, he +at once turned back to meet him, seeking to elude his vigilance by +a long night march by circuitous routes. The result was that for +the second time he caught his enemy in a trap.</p> + +<p>Evesham, like Lewes, stands on a peninsula. It is situated on +the right bank of a wide curve of the Avon, and approachable only +by crossing over the river, or by way of the sort of isthmus +between the two bends of the Avon a little to the north of the +town. Edward occupied this isthmus with his best troops, and thus +cut off all prospect of escape by land. The other means of exit +from the town was over the bridge which connects it with its +south-eastern suburb of Bengeworth, on the left bank of the river. +Edward, however, took the precaution to detach Gloucester with a +strong force to hold Bengeworth, and thus prevent Simon's escape +over the bridge. The weary and war-worn host of Montfort, then, was +out-generalled in such fashion that effective resistance to a +superior force, flushed by recent victory, was impossible. Simon +himself saw that his last hour was come; yet he could not but +admire the skilful plan which had so easily discomfited him. "By +the arm of St. James," he declared, "they come on cunningly. Yet +they have not taught themselves that order of battle; they have +learnt it from me. God have mercy upon our souls, for our bodies +are theirs."</p> + +<p>Edward and Gloucester both advanced simultaneously to the +attack. A storm broke at the moment of the encounter, and the +battle was fought in a darkness that obscured the brightness of an +August day. Leicester's Welsh infantry broke at once before the +charge of the mail-clad horsemen, and took <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg128" id="pg128">128</a></span>refuge behind hedges and +walls, where they were hunted out and butchered after the main +fight was over. But the men-at-arms struggled valiantly against +Edward's superior forces, though they were soon borne down by sheer +numbers. Simon fought like a hero and met a soldier's death. With +him were slain his son Henry, his faithful comrade Peter Montfort, +the baronial justiciar Hugh Despenser, and many other men of mark. +A large number of prisoners fell into the victor's hands, and King +Henry, who unwillingly followed Simon in all his wanderings, was +wounded in the shoulder by his son's followers, and only escaped a +worse fate by revealing his identity with the cry: "Slay me not! I +am Henry of Winchester, your King." The marchers gratified their +rage by massacring helpless fugitives, and by mutilating the bodies +of the slain. Earl Simon's head was sent as a present to the wife +of Roger Mortimer; and it was with difficulty that the mangled +corpse found its last rest in the church of Evesham Abbey. His +memory long lived in the hearts of his adopted countrymen, and +especially among monks and friars, who despite the ban of the +Church, hailed him as another St. Thomas, for he too had lain down +his life for the cause of justice and religion. Miracles were +worked at his tomb; liturgies composed in his honour, and an +informal popular canonisation, which no papal censures could +prevent, kept his memory green. His faults were forgotten in the +pathos of his end. His work survived the field of Evesham and the +reaction which succeeded it. His victorious nephew learnt well the +lesson of his career, and the true successor of the martyred earl +was the future Edward I.</p> + +<p>No thoughts of policy disturbed the fierce passion of revenge +which possessed the victorious marchers. On August 7 Henry issued a +proclamation announcing that he had resumed the personal exercise +of the royal power. The baronial ministers and sheriffs were +replaced by royalist partisans. The acts of the revolutionary +government were denounced as invalid. The faithful city of London +was cruelly humiliated for its zeal for Earl Simon. The exiles, +headed by Queen Eleanor and Archbishop Boniface, returned from +their long sojourn beyond sea. With them came to England a new +legate, the Cardinal Ottobon, specially sent from the papal court +to punish the bishops and clergy that had persisted in their +adherence to the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg129" id= +"pg129">129</a></span>popular cause. Four prelates were +excommunicated and suspended from their functions, including +Berkstead of Chichester and Cantilupe of Worcester. But the aged +Bishop of Worcester was delivered from persecution by death; +"snatched away," as a kindly foe says, "lest he should see evil +days". His nephew, Thomas of Cantilupe, the baronial chancellor, +fled to Paris, where he forsook politics for the study of theology. +The widowed Countess of Leicester was not saved by her near kindred +to the king from lifelong banishment. At last a general sentence of +forfeiture was pronounced against all who had fought against +Edward, either at Kenilworth or Evesham. There was a greedy +scramble for the spoils of victory. The greatest of these, +Montfort's forfeited earldom of Leicester, went to Edmund, the +king's younger son. Edward took back the earldom of Chester and all +his old possessions. Roger Mortimer was rewarded by grants of land +and franchises which raised the house of Wigmore to a position only +surpassed by that of the strongest of the earldoms.</p> + +<p>At first the Montfort party showed an inclination to accept the +defeat at Evesham as decisive. Even young Simon of Montfort, who +still held out at Kenilworth, considered it prudent to restore his +prisoner, the King of the Romans, to liberty. But the victors' +resolve to deprive all their beaten foes of their estates, drove +the vanquished into fresh risings. The first centre of the revolt +of the disinherited was at Kenilworth, but before long the younger +Simon abandoned the castle to join a numerous band which had found +a more secure retreat in the isle of Axholme, amidst the marshes of +the lower Trent. There they held their own until the winter, when +they were persuaded by Edward to accept terms. A little later, +Simon again revolted and joined the mariners of the Cinque Ports, +whose towns still held out against the king, save Dover, which +Edward had captured after a siege. Under Simon's leadership the +Cinque Ports played the part of pirates on all merchants going to +and from England. At last in March, 1266, Edward forced Winchelsea +to open its gates to him. He next turned his arms against a valiant +freebooter, Adam Gordon, who lurked with his band of outlaws in the +dense beech woods of the Chilterns. With the capture of Adam +Gordon, after a hand-to-hand tussle with Edward in <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg130" id="pg130">130</a></span>which the king's +son narrowly escaped with his life, the resistance in the south was +at an end.</p> + +<p>As one centre of rebellion was pacified other disturbances +arose. In the spring of 1266, Robert Ferrars, Earl of Derby, newly +released from the prison into which Earl Simon had thrown him, +raised a revolt in his own county. On May 15, 1266, Derby was +defeated by Henry of Almaine at Chesterfield. His earldom was +transferred to Edmund, the king's son, already Montfort's successor +as Earl of Leicester, and in 1267 also Earl of Lancaster, a new +earldom, deriving its name from the youngest of the shires.[1] +Reduced to the Staffordshire estate of Chartley, the house of +Ferrars fell back into the minor baronage. Kenilworth was still +unconquered. Its walls were impregnable except to famine, and +before his flight to Axholme young Simon had procured provisions +adequate for a long resistance. The garrison harried the +neighbourhood with such energy that the whole levies of the realm +were assembled to subdue it. After a fruitless assault, the +royalists settled down to a blockade which lasted from midsummer to +Christmas. The legate, Ottobon, appearing in the besiegers' camp to +excommunicate the defenders, they in derision dressed up their +surgeon in the red robes of a cardinal, in which disguise he +answered Ottobon's curses by a travesty of the censures of the +Church.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For Edmund's estates and whole career, see +W.E. Rhodes' <i>Edmund, Earl of Lancaster</i>, in <i>Engl. Hist. +Review</i>, x. (1895), 19-40 and 209-37.</p> + +<p>The blockade soon tried the patience of the barons. It was hard +to keep any medieval army long together, and the lords, anxious to +go back to their homes, complained of the harsh policy that +compelled their long attendance. The royalist host split up into +two parties, led respectively by Roger Mortimer and Earl Gilbert of +Gloucester. The cruel lord of Wigmore was the type of the extreme +reaction. Intent only on vengeance, booty, and ambition, Mortimer +clamoured for violent measures, and was eager to reject all +compromises. Gloucester, on the other hand, posed as the mediator, +and urged the need of pacifying the disinherited by mitigating the +sentence of forfeiture which had driven them into prolonged +resistance. In the first flush of victory, Edward had been +altogether on Mortimer's side, but gradually statecraft and +humanity turned <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg131" id= +"pg131">131</a></span>him from the reckless policy of the marcher. +Edward's adhesion to counsels of moderation changed the situation. +While Mortimer pressed the siege of Kenilworth, Edward and +Gloucester met a parliament at Northampton which agreed to uphold +the policy of 1258 and mitigate the hard lot of the disinherited. A +document drawn up in the camp at Kenilworth received the approval +of parliament and was published on October 31. The <i>Dictum de +Kenilworth</i>, as it was called, was largely taken up with +assertions of the authority of the crown, and denunciations of the +memory of Earl Simon. More essential points were the re-enactment +of the Charters and the redress of some of the grievances against +which the Provisions of 1258 were directed. The vital article, +however, laid down that the stern sentence of forfeiture against +adherents of the fallen cause was to be remitted, and allowed +rebels to redeem their estates by paying a fine, which in most +cases was to be assessed at five years' value of their lands. Hard +as were these terms, they were milder than those which had +previously been offered to the insurgents. Yet the defenders of +Kenilworth could not bring themselves to accept them until +December, when disease and famine caused them to surrender. Despite +their long-deferred submission, the garrison was admitted to the +terms of the <i>Dictum</i>.</p> + +<p>Even then resistance was not yet over. A forlorn hope of the +disinherited, headed by John d'Eyville, established themselves +about Michaelmas in the isle of Ely, where they made themselves the +terror of all East Anglia, plundering towns so far apart as Norwich +and Cambridge, maltreating the Jews, and holding the rich citizens +to ransom. Early in 1267 the north-country baron, John of Vescy, +rose in Northumberland, and violently resumed possession of his +forfeited castle of Alnwick. While Henry tarried at Cambridge, +Edward went north and soon won over Vescy by the clemency which +made the lord of Alnwick henceforth one of his most devoted +servants.</p> + +<p>More formidable than the revolt of Eyville or Vescy was the +ambiguous attitude of Earl Gilbert of Gloucester. Roger Mortimer +was once more intriguing against him, and striving to upset the +Kenilworth compromise. After a violent scene between the two +enemies in the parliament at Bury, Gloucester withdrew to the march +of Wales, where he waged war against Mortimer. In April, 1267, he +made his way with a great <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg132" id= +"pg132">132</a></span>following to London, professing that he +wished to hold a conference with the legate. It was a critical +moment. Edward was still in the north; Henry was wasting his time +at Cambridge; the Londoners welcomed Earl Gilbert as a champion of +the good old cause; the legate took refuge in the Tower, and the +earl did not hesitate to lay siege to the stronghold. Before long +Gloucester was joined by Eyville and many of the Ely fugitives. It +seemed as if Gloucester was in as strong position as Montfort had +ever won, and that after two years of warfare the verdict of +Evesham was about to be reversed.</p> + +<p>Edward marched south and joined forces with his father, who had +moved from Cambridge to Stratford, near London. Everything seemed +to suggest that the eastern suburbs of London would witness a fight +as stubborn as Lewes or Evesham. But Gloucester was not the man to +press things to extremities, and Edward though firm was +conciliatory. He delivered Ottobon from the hands of the rebels,[1] +and then arranged a peace upon terms which secured Gloucester's +chief object of procuring better conditions for the disinherited. +Not only Earl Gilbert but Eyville and his associates were admitted +to the royal favour. A few desperadoes still held out until July in +the isle of Ely, and Edward devoted himself to tracking them to +their lairs. He built causeways of wattles over the fens, which +protected the disinherited in their last refuge. When he had +clearly shown his superiority, he offered the garrison of Ely the +terms of the <i>Dictum de Kenilworth</i>. With their acceptance of +these conditions the English struggle ended, in July, 1267, nearly +two years after the battle of Evesham.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, xvii. (1902), +522.</p> + +<p>Llewelyn still remained under arms. He had profited by the two +years of strife to deal deadly blows against the marchers. He +conquered the Mid-Welsh lands which had been granted to Mortimer, +and devastated Edward's Cheshire earldom. When Gloucester grew +discontented with the course of events, the old friend of Montfort +became the close ally of the man who had ruined Montfort's cause. A +Welsh chronicler treats Gloucester's march to London as a movement +which naturally followed the alliance of Gloucester and Llewelyn. +On Gloucester's submission, Llewelyn was left to his own resources. +Edward had it in his power to avenge past injuries <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg133" id="pg133">133</a></span>by turning all +his forces against his old enemy. But the country was weary of war, +and Edward preferred to end the struggle. The legate Ottobon urged +both Edward and the Welsh prince to make peace, and in September, +1267, Henry and his son went down to Shrewsbury, accompanied by +Ottobon, who received from the king full powers to treat with +Llewelyn, and a promise that Henry would accept any terms that he +thought fit to conclude. Llewelyn thereupon sent ambassadors to +Shrewsbury, and the negotiations went on so smoothly that on +September 25 a definite treaty of peace was signed. On Michaelmas +day Henry met Llewelyn at Montgomery, received his homage, and +witnessed the formal ratification of the treaty.</p> + +<p>By the treaty of Shrewsbury Llewelyn was recognised as Prince of +Wales, and as overlord of all the Welsh magnates, save the +representative of the old line of the princes of South Wales. The +four cantreds, Edward's old patrimony, were ceded to him; and +though he promised to surrender many of his conquests, he was +allowed to remain in possession of great tracts of land in Mid and +South Wales, in the heart of the marcher region.[1] Substantially +the Welsh prince was recognised as holding the position which he +claimed from Montfort in the days of the treaty of Pipton. Alone of +Montfort's friends, Llewelyn came out of an unsuccessful struggle +upon terms such as are seldom obtained even by victory in the +field. The triumph of the Welsh prince is the more remarkable +because Edward and his ally, Mortimer, were the chief sufferers by +the treaty. But Edward had learnt wisdom during his apprenticeship. +He recognised that the exhaustion of the country demanded peace at +any price, and he dreaded the possibility of the alliance of +Llewelyn and Earl Gilbert. But whatever Edward's motives may have +been in concluding the treaty, it left Llewelyn in so strong a +position that he was encouraged to those fresh aggressions which in +the next reign proved the ruin of his power. The Welsh wars of +Edward I. are the best elucidation of the importance of the treaty +of Shrewsbury. The Welsh principality, which Edward as king was to +destroy, was as much the creation of the Barons' War <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg134" id="pg134">134</a></span>as the outcome +of the fierce Celtic enthusiasm which found its bravest champion in +the son of Griffith.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the growth of Llewelyn's power see the +maps of Wales in 1247 and 1267 in Owens College <i>Historical +Essays</i>, pp. 76 and 135.</p> + +<p>It was time to redeem the promises by which the moderate party +had been won over to the royalist cause. The statute of Marlborough +of 1267 re-enacted in a more formal fashion the chief of the +Provisions of Westminster of 1259, and thus prevented the undoing +of all the progress attained during the years of struggle. Ottobon +in 1268 held a famous council at London, in which important canons +were enacted with a view to the reformation of the Church. A little +later the Londoners received back their forfeited charters and the +disinherited were restored to their estates. After these last +measures of reparation, England sank into a profound repose that +lasted for the rest of the reign of Henry III. A happy beginning of +the years of peace was the dedication of the new abbey of +Westminster, and the translation of the body of St. Edward to the +new shrine, whose completion had long been the dearest object of +the old king's life.</p> + +<p>At this time Louis IX. was meditating his second crusade, and in +every country in Europe the friars were preaching the duty of +fighting the infidel. Nowhere save in France did the Holy War win +more powerful recruits than in England. In 1268 Edward himself took +the cross,[1] and with him his brother Edmund of Lancaster, his +cousin Henry of Almaine, and many leading lords of both factions. +Financial difficulties delayed the departure of the crusaders, and +it was not until 1270 that Edward and Henry were able to start. On +reaching Provence, they learnt that Louis had turned his arms +against Tunis, whither they followed him with all speed. On +Edward's arrival off Tunis, he found that Louis was dead and that +Philip III., the new French king, had concluded a truce with the +misbelievers. Profoundly mortified by this treason to Christendom, +Edward set forth with his little squadron to Acre, the chief town +of Palestine that still remained in Christian hands. Henry of +Almaine preferred to return home at once, but on his way through +Italy was murdered at Viterbo by the sons of Earl Simon of +Montfort, a deed of blood which <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg135" id="pg135">135</a></span>revived the bitterest memories of +the Barons' War. Edward remained in Palestine until August, 1272, +and threw all his wonted fire and courage into the hopeless task of +upholding the fast-decaying Latin kingdom. At last alarming news of +his father's health brought him back to Europe.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For Edward's crusade see Riant's article in +<i>Archives de l'Orient Latin</i>, i., 617-32 (1881).</p> + +<p>On November 16, 1272, Henry III., then in his sixty-sixth year, +died at Westminster. His remains were laid at rest in the +neighbouring abbey church, hard by the shrine of St. Edward. With +him died the last of his generation. St. Louis' death in August, +1270, has already been recorded. The death of Clement IV. in 1268 +was followed by a three years' vacancy in the papacy. This was +scarcely over when Richard, King of the Romans, prostrated by the +tragedy of Viterbo, preceded his brother to the tomb. Still +earlier, Boniface of Canterbury had ended his tenure of the chair +of St. Augustine. The new reign begins with fresh actors and fresh +motives of action.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<h4>THE EARLY FOREIGN POLICY AND LEGISLATION OF EDWARD I.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg136" id= +"pg136">136</a></span>The Dominican chronicler, Nicholas Trivet, +thus describes the personality of Edward I.: "He was of elegant +build and lofty stature, exceeding the height of the ordinary man +by a head and shoulders. His abundant hair was yellow in childhood, +black in manhood, and snowy white in age. His brow was broad, and +his features regular, save that his left eyelid drooped somewhat, +like that of his father, and hid part of the pupil. He spoke with a +stammer, which did not, however, detract from the persuasiveness of +his eloquence. His sinewy, muscular arms were those of the +consummate swordsman, and his long legs gave him a firm hold in the +saddle when riding the most spirited of steeds. His chief delight +was in war and tournaments, but he derived great pleasure from +hawking and hunting, and had a special joy in chasing down stags on +a fleet horse and slaying them with a sword instead of a hunting +spear. His disposition was magnanimous, but he was intolerant of +injuries, and reckless of dangers when seeking revenge, though +easily won over by a humble submission."[1] The defects of his +youth are well brought out by the radical friar who wrote the +<i>Song of Lewes</i>. Even to the partisan of Earl Simon, Edward +was "a valiant lion, quick to attack the strongest, and fearing the +onslaught of none. But if a lion in pride and fierceness, he was a +panther in inconstancy and mutability, changing his word and +promise, cloaking himself by pleasant speech. When he is in a +strait he promises whatever you wish, but as soon as he has escaped +he forgets his promise. The treachery or falsehood, whereby he is +advanced, he calls prudence; the way whereby he arrives whither he +will, crooked <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg137" id= +"pg137">137</a></span>though it be, he regards as straight; +whatever he likes he says is lawful, and he thinks he is released +from the law, as though he were greater than a king."[2]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Annals</i>, pp. 181-82.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] <i>Song</i> of <i>Lewes</i>, pp. 14-15, ed. +Kingsford.</p> + +<p>Hot and impulsive in disposition, easily persuaded that his own +cause was right, and with a full share in the pride of caste, +Edward committed many deeds of violence in his youth, and never got +over his deeply rooted habit of keeping the letter of his promise +while violating its spirit. Yet he learnt to curb his impetuous +temper, and few medieval kings had a higher idea of justice or a +more strict regard to his plighted word. "Keep troth" was inscribed +upon his tomb, and his reign signally falsified the prediction of +evil which the Lewes song-writer ventured to utter. A true sympathy +bound him closely to his nobles and people. His unstained family +life, his piety and religious zeal, his devotion to friends and +kinsfolk, his keen interest in the best movements of his time, +showed him a true son of Henry III. But his strength of will and +seriousness of purpose stand in strong contrast to his father's +weakness and levity. A hard-working, clear-headed, practical, and +sober temperament made him the most capable king of all his line. +He may have been wanting in originality or deep insight, yet it is +impossible to dispute the verdict that has declared him to be the +greatest of all the Plantagenets.</p> + +<p>The broad lines of Edward's policy during the thirty-five years +of his kingship had already been laid down for him during his rude +schooling. The ineffectiveness of his father's government inspired +him with a love of strong rule, and this enabled him to grapple +with the chronic maladministration which made even a well-ordered +medieval kingdom a hot-bed of disorder. The age of Earl Simon had +been fertile in new ideals and principles of government. Edward +held to the best of the traditions of his youth, and his task was +not one of creation so much as of selection. His age was an age of +definition. The series of great laws, which he made during the +earlier half of his reign, represented a long effort to appropriate +what was best in the age that had gone before, and to combine it in +orderly sequence. The same ideals mark the constitutional policy of +his later years. The materials for the future constitution of <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg138" id="pg138">138</a></span>England +were already at his hand. It was a task well within Edward's +capacity to strengthen the authority of the crown by associating +the loyal nobles and clergy in the work of ruling the state, and to +build up a body politic in which every class of the nation should +have its part. Yet he never willingly surrendered the most +insignificant of his prerogatives, and if he took the people into +partnership with him, he did so with the firm belief that he would +be a more powerful king if his subjects loved and trusted him. +Though closely associated with his nobles by many ties of kinship +and affection, he was the uncompromising foe of feudal separatism, +and hotly resented even the constitutional control which the barons +regarded as their right. In the same way the unlimited franchises +of the lords of the Welsh march, the almost regal authority which +the treaty of Shrewsbury gave to the Prince of Wales, the rejection +of his claims as feudal overlord of Scotland, were abhorrent to his +autocratic disposition. True son of the Church though he was, he +was the bitter foe of ecclesiastical claims which, constantly +encroaching beyond their own sphere, denied kings the fulness of +their authority.</p> + +<p>Edward's policy was thoroughly comprehensive. He is not only the +"English Justinian" and the creator of our later constitution; he +has rightly been praised for his clear conception of the ideal of a +united Britain which brought him into collision with Welsh and +Scots. His foreign policy lay as near to his heart as the conquest +of Wales or Scotland, or the subjection of priests and nobles. He +was eager to make Gascony obey him, anxious to keep in check the +French king, and to establish a sort of European balance of power, +of which England, as in Wolsey's later dreams, was to be the tongue +of the balance. Yet, despite his severe schooling in self-control, +he undertook more than he could accomplish, and his failure was the +more signal because he found the utmost difficulty in discovering +trustworthy subordinates. Moreover, the limited resources of a +medieval state, and the even more limited control which a medieval +ruler had over these resources, were fatal obstacles in the way of +too ambitious a policy. Edward had inherited his father's load of +debt, and could only accomplish great things by further pledging +his credit to foreign financiers, against whom his subjects raised +unending complaints. Yet, if his methods <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg139" id="pg139">139</a></span>of attaining his objects were +sometimes mean and often violent, there was a rare nobility about +his general purpose.</p> + +<p>Every precaution was taken to secure Edward's succession and the +establishment of the provisional administration which was to rule +until his return. Before leaving England in 1270, Edward had +appointed as his agents Walter Giffard, Archbishop of York, Roger +Mortimer, and Robert Burnell, his favourite clerk. The vacancy of +the see of Canterbury after Boniface's death placed Giffard in a +position of peculiar eminence. Appointed first lord of the council, +he virtually became regent; and he associated with himself in the +administration of the realm his two colleagues in the management of +the new king's private affairs. Early in 1273 a parliament of +magnates and representatives of shires and boroughs took oaths of +allegiance to the king and continued the authority of the three +regents. By the double title of Edward's personal delegation and +the recognition of the estates, Giffard, Mortimer, and Burnell +ruled the country for the two years which were to elapse before the +sovereign's return. Their government was just, economical, and +peaceful. Even Gilbert of Gloucester remained quiet, and, save for +the refusal of the Prince of Wales to perform his feudal +obligations, the calm of the last years of the old reign continued. +It is evidence of constitutional progress that the administration +was carried on with so little friction in the absence of the +monarch. Roger Mortimer, the most formidable of the feudal +baronage, was himself one of the agents of this salutary change. +The marcher chieftain put down with promptitude an attempted revolt +of north-country knights which threatened public tranquillity.</p> + +<p>Edward first heard of his father's death in Sicily, but the +tidings of the maintenance of peace rendered it unnecessary for him +to hasten his return, and he made his way slowly through Italy. In +Sicily he was entertained by his uncle, Charles of Anjou. Thence he +went to Orvieto, where the new pope, Gregory X., who, as archdeacon +of Liege, had been the comrade of his crusade, was then residing. +From king and pope alike Edward earnestly sought vengeance for the +murder of Henry of Almaine. Proceeding northwards, he was received +with great pomp by the cities of Lombardy, and made personal +acquaintance with Savoy and its count, Philip, his aged +great-uncle. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg140" id= +"pg140">140</a></span>Crossing the Mont Cenis, he was welcomed by +bands of English magnates who had gone forth to meet him. He was +soon at the head of a little army, and in the true spirit of a hero +of romance halted to receive the challenge of the boastful Count of +Chalon. The tournament between the best knights of England and +Burgundy was fought out with such desperation that it became a +serious battle. At last Edward unhorsed the count in a personal +encounter, which added greatly to his fame. This "Little Battle of +Chalon" was the last victory of his irresponsible youth.</p> + +<p>The serious business of kingcraft began when Edward met his +cousin, Philip III., at Paris. The news from England was still so +good that Edward resolved to remain in France with the twofold +object of settling his relations with the French monarchy and of +receiving the homage and regulating the affairs of Aquitaine. +Despite the treaty of Paris of 1259, there were so many subjects of +dispute between the English and French kings that, beneath the warm +protestations of affection between the kinsmen, there was, as a +French chronicler said, but a cat-and-dog love between them.[1] The +treaty had not been properly executed, and the English had long +complained that the French had not yielded up to England their +king's rights over the three bishoprics of Limoges, Cahors, and +Périgueux, which St. Louis had ceded. New complications +arose after the death of Alfonse of Poitiers in the course of the +Tunisian crusade. By the treaty of Paris the English king should +then have entered into possession of Saintonge south of the +Charente, the Agenais, and lower Quercy. But the ministers of +Philip III. laid hands upon the whole of Alfonse's inheritance and +refused to surrender these districts to the English. The welcome +which Edward received from his cousin at Paris could not blind him +to the incompatibility of their interests, nor to the impossibility +of obtaining at the moment the cession of the promised lands. He +did not choose to tarry at Paris while the diplomatists unravelled +the tangled web of statecraft. Nor would he tender an unconditional +homage to the prince who withheld from him his inheritance. Already +a stickler for legal rights, even when used to his own detriment, +Edward was <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg141" id= +"pg141">141</a></span>unable to deny his subjection to the overlord +of Aquitaine. He therefore performed homage, but he phrased his +submission in terms which left him free to urge his claims at a +more convenient season. "Lord king," he said to Philip, "I do you +homage for all the lands which I ought to hold of you." The +vagueness of this language suggested that, if Edward could not get +Saintonge, he might revive his claim to Normandy. The king +appointed a commission to continue the negotiations with the French +court, and then betook himself to Aquitaine.[2]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] "Hic amor dici potest amor cati et canis," +<i>Chron. Limov.</i>, in <i>Recueil des Hist. de la France</i>, +xxi., 784.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] C.V. Langlois' <i>Le Règne de Philippe +le Hardi</i> (1887), and Gavrilovitch's <i>Le Traité de +Paris</i>, give the best modern accounts of Edward's early dealings +with the French crown.</p> + +<p>It was nearly ten years since the presence of the monarch had +restrained the turbulence of the Gascon duchy. Edward had before +him the task of watching over its internal administration, and +checking the subtle policy whereby the agents of the French crown +were gradually undermining his authority. Two wars, the war of +Béarn and the war of Limoges, desolated Gascony from the +Pyrenees to the Vienne. It was Edward's first task to bring these +troubles to an end. Age and experience had not diminished the +ardour which had so long made Gaston of Béarn the focus of +every trouble in the Pyrenean lands. He defied a sentence of the +ducal court of Saint Sever, and was already at war with the +seneschal, Luke of Tany, when Edward's appearance brought matters +to a crisis. During the autumn and winter of 1273-74, Edward hunted +out Gaston from his mountain strongholds, and at last the +Béarnais, despairing of open resistance, appealed to the +French king. Philip accepted the appeal, and ordered Edward to +desist from molesting Gaston during its hearing. The English king, +anxious not to quarrel openly with the French court, granted a +truce. The suit of Gaston long occupied the parliament of Paris, +but the good-will of the French lawyers could not palliate the +wanton violence of the Viscount of Béarn. The French, like +the English, were sticklers for formal right, and were unwilling to +push matters to extremities. Edward had the reward of his +forbearance, for Philip advised Gaston to go to England and make +his submission. Gratified by his restoration to Béarn in +1279, Gaston remained faithful for the next few years. Edward was +less successful in dealing with Limoges. There <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg142" id="pg142">142</a></span>had been for +many years a struggle between the commune of the castle, or +<i>bourg</i>, of Limoges and Margaret the viscountess. It was to no +purpose that the townsfolk had invoked the treaty of Paris, +whereby, as they maintained, the French king transferred to the +King of England his ancient jurisdiction over them. They were +answered by a decree of the parliament of Paris that the homage of +the commune of Limoges belonged not to the crown but to the +viscountess, and that therefore the treaty involved no change in +their allegiance. Edward threw himself with ardour on to the side +of the burgesses. Guy of Lusignan, still the agent of his brother +abroad, though prudently excluded from England, was sent to +Limoges, where he incited the commune to resist the viscountess. In +May, 1274, Edward himself took up his quarters in Limoges, and for +a month ruled there as sovereign. But the French court reiterated +the decree which made the commune the vassal of the viscountess. To +persevere in upholding the rebels meant an open breach with the +French court in circumstances more unfavourable than in the case of +Gaston of Béarn. Once more Edward refused to allow his +ambition to prevail over his sense of legal obligation. With rare +self-restraint he renounced the fealty of Limoges, and abandoned +his would-be subjects to the wrath of the viscountess. This was an +act of loyalty to feudal duty worthy of St. Louis. If Edward, on +later occasions, pressed his own legal claims against his vassals, +he set in his own case a pattern of strict obedience to his +overlord.</p> + +<p>While Edward was still abroad, his friend Gregory X. held from +May to July, 1274, the second general council at Lyons, wherein +there was much talk of a new crusade, and an effort was made, which +came very near temporary success, towards healing the schism of the +Eastern and Western Churches. At Gregory's request Edward put off +his coronation, lest the celebration might call away English +prelates from Lyons. When the council was over, he at last turned +towards his kingdom. At Paris he was met by the mayor of London, +Henry le Waleis, and other leading citizens, who set before him the +grievous results of the long disputes with Flanders, which had +broken off the commercial relations between the two countries, and +had inflicted serious losses on English trade. Edward strove to +bring the Flemings to their senses by prohibiting the export <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg143" id="pg143">143</a></span>of wool +from England to the weaving towns of Flanders. The looms of Ghent +and Bruges were stopped by reason of the withholding of the raw +material, and the distress of his subjects made Count Guy of +Flanders anxious to end so costly a quarrel. On July 28 Edward met +Guy at Montreuil and signed a treaty which re-established the old +friendship between lands which stood in constant economic need of +each other. There was no longer any occasion for further delay, and +on August 2 Edward and his queen crossed over to Dover. Received +with open arms by his subjects, he was crowned at Westminster on +August 19 by the new Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert Kilwardby, +philosopher, theologian, and Dominican friar, whom Gregory X. had +placed over the church of Canterbury, despite the vigorous efforts +which Edward made to secure the primacy for Robert Burnell. He had +been absent from England for four years.</p> + +<p>Edward's sojourn in France was fruitful of results which he was +unable to reap for the moment. Conscious of the inveterate +hostility of the French king, he strove to establish relations with +foreign powers to counterbalance the preponderance of his rival. +When the death of Richard of Cornwall reopened the question of the +imperial succession, Charles of Anjou had been anxious to obtain +the prize for his nephew, Philip III., on the specious pretext that +the headship of Christendom would enable the King of France to +"collect chivalry from all the world" and institute the crusade +which both Gregory X. and Edward so ardently desired. But the most +zealous enthusiast for the holy war could hardly be deceived by the +false zeal with which the Angevin cloaked his overweening ambition. +It was a veritable triumph for Edward, when Gregory X., though +attracted for a moment by the prospect of a strong emperor capable +of landing a crusade, accepted the choice of the German magnates +who, in terror of France, elected as King of the Romans the +strenuous but not overmighty Swabian count, Rudolf of Hapsburg. As +Alfonso of Castile's pretensions were purely nominal, this election +ended the Great Interregnum by restoring the empire on a narrower +but more practical basis. Though Gregory strove to reconcile the +French to Rudolf's accession, common suspicion of France bound +Edward and the new King of the Romans in a common friendship.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg144" id= +"pg144">144</a></span>Family disputes soon destroyed the unity of +policy of the Capetian house. Philip III., well meaning but weak, +was drifting into complete dependence on Charles of Anjou, whom +Edward distrusted, alike as the protector of the murderers of Henry +of Almaine and as the supplanter of his mother in the +Provençal heritage. Margaret of Provence, the widow of St. +Louis, had a common grievance with Edward and his mother against +Charles of Anjou. She hated him the more inasmuch as he was +depriving her of all influence over her son, King Philip. It was +easy in such circumstances for the two widowed queens of France and +England to form grandiose schemes for ousting Charles from +Provence. Rudolf lent himself to their plans by investing Margaret +with the county. Edward's filial piety and political interests made +him a willing partner in these designs. In 1278 he betrothed his +daughter Joan of Acre to Hartmann, the son of the King of the +Romans. The plan of Edward and Rudolf was to revive in some fashion +the kingdom of Arles[1] in favour of the young couple. Though +Rudolf was unfaithful to this policy, and abandoned the proposed +English marriage in favour of a match between his daughter and the +son of the King of Sicily, the two queens persisted in their plans, +and new combinations against Charles and Philip for some years +threatened the peace of Europe.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Fournier's <i>Le Royaume d'Arles et de +Vienne</i> (1891) gives the best modern account of Edward's +relations to the Middle Kingdom.</p> + +<p>It is unlikely that Edward hoped for serious results from +schemes so incoherent and backed with such slender resources. +Besides his alliance with the emperor, he strove to injure the +French king by establishing close relations with his +brother-in-law, Alfonso of Castile, who since 1276 was at war with +the French. Earlier than this, he made himself the champion of +Blanche of Artois, the widow of Henry III. of Navarre and +Champagne. He wished that Joan, their only child, should bring her +father's lands to one of his own sons, and, though disappointed in +this ambition, he managed to marry his younger brother, Edmund of +Lancaster, to Blanche. Though the French took possession of +Navarre, whereby they alike threatened Gascony and Castile, they +suffered Blanche to rule in Champagne in her daughter's name, and +Edmund was associated with her in the government of that county. +The tenure of a <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg145" id= +"pg145">145</a></span>great French fief by the brother of the +English king was a fresh security against the aggressions of the +kings of France and Sicily. It probably facilitated the conclusion +of the long negotiations as to the interpretation of the treaty of +Paris, and the partition of the inheritance of Alfonse of Poitiers. +Edward's position against France was further strengthened in 1279 +by the death of his wife's mother, Joan of Castile, the widow of +Ferdinand the Saint and the stepmother of Alfonso the Wise, +whereupon he took possession of Ponthieu in Eleanor's name. +Scarcely had he established himself at Abbeville, the capital of +the Picard county, than the negotiations at Paris were so far +ripened that Philip III. went to Amiens, where Edward joined him. +On May 23 both kings agreed to accept the treaty of Amiens by which +the more important of the outstanding difficulties between the two +nations were amicably regulated. By it Philip recognised Eleanor as +Countess of Ponthieu, and handed over a portion of the inheritance +of Alfonse of Poitiers to Edward. Agen and the Agenais were ceded +at once, and a commission was appointed to investigate Edward's +claims over lower Quercy. In return for this Edward yielded up his +illusory rights over the three bishoprics of Limoges, +Périgueux, and Cahors. It was a real triumph for English +diplomacy.</p> + +<p>No lasting peace could arise from acts which emphasised the +essential incompatibility of French and English interests by +enlarging the territory of the English kings in France. The +undercurrent of hostility still continued; and the proposal of Pope +Nicholas III. that Edward should act as mediator between Philip +III. and Alfonso of Castile led to difficulties that deeply +incensed Edward, and embroiled him once more both with France and +Spain. Under Angevin influence, both Philip and Alfonso rejected +Edward's mediation in favour of that of the Prince of Salerno, +Charles of Anjou's eldest son. Disgust at this unfriendliness made +Edward again support the plans of Margaret of Provence against the +Angevins. In 1281 Margaret's intrigues formed a combination of +feudal magnates called the League of Macon, with the object of +prosecuting her claims over Provence by force of arms. Edward and +his mother, Eleanor, his Savoyard kinsfolk, and Edmund of Lancaster +all entered into the league. But it was hopeless for a disorderly +crowd of lesser chieftains, with the nominal support <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg146" id="pg146">146</a></span>of a distant +prince like Edward, to conquer Provence in the teeth of the +hostility of the strongest and the ablest princes of the age. The +League of Macon came to nothing, like so many other ambitious +combinations of a time in which men's capacity to form plans +transcended their capacity to execute them. Margaret herself soon +despaired of the way of arms and was bought off by a money +compensation. The league mainly served to keep alive the troubles +that still separated England and France. In 1284 Philip gained a +new success in winning the hand of Joan of Champagne, Count +Edmund's step-daughter, for his son, the future Philip the Fair. +When Joan attained her majority, Edmund lost the custody of +Champagne, which went to the King of France as the natural +protector of his son and his son's bride. With his brother's +withdrawal from Provins to Lancaster, Edward lost one of his means +of influencing the course of French politics.</p> + +<p>A compensation for these failures was found in 1282 when the +Sicilian vespers rang the knell of the Angevin power in Sicily. +When the revolted islanders chose Peter, King of Aragon, as their +sovereign, Charles, seeking to divert him from Sicily by attacking +him at home, inspired his partisan, Pope Martin IV., to preach a +crusade against Aragon. It was in vain that Edward strove to +mediate between the two kings.</p> + +<p>The only response made to his efforts was a fantastic proposal +that they should fight out their differences in a tournament at +Bordeaux with him as umpire, but Edward refused to have anything to +do with the pseudo-chivalrous venture. At last, in 1285, Philip +III. lent himself to his uncle's purpose so far as to lead a +papalist crusade over the Pyrenees. The movement was a failure. +Philip lost his army and his life in Aragon, and his son and +successor, Philip IV., at once withdrew from the undertaking. In +the year of the crusade of Aragon, Charles of Anjou, Peter of +Aragon, and Martin IV. died. With them the struggles, which had +begun with the attack on Frederick II, reached their culminating +point. Their successors continued the quarrel with diminished +forces and less frantic zeal, and so gave Edward his best chance to +pose as the arbiter of Europe. Though Edward's continental policy +lay so near his heart that it can hardly be passed over, it was +fuller of vain schemes than of great results. Yet it was not +altogether fruitless, since twelve <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg147" id="pg147">147</a></span>years of resolute and moderate +action raised England, which under Henry III. was of no account in +European affairs, to a position only second to that of France, and +that under conditions more nearly approaching the modern conception +of a political balance and a European state system than feudalism, +imperialism, and papalism had hitherto rendered possible.</p> + +<p>In domestic policy, seven years of monotonous administration had +in a way prepared for vigorous reforms. Edward's return to England +in 1274 was quickly followed by the dismissal of Walter of Merton, +the chancellor of the years of quiescence. He was succeeded by +Robert Burnell, who, though foiled in his quest of Canterbury, +obtained an adequate standing by his preferment to the bishopric of +Bath and Wells. For the eighteen years of life which still remained +to him, Bishop Burnell held the chancery and possessed the chief +place in Edward's counsels. The whole of this period was marked by +a constant legislative activity which ceased so soon after +Burnell's death that it is tempting to assign at least as large a +part of the law-making of the reign to the minister as to the +sovereign. A consummate lawyer and diplomatist, Burnell served +Edward faithfully. Nor was his fidelity impaired either by the +laxity which debarred him from higher ecclesiastical preferment or +by his ambitious endeavours to raise the house of Shropshire +squires from which he sprang into a great territorial family. +Edward gave him his absolute confidence and was blind even to his +defects.</p> + +<p>The first general parliament of the reign to which the king +summoned the commons was held at Westminster in the spring of 1275. +Its work was the statute of Westminster the First, a comprehensive +measure of many articles which covered almost the whole field of +legislation, and is especially noteworthy for the care which its +compilers took to uphold sound administration and put down abuses. +Not less important was the provision of an adequate revenue for the +debt-burdened king. The same parliament made Edward a permanent +grant of a custom on wool, wool-fells, and leather, which remained +henceforth a chief source of the regular income of the crown. The +later imposition of further duties soon caused men to describe the +customs of 1275 as the "Great and Ancient Custom". It was +significant of the economic condition of England that <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg148" id="pg148">148</a></span>the great custom +was a tax on exports, not imports, and that, with the exception of +leather, it was a tax on raw materials. Granted the more willingly +since the main incidence of it was upon the foreign merchants, who +bought up English wool for the looms of Flanders and Brabant, the +custom proved a source of revenue which could easily be +manipulated, increased, and assigned in advance to the Italian +financiers, willing to lend money to a necessitous king. A new step +in our financial history was attained when this tax on trade steps +into the place so long held by the taxes on land, from which the +Normans and Angevins had derived their enormous revenue.</p> + +<p>The statute of Westminster the First had a long series of +fellows. Next year came the statute of Rageman, which supplemented +an earlier inquest into abuses by instituting a special inquiry in +cases of trespass. In 1277 the first Welsh war interrupted the +current of legislation. The break was compensated for in 1278 by +the passing of the important statute of Gloucester, the +consummation of a policy which Edward had adopted as soon as he set +foot on English soil. The troubles of Edward's youth had made clear +to him the obstacles thrown in the path of orderly government by +the great territorial franchises. He had been forced to modify his +policy to gratify the lord of Glamorgan, and win over the house of +Mortimer by the erection of a new franchise that was a palatinate +in all but name. But such great "regalities" were, after all, +exceptional. Much more irritating to an orderly mind were the +innumerable petty immunities which made half the hundreds in +England the appendages of baronial estates, and such common +privileges as "return of writs," which prevented the sheriff's +officers from executing his mandates on numerous manors where the +lords claimed that the execution of writs must be entrusted to +their bailiffs.[1] These widespread powers in private hands were +the more annoying to the king since they were commonly exercised +with no better warrant than long custom, and without direct grant +from him.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See on "return of writs" and a host of similar +immunities, Pollock and Maitland's <i>History of English Law</i>, +i., 558-82.</p> + +<p>Bracton had already laid down the doctrine that no prescription +can avail against the rights of the crown, and it was a commonplace +with the lawyers of the age that nothing less than a clear grant by +royal charter could justify such delegation <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg149" id="pg149">149</a></span>of the +sovereign's powers into private hands. Within a few months of his +landing, Edward sent out commissioners to inquire into the baronial +immunities. The returns of these inquests, which were carried out +hundred by hundred, are embodied in the precious documents called +the Hundred Rolls. The study of these reports inspired the +procedure of the statute of Gloucester, by which royal officers +were empowered to traverse the land demanding by what warrant the +lords of franchises exercised their powers. The demand of the crown +for documentary proof of royal delegation would have destroyed more +than half the existing liberties. But aristocratic opinion deserted +Edward when he strove to carry out so violent a revolution. The +irritation of the whole baronage is well expressed in the story of +how Earl Warenne, unsheathing a rusty sword, declared to the +commissioners: "Here is my warrant. My ancestors won their lands +with the sword. With my sword I will defend them against all +usurpers." Nor was this mere boasting. The return of the king's +officers tells us that Warenne would not say of whom, or by what +services, he held his Yorkshire stronghold of Conisborough, and +that his bailiffs refused them entrance into his liberties and +would not suffer his tenants to answer or appear before them.[1] +Edward found it prudent not to press his claims. He disturbed few +men in their franchises, and was content to have collected the mass +of evidence embodied in the <i>placita de quo warranto</i>, and +thus to have stopped the possibility of any further growth of the +franchises. A few years later he accepted the compromise that +continuous possession since the coronation of Richard I. was a +sufficient answer to a writ of <i>quo warranto</i>. In this lies +the whole essence of Edward's policy in relation to feudalism, a +policy very similar to that of St. Louis. Every man is to have his +own, and the king is not to inquire too curiously what a man's own +was. But no extension of any private right was to be tolerated. +Thus feudalism as a principle of political jurisdiction gradually +withered away, because it was no longer suffered to take fresh +root. The later land legislation of Edward's reign pushed the idea +still further.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Kirkby's Quest for Yorkshire</i>, pp. 3, +227, 231, Surtees Soc.</p> + +<p>In 1278 it had been the turn of the barons to suffer. Next came +the turn of the Church. Though Edward was a true son <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg150" id="pg150">150</a></span>of the Church, +he saw as clearly as William the Conqueror and Henry II. the +essential incompatibility between the royal supremacy and the +pretensions of the extreme ecclesiastics. The limits of Church and +State, the growth of clerical wealth and immunities, and the +relations of the world-power of the pope to the local authority of +the king, were problems which no strong king could afford to +neglect, and perhaps were incapable of solution on medieval lines. +Edward saw that the most practical way of dealing with clerical +claims was for him to stand in good personal relations to the chief +dispensers of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. With a pope like Gregory +X. it was easy for Edward to be on friendly terms; but it was more +difficult to feel any cordiality for the dogmatic canonists or the +furious Guelfic partisans who too often occupied the chair of St. +Peter. Yet Edward was shrewd enough to see that it was worth while +making sacrifices to keep on his side the power which, alike under +Innocent III. and Clement IV., had given valuable assistance to his +grandfather and father in their struggle against domestic enemies. +Moreover the enormous growth of the system of papal provisions had +given the papacy the preponderating authority in the selection of +the bishops of the English Church. It was only by yielding to the +popes, whenever it was possible, that Edward could secure the +nomination of his own candidates to the chief ecclesiastical posts +in his own realm.</p> + +<p>In the earlier years of his reign Edward was luckier in his +relations to the popes than to his own archbishops. But he found +that his power at Rome broke down just where he wanted to exercise +it most. He was disgusted to find how little influence he had in +the selection of the Archbishops of Canterbury. Gregory X. sent to +Canterbury the Dominican Robert Kilwardby, the first mendicant to +hold high place in the English Church. Kilwardby was translated in +1278 to the cardinal bishopric of Porto, a post of greater dignity +but less emolument and power than the English archbishopric. A +cardinal bishop was bound to reside at Rome, and the real motive +for this doubtful promotion was the desire to remove Kilwardby from +England and to send a more active man in his place. Edward's +indiscreet devotion to Bishop Burnell led him again to press his +friend's claims, but, though he persuaded the monks of Christ +Church to elect him, Nicholas III. quashed the appointment, <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg151" id="pg151">151</a></span>and +selected the Franciscan friar, John Peckham, as archbishop. +Peckham, a famous theologian and physicist, had been a +distinguished professor at Paris, Oxford, and Rome. He was +high-minded, honourable and zealous, a saint as well as a scholar, +an enthusiast for Church reform and a vigorous upholder of the +extremest hierarchical pretensions. Fussy, energetic, tactless, he +was the true type of the academic ecclesiastic, and alike in his +personal qualities and his wonderful grasp of detail, he may be +compared to Archbishop Laud. Though received by Edward with a rare +magnanimity, Friar John allowed no personal considerations of +gratitude to interpose between him and his duty. Reaching England +in June, 1279, he presided, within six weeks of his landing, at a +provincial council at Reading. In this gathering canons were passed +against pluralities which frightened every benefice hunter among +the clerks of the royal household. Orders were also issued for the +periodical denunciation of ecclesiastical penalties against all +violators of the Great Charter in a fashion that suggested that the +king was an habitual offender against the fundamental laws of his +realm.</p> + +<p>Edward wrathfully laid the usurpations of the new primate before +parliament, and forced Peckham to withdraw all the canons dealing +with secular matters, and particularly those which concerned the +Great Charter. The king set up the counter-claims of the State +against the pretensions of the Church, and the estates passed the +statute of Mortmain of 1279 as the layman's answer to the canons of +Reading. Like most of Edward's laws the statute of Mortmain was +based on earlier precedents. The wealth of the Church had long +inspired statesmen with alarm, and a true follower of St. Francis +like Peckham was specially convinced of the need of reducing the +clergy to apostolic poverty. By the new law all grants of land to +ecclesiastical corporations were expressly prohibited, under the +penalty of the land being forfeited to its supreme lord. The +statute was not a mere political weapon of the moment. It had a +wider importance as a step in the development of Edward's +anti-feudal policy, and may be regarded as a counterpart of the +inquest into franchises, and as a means of protecting the State as +well as of disciplining the Church. A corporation never died, and +never paid reliefs or wardships. Its property never escheated for +want of heirs, and, as scutages <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg152" id="pg152">152</a></span>were passing out of fashion, +ecclesiastics were less valuable to the king in times of war than +lay lords. The recent exigencies of the Welsh war had emphasised +the need of strengthening the military defences of the crown, and +the new statute secured this by preventing the further devolution +of lands into the dead hand of the Church. But all medieval laws +were rather enunciations of an ideal than measures which practical +statesmen aimed at carrying out in detail. The statute of Mortmain +hardly stayed the creation of fresh monasteries and colleges, or +the further endowment of old ones. All that was necessary for the +pious founder was to obtain a royal dispensation from the operation +of the statute. There was little need to fear that the new law +would stand in the way of the power of the ecclesiastical +estate.</p> + +<p>A more distinct challenge to the Church was provoked by a +further aggression of Peckham in 1281. In that year the primate +summoned a council at Lambeth, wherein he sought to withdraw from +the cognisance of the civil courts all suits concerning patronage +and the disposition of the personal effects of ecclesiastics. To +extend the jurisdiction of the <i>forum ecclesiasticum</i> was the +surest way of exciting the hostility of the common lawyers and the +king. Once more Edward annulled the proceedings of a council, and +once more the submission of Peckham saved the land from a conflict +which might have assumed the proportions of Becket's struggle +against Henry II. Four years later Edward pressed his advantage +still further by the royal ordinance of 1285, called +<i>Circumspecte agatis</i>, which, though accepting the supremacy +of the Church courts within their own sphere, narrowly defined the +limits of their power in matters involving a temporal element. +Again Peckham was fain to acquiesce. His policy had not only +irritated the king, but alienated his fellow bishops. He visited +his province with pertinacity and minuteness, and he was the less +able to stand up against the king as he was engaged in violent +quarrels with all his own suffragans. The leader of the bishops in +resisting his claims was Thomas of Cantilupe. Restored to England +by the liberal policy of Edward, Montfort's chancellor after Lewes +had been raised to the see of Hereford, where his sanctity and +devotion won him the universal love of his flock. Involved in +costly lawsuits with the litigious primate, Thomas was forced <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg153" id="pg153">153</a></span>to leave +his diocese to plead his cause before the papal <i>curia</i>. He +died in Italy in 1282, and his relics, carried back by his +followers to his own cathedral, won the reputation of working +miracles. A demand arose for his canonisation, and Edward before +his death had secured the appointment of the papal commission, +which, a few years later, added St. Thomas of Hereford to the list +of saints.[1] Thus the chancellor of Montfort obtained the honour +of sanctity through the action of the victor of Evesham.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The <i>processus canonisationis</i> of +Cantilupe, printed in the Bollandist <i>Acta Sanctorum</i>, Oct. 1, +539-705, illustrates many aspects of this period.</p> + +<p>The second Welsh war interrupted both the conflict between +Edward and the archbishop, and the course of domestic legislation. +Yet even in the midst of his campaigns Edward issued the statute of +Acton Burnell of 1283, which provided a better way of recovering +merchants' debts, and the statute of Rhuddlan of 1284 for the +regulation of the king's exchequer. The king's full activity as a +lawgiver was renewed after the settlement of his conquest by the +statute of Wales of 1284, and the legislation of his early years +culminated in the two great acts of 1285, the statute of +Westminster the Second, and the statute of Winchester. That year, +which also witnessed the passing of the <i>Circumspecte agatis</i>, +stands out as the most fruitful in lawmaking in the whole of +Edward's reign.</p> + +<p>The second statute of Westminster, passed in the spring +parliament, partook of the comprehensive character of the first +statute of that name. There were clauses by which, as the Canon of +Oseney puts it, "Edward revived the ancient laws which had +slumbered through the disturbance of the realm: some corrupted by +abuse he restored to their proper form: some less evident and +apparent he declared: some new ones, useful and honourable, he +added". Among the more conspicuous innovations of the second +statute of Westminster was the famous clause De <i>donis +conditionalibus</i>, which forms a landmark in the law of real +property. It facilitated the creation of entailed estates by +providing that the rights of an heir of an estate, granted upon +conditions, were not to be barred on account of the alienation of +such an estate by its previous tenant. Thus arose those estates for +life, which in later ages became a special feature of the English +land system, and which, by restricting <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg154" id="pg154">154</a></span>the control of the actual +possessor of a property over his land, did much to perpetuate the +worst features of medieval land-holding. It is a modern error to +regard the legitimation of estates in tail as a triumph of +reactionary feudalism over the will of Edward. Apart from the fact +that there is not a tittle of contemporary evidence to justify such +a view, it is manifest that the interest of the king was in this +case exactly the same as that of each individual lord of a manor. +The greater prospect of reversion to the donor, and the other +features of the system of entails, which commended them to the +petty baron, were still more attractive to the king, the greatest +proprietor as well as the ultimate landlord of all the realm. Other +articles of the Westminster statute were only less important than +the clause <i>De donis</i>, notable among them being the +institution of justices of <i>nisi prius</i>, appointed to travel +through the shires three times a year to hear civil causes. This +was part of the simplification and concentration of judicial +machinery, whereby Edward made tolerable the circuit system which +under Henry III. had been a prolific source of grievances.</p> + +<p>While in the statute of Westminster Edward prepared for the +future, the companion statute of Winchester, the work of the autumn +parliament, revived the jurisdiction of the local courts; reformed +the ancient system of watch and ward, and brought the ancient +system of popular courts into harmony with the jurisdiction +emanating from the crown, which had gone so far towards superseding +it. This measure marks the culmination of Edward's activity as a +lawgiver. During the five next years there were no more important +statutes.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<h4>THE CONQUEST OF NORTH WALES.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg155" id= +"pg155">155</a></span>The treaty of Shrewsbury of 1267 had not +brought enduring peace to Wales and the march. The pacification was +in essentials a simple recognition of accomplished facts, but, so +far as it involved promises of restitution and future good +behaviour, its provisions were barely carried out, even in the +scanty measure in which any medieval treaty was executed. Moreover, +the treaty by no means covered the whole ground of variance between +the English and the Welsh. like the treaty of Paris of 1259, it was +as much the starting-point of new difficulties as the solution of +old ones. Many troublesome questions of detail had been postponed +for later settlement, and no serious effort was made to grapple +with them. Even during the life of the old king, there had been war +in the south between the Earl of Gloucester and Llewelyn. However, +the Welsh prince paid, with fair regularity, the instalments of the +indemnity to which he had been bound, and there was no disposition +on the part of the English authorities to question the basis of the +settlement. Even the marchers maintained an unwonted tranquillity. +They had lost so much during the recent war that they had no great +desire to take up arms again. Llewelyn himself was the chief +obstacle to peace. The brilliant success of his arms and diplomacy +seems somewhat to have turned his brain. Visions of a wider +authority constantly floated before him. His bards prophesied the +expulsion of the Saxon, and he had done such great deeds in the +first twenty years of his reign, that a man of more practical +temperament might have been forgiven for indulging in dreams of +future success. Three obstacles stood in the way of the development +of his power. These were his vassalage to the English crown, the +hostility of the marcher <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg156" id= +"pg156">156</a></span>barons, and the impatience with which the +minor Welsh chieftains submitted to his authority. For five years +he impatiently endured these restraints. He then took advantage of +the absence of the new king to rid himself of them.</p> + +<p>Five days after the accession of Edward I., the lieutenants of +the king received the last payment of the indemnity which Llewelyn +condescended to make. Their demand that the Welsh prince should +take an oath of fealty to his new sovereign was answered by evasive +delays. Arrears of the indemnity accumulated, and the state of the +march became more disturbed. The regents showed moderation, though +one of them, Roger Mortimer, had himself been the greatest sufferer +from the treaty of Shrewsbury. In the south, Humphrey Bohun, +grandson of the old Earl of Hereford and earl himself in 1275 by +his grandfather's death, was engaged in private war with Llewelyn. +In direct defiance of the terms of 1267, Humphrey strove to +maintain himself in the march of Brecon, which had been definitely +ceded to Llewelyn. It was to the credit of the regents that they +refused to countenance this glaring violation of the treaty. +Meanwhile Llewelyn busied himself with erecting a new stronghold on +the upper Severn, which was a menace alike to the royal castle of +Montgomery and to his own vassal, Griffith ap Gwenwynwyn, the +tributary lord of Powys. Yet the regents were content to +remonstrate, and to urge on all parties the need of strict +adherence to the terms of the treaty. The Earl of Warwick was +appointed in the spring of 1274 as head of a commission, empowered +to do justice on all transgressions of the peace, and Llewelyn was +ordered to meet him at Montgomery Ford. But Llewelyn was busy at +home, where his brother David had joined hands with Griffith ap +Gwenwynwyn in a plot against him. Llewelyn easily crushed the +conspiracy; David, after a feeble attempt to maintain himself in +his own patrimony, took flight to England, and Griffith of Powys, +driven from his dominions, was also obliged to seek the protection +of Edward. Henceforth Llewelyn ruled directly over Powys as well as +Gwynedd. His success encouraged him to persevere in defying his +overlord.</p> + +<p>Rash as he was, Llewelyn recognised that he was not strong +enough to stand up single-handed against England. Former +experience, however, suggested that it was an easy matter to <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg157" id="pg157">157</a></span>make a +party with the barons against the crown. But times had changed +since the Great Charter and the Barons' War; and a policy, which +could obtain concessions from John or Henry III., was powerless +against a king who commanded the allegiance of all his subjects. +Yet there was enough friction between the new king and his +feudatories to make the attempt seem feasible, and Llewelyn revived +the Montfort tradition, by claiming the hand of Eleanor, Earl +Simon's daughter, which had been promised to him since 1265. The +alarm created by this shows that Edward perceived the danger that +it might involve. But his policy of conciliation had now restored +to their estates the last of the "disinherited," and, since the +murder of Henry of Almaine, the name of Montfort was no longer one +to conjure with. The exiled sons of Earl Simon welcomed Llewelyn's +advances, and, in 1275, Eleanor was despatched from France to Wales +under the escort of her clerical brother Amaury. On their way, +Eleanor and Amaury were captured by English sailors. Edward +detained the lady at the queen's court, and gave some scandal to +the stricter clergy by shutting up Amaury in Corfe castle. He had +foiled the Welsh prince's game, but he had given him a new +grievance.</p> + +<p>During these transactions negotiations had been proceeding +between the English court and Llewelyn. In November, 1274, Edward +went to Shrewsbury in the hope of receiving the prince, but he was +delayed by illness, and Llewelyn made this an excuse for +non-appearance. Next year the king journeyed to Chester with the +same object, but his mission was equally fruitless. Summons after +summons was despatched to the recalcitrant vassal. Llewelyn heeded +them no more than requests to pay up the arrears which he owed the +English crown. After two years of hesitation Edward lost all +patience. Irritated to the quick by Llewelyn's offer to perform +homage in a border town on conditions altogether impossible of +acceptance, the king summoned a council of magnates for November +12, 1276, and laid the whole case before them. It was agreed that +the king should go against Llewelyn as a rebel and disturber of the +peace; and the feudal levies were summoned to meet at Worcester on +June 24, 1277. As a preliminary to the great effort, Warwick was +sent to Chester, Roger Mortimer to Montgomery, and Payne of <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg158" id="pg158">158</a></span>Chaworth +to Carmarthen. All the available marcher forces and every trooper +of the royal household were despatched to enable them to operate +during the winter and spring. Their movements were brilliantly +successful. On the reappearance of its ancient lord, the middle +march threw off the yoke of Llewelyn and went back to its obedience +to Mortimer. Griffith ap Gwenwynwyn was restored to upper Powys; +the sons of Griffith of Bromfield cast off their allegiance to +Llewelyn and were received back as direct vassals of the king. A +Tony was once more ruling in Elvael, a Gifford in Llandovery, and a +Bohun in Brecon. Rhys ap Meredith yielded up Dynevor, and was +content to be recognised as lord of the humbler stronghold of +Drysllwyn. Chaworth's bands conquered all Cardiganshire. Thus the +wider "principality" of Llewelyn was shattered at the first +assault, and when the decisive moment came, Llewelyn was thrown +back upon his hereditary clansmen of Gwynedd. Of all the +acquisitions of the treaty of Shrewsbury, the four cantreds alone +still held for their prince.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] On the whole subject of this chapter Mr. J.E. +Morris's <i>Welsh Wars of Edward I.</i> throws a flood of new +light, especially on the military history, the organisation of the +Edwardian army, and the political condition of the march.</p> + +<p>When the baronial levies mustered at Worcester, the work was +already half accomplished. Of the thousand lances that there +assembled, small forces were detached to help Mortimer in mid Wales +and to reinforce the marcher army in west Wales, which was now +commanded by Edmund of Lancaster, the king's brother. The mass of +the troops followed Edward to Chester, whence the main attack was +to be made. Edward's plan of operations was simplicity itself. He +knew that the Welsh desired no pitched battle, and he was +indisposed to lose his soldiers in unnecessary conflict. Swarms of +workmen cleared a wide road through the dense forests of the four +cantreds. The route chosen was as near as possible to the coast, +where a strong fleet, mainly from the Cinque Ports, kept up +communications with the land forces. The advance was cautious and +slow, with long halts at Flint and at Rhuddlan, where hastily +erected forts secured the king's base and safe-guarded a possible +retreat. By the end of August the king was at Deganwy, and the four +cantreds were conquered. During all this time fresh forces were +hurried up. Some 15,000 infantry, <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg159" id="pg159">159</a></span>largely drawn from southern and +central Wales, swelled the king's host.</p> + +<p>Llewelyn was closely shut up in the Snowdon country. His +position was safe enough from a direct assault, and his only fear +was want of provisions. He trusted, however, that supplies would +come in from Anglesea, whose rich cornfields were yellowing for the +harvest. But the fleet of the Cinque Ports cut off communications +between Anglesea and the mainland, and ferried over a strong +detachment of Edward's troops, which occupied the island. English +harvest-men gathered for Edward the crops of Welsh corn, and left +Llewelyn to face the beginnings of a mountain-winter without the +means of feeding his followers. By September the real fight was +over. Edward withdrew to Rhuddlan and dismissed the greater part of +his followers. Enough were left to block the approaches to Snowdon, +and Llewelyn, seeing no gain in further delay, made his submission +on November 9.</p> + +<p>The treaty of Aberconway, which Edward dictated, reduced +Llewelyn to the position of a petty North Welsh chieftain, which he +had held thirty years before. He gave up the homage of the greater +Welsh magnates, and resigned all his former conquests. The four +cantreds thus passed away from his power, and even Anglesea was +only allowed to him for life and subject to a yearly tribute. He +was compelled to do homage, and ordered to pay a crushing +indemnity, twice as much as the expenses of the war. But Edward was +in a generous mood. After Llewelyn's personal submission at +Rhuddlan, the king remitted the indemnity and the rent for +Anglesea. It was a boon to Llewelyn that the treacherous David +received his reward not' in Gwynedd itself but in Duffryn Clwyd and +Rhuvoniog, two of the four cantreds of the Perveddwlad. Llewelyn's +humiliation was completed by his enforced attendance at Edward's +Christmas court at Westminster. Next year, however, he received a +further sign of royal favour. He was allowed to marry Eleanor +Montfort, and Edward himself was present at their wedding. But on +the morning of the ceremony, Llewelyn was forced to make a promise +not to entertain the king's fugitives and outlaws.</p> + +<p>The treaty of Aberconway left Edward free to revive in the rest +of Wales the policy which, when originally begun <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg160" id="pg160">160</a></span>in 1254,[1] had, +like a rising flood, floated Llewelyn into his wider principality. +The lords marchers resumed their ancient limits. Princes like +Griffith of Powys and Rhys of Drysllwyn sank into a position which +is indistinguishable from that of their Anglo-Norman neighbours. +David, in the vale of Clwyd had no better prospects. The heirs of +lower Powys were put under the guardianship of Roger Mortimer's +younger son, another Roger, who, on the death of his wards by +drowning, received possession of their lands, and henceforth, as +Roger Mortimer of Chirk, became a new marcher baron. Meanwhile +Edward busied himself with schemes for establishing settled +government in the conquered territories. To a man of his training +and temperament, this meant the establishment of English law and +administration. He could see no merits in the archaic Welsh customs +which regarded all crimes as capable of atonement by a money +payment, treated a wrecked ship as the lawful perquisite of the +local proprietor, and hardly distinguished legitimate from +illegitimate children in determining the descent of property. He +convinced himself that the land laws of Wales were already those of +Anglo-Norman feudalism. He subjected the cantreds of Rhos and +Englefield to the Cheshire county court, and breathed a new life +into the decayed shire organisation of Cardiganshire and +Carmarthenshire. Flint and Rhuddlan dominated the two former, +Aberystwyth and Carmarthen the latter. Round the king's castles +grew up petty boroughs of English traders, who would, it was +believed, teach the Welsh to love commerce and peaceful ways.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See page 76.</p> + +<p>For five years all seemed to go well, though underneath the +apparent calm a storm was gradually gathering. The Welsh of the +ceded districts bitterly resented the imposition of a strange yoke +and complained that the king had broken his promise to respect +their laws. "Are the Welsh worse than Jews?" was their cry, "and +yet the king allows the Jews to follow their own laws in England." +But Edward coldly answered that, though it would be a breach of his +coronation oath to maintain customs of Howel the Good, which were +contrary to the Decalogue, he was willing to listen to specific +complaints. It was, however, a very difficult matter to persuade +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg161" id= +"pg161">161</a></span>Edward's bailiffs and agents to carry out his +commands, and many acts of oppression were wrought for which there +was no redress. Nobles like David and Rhys found their franchises +threatened by the encroachments of the neighbouring shire-courts. +Lesser Welshmen were liable to be robbed and insulted by the +workmen who were building Edward's castles, or by the soldiers who +were garrisoning them. At last even the Welsh who had helped Edward +to put down Llewelyn saw that they had been preparing their own +ruin, and turned to their former enemy for the redress refused them +at Westminster. David himself made common cause with his brother, +and the spirit of resistance spread among the half-hearted Cymry of +the south. Edward's oppression did more than Llewelyn's triumphs to +weld together the Welsh clans into a single people. A rising was +planned in the strictest secrecy; and on the eve of Palm Sunday, +March 21, 1282, David swooped down on Hawarden, a weak castle in +private hands, and captured it. Llewelyn promptly crossed the +Conway and turned his arms against the royal strongholds of Flint +and Rhuddlan, which withstood him, though he devastated the +countryside in every direction. Meanwhile David hurried south and +found the local lords in Cardigan and the vale of Towy already in +arms. With their help he captured the castles of the upper Towy, +but lower down the river Rhys remained staunch to the king, +whereupon David hurried over the hills to Cardiganshire and took +Aberystwyth. North and south were in full revolt.</p> + +<p>Edward, taken unawares, prepared to reassert his authority. +Certain faithful barons were "affectionately requested" to serve +the king for pay, and a fairly large army was gathered together, +though the scattered character of the rebellion necessitated its +acting in small bands. Meanwhile the military tenants and the +Cinque Ports were summoned to join in an attack on Llewelyn on the +lines of the campaign of 1277. Edward's task was more difficult +than on the previous occasion. Though Rhuddlan, not Chester as in +1277, had become his starting-point against Gwynedd, he dared not +advance so long as David threatened his left flank from Denbigh, +and the rising in the south was far more formidable than that of +five years before. A considerable part of the levies had to be +despatched to the help of Earl Gilbert of Gloucester, who was +charged with the reconquest <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg162" +id="pg162">162</a></span>of the vale of Towy. On June 17 as the +earl's soldiers were returning, laden with plunder, to their +headquarters at Dynevor, they were suddenly attacked by the Welsh +at Llandilo, and were driven back on their base. Gloucester hastily +retreated to Carmarthen. He was superseded by William of Valence, +whose activity against the Welsh had been quickened by the loss of +his son at Llandilo. Llewelyn then came south, and pressed the +English so hard that for several weeks nothing of moment was +accomplished.</p> + +<p>The advance against Gwynedd was delayed until the late summer. +Edward still tarried at Rhuddlan, with a host constantly varying in +numbers, for his soldiers had long overpassed the period of feudal +service. Every effort was made to bring fresh troops to the field, +and Luke de Tany, seneschal of Gascony, came upon the scene with a +small levy of the chivalry of Aquitaine. To Tany was assigned the +task of conquering Anglesey, but it was not until September that he +was able to occupy the island. In the same month a strenuous effort +was made to dislodge the hostile Welsh in the vale of Clwyd; the +Earl of Lincoln at last took Denbigh from David; Reginald Grey, +justice of Chester, captured Ruthin, higher up the valley, and Earl +Warenne seized Bromfield and Yale. Each noble fought for his own +hand, and Edward was forced to reward their services by immediately +granting to them their conquests, and thus created a new marcher +interest which, later on, stood in the way of an effective +settlement. But things were getting desperate, and it was well for +Edward that the security of his left flank at last enabled him to +advance to the Conway. Thereupon Llewelyn returned to Snowdon, +where he was joined by the homeless David. Meanwhile Tany, then +master of Anglesey, opened up communications with the coast of +Arvon by a bridge of boats over the Menai Straits. Winter was +already at hand when Llewelyn and his brother were at last shut up +amidst the fastnesses of Snowdon.</p> + +<p>Late in October Archbishop Peckham appeared on the scene. He had +excommunicated Llewelyn at the beginning of the war, but was still +anxious to negotiate a peace. Edward did his best to put him off, +but Peckham's importunity extorted from him a short truce, during +which the primate visited Snowdon, taking with him an offer of an +ample estate in England if <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg163" +id="pg163">163</a></span>the prince would surrender his patrimony. +Llewelyn furnished Peckham with long catalogues of grievances. He +was quite willing to gain time by discussing his wrongs.</p> + +<p>Edward's army shared his irritation at Peckham's interference, +and, while the archbishop was still in Snowdon, a breach of the +truce destroyed any hopes of peace. On November 6 Tany led his +troops over the bridge of boats at low water and marched inland. +But his operations were ill-planned, and the Welsh came down from +the hills and easily put him to flight. Meanwhile the tide had +risen and the flood cut off access to the bridge over the Menai. In +their panic the soldiers rushed into the water rather than face the +enemy. Many leading men were drowned, including Tany himself, the +author of the treachery. Flushed with this success Llewelyn +rejected Peckham's terms. In great disgust the archbishop went back +to England, bitterly denouncing the Welsh. But defeat only +strengthened the iron resolution of Edward. He issued fresh +summonses for men and money. Contrary to all precedent, he +determined to continue the campaign through the winter.</p> + +<p>Llewelyn was probably ignorant of the perilous plight into which +the king had fallen. With the approach of bad weather he became +afraid that he would be starved out in Snowdon. Any risk was better +than being caught like a rat in a trap, and, fearing lest a cordon +should be drawn round the mountains, he made his way southwards, +leaving David in command. His enemy, Roger Mortimer, was just dead, +and Mortimer's eldest son Edmund, a youth brought up for the +clerical profession, was not likely to hold the middle marches with +the same strong grasp as his father. Thither accordingly Llewelyn +made his way, hoping that on his approach the tribesmen of the +upper Wye, over whom he had ruled so long, would abandon their +English lord for their Cymric chieftain. A force gathered round +him, and he occupied a strong position on a hill overlooking the +river Yrvon, which flows into the right bank of the Wye, just above +Builth. The right bank of the Yrvon was held by the English of +Builth. But the only way over the stream was by Orewyn bridge, +which was held by a detachment of the Welsh. Their position seemed +so secure that, on December 11, Llewelyn left his troops to confer +with some of the local chieftains. The English were, however, shown +a ford over the river; a band <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg164" +id="pg164">164</a></span>crossed in safety, and, taking the +defenders of Orewyn bridge in the rear, opened up the passage over +it to their comrades. The English ascended the hill, their +mail-clad squadrons interlaced with archers, in order that the +Welsh infantry might be assailed by missiles before they were +exposed to the shock of a cavalry charge. In the absence of their +leader, the Welsh were a helpless mass of sheep, and were easily +put to flight. Meanwhile Llewelyn, hearing the din of battle, +hurried back to direct his followers. On the way he was slain by +Stephen of Frankton, a Shropshire veteran of the Barons' War, who +fought under the banner of Roger l'Estrange. The discovery of +important papers on the body first told the conquerors the rank of +their victim.</p> + +<p>Thus perished the able and strenuous chief, who had struggled so +long to win for himself in Wales a position similar to that +occupied by the King of Scots in the north. His death did not end, +but it much simplified, the struggle. The south and midland +districts were entirely subdued, and the interest of the war again +shifted to the mountains of Snowdon, where David strove to maintain +himself as Prince of Wales. His best chance lay in the exhaustion +of his enemy, but Edward stuck grimly to his task. His coffers were +exhausted, and his army for the most part went home. Yet Edward +tarried at Rhuddlan for over six months, dividing his energy +between watching the Welsh and replenishing his treasure and +troops. His treasurer, John Kirkby, wandered from shire to shire +soliciting voluntary contributions. Then in January, 1283, an +anomalous parliament was summoned, consisting mainly of +ecclesiastics, knights of the shire, and burgesses, and meeting in +two divisions, at York and at Northampton, according as the members +came from the northern or southern ecclesiastical provinces. The +grant of a thirtieth so little satisfied the king that he laid +violent hands on the crusading-tenth, which was deposited in the +Temple. Meanwhile the chivalry of Gascony and Ponthieu were tempted +by high wages to supply the void left by the retirement of the +English.</p> + +<p>Early in 1283 a gallant force from beyond sea, among which +figured the Counts of Armagnac and Bigorre, reached Rhuddlan. After +their arrival the king took the offensive, crossed the Conway and +transferred his headquarters to the <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg165" id="pg165">165</a></span>Cistercian abbey of Aberconway. +Fearful once more of being enclosed in the mountains, David sought +a new hiding-place among the heights of Cader Idris. He shifted his +quarters to the castle of Bere, hidden away in a remote valley +sloping down from the mountain to the sea. The unwearied Edward +once more issued summonses for a fresh campaign. David was at the +extremity of his resources. Before the new arrivals enabled Edward +to move, William of Valence marched up from the south, and in April +forced Bere to surrender. David fled before the siege began; but he +was a fugitive without an army, and the campaign was reduced to a +weary tracking out of the last little bands that still scorned to +surrender. In June David was betrayed by men of his own tongue, and +Edward summoned for Michaelmas at Shrewsbury a parliament whose +chief business was the trial of David. On October 3 the last Cymric +Prince of Wales suffered the ignominious doom of a traitor, a +murderer, and a blasphemer. The magnates then adjourned to the +chancellor's neighbouring seat of Acton Burnell, where the +rejoicings incident to the king's visit to his friend's new mansion +were combined with passing the statute of Merchants.</p> + +<p>Edward's love of thoroughness made him linger in Wales to settle +the government of the newly won lands. His first care was to hold +Snowdon with the ring of fortresses which, in their ruin, still +bear abiding witness to the solidity of the conqueror's work. Round +each castle arose a new town, created as artificially as were the +<i>bastides</i> of Aquitaine, within whose walls English traders +and settlers were tempted by high privileges to take up their +abodes, and whose strictly military character was emphasised by the +general provision that the constable of the castle was to be <i>ex +officio</i> the mayor of the municipality. Chief among these was +Aberconway, whose strategic importance Edward understood so fully +that he forced the Cistercian monks to take up new quarters at +Maenan, higher up the valley, in order that there might be room for +the castle and town which were henceforth to guard the entrance to +Snowdon. Equally important was the future capital of Gwynedd, +Carnarvon, where on April 25, 1284, a son was born to Edward and +Eleanor, who seventeen years later was to become the first English +Prince of Wales. Elsewhere fortresses of Welsh origin were rebuilt +and enlarged to complete the stone circuit round the mountains. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg166" id="pg166">166</a></span>Such +were Criccieth, the key of Lleyn; Dolwyddelen, which dominated the +upper Conway; and Harlech and Bere, the two strongholds that curbed +the mountaineers of Merioneth. In the south the same policy was +carried out. Alike in Gwynedd and in the vale of Towy, both in his +castle building and in his town foundations, Edward was simply +carrying on the traditions of earlier ages, and applying to his new +lands those principles of government which, since the Norman +Conquest, had become the tradition of the marcher lords. Even in +his architectural schemes there was nothing novel in Edward's +policy. Gilbert of Gloucester at Caerphilly, and Payne of Chaworth +at Kidwelly, had already worked out the pattern of "concentric" +defences that were to find their fullest expression in the new +castles of the principality. In each of these strongholds an +adequate garrison of highly trained and well-paid troops kept the +Welsh in check.</p> + +<p>The civil government of the Edwardian conquests was provided for +by the statute of Wales, issued on Mid-Lent Sunday, 1284, at +Rhuddlan, Edward's usual headquarters. It declared that the land of +Wales, heretofore subject to the crown in feudal right, was +entirely transferred to the king's dominion. To the whole of the +annexed districts the English system of shire government was +extended, though such local customs as appealed to Edward's sense +of justice were suffered to be continued. Gwynedd and its +appurtenances were divided into the three shires of Anglesey, +Carnarvon, and Merioneth, and were collectively put under the +justice of Snowdon, whose seat was to be at Carnarvon, where courts +of chancery and exchequer for north Wales were set up. The shires +of Cardigan and Carmarthen were re-organised so as to include the +southern districts which had been subject to Llewelyn, or to the +Welsh lords who had fallen with him. These were put under the +justice of west Wales, whose chancery and exchequer were +established at Carmarthen. It is significant that Edward prepared +the way for making these districts into shires by persuading his +brother Edmund, to whom they had been granted, to abandon his +claims over them in return for ample compensation elsewhere. +Without this step the new shires would only have been palatinates +of the Glamorgan or Pembroke type, and the creation of such +franchises was directly contrary to Edward's policy. It was +different <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg167" id= +"pg167">167</a></span>in the vale of Clwyd, where it would have +been natural for Edward to have extended the shire system to the +four cantreds. Military exigences had, however, already erected +most of these lands into new marcher lordships, and Edward was +perforce content with the union of some fragments of Rhos to the +shire of Carnarvon, and with joining together Englefield and some +adjoining districts in the new county of Flint. This arrangement +secured the strongholds of Flint and Rhuddlan for the king. But the +district was too small to make it worth while to set up a separate +organisation for it, and Flintshire was put under the justice and +courts of Chester, so that it became a dependency of the +neighbouring palatinate.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the shires of Walessee my paper on <i>The +Welsh Shires</i> in <i>Y Cymmrodor</i>, ix. (1888), 201-26.</p> + +<p>The lordships of the march were not directly influenced by this +legislation. They continued to hold their position as franchises +until the reign of Henry VIII., and under Edward III. were declared +by statute to be no part of the principality but directly subject +to the English crown. Yet the removal of the pressure of a native +principality profoundly affected these districts. The policy of +definition made its mark even here. The liberties of each marcher +were defined and circumscribed, and, while scrupulously respected, +were incapable of further extension. The vague jurisdictions of the +sheriffs of the border shires were cleared up, and if this process +involved some limitation of the royal authority in districts like +Clun and Oswestry, which virtually ceased to be parts of +Shropshire, there was a compensating advantage in the increased +clearness with which the border line was drawn and the royal +authority consolidated. Gradually the marcher lordships passed by +lapse into the royal hands, and even from the beginning there were +regions, such as Montgomery and Builth, which knew no lord but the +king. All this was, however, an indirect result of the Edwardian +conquest. Strictly speaking it was no conquest of all Wales but +merely of the principality, the ancient dominions of Llewelyn, to +which most of the crown lands in Wales were joined.</p> + +<p>Ecclesiastical settlement followed the political reorganisation. +Peckham was as zealous as Edward in compelling the conquered to +follow the law-abiding traditions of the king's ancient +inheritance. He laboured strenuously for the rebuilding <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg168" id="pg168">168</a></span>of +churches, the preservation and extension of ecclesiastical +property, the education of the clergy, and the extirpation of +clerical matrimony and simony. Despite his unsympathetic attitude, +he did good work for the Welsh Church by his manful resistance to +all attempts of Edward and his subordinates to encroach upon her +liberties. He quaintly thought it would promote the civilisation of +Wales if the people were forced to "learn civility" by living in +towns and sending their children to school in England. His +assiduous visitation of the Welsh dioceses in 1284 did something to +kindle zeal, and win the Welsh clergy from the idleness wherein, he +believed, lay the root of all their shortcomings.</p> + +<p>In the autumn of 1284 Edward went on an extended progress in +Wales. He passed through the four cantreds into Gwynedd, and thence +worked his way southwards through Cardigan and Carmarthen, ending +his tour by visits to the marcher lords of the south. He crossed +over from Glamorgan, where he had been entertained by Gilbert of +Clare, to Bristol, where he held his Christmas court. Wales was to +see no more of its new ruler for seven years. During that time the +principality gave Edward little trouble, though the marchers, as +will be seen, were a constant anxiety to him. In 1287, while Edward +was in Gascony, the regent, Edmund of Cornwall, was called upon to +deal with a revolt of Rhys, son of Meredith, the loyalist lord of +the vale of Towy, who resented the authority of the justice of +Carmarthen over his patrimony. His grievances were those of a +marcher rather than those of a Welshman. Yet his rising in 1287 was +formidable enough to require the raising of a great army for its +suppression. The Welsh chieftain could not long hold out against +the odds brought against him, and the confiscation of his lands +swelled the district directly depending on the sheriff of +Carmarthen. The support of the countryside enabled Rhys to evade +his pursuers for nearly three years. At last he was captured, and +with the execution of the last of the lords of Dynevor, the triumph +of Edward became complete.</p> + +<h2>CHAPTER IX.</h2> + +<h4>THE SICILIAN AND THE SCOTTISH ARBITRATIONS.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg169" id= +"pg169">169</a></span>Edward I. had now attained the height of his +fame. He had conquered Llewelyn; he had reformed the +administration; he had put himself as a lawmaker in the same rank +as St. Louis or Frederick II.; and he had restored England to a +leading position in the councils of Europe. Moreover, he had won a +character for justice and fairness which did him even greater +service, since the several deaths of prominent sovereigns during +1285 left him almost alone of his generation among princes of a +lesser stature. Of the chief rulers of Europe in the early years of +Edward's reign, Rudolf of Hapsburg alone survived; and the King of +the Romans had little weight outside Germany many. Edward had +outlived his brother-in-law Alfonso of Castile, his cousin Philip +the Bold, his uncle Charles of Anjou, and Peter of Aragon. But the +conflicts, in which these kings had been engaged, were continued by +their successors. Above all, the contest for Sicily still raged. +The successors of Martin IV., though deprived of the active support +of France, would not abandon the claims of the captive Charles of +Salerno; and James of Aragon, Peter's second son, maintained +himself in Sicily, despite papal censures and despite the virtual +desertion of his cause by his elder brother, Alfonso III., the new +king of Aragon. Each side was at a standstill, though each side +struggled on. The personal hatreds, which made it impossible to +reconcile the older generation, were dying out, and the chief +obstacle in the way of a settlement was the stubbornness of the +papacy. If any one could reconcile the quarrel, it was the King of +England; and to him Charles' sons and the nobles of his dominions +appealed to procure his release.</p> + +<p>Edward was anxious to proffer his services as a peacemaker. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg170" id="pg170">170</a></span>The +dream of a Europe, united for the liberation of the holy places, +had not been expelled from his mind by his schemes for the +advancement of his kingdom. If he could inspire his neighbour kings +with something of his spirit, the crusade might still be possible. +Other matters also called Edward's attention to the continent. He +had to do homage to the new French king; he had to press for the +execution of the treaty of Amiens, and his presence was again +necessary in Gascony. His realm was in such profound peace that he +could safely leave it. Accordingly in May, 1286, he took ship for +France. With him went his wife Eleanor of Castile, his chancellor +Bishop Burnell, and a large number of his nobles. He entrusted the +regency to his cousin, Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, the son and +successor of Earl Richard; and England saw him no more until +August, 1289. Edward first made his way to Amiens, where he met the +new King of France, Philip the Fair. The two kings went together to +Paris, where Edward spent two months. There he performed homage for +Gascony, and made a new agreement as to the execution of the treaty +of Amiens, by which he renounced his claims over Quercy for a money +payment, and was put in possession of Saintonge, south of the +Charente. The settlement was the easier as for the moment neither +king had his supreme interest in Gascony. Edward's real business +was to make peace between Anjou and Aragon, and Philip IV. showed +every desire to help him. Before Edward left Paris, he had +negotiated a truce between the Kings of France and Aragon. Soon +afterwards he went to Bordeaux. He made Gascony his headquarters +for three years, and strove with all his might to convert the truce +into a peace.</p> + +<p>Grave obstacles arose, chief among which was the determination +of the papacy to make no terms with the King of Aragon so long as +his brother still reigned over Sicily. Honorius IV., in approving +Edward's preliminary action, and exhorting him to obtain the +liberation of the Prince of Salerno, carefully guarded himself +against recognising the schismatic Aragonese. Edward himself was no +partisan of either side. He was heartily anxious for peace and +desirous to free his kinsman from the rigours of his long +imprisonment. His wish for a close alliance between England and +Aragon was unacceptable to the partisanship both of Honorius IV. +and his <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg171" id= +"pg171">171</a></span>successor Nicholas IV. Papal coldness, +however, did not turn Edward from his course. In the summer of 1287 +he met Alfonso at Oloron in Béarn, where a treaty was drawn +up by which the Aragonese king agreed to release Charles of Salerno +on condition that he would either, within three years, procure from +the pope the recognition of James in Sicily, or return to captivity +and forfeit Provence. Besides this, an alliance between England and +Aragon was to be cemented by the marriage of one of Edward's +daughters to Alfonso. Delighted with the success of his +undertaking, Edward, on his return to Bordeaux, again took the +cross and prepared to embark on the crusade.</p> + +<p>Nicholas IV. interposed between Edward and his vows by +denouncing the treaty of Oloron.[1] Though well-meaning, he was not +strong enough to shake himself free from partisan traditions, and +though honestly anxious to bring about a crusade, he could not see +that he made the holy war impossible by interposing obstacles in +the way of the one prince who seriously intended to take the cross. +While denouncing Edward's treaty, Nicholas encouraged his crusading +zeal by granting him a new ecclesiastical tenth for six years, a +tax made memorable by the fact that it occasioned the stringent +valuation of benefices, called the taxation of Pope Nicholas, which +was the standard clerical rate-book until the reign of Henry VIII. +Despite the pope, Edward still persevered in his mediation, and in +October, 1288, a new treaty for Charles' liberation was signed at +Canfranc, in Aragon, which only varied in details from the +agreement of 1287. Charles was released, but he straightway made +his way to Rome, where Nicholas absolved him from his oath and +crowned him King of Sicily. Edward was bitterly disappointed. He +tarried in the south until July, 1289, usefully employed in +promoting the prosperity of his duchy, crushing conspiracies, +furthering the commerce of Bordeaux, and founding new +<i>bastides</i>. At last tidings of disorder at home called him +back to his kingdom before the purpose of his continental sojourn +had been accomplished. But he still pressed on his thankless task, +and in 1291 peace was made at Tarascon, between Aragon and the +Roman see, on the hard condition of <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg172" id="pg172">172</a></span>Alfonso abandoning his brother's +cause. On Alfonso's death soon afterwards the war was renewed, for +James then united the Sicilian and Aragonese thrones and would not +yield up either. It was not until 1295 that Boniface VIII., a +stronger pope than Nicholas, ended the struggle on terms which left +the stubborn Aragonese masters of Sicily.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For his policy, see O. Schiff, <i>Studien zur +Geschichte P. Nikolaus IV.</i> (1897).</p> + +<p>Things had not gone well in England during Edward's absence. +Edmund of Cornwall had shown vigour in putting down the revolt of +Rhys, but he was not strong enough to control either the greater +barons or the officers of the crown. Grave troubles were already +brewing in Scotland. A fierce quarrel between the Earls of +Gloucester and Hereford broke out with regard to the boundaries of +Glamorgan and Brecon, and the private war between the two marchers +proved more formidable to the peace of the realm than the revolt of +the Welsh prince. Even more disastrous to the country was the +scandalous conduct of the judges and royal officials, who profited +by the king's absence to pile up fortunes at the expense of his +subjects. The highest judges of the land forged charters, condoned +homicides, sold judgments, and practised extortion and violence. A +great cry arose for the king's return. In the Candlemas parliament +of 1289 Earl Gilbert of Gloucester met a request for a general aid +by urging that nothing should be granted until Englishmen once more +saw the king's face. Alarmed at this threat, Edward returned, and +landed at Dover on August 12, 1289.</p> + +<p>The whole situation was changed by the king's arrival. Edward +met the innumerable complaints against his subordinates by +dismissing nearly all the judges from office, and appointing a +special commission to investigate the charges brought against royal +officials of every rank. Thomas Weyland, chief justice of the +common pleas, anticipated inquiry by taking sanctuary with the +Franciscan friars of Bury St. Edmunds. A knight and a married man, +he had taken subdeacon's orders in early life and sought to little +purpose to be protected by his clergy. His refuge was watched by +the local sheriffs; finally, he was starved into surrender, and +suffered to abjure the realm.[1] He fled to France, whence he never +returned. For some years the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg173" +id="pg173">173</a></span>commission investigated the offences of +the ministers of the crown. Though much that was irregular was +proved against them, many charges broke down under inquiry, and, as +time went on, the official class saw that their interest lay in +condoning rather than in punishing scandals. Some of the worst +offenders, such as the greedy and corrupt Adam of Stratton, were +never restored to office;[2] but Hengham, the chief justice of the +King's Bench, was soon reinstated. There were not enough good +lawyers in England to make it prudent for Edward to dispense with +the services of such a man. A rigorous maintenance of a high +standard of official morality meant getting rid of nearly all the +king's ministers, and any successors would have been inferior in +experience and not superior in honesty. Edward had to work with +such material as he had, and on the whole he made the best of it. +Scandalous as were the proceedings of his agents, their iniquities +are but trifles as compared with the offences of the counsellors of +Philip the Fair.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the <i>abjuratio regni</i> see A. +Réville in the <i>Revue Historique</i>, 1. (1892), +1-42.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] For Adam of Stratton see Hall, <i>Red Book of +the Excheque</i>, iii., cccxv.-cccxxxi. Extracts from the Assize +rolls recording the proceedings of the special commission will soon +be published by the Royal Historical Society.</p> + +<p>Fear of Edward drove nobles into obedience as well as ministers +into honesty. Gloucester desisted unwillingly from his attacks on +Brecon, and was constrained to divorce his wife and marry the +king's daughter, Joan of Acre. In becoming the king's son-in-law, +he was forced to surrender his estates to the crown, receiving them +back entailed on the heirs of the marriage or, in their default, on +the heirs of Joan. Thus the system of entails made possible by the +statute <i>De donis</i> was used by Edward to strengthen his hold +over the most powerful of his feudatories and increase the prospect +of his estates escheating to the crown. Considered in this light, +Gilbert's marriage with the king's daughter seems less a reward of +loyalty than a punishment for lawlessness. In the same year as this +marriage, Edward passed another law directed against the baronage. +This was the statute of Westminster the Third, called from its +opening words, <i>Quia emptore</i>. It enacted that, when part of +an estate was alienated by its lord, the grantee should not be +permitted to become the subtenant of the grantor, but should stand +to the ultimate lord of the fief in the same feudal relation <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg174" id="pg174">174</a></span>as the +grantor himself. This prohibition of further subinfeudation stopped +the creation of new manors and prevented the rivetting of new links +in the feudal chain, which were the necessary condition of its +strength. Though passed at the request of the barons, it was a +measure much more helpful to the king than to his vassals. It stood +to the barons as the statute of Mortmain stood to the Church.</p> + +<p>Edward was bent on showing that he was master, and his new +son-in-law and the Earl of Hereford became the victims of his +policy. He forced the reluctant Gloucester to admit that the +pretensions of the lord of Glamorgan to be the overlord of the +bishop of LLandaff and the guardian of the temporalities of the see +during a vacancy were usurpations. Seeing that his marcher +prerogatives were thus rapidly becoming undermined, Gloucester put +the most cherished marcher right to the test by renewing the +private war with the Earl of Hereford which had disturbed the realm +during Edward's absence. The king issued peremptory orders for the +immediate cessation of hostilities. These mandates Hereford obeyed, +but Gloucester did not. Resolved that law not force was henceforth +to settle disputes in the march, Edward summoned a novel court at +Ystradvellte, in Brecon, wherein a jury from the neighbouring +shires and liberties was to decide the case between the two earls +in the presence of the chief marchers. Gloucester refused to +appear, and the marchers declined to take part in the trial, +pleading that it was against their liberties. The case was +adjourned to give the recalcitrants every chance, and after a +preliminary report by the judges, Edward resolved to hear the suit +in person. In October, 1291, he presided at Abergavenny over the +court before which the earls were arraigned. They were condemned to +imprisonment and forfeiture. Content with humbling their pride and +annihilating their privileges, Edward suffered them to redeem +themselves from captivity by the payment of heavy fines, and before +long gave them back their lands. The king's victory was so complete +that neither of the earls could forgive it. In 1295, Gloucester +died, without opportunity of revenge; but Hereford lived on, +brooding over his wrongs, and in later years signally avenged the +trial at Abergavenny. Meanwhile the conqueror of the principality +had shown unmistakably that the liberties of the march were <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg175" id="pg175">175</a></span>an +anachronism, since the marchers had no longer the work of defending +English interests against the Welsh nation.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Mr. J.E. Morris in chap. vi. of his <i>Welsh +Wars of Edward I.</i> has admirably summarised this suit. See also +G.T. Clark's <i>Land of Morgan</i>.</p> + +<p>Another measure that followed Edward's home-coming was the +expulsion of the Jews. Despite constant odium and intermittent +persecution, the Jewish financiers who had settled in England after +the Norman conquest steadily improved their position down to the +reign of Henry III. The personal dependants of the crown, they were +well able to afford to share their gains from usury with their +protectors. They lived in luxury, built stone houses, set up an +organisation of their own, and even purchased lands. Henry III.'s +financial embarrassments forced him to rely upon them, and the +alliance of the Jews and the crown stimulated the religious bigotry +of the popular party to ill-treat the Jews during the Barons' War. +Stories of Jews murdering Christian children were eagerly believed; +and the cult of St. Hugh of Lincoln and St. William of Norwich,[1] +two pretended victims of Hebrew cruelty, testified to the hatred +which Englishmen bore to the race.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this saint, Thomas of Monmouth, +<i>Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp and +James (1896).</p> + +<p>Under Edward I. the condition of the Jews became more +precarious. The king hated them alike on religious and economical +grounds. He rigorously insisted that they should wear a distinctive +dress, and at last altogether prohibited usury. Driven from their +chief means of earning their living, the Jews had recourse to +clipping and sweating the coin. Indiscriminate severities did +little to abate these evils. Meanwhile active missionary efforts +were made to win over the Jews to the Christian faith. They were +compelled to listen to long sermons from mendicant friars, and +their obstinacy in adhering to their own creed was denounced as a +deliberate offence against the light. Peckham shut up their +synagogues, and Eleanor of Provence, who had entered a convent, +joined with the archbishop in urging her son to take severe +measures against them. There was a similar movement in France, and +Edward, during his long stay abroad, had expelled the Jews from +Aquitaine. In 1290 he applied the same policy to England, and their +exile was so popular an act that parliament made him a special +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg176" id= +"pg176">176</a></span>grant as a thankoffering. But though Edward +thus drove the Jews to seek new homes beyond sea, he allowed them +to carry their property with them, and punished the mariners who +took advantage of the helplessness of their passengers to rob and +murder them. Though individual Jews were found from time to time in +England during the later middle ages, their official +re-establishment was only allowed in the seventeenth +century.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the Jews see J. Jacobs, <i>Jews in Angevin +England</i>; Tovey, <i>Anglia Judaica</i>; J.M. Rigg, <i>Select +Pleas of the Jewish Exchequer</i>; and for their exile B.L. +Abrahams, <i>Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290</i>.</p> + +<p>Two generations at least before their expulsion, the Jews had +been outrivalled in their financial operations by societies of +Italian bankers, whose admirable organisation and developed system +of credit enabled them to undertake banking operations of a +magnitude quite beyond the means of the Hebrews. First brought into +England as papal agents for remitting to Rome the spoils of the +Church, they found means of evading the canonical prohibitions of +usury, and became the loanmongers of prince and subject alike. To +the crown the Italians were more useful than the Jews had been. The +value of the Jews to the monarch had been in the special facilities +enjoyed by him in taxing them. The utility of the Italian societies +was in their power of advancing sums of money that enabled the king +to embark on enterprises hitherto beyond the limited resources of +the medieval state. The Italians financed all Edward's enterprises +from the crusade of 1270 to his Welsh and Scottish campaigns. From +them Edward and his son borrowed at various times sums amounting to +almost half a million of the money of the time. In return the +Italians, chief among whom was the Florentine Society of the +Frescobaldi, obtained privileges which made them as deeply hated as +ever the Hebrews had been.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See on this subject E.A. Bond's article in +<i>Archæologia</i>, vol. xxviii., pp. 207-326; W.E. Rhodes, +<i>Italian Bankers in England under Edward I. and II.</i> in +<i>Owens Coll. Historical Essays</i>, pp. 137-68; and R.J. +Whitwell, <i>Italian Bankers and the English Crown</i> in +<i>Transactions of Royal Hist. Soc.</i>, N.S., xvii. (1903), pp. +175-234.</p> + +<p>Among the troubles which had called Edward back from Gascony was +the condition of Scotland, where a long period of prosperity had +ended with the death of Edward's brother-in-law, Alexander III., in +1286. Alexander III. attended his <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg177" id="pg177">177</a></span>brother-in-law's coronation in +1274, and the irritation excited by his limiting his homage to his +English lordships of Tynedale and Penrith did not cause any great +amount of friction. But the homage question was only postponed, and +at Michaelmas, 1278, Alexander was constrained to perform +unconditionally this unwelcome act. "I, Alexander King of +Scotland," were his words, "become the liege man of the lord +Edward, King of England, against all men." But by carefully +refraining from specifying for what he became Edward's vassal, +Alexander still suggested that it was for his English lordships. +Edward with equal caution declared that he received the homage, +"saving his right and claim to the homage of Scotland when he may +wish to speak concerning it". Both parties were content with mutual +protestations. Edward was so friendly to Alexander that he allowed +him to appoint Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, his proxy in +professing fealty, so as to minimise the king's feeling of +humiliation. The King of Scots went home loaded with presents, and +for the rest of his life his relations with Edward remained +cordial.</p> + +<p>The closing years of Alexander's reign were overshadowed by +domestic misfortunes and the prospects of difficulties about the +succession. His wife, Margaret of England, had died in 1275, and +was followed to the tomb by their two sons, Alexander and David. A +delicate girl, Margaret, then alone represented the direct line of +the descendants of William the Lion. Margaret was married, when +still young, to Eric, King of Norway, and died in 1283 in giving +birth to her only child, a daughter named Margaret. No children +were born of Alexander's second marriage; and in March, 1286, the +king broke his neck, when riding by night along the cliffs of the +coast of Fife. Before his death, however, he persuaded the magnates +of Scotland to recognise his granddaughter as his successor. The +Maid of Norway, as Margaret was called, was proclaimed queen, and +the administration was put into the hands of six guardians, who +from 1286 to 1289 carried on the government with fair success. As +time went on, the baronage got out of hand and a feud between the +rival south-western houses of Balliol and Bruce foreshadowed worse +troubles.</p> + +<p>William Eraser, Bishop of St. Andrews, the chief of the regents, +visited Edward in Gascony and urged the necessity of <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg178" id="pg178">178</a></span>action. The best +solution of all problems was that the young Queen of Scots should +be married to Edward of Carnarvon, a boy a few months her junior. +But both the Scots nobles and the King of Norway were jealous and +suspicious, and any attempt to hurry forward such a proposal would +have been fatal to its accomplishment. However, negotiations were +entered into between England, Scotland, and Norway. In 1289 the +guardians of Scotland agreed to nominate representatives to treat +on the matter. Edward took up his quarters at Clarendon, while his +agents, conspicuous among whom was Anthony Bek, Bishop of Durham, +negotiated with the envoys of Norway and Scotland. On November 6 +the three powers concluded the treaty of Salisbury, by which they +agreed that Margaret should be sent to England or Scotland before +All Saints' Day, 1290, "free and quit of all contract of marriage +or espousals". Edward promised that if Margaret came into his +custody he would, as soon as Scotland was tranquil, hand her over +to the Scots as "free and quit" as when she came to him; and the +"good folk of Scotland" engaged that, if they received their queen +thus free, they would not marry her "save with the ordinance, will, +and counsel of Edward and with the agreement of the King of +Norway". In March, 1290, a parliament of Scots magnates met at +Brigham, near Kelso, and ratified the treaty. Fresh negotiations +were begun for the marriage of Edward of Carnarvon and the Queen of +Scots, resulting in the treaty of Brigham of July 18, which Edward +confirmed a month later at Northampton. By this Edward agreed that, +in the event of the marriage taking place, the laws and customs of +Scotland should be perpetually maintained. Should Margaret die +without issue, Scotland was to go to its natural heir, and in any +case was to remain "separate and divided from the realm of +England".</p> + +<p>The treaty of Brigham was as wise a scheme as could have been +devised for bringing about the unity of Britain. In the care taken +to meet the natural scruples of the smaller nation we are reminded +of the treaty of Union of 1707. But a nearer parallel is to be +found in the conditions under which the union between France and +Brittany was gradually accomplished after the marriage of Anne of +Brittany. In both cases alike, in France and in England, the +stronger party was content with securing the personal union of the +two crowns, and strove to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg179" id= +"pg179">179</a></span>reconcile the weaker party by providing +safeguards against violent or over-rapid amalgamation. It was left +for the future to decide whether the habit of co-operation, +continued for generations, might not ultimately involve a more +organic union. Unluckily for this island, the policy which +ultimately made the stubborn Celts of Brittany content with union +with France, never had a chance of being carried out here. Edward +made every preparation for bringing over the Maid of Norway to her +kingdom and her husband, and neither the Scots nor the Norwegians +grudged his leading share in accomplishing their common wishes. But +the child's health gave way before the hardships of the journey. +Before All Saints' day had come round, she died in one of the +Orkneys, where the ship which conveyed her had put in.</p> + +<p>The death of the queen threatened Scotland with revolution. The +regents' commission became of doubtful legality, and a swarm of +claimants for the vacant throne arose, whose resources, if not +their rights, were sufficiently evenly balanced to make civil +strife inevitable. Since southern Scotland had become a wholly +feudal, largely Norman, and partly English state, there had been no +grave difficulties with regard to the succession. Now that they +arose, there was doubt as to the principles on which claims to the +throne should be settled. There was no legitimate representative +left of the stock of William the Lion. The male line of his brother +David, Earl of Huntingdon, had died out with John the Scot, the +last independent Earl of Chester. The nearest claimants to the +succession were therefore to be found in the descendants of David's +three daughters. But there was no certainty that any rights could +be transmitted through the female line. Moreover there was a doubt +whether, allowing that a woman could transmit the right to rule, +the succession should proceed according to primogeniture or in +accordance with the nearness of the claimant to the source of his +claim. If the former view were held then John of Balliol, lord of +Barnard castle in Durham and of Galloway in Scotland, had the best +right as the grandson of Earl David's eldest daughter. Yet less +than a century before, the passing over of Arthur of Brittany in +favour of his uncle John, had recalled to men's mind the ancient +doctrine that a younger son is nearer to the parent stock than a +grandson sprung from his elder brother; and if the <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg180" id="pg180">180</a></span>view, then +expressed in the <i>History of William the Marshal</i>,[1] was +still to hold good, Robert Bruce, lord of Skelton in Yorkshire, and +of Annandale in the northern kingdom, was the nearest in blood to +David of Huntingdon as the son of his second daughter. Beyond this +there was the further question of the divisibility of the kingdom. +So fully was southern Scotland feudalised that it seemed arguable +that the monarchy, or at least its demesne lands, might be divided +among all the representatives of the coheiresses, after the fashion +in which the Huntingdon estates had been allotted to all the +representatives of Earl David. In that case John of Hastings, lord +of Abergavenny, put in a claim as the grandson of Earl David's +youngest daughter.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Hist. de Guillaume le Maréchal</i>, +ii., <i>64</i>, II. 11899-902.</p> + +<p class="two">Oil, sire, quer c'est raison<br /> +Quer plus près est sanz achaison<br /> +Le filz de la terre son père<br /> +Que le niês: dreiz est qu'il i père.<br /> +</p> + +<p>When so much was uncertain, every noble who boasted any +connexion with the royal house safeguarded his interests, or +advertised his pedigree, by enrolling himself among the claimants. +Five or six of the competitors had no better ground of right than +descent from bastards of the royal house, especially from the +numerous illegitimate offspring of William the Lion. The others +went back to more remote ancestors. A foreign prince, Florence, +Count of Holland, demanded the succession as a descendant of a +sister of Earl David, declaring that David had forfeited his rights +by rebellion. John Comyn, lord of Badenoch, brought forward his +descent from Donaldbane, brother of Malcolm Canmore. One claim +reads like a fairy tale, with stories of an unknown king dying, +leaving a son to be murdered by a wicked uncle, and a daughter to +escape to obscurity in Ireland, where she married and transmitted +her rights to her children. There was no authority in Scotland +strong enough to decide these claims. Once more Robert Bruce raised +the standard of disorder, and the appeal of Bishop Fraser to Edward +to undertake the settlement of the question showed that the English +king's mediation was the readiest way of restoring order.</p> + +<p>In 1291 Edward summoned the magnates of both realms, <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg181" id="pg181">181</a></span>along with +certain popular representatives, to meet at Norham, Bishop Bek's +border castle on the Tweed. Trained civilians and canonists also +attended, while abbeys and churches contributed extracts from +chronicles, carefully compiled by royal order, with a view of +illustrating the king's claims. On May 10 Edward met the assembly +in Norham parish church. Roger Brabazon, the chief justice, +declared in the French tongue that Edward was prepared to do +justice to the claimants as "superior and direct lord of Scotland". +Before, however, he could act, his master required that his +overlordship should be recognised by the Scots. It is likely that +this demand was not unexpected. Even in the treaty of Brigham +Edward had been careful not to withdraw his claim of superiority, +and his action with relation to Alexander III.'s homage was well +known. But the sensitiveness which their late king had shown in the +face of Edward's earlier claims was shared by the Scots lords, and +shrinking from recognising facts which they ought to have faced +before they solicited his intervention, they begged for delay and +drew up remonstrances. Edward granted them, a respite for three +weeks, though he swore by St. Edward that he would rather die than +diminish the rights due to the Confessor's crown. He had already +summoned the northern levies, and was prepared to enforce his claim +by force. His uncompromising attitude put the Scots in an awkward +position. But they had gone to Norham to get his help, and they +were not prepared to run the risk of an English invasion as well as +civil war. Most of the claimants had as many interests in England +as in Scotland, and a breach with Edward would involve the +forfeiture of their southern lands as well as the loss of a +possible kingdom in the north. When the magnates reassembled, the +competitors set the example of acknowledging Edward as overlord. +Fresh demands followed their submission, and were at once conceded. +Edward was to have seisin of Scotland and its royal castles, though +he pledged himself to return both land and fortresses to him who +should be chosen king.</p> + +<p>Edward then undertook the examination of the suit. He delegated +the hearing of the claims to a commission, of whom the great +majority, eighty, were Scotsmen, nominated in equal numbers by +Bruce and Balliol, the two senior competitors, while the remaining +twenty-four consisted of Englishmen, and <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg182" id="pg182">182</a></span>included many of Edward's +wisest counsellors. In deference to Scottish feeling, Edward +ordered the court to meet on Scottish territory, at Berwick, and +appointed August 2 for the opening day. Meanwhile the full +consequences of the Scottish submission were carried out. On +Edward's taking seisin of Scotland, the regency came to an end. The +nomination of the provisional government resting with Edward, he +reappointed the former regents, and allowed the Scots barons to +elect their chancellor. But with the regents Edward associated a +northern baron, Brian Fitzalan of Bedale, and the Scottish bishop, +who was appointed chancellor, had to act jointly with one of +Edward's clerks. Edward then made a short progress, reaching as far +as Stirling and St. Andrews. He was back at Berwick for the meeting +of the commissioners on August 2.</p> + +<p>The first session of the court was a brief one. The twelve +competitors put in their claims, and Bruce and Balliol supported +theirs by argument. However, on August 12, the trial was adjourned +for nearly a year, until June 2, 1292. On its resumption in +Edward's presence, the more difficult issues were carefully worked +out. A new and fantastic claim, sent in by Eric of Norway, as the +nearest of kin to his daughter, did not delay matters. The judges +were instructed to settle in the first instance the relative claims +of Bruce and Balliol, and also to decide by what law these should +be determined. On October 14, they declared their first judgment. +They rejected Bruce's plea that the decision should follow the +"natural law by which kings rule," and accepted Balliol's +contention that they should follow the laws of England and +Scotland. They further laid down that the law of succession to the +throne was that of other earldoms and dignities. They pronounced in +favour of primogeniture as against proximity of blood.</p> + +<p>These decisions practically settled the case, but a further +adjournment was resolved upon, and upon the reassembling of the +court on November 6 the only question still open, that of whether +the kingdom could be divided, was taken up. John of Hastings came +on the scene with the contention that the monarchy should be +divided among the representatives of Earl David's daughters. Bruce +had the effrontery to associate himself with Hastings' demand. A +short adjournment was arranged to settle this issue, and on +November 17 the final scene <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg183" +id="pg183">183</a></span>took place in the hall of Berwick castle. +Besides the commissioners, the king was there in full parliament, +and eleven claimants, who still persevered, were present or +represented by proxy. Nine of these were severally told that they +would obtain nothing by their petitions. Bruce was informed that +his claim to the whole was incompatible with his present claim for +a third. It was laid down that the kingdom of Scotland was +indivisible, and that the right of Balliol had been +established.</p> + +<p>The seal of the regency was broken: Edward handed over the +seisin of Scotland to John Balliol, who three days later took the +oath of fealty as King of Scots, promising that he would perform +all the service due to Edward from his kingdom, Balliol hurried to +his kingdom, and was crowned at Scone on St. Andrew's day. He then +returned to England, and kept Christmas with his overlord at +Newcastle, where, on December 26, he did homage to Edward in the +castle hall. But within a few days a difficulty arose. John +resented Edward's retaining the jurisdiction over a law-suit in +which a Berwick merchant, a Scotsman, was a party. He was reassured +by Edward that he only did so, because the case had arisen during +the vacancy, when Edward was admittedly ruling Scotland. But Edward +significantly added a reservation of his right of hearing appeals, +even in England; and when the King of Scots went back to his realm, +early in January, he must have already foreseen that there was +trouble to come.</p> + +<p>Edward never lost sight of his own interests, and it is clear +that he took full advantage of the needs of the Scots to establish +a close supremacy over the northern kingdom. Making allowance for +this sinister element, his general policy in dealing with the great +suit had been singularly prudent and correct. He was anxious to +ascertain the right heir; he gave the Scots a preponderating voice +in the tribunal; he rejected the temptation which Bruce and +Hastings dangled before him of splitting up the realm into three +parts, and he restored the land and its castles as soon as the suit +was settled. There is nothing to show that up to this point his +action had produced any resentment in Scotland, and little evidence +that there was any strong national feeling involved. Scottish +chroniclers, who wrote after the war of independence, have given a +colour to Edward's policy which contemporary evidence does not +justify. From the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg184" id= +"pg184">184</a></span>point of his generation, his action was just +and legal. He had, in fact, performed a signal service to Scotland +in vindicating its unity; and by maintaining the rigid doctrines of +Anglo-Norman jurisprudence, he rescued it from the vague philosophy +which Bruce called natural law, and the recrudescence of Celtic +custom that gave even bastards a hope of the succession. The real +temptation came when, after his triumph, Edward sought to extract +from the submission of the Scots consequences which had no warranty +in custom, and made Scottish resistance inevitable.</p> + +<p>The expulsion of the Jews, the reform of the administration, the +statute <i>Quia emptores</i>, the treaty of Tarascon, the +humiliation of Gloucester, and the successful issue of the Scottish +arbitration, mark the culminating point in the reign of Edward I. +The king had ruled twenty years with almost uniform success, and +his only serious disappointment had been the failure of the +crusade. The last hope of the Latin East faded when, in 1291, Acre, +so long the bulwark of the crusaders against the Turks, opened its +gates to the infidel. With the fall of Acre went the last chance of +the holy war. Before long the peace of Europe, which Edward thought +that he had established, was once more rudely disturbed. +Difficulties soon arose with Scotland, with France, with the +Church, and with the barons. These troubles bore the more severely +on the king because this period saw also the removal of nearly all +of those in whom he had placed special trust. The gracious Eleanor +of Castile died in 1290, at Harby, in Nottinghamshire, near +Lincoln,[1] and the devotion of the king to the partner of his +youth found a striking expression in the sculptured crosses, which +marked the successive resting-places of her corpse on its last +journey from Harby to Westminster Abbey. A few months later +Edward's mother, Eleanor of Castile, ended her long life in the +convent of Amesbury, in Wiltshire. The ministers of Edward's early +reign were also removed by death. Bishop Kirkby, the treasurer, +died in 1290, and Burnell, the chancellor, in 1292, soon after he +had performed his last public act in the declaration of the king's +judgment as to the Scottish succession. Archbishop Peckham died in +the same year. New domestic ties were formed, <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg185" id="pg185">185</a></span>and fresh +ministers were found, but the ageing king became more and more +lonely, as he was compelled to rely upon a younger and a less +faithful generation. Of his old comrades the chief remaining was +Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, while the removal of Burnell brought +forward to the first rank prelates whose position had hitherto been +somewhat obscured by his predominance. Prominent among these were +the brothers Thomas Bek, Bishop of St. David's, and Anthony Bek, +Bishop of Durham, members of a conspicuous Lincolnshire baronial +family. Both of these for a time strikingly combined devotion to +the royal service with loyalty to those clerical and aristocratic +traditions which, strictly interpreted, were almost incompatible +with faithful service to a secular monarch. Even more important +henceforth was the king's treasurer, Walter Langton, Bishop of +Lichfield, the most trusted minister of Edward's later life, a +faithful but not too scrupulous prelate of the ministerial type, +who stood to the second half of the reign in almost the same close +relation as that in which Burnell stood to the years which we have +now traversed.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this W.H. Stevenson, <i>Death of +Eleanor of Castile</i>, in <i>English Hist. Review</i>, iii. +(1888), pp. 315-318.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER X.</h2> + +<h4>THE FRENCH AND SCOTTISH WARS AND THE CONFIRMATION OF THE +CHARTERS.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg186" id= +"pg186">186</a></span>Troubles arose between France and England +soon after Edward had settled the Scottish succession. Neither +Edward nor Philip the Fair sought a conflict. Edward was satisfied +with his diplomatic successes, and Philip's designs upon Gascony +were better pursued by chicane than by warfare. But questions arose +of a different kind from the disputes as to feudal right, which had +been hitherto the principal matters in debate between the two +crowns.</p> + +<p>There had long been keen commercial rivalry between the Cinque +Ports and the traders of Normandy. The sailors of Bayonne and other +Gascon harbours had associated themselves with the English against +the Normans, and both sides loudly complained to their respective +rulers of the piracies and homicides committed by their enemies. +Edward and Philip did what they could to smooth over matters, but +were alike unable to prevent their subjects flying at each other's +throats. The story spread that a Norman ship was to be seen in the +Channel with' English sailors and dogs hanging suspended from her +yard-arms: "And so," says Hemingburgh, "they sailed over the sea, +making no difference between a dog and an Englishman". Indignation +at this outrage drove the English to act together in large +organised squadrons. The French adopted the same tactics, and a +collision soon ensued. On May 15, 1293, an Anglo-Gascon merchant +fleet encountered a Norman fleet off Saint Mahe in Brittany. A +pitched battle, probably prearranged, at once ensued. It ended in a +complete victory for the less numerous English squadron, which +immediately returned to Portsmouth, laden with booty.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg187" id= +"pg187">187</a></span>Even after this, Edward strove to keep the +peace, and endeavoured to exact compensation from his subjects. +They answered with a highly coloured narrative of the dispute which +threw the whole blame upon the Normans. Philip, changing his +policy, took up his subjects' cause, and summoned Edward to answer +in January, 1294, before the Parliament of Paris for the piracy +exercised by his mariners, the misdeeds of his Gascon subjects, and +the violent measures taken by his officers against any who appealed +to the court of Paris. Edward sent his brother, Edmund, to reply +for him. As Count of Champagne and the step-father of Philip's +wife, Joan, Edmund seemed a peculiarly acceptable negotiator. After +long debates, the personal intervention of the French queen, and +Philip's step-mother, Mary of Brabant, resulted in an agreement +being arranged. The overlord's grievances could not be denied, and +it was urged that the formal surrender of part of Gascony might be +made by way of recognising them. French garrisons were therefore to +be admitted into six Gascon strongholds; twenty Gascon hostages +were to be delivered over to Philip, while the seisin of the duchy +was also to be transferred to the French king, who pledged himself +not to change the officials nor to occupy the land in force. The +whole business was in fact to be as formal as the delivery of the +seisin of Scotland to Edward during the suit for the succession. +Meanwhile, Edward and Philip were to arrange a meeting at Amiens to +settle the conditions of a permanent peace, by which Edward was to +take Philip's sister, Margaret, as his second wife, and the Gascon +duchy was to be settled upon the offspring of the union. That +Edward or Edmund should ever have contemplated such terms is a +strong proof of their zeal for peace. It soon became clear that +Edmund had been outrageously duped, and that the whole negotiation +was a trick to secure for Philip the permanent possession of +Gascony. The constable of France appeared on the Aquitanian +frontier. The English seneschal surrendered the six castles and the +seisin of the land. Gradually the French king began to take actual +possession of the government. Moreover, after three months, the +proceedings against Edward in the parliament of Paris were resumed; +Edward was declared contumacious on the ground of his +non-appearance, and sentence of forfeiture was passed.</p> + +<p>Philip's treachery was thus manifest? and in great disgust <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg188" id="pg188">188</a></span>Edmund +withdrew from France. Edward was deeply indignant. In a parliament, +held in June, 1294, which was attended by the King of Scots, war +was resolved upon. The feudal tenants were summoned to assemble at +Portsmouth on September 1; and Edward appealed for help to his +Gascon subjects, beseeching their pardon for having negotiated the +fatal treaty, and promising a speedy effort to restore them to his +obedience. He sent them his nephew, John of Brittany, as his +lieutenant and captain-general, under whom John of St. John was to +act as seneschal of Gascony. Ambassadors were despatched to all +neighbouring courts to build up a coalition against the French. +Strenuous efforts were made to get together men and money, and the +clergy were forced to make a grant of a half of their spiritual +income. Edward overbore their opposition amidst a scene of +excitement in which the Dean of St. Paul's fell dead at the king's +feet. The shires were mulcted of a tenth and the boroughs of a +sixth. And besides these constitutional exactions, the king laid +violent hands on all the coined money deposited in the treasuries +of the churches, and appropriated the wool of the merchants, which +he only restored on the payment of a heavy pecuniary redemption. +Meanwhile, about Michaelmas the lieutenant and the seneschal sailed +with a fairly strong force. Further levies were summoned to +assemble at Portsmouth at later dates. Besides the ordinary tenants +of the crown, writs were sent to the chief magnates of Ireland and +Scotland; and Wales and its march were called upon to furnish all +the men that could be mustered. The Earls of Cornwall and Lincoln +were appointed to the command, and Edward himself proposed to +follow them to Gascony as soon as he could.</p> + +<p>At the moment of the departure of John of Brittany a sudden +insurrection in Wales frustrated Edward's plans. All Wales was ripe +for revolt. In the principality the Cymry resented English rule, +and the sulky marchers stood aloof in sullen discontent, while +their native tenants, seeing in the recent humiliation of +Gloucester and Hereford the degradation of all their lords, lost +respect for such powerless masters. Both in the principality and in +the marches, Edward's demand for compulsory service in Gascony was +universally regarded as a new aggression. The intensity of the +resistance to his demand can be measured by the general nature of +the insurrection, and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg189" id= +"pg189">189</a></span>by the admirable way in which it was +organised. As by a common signal all Wales rose at Michaelmas, +1294. One Madog, probably a bastard son of Llewelyn, son of +Griffith, raised all Gwynedd, took possession of Carnarvon castle, +and closely besieged the other royal strongholds. In west Wales a +chieftain named Maelgwn was equally successful in Carmarthen and +Cardigan. The marches were in arms equally with the principality. +In the north, Lincoln's tenants in Rhos and Rhuvoniog besieged +Denbigh, and threatened the king's fortresses in Flint. Maelgwn's +sphere of operations included the earldom of Pembroke, while Brecon +rose against Hereford, and Glamorgan against Gilbert of Gloucester. +Morgan, the leader of the Glamorganshire rebels, loudly declared +that he did not rebel against the king but against the Earl of +Gloucester. With the beginning of winter the state of Wales was +more critical than in the worst times of the winter of 1282.</p> + +<p>Edward postponed his attack on Philip in order to throw all his +energies into the reduction of Wales. The levies assembled at +Portsmouth for the Gascon expedition were hurried beyond the +Severn. The king held another parliament and exacted a fresh +supply. Criminals were offered pardon and good wages, if they would +serve, first in Wales and then in Gascony. Before Christmas about a +thousand men-at-arms were mustered at various border centres under +the royal standards, while every marcher lord was busily engaged in +putting down his own rebels. Before so great a force the Welsh +could do but little, and the spring saw the extinction of the +rebellion. But there was hard fighting both in the south and in the +north. Edward himself undertook the reconquest of Gwynedd. He was +at Conway before the end of the year, and in his haste he threw +himself into the town while the mass of his army remained on the +right bank of the river. High tides and winter floods made the +crossing of the stream impossible, and for a short time the king +was actually besieged by the rebels. Conway was unprepared for +resistance and almost destitute of supplies. The garrison thought +it a terrible hardship that they had to live on salt meat and +bread, and to drink water mixed with honey. They were encouraged by +Edward refusing to taste better fare than his troopers, and +declining to partake of the one small measure of wine reserved for +his use. William Beauchamp, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg190" +id="pg190">190</a></span>Earl of Warwick, conveyed his troops +across the estuary and raised the siege. Yet the insurgents were +still able to fight a pitched battle. About January 22, 1295, +Warwick found the Welsh established in a strong position in a plain +between two woods. They had fixed the butts of their lances into +the ground, hoping thus to resist the shock of a cavalry charge. +Improving on the tactics of Orewyn bridge, the earl stationed +between his squadrons of knights, archers and crossbowmen, whose +missiles inflicted such loss on the Welsh lines that the cavalry +soon found it safe to charge. The Welsh were utterly broken, and +never in a single day did they suffer such enormous losses. Even +more important than its results in breaking the back of Madog's +insurrection, this battle of Maes Madog—or Madog's field, as +the Welsh called the place of their defeat—is of the highest +importance in the development of infantry tactics. The order of the +victorious force strikingly anticipates the great battles in +Scotland and France of a later generation. In obscure fights, like +Orewyn bridge and Maes Madog, the English learnt the famous battle +array which was to overwhelm the Scots in the later years of +Edward's reign and prepare the way for the triumphs of Crecy and +Poitiers.</p> + +<p>Madog still held out, and with the advent of spring, 1295, +Edward began to hunt him from his lairs. Gwynedd was cleared of the +enemy and Anglesey was reconquered. Carnarvon castle arose from its +ruins in the stately form that we still know, while on the Anglesey +side of the Menai the new stronghold of Beaumaris arose, to ensure +the subjection of the granary of Gwynedd. In May Edward felt strong +enough to undertake a progress in South Wales. After receiving the +submissions of the rebels of Cardigan and Carmarthen, he won back +for the lords of Brecon and Glamorgan the lands which, without his +help, they had been unable to conquer. The Welsh chieftains were +leniently treated. While Madog was imprisoned in the Tower, Morgan +was at once set at liberty. By July Edward was able to leave Wales. +Yet his triumph had taxed all his resources, and left him, +overwhelmed with debt, to face the irritation of subjects +unaccustomed to such demands upon their loyalty and patriotism. But +nothing broke his dauntless spirit, and once more he busied himself +in obtaining revenge on the false King of France.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg191" id= +"pg191">191</a></span>It was inevitable that the Welsh war should +have reduced to slender proportions the expedition of John of +Brittany and John of St. John for the recovery of Gascony. After a +tedious voyage the English expedition sailed up the Gironde late in +October, 1294. Their forces, strong enough to capture Bourg and +Blaye, were not sufficient to attack Bordeaux. Leaving the capital +in the hands of its conquerors, the English sailed past Bordeaux to +Rioms, where they disembarked. The small towns of the neighbourhood +were taken and garrisoned, and the Gascon lords began to flock to +the camp of their duke. Before long the army was large enough to be +divided. John of Brittany remained at Rioms, while John of St. John +marched overland to Bayonne. The French garrison was unable to +overpower the enthusiasm of the Bayonnais for Edward, and the +capture of the second town of Gascony was the greatest success +attained by the invaders. With the spring of 1295, however, Charles +of Valois, brother of the King of France, was sent to operate +against John of Brittany. The English and Gascons found themselves +unable to make head against him. There was ill-feeling between the +two nations that made up the army, and also between the nobly-born +knights and men-at-arms and the foot soldiers. The infantry +mutinied, and John of Brittany fled by night down the river from +Rioms, leaving many of his knights and all his horses and armour in +the town. Next day Rioms opened its gates to Charles of Valois, who +gained immense spoils and many distinguished prisoners. Save for +the capture of Bayonne, the expedition had been a disastrous +failure.</p> + +<p>Edward failed even more signally in his efforts to defeat Philip +by diplomacy. He had left no effort unspared to build up a great +coalition against the French king. He "sent a great quantity of +sterling money beyond the sea," and made alliances with all the +princes and barons that he could find.[1] At first it seemed that +he had succeeded. Adolf of Nassau, the poor and dull, but strenuous +and hard-fighting King of the Romans, concluded a treaty with +England, and did not think it beneath the dignity of the lord of +the world to take the pay of the English monarch. Many vassals of +the empire, especially in the Netherlands, the Rhineland, and +Burgundy followed Adolf's <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg192" id= +"pg192">192</a></span>example. Edward strengthened his party +further by marrying three of his daughters to the Duke of Brabant, +the son of the Count of Holland, and the Count of Bar as the price +of their adherence to the coalition. He made closer his ancient +friendship with Guy of Dampierre, the old Count of Flanders, by +betrothing Edward of Carnarvon to his daughter Philippine. At the +same time he sought the friendship of the lords of the Pyrenees, +such as the Count of Foix, and of the kings of the Spanish +peninsula. But nothing came of the hopes thus excited, save fair +promises and useless expenditure. Before long Philip of France was +able to build up a French party in appearance as formidable-in +reality as useless as Edward's attempted confederation. Edward's +most important ally, Guy of Flanders, was forced to renounce his +daughter's marriage to the heir of England and hand her over to +Philip's custody. The time was not yet come for effective European +coalitions; the real fighting had to be done by the parties +directly interested in the quarrel.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See a contemporary notice printed by F. +Funck-Brentano in <i>Revue Historique</i>, xxxix. (1889), pp. +329-30.</p> + +<p>The command of the sea continued to be a vital question. The +Norman sailors were eager to avenge their former defeats, and +Philip saw that the best way to preserve his hold over Gascony was +to be master of the Channel and the Bay of Biscay. Edward prepared +to meet attack by establishing an organisation of the English navy +which marks an epoch in the history of our admiralty. He divided +the vessels told off to guard the sea into three classes, and set +over each a separate admiral. John of Botecourt was made admiral of +the Yarmouth and eastern fleet; William of Leyburn was set over the +navy at Portsmouth; and the western and Irish squadron was put +under a valiant knight of Irish origin. Meanwhile the French +planned an invasion of England, and promised James of Aragon that, +when England was conquered, its king should be considered his +personal prize. Galleys were hired at Marseilles and Genoa for +service in the Channel, and Sir Thomas Turberville, a +Glamorganshire knight captured at Rioms, turned traitor and was +restored to England in the hope that he might obtain the custody of +some seaport and betray it to the enemy. Turberville strove in vain +to induce Morgan to head another revolt in Glamorgan, and urged +upon Philip the need of an alliance with the Scots. At last the +invasion was attempted, and the French admiral, Matthew of +Montmorenci, sacked and burnt the town of Dover. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg193" id="pg193">193</a></span>Luckily, +however, Turberville's treason was discovered, and the Yarmouth +fleet soon avenged the attack on Dover by burning Cherbourg. In the +face of such resistance, Philip IV. abandoned his plan of invasion +and tried to establish a sort of "continental blockade" of English +ports in which a modern writer has seen an anticipation of the +famous dream of Napoleon.[1] Though nothing came of these grandiose +schemes, yet the efforts made to organise invasion had their +permanent importance as resulting in the beginnings of the French +royal navy. As late as 1297 a Genoese was appointed admiral of +France in the Channel, and strongly urged the invasion of England +and its devastation by fire and flame. But the immediate result of +Philip's efforts to cut off England from the continent was that his +Flemish allies found in his policy a new reason for abandoning his +service. On January 7, 1297, a fresh treaty of alliance between +Edward and Guy, Count of Flanders, was concluded.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this Jourdain, <i>Mémoire sur +les Commencements de la Marine française sous Philippe le +Bel</i> (1880), and C. de la Roncière, <i>Le Blocus +continental de l'Angleterre sous Philippe le Bel</i> in <i>Revue +des Questions historiques</i>, lx. (1896), 401-41.</p> + +<p>More effective than Philip's efforts to combine the Continent +against the English were his endeavours to stir up opposition to +Edward in Britain. The Welsh rising of 1294 had taken place +independently of him, but it was not Philip's fault that Morgan did +not once more excite Glamorgan to rebellion. A better opening for +intrigue was found in Scotland. Ever since the accession of John +Balliol, there had been appeals from the Scottish courts to those +of Edward. Certain suits begun under the regency, which had acted +in Edward's name from 1290 to 1292, gave the overlord an +opportunity of inserting the thin end of the wedge; and it looked +as if, after a few years, appeals from Edinburgh to London would be +as common as appeals from Bordeaux to Paris. But whatever were the +ancient relations of England and Scotland, it is clear that the +custom of appeals to the English king had never previously been +established. It was no wonder then that what seemed to Edward an +inevitable result of King John's submission, appeared to the Scots +an unwarrantable restriction of their independence.</p> + +<p>The weakness and simplicity of King John left matters to take +their course for a time, but the king, who was not strong <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg194" id="pg194">194</a></span>enough to +stand up against Edward, was not the man to resist the pressure of +his own subjects. On his return from the London parliament of June, +1294, the Scots barons virtually deposed him. A committee was set +up by parliament consisting of four bishops, four earls, and four +barons which, though established professedly on the model of the +twelve peers of France, had a nearer prototype in the fifteen +appointed under the Provisions of Oxford. To this body the whole +power of the Scottish monarchy was transferred, so that John became +a mere puppet, unable to act without the consent of his twelve +masters. Under this new government the relations of England and +Scotland soon became critical. The Scots denied all right of appeal +to the English courts, and expelled from their country the nobles +whose possessions in England gave them a greater interest in the +southern than in the northern kingdom. Among the dispossessed +barons was Robert Bruce, son of the claimant, by marriage already +Earl of Carrick, and now by his father's recent death lord of +Annandale. In defiance of Edward's prohibition the Scots received +French ships, and subjected English traders at Berwick to many +outrages. At last, on July 5, 1295, an alliance was signed between +Scotland and France, by which Edward Balliol, the eldest son of +King John, was betrothed to Joan, the eldest daughter of Charles of +Valois, the brother of the French king. On this, Edward demanded +the surrender of three border castles, and on the refusal of the +Scots, cited John to appear at Berwick on March 1, 1296. Thus, by a +process similar to that which had embroiled Edward with his French +overlord, the King of Scots also was forced to face the alternative +of certain war or humiliating surrender.</p> + +<p>To Edward a breach with Scotland was unwelcome. In 1294 the +Welsh had prevented him using all his power against France, and in +1295 the Scots troubles further postponed his prospects of revenge. +But no suggestion of compromise or delay came from him. On his +return to London early in August, 1295, he busied himself with +preparing to resist the enemies that were gathering around him on +every side. It was the moment of the raid on Dover, and the French +question was still the more pressing. In a parliament of magnates +at London, Edmund of Lancaster told the story of his Paris embassy +with such effect that two cardinal-legates, whom the new pope, +Boniface VIII., <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg195" id= +"pg195">195</a></span>had sent in the hope of making peace, were +put off politely, on the ground that Edward could make no treaty +without the consent of his ally, the King of the Romans. Edmund was +appointed commander of a new expedition to Gascony, though his weak +health delayed his departure. Meanwhile Edward called upon every +class of his subjects to co-operate with him in his defence of the +national honour. He was statesman enough to see that he could only +cope with the situation, if England as a whole rallied round him. +His best answer to the Scots and the French was the convention of +the "model parliament" of November, 1295.</p> + +<p>The deep political purpose with which this parliament was +assembled is reflected even in the formal language of the writs. +"Inasmuch as a most righteous law of the emperors," wrote Edward, +"ordains that what touches all should be approved by all, so it +evidently appears that common dangers should be met by remedies +agreed upon in common. You know well how the King of France has +cheated me out of Gascony, and how he still wickedly retains it. +But now he has beset my realm with a great fleet and a great +multitude of warriors, and proposes, if his power equal his +unrighteous design, to blot out the English tongue from the face of +the earth." To avert this peril, Edward summoned not only a full +and representative gathering of magnates, but also two knights from +every shire and two burgesses from every borough. Moreover, the +lower clergy were also required to take part in the assembly, the +archdeacons and deans in person, the clergy of every cathedral +church by one proctor, the beneficed clerks of each diocese by two +proctors. Thus the assembly became so systematic a representation +of the three estates' that after ages have regarded it as the type +upon which subsequent popular parliaments were to be modelled. This +gathering marks the end of the parliamentary experiments of the +earlier part of the reign. It met on November 27, and each estate, +deliberating separately, contributed its quota to the national +defence. The barons and knights offered an eleventh, and the +boroughs a seventh. It was a bitter disappointment to Edward that +the clergy could not be induced to make a larger grant than a +tenth. Enough, however, was obtained to equip the two armies which, +in the spring of 1296, were to operate against the French and the +Scots.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg196" id= +"pg196">196</a></span>The Gascon expedition was the first to start. +Early in March, 1296, Edmund of Lancaster, accompanied by the Earl +of Lincoln, landed at Bourg and Blaye. John of St. John was still +maintaining himself in that district as well as at Bayonne. On the +appearance of the reinforcements the Gascon lords began to flock to +the English camp, and a large force was at once able to take the +field. On March 28 an attempt was made to capture Bordeaux by a +sudden assault. On its failure Edmund, who did not possess the +equipment necessary for a formal siege, sailed up the river to +Saint-Macaire and occupied the town. But the castle held out +gallantly, and after a three weeks' siege Edmund retired to his +original position on the lower Gironde. Even there he found +difficulty in holding his own, and before long shifted his quarters +to Bayonne. He had exhausted his resources, and found that his army +could not be kept together without pay. "Thereupon," writes +Hemingburgh, "his face fell and he sickened about Whitsuntide. So +with want of money came want of breath too, and after a few days he +went the way of all flesh." Lincoln, his successor, managed still +to stand his ground against Robert of Artois. At last Artois made a +successful night attack upon the English, captured St. John, and +destroyed all his war-train and baggage. The darkness of the night +and the shelter of the neighbouring woods alone saved the English +army from total destruction. "After this," boasted William of +Nangis, "no Englishman or Gascon dared to go out to battle against +the Count of Artois and the French." At Easter, 1297, a truce was +concluded which left nearly all Gascony in French hands.</p> + +<p>Soon after the departure of his brother for Gascony, Edward went +to war against the Scots, regarding the non-appearance of King John +on March 1 at Berwick as a declaration of hostility. The lord of +Wark offered to betray his castle to the Scots, and Edward's +successful effort to save it first brought him to the Tweed. +Meanwhile the men of Annandale under their new lord, the Earl of +Buchan, engaged in a raid on Carlisle, but failed to capture the +city, and speedily returned home. On March 28, the day on which his +brother attacked Bordeaux, Edward crossed the Tweed at Coldstream, +and marched down its left bank towards Berwick. On March 30 Berwick +was captured. The townsmen fought badly, and the heroes of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg197" id= +"pg197">197</a></span>resistance were thirty Flemish merchants, who +held their factory, called the Red Hall, until the building was +fired, and the defenders perished in the flames. The garrison of +the castle, commanded by Sir William Douglas, laid down their arms +at once.</p> + +<p>Edward spent a month in Berwick, strengthening the +fortifications of the town, and preparing for an invasion of +Scotland. Early in April, King John renounced his homage and, +immediately afterwards, the Scots lords who had attacked Carlisle +devastated Tynedale and Redesdale, penetrating as far as Hexham. +Edward's command of the sea made it impossible for the raiders to +cut off his communications with his base, and they quickly returned +to their own land, where they threw themselves into Dunbar. Though +the lord of Dunbar, Patrick, Earl of March, was serving with the +English king, his countess, who was at Dunbar, invited them into +the fortress. Dunbar blocked the road into Scotland, and Edward +sent forward Earl Warenne with a portion of the army in the hope of +recapturing the position. Warenne laid siege to Dunbar, but on the +third day, April 27, the main Scots army came to its relief. +Leaving some of the young nobles to continue the siege, Warenne +drew up his army in battle array. The Scots thought that the +English were preparing for flight, and rushed upon them with loud +cries and blowing of horns. Discovering too late that the enemy was +ready for battle, they fell back in confusion as far as Selkirk +Forest. Next day Edward came up from Berwick and received the +surrender of Dunbar. Henceforth his advance was but a military +promenade.</p> + +<p>Edward turned back from Dunbar to receive the submission of the +Steward of Scotland at Roxburgh, and to welcome a large force of +Welsh infantry, whose arrival enabled him to dismiss the English +foot, fatigued with the slight effort of a month's easy +campaigning. Thence he made his way to Edinburgh, which yielded +after an eight days' siege. Stirling castle, the next barrier to +his progress, was abandoned by its garrison, and there Edward was +reinforced by some Irish contingents. He then advanced to Perth, +keeping St. John's feast on June 24 in St. John's own town. On July +10 Balliol surrendered to the Bishop of Durham at Brechin, +acknowledging that he had forfeited his throne by his rebellion. +Edward continued his triumphal progress, preceded at every stage by +Bishop Bek at <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg198" id= +"pg198">198</a></span>the head of the warriors of the palatinate of +St. Cuthbert. He made his way through Montrose up the east coast to +Aberdeen, and thence up the Don and over the hills to Banff and +Elgin, the farthest limit of his advance. He returned by a +different route, bringing back with him from Scone the stone on +which the Scots kings had been wont to sit at their coronation. +This he presented as a trophy of victory to the monks of +Westminster, where it was set up as a chair for the priest +celebrating mass at the altar over against the shrine of St. +Edward, though soon used as the coronation seat of English +kings.</p> + +<p>In less than five months Edward had conquered a kingdom. On +August 22 he was back at Berwick, whither he had summoned a +parliament of the nobles and prelates of both kingdoms, in order +that the work of organising the future government of Scotland might +be completed. Meanwhile a crowd of Scots of every class flocked to +the victor's court and took oaths of fealty to him. Their names, +along with those of the persons who made similar recognitions of +his sovereignly during his Scottish progress, were recorded with +notarial precision in one of those formal documents with which +Edward delighted to mark the stages in the accomplishment of his +task. This record, popularly styled the Ragman Roll, containing the +names of about two thousand freeholders and men of substance in +Scotland, is of extreme value to the Scottish genealogist and +antiquary.[1] The last entries are dated August 28, the day on +which Edward met his parliament at Berwick. The administration of +Scotland was provided for. John, Earl Warenne, became the king's +lieutenant, Hugh Cressingham, treasurer, and William Ormesby, +justiciar. When the land was subdued Edward showed a strong desire +to treat the people well. The only precaution taken by him against +the renewal of disturbances was an order that the former King of +Scots, John Comyn of Buchan, John Comyn of Badenoch, and other +magnates of the patriotic party were to dwell in England, south of +the Trent, until the conclusion of the war with France. As soon as +his business was accomplished at Berwick, Edward turned his steps +southwards. At last he seemed free to lead a great <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg199" id="pg199">199</a></span>army against +Philip the Fair; and, in order to prepare for the French +expedition, he summoned another parliament to meet at Bury St. +Edmunds on the morrow of All Souls' day, November 3. At Bury the +barons, knights, and burgesses made liberal offerings for the war. +But a new difficulty arose in the absolute refusal of the clergy to +vote any supplies. Once more the cup of hope was dashed from +Edward's lips, and he found himself forced to enter into another +weary conflict, this time with his English liegemen.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] It is printed by the Bannatyne Club, and +summarised in <i>Cal. Doc. Scot.</i>, ii., 193-214.</p> + +<p>So long as Peckham had lived, there had always been a danger of +a conflict between Church and State. Friar John had ended his +restless career in 1292, and Edward showed natural anxiety to +secure as his successor a prelate more amenable to the secular +authority and more national in his sentiments. The papacy remained +vacant after the death of Nicholas IV. in 1292, so that there was +no danger of Rome taking the appointment into its own hands, and +the happy accident, which had given the monks of Christchurch a +statesmanlike prior in Henry of Eastry, minimised the chances of a +futile conflict between the king and the canonical electors. Eastry +took care that the archbishop-elect should be a person acceptable +to the sovereign. Robert Winchelsea, the new primate, was an +Englishman and a secular clerk, who had taught with distinction at +Paris and Oxford, but had received no higher ecclesiastical +promotion than the archdeaconry of Essex and a canonry of St. +Paul's, and was mainly conspicuous for the sanctity of his life, +his ability as a preacher, and his zeal for making the cathedral of +London a centre of theological instruction. The vacancy in, the +papacy forced upon the archbishop-elect a wearisome delay of +eighteen months in Italy; but at last in September, 1294, he +received consecration and the <i>pallium</i> from the newly elected +hermit-pope, Celestine V. Winchelsea on his return strove to show +that a secular archbishop could be as austere in life, and as +zealous for the rights of Holy Church, as his mendicant +predecessors. His desire to walk in the steps of Peckham soon +brought him into conflict with the king, and in this conflict he +showed an appreciation of the political situation, and a power of +interpreting English opinion, which made him the most formidable of +Edward's domestic opponents. He gained his first victory in the +parliament of 1295 by preventing the <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg200" id="pg200">200</a></span>clergy from making a larger grant +than a tenth. But this triumph sank into insignificance as compared +with the refusal of all aid by the parliament of Bury.</p> + +<p>A change in the papacy immensely strengthened Winchelsea's +position against Edward. In December, 1294, Celestine, overpowered +with the burden of an office too heavy for his strength, made his +great renunciation and sought to resume his hermit life. The +Cardinal Benedict Gaetano was at once elected his successor and +took the style of Boniface VIII. The son of a noble house of the +neighbourhood of Anagni, a canonist, a politician, and a zealot, +the new pope had made personal acquaintance with Edward and England +from having attended Cardinal Ottobon on his English legation, and +was eager to appease discord between Christian princes in order to +forward the crusade. He hated war the more because it was largely +waged with the money drawn from the clergy, and was indignant that +the custom of taxing the Church, which was begun under the guise of +crusading tenths, had become so frequent that both Philip and +Edward applied it in order to raise revenue from ecclesiastics for +frankly secular warfare. Within a few weeks of his accession he +despatched two cardinals to mediate peace between the Kings of +France and England, and was disgusted at the long delays with which +both kings had sought to frustrate his intervention. On February +29, 1296, Boniface issued his famous bull <i>Clericis laicos</i>, +in which he declared it unlawful for any lay authority to exact +supplies from the clergy without the express authority of the +apostolic see. Princes imposing, and clerics submitting to such +exactions were declared <i>ipso</i> facto excommunicate.</p> + +<p>Boniface's contention had been urged by his predecessors, and it +is improbable that he sought to do more than assert the ancient law +of the Church and save the clergy all over the Latin world from +exactions which were fast becoming intolerable. His object was +quite general, though a pointed reference to the extortions of +Edward in 1294 showed that he had the case of England before his +mind. He had no wish to throw down the gauntlet to the princes of +Christendom, or to quarrel with Edward and Philip, between whom he +was still conducting negotiations. It was his misfortune that he +was constantly forced to face fresh conditions which rendered it +almost <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg201" id= +"pg201">201</a></span>possible to apply the ancient doctrines. +Strong national kings, like Edward and Philip, had already shown +impatience with such traditions of the Church as limited their +temporal authority. The pope's untimely restatement of the theories +of the twelfth century at once involved him in his first fierce +difference with Philip the Fair, and put him into a position in +which he could only win peace by explaining away the doctrine of +<i>Clericis laicos</i>. While on the continent the conflict of +Church and State took the form of a dispute between the French king +and the papacy, in England it assumed the shape of a struggle +between Edward and the Archbishop of Canterbury.</p> + +<p>In November, 1296, at Bury, Winchelsea admitted the justice of +the French war, but pleaded the pope's decretal as an absolute bar +to any grant from the clerical estate. No decision was arrived at, +and the problem was discussed again in the convocation of +Canterbury in January, 1297. "We have two lords over us," declared +the archbishop to his clergy, "the king and the pope; and, although +we owe obedience to both of these, we owe greater obedience to our +spiritual than to our temporal lord." All that they could do was to +entreat the pope's permission to allow them to pay Cæsar that +which Cæsar by himself had no right to demand. Edward burst into a +fury on hearing of this new pretext for delay. He declared that the +clergy must pay a fifth, under penalty of his withdrawing his +protection from a body which strove to stand outside the +commonwealth. The clergy remained firm, and separated without +making any grant. Thereupon, on January 30, the chief justice, John +of Metingham, sitting in Westminster Hall, pronounced the clergy to +be outlays. "Henceforth," he declared, "there shall be no justice +meted out to a clerk in the court of the lord king, however +atrocious be the injury from which he may have suffered. But +sentence against a clerk shall be given at the instance of all who +have a complaint against him." Winchelsea retaliated by publishing +the sentence of excommunication against violators of the papal +bull. Two days later the king ordered the sheriffs to take +possession of the lay fees held by clerks in the province of +Canterbury. A few ecclesiastics, who privately made an offering of +a fifth, were alone exempted from this command.</p> + +<p>Edward's conflict with the Church was followed within a month by +a dispute of almost equal gravity with a section of <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg202" id="pg202">202</a></span>the barons. He +summoned a baronial parliament to assemble on February 24 at +Salisbury, and went down in person to explain his plan of campaign. +One force was to help his new ally, Guy of Flanders, while another +was to act in Gascony. Edward himself was to accompany the army to +Flanders. He requested some of the earls, including Norfolk and +Hereford, to fight for him in Gascony. The deaths of Edmund of +Lancaster, Gilbert of Gloucester, and William of Pembroke had +robbed the baronage of its natural leaders. Earl Warenne was fully +engaged in the north, and Lincoln was devoted to the king's side. +The removal of other possible spokesmen made Norfolk and Hereford +the champions of the party of opposition. For years the friends of +aristocratic authority had been smarting under the growing +influence of the crown. The time was ripe for a revival of the +baronial opposition which a generation earlier had won the +Provisions of Oxford. Moreover both the earls had personal slights +to avenge. Hereford bitterly resented the punishment meted out to +him for waging private war against Earl Gilbert in the march. +Norfolk was angry because, during the last Welsh campaign, Edward +had suspended him from the exercise of the marshalship. The form of +Edward's request at Salisbury gave them a technical advantage which +they were not slow to seize. Ignoring the broader issues which lay +between them and the king, they took their stand on their +traditional rights as constable and marshal to attend the king in +person. "Freely," declared the earl marshal, "will I go with thee, +O king, and march before thee in the first line of thy army, as my +hereditary duty requires." Edward answered: "Thou shalt go without +me along with the rest to Gascony". The marshal replied: "I am not +bound to go save with thee, nor will I go". Edward flew into a +passion: "By God, sir earl, thou shalt either go or hang". Norfolk +replied with equal spirit: "By that same oath, sir king, I will +neither go nor hang". The parliament broke up in disorder. Before +long a force of 1,500 men-at-arms gathered together under the +leadership of the constable and marshal.</p> + +<p>During these stormy times Edward had been straining every nerve +to equip an adequate army for foreign service. Once more he laid +violent hands upon the wool and hides of the merchants, while a +huge male—tolt, varying from forty shillings <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg203" id="pg203">203</a></span>a sack for raw +wool to sixty-six shillings and eightpence a sack for carded wool, +was exacted for such wool as the king's officers suffered to remain +in the owner's possession. Moreover, vast stores of wheat, barley, +and oats, salt pork and salt beef were requisitioned all over the +land. Men said that the king's tyranny could no longer be borne, +and that the rights decreed to all Englishmen by the Great Charter +were in imminent danger. The movement, which had begun as a defence +of feudal right, became a popular revolt in favour of national +liberty. The commons joined the barons and clergy in the general +opposition to the headstrong king.</p> + +<p>Edward saw that he must divide his enemies if he wished to +effect his purpose. The clergy were the easiest to deal with. +Boniface VIII. was already yielding in his struggle against Philip +the Fair. In the bull, <i>Romana mater</i> of February 2, 1297, he +had authorised voluntary contributions of the French clergy in the +case of pressing necessity, without previous recourse to the +permission of the apostolic see. The same attitude had already been +taken up by the royalist clergy in England, who redeemed their +outlawry by offering to the king the fifth of their revenues. In +March Edward made things easier for the recalcitrants by suspending +the edict confiscating the lay fees of the Church. Even Winchelsea +saw the wisdom of abandoning his too heroic attitude. In a +convocation, held on March 24, he practically applied the doctrine +of <i>Romana mater</i> to the English situation. "Let each man," he +declared, "save his own soul and follow his own conscience. But my +conscience does not allow me to offer money for the king's +protection or on any other pretext." In the event nearly all the +clergy bought off the king's wrath by the voluntary payment of a +fifth. Winchelsea was obdurate. His estates remained for five +months in the king's hands, and he was forced, like another St. +Francis, to depend on the charity of the faithful. But even +Winchelsea did not hold out indefinitely. On July 14 he was +publicly reconciled with the king outside Westminster Hall, and a +few days later his goods were restored. On July 31 Boniface +entirely receded from the doctrine of <i>Cleritis laicos</i> in the +bull <i>Etsi de statu</i>. Before this could be known in England, +Winchelsea told his clergy that the king had agreed to confirm the +Great Charter, if they would but make a grant to carry on the <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg204" id="pg204">204</a></span>French +war. A little later Edward of his own authority exacted a third +from all clerical revenues. This persistence in his highhanded +policy made any real reconciliation between Edward and Winchelsea +impossible. The king never forgave the archbishop, whose action +demonstrated to all England the divided allegiance of his clergy +between their two masters. Winchelsea still retained his profound +distrust of the king, who had set at naught the liberties of Church +and realm.</p> + +<p>The baronial opposition was broken up by devices not dissimilar +to those which neutralised the antagonism of the clergy. By +strenuous efforts Edward obtained a fair sum of money for his +expenses. He let it be understood that, if he took his subjects' +wool, the talleys given in exchange would be redeemed when better +times had arrived, and he scrupulously paid for the corn and meat +that his officers had requisitioned. Meanwhile he summoned all +possible fighting men from England, Wales, and Ireland to meet at +London on July 7. The prospect of subjects of the crown being +forced, whatsoever their feudal obligations might be, to wage war +beyond sea, threatened to provoke a fresh crisis. But after many +long altercations, Edward announced that neither the feudal tenants +nor the twenty-pound freeholders had any legal obligation to go +with him to Flanders, and offered pay to all who were willing to +hearken to his "affectionate request" for their services. Under +these conditions a considerable force of stipendiaries was levied +without much difficulty.</p> + +<p>Hereford and Norfolk abandoned active in favour of passive +hostility. They refused to serve as constable and marshal, and +Edward appointed barons of less dignity and greater loyalty to act +in their place. While all England was busy with the equipment of +troops and the provision of supplies, they sullenly held aloof. At +last, when all was ready, Edward issued an appeal to his subjects, +protesting the purity of his motives, and emphasising the +inexorable necessity under which he was forced to play the tyrant +in the interests of the whole realm. By the beginning of August +such barons as were willing to go to Flanders began to assemble in +arms at London. The young Edward of Carnarvon was appointed regent +during his father's absence, and among the councillors who were to +act in his name was the Archbishop of Canterbury. At last the <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg205" id="pg205">205</a></span>king set +off to embark at Winchelsea. While there, the earls presented to +him a belated list of grievances. He refused to deal with their +demand for the confirmation of the charters. "My full council," he +declared to the envoys of the earls, "is not with me, and without +it I cannot reply to your requests. Tell those who have sent you +that, if they will come with me to Flanders, they will please me +greatly. If they will not come, I trust they will do no harm to me, +or at any rate to my kingdom." On August 24 he took ship for +Flanders, and a few days later he and his troops safely landed at +Sluys, whence they made their way to Ghent. Nearly a thousand +men-at-arms and a great force of infantry, largely Welsh and Irish, +swelled the expedition to considerable proportions. After all his +troubles, Edward found that the loyalty of his subjects enabled him +to carry out the ideal which he had formulated two years before. +King and nation were to meet common dangers by action undertaken in +common.</p> + +<p>Everything else was ruthlessly sacrificed in order that the king +might take an army to Flanders. The Gascon expedition was quietly +dropped. But the gravest difficulty arose not from Gascony but +Scotland. Edward's choice of agents to carry out his Scottish +policy had been singularly unhappy. Warenne, the governor, was a +dull and lethargic nobleman more than sixty-six years of age. He +complained of the bad climate of Scotland, and passed most of his +time on his Yorkshire estates. In his absence Cressingham, the +treasurer, and Ormesby, the justiciar, became the real +representatives of the English power. Cressingham was a pompous +ecclesiastic, who appropriated to his own uses the money set aside +for the fortification of Berwick, and was odious to the Scots for +his rapacity and incompetence. Ormesby was a pedantic lawyer, rigid +in carrying out the king's orders but stiff and unsympathetic in +dealing with the Scots. Under such rulers Scotland was neither +subdued nor conciliated. No real effort was made to track to their +hiding-places in the hills the numerous outlaws, who had abandoned +their estates rather than take an oath of fealty to Edward. When +the English governors took action, they were cruel and +indiscriminating; and often too were lax and careless. Matters soon +became serious. William Wallace of Elderslie slew an English +official in Clydesdale, and threw in <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg206" id="pg206">206</a></span>his lot with the outlaws. He was +joined by Sir William Douglas, the former defender of Berwick. By +May, 1297, Scotland was in full revolt. In the north, Andrew of +Moray headed a rising in Strathspey. In central Scotland the +justiciar barely escaped capture, while holding his court at Scone. +The south-west, the home both of Wallace and Douglas, proved the +most dangerous district. There the barons, imitating Bohun and +Bigod, based their opposition to Edward on his claim upon their +compulsory service in the French wars. Before long the son of the +lord of Annandale, Robert Bruce, now called Earl of Carrick, Robert +Wishart, Bishop of Glasgow, and other magnates were in arms, and in +close association with Douglas and Wallace.</p> + +<p>Edward made light of this rebellion. Resolved to go to Flanders +at all costs, he contented himself with calling upon the levies of +the shires north of the Trent to protect his interests in Scotland. +Early in July, Henry Percy, Warenne's grandson, rode through +south-western Scotland, at the head of the Cumberland musters, and +on July 7, the local insurgent leaders, with the exception of +Wallace, made their submission to him at Irvine. Moreover, Edward +released the two Comyns from their veiled imprisonment, and sent +them back to Scotland to help in suppressing the insurrection. +Henry Percy boasted that the Scots south of the Forth had been +reduced to subjection. But a few days later Wallace was found to be +strongly established in Ettrick forest and was threatening +Roxburgh. At last Edward stirred up Warenne to return to his +government. The king took the precaution of leaving some of his +best warriors in England in case their services were needed against +the recalcitrant barons or the Scots. Then, as has been said, on +August 24 he crossed over to Flanders.</p> + +<p>The constable and marshal were still in arms, and Winchelsea, +who, in spite of his reconciliation with Edward, was in close +communication with them, declined to take an active part on the +council of regency. Two days before Edward took ship, Hereford and +Norfolk appeared in arms at the exchequer at Westminster, and +forbade the officials to continue the collection of supplies, until +the Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest had been confirmed. +They strove to win the support of the Londoners, who had long had a +grievance against Edward for depriving them of their right to elect +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg207" id= +"pg207">207</a></span>their own mayor, and for subjecting the city +to the arbitrary rule of a warden nominated by the crown. They +forbade their followers to commit acts of violence, but they made +it clear that there could be no peace until the charters were +confirmed.</p> + +<p>In August, Warenne grappled with the Scottish rising, but his +own incompetence, and the half-heartedness of the Scottish +magnates, on whom he relied, made his task very difficult. Wallace +retreated beyond the Forth, and Warenne reached Stirling on +September 10 in pursuit of him. He learnt that Wallace was holding +the wooded heights, immediately to the north of Stirling bridge on +the left bank of the Forth, not far from the abbey of +Cambuskenneth. The Steward of Scotland, who, after the collapse of +the revolt in the south-west, served under Warenne, offered his +mediation. But no good result came from his action, and the English +suspected treachery. Wallace took up a bold attitude, scorning +either compromise or retreat. He had only a small following of +cavalry, but his infantry was numerous and enthusiastic. The +English resolved to attack him on September 11. The Forth at +Stirling was crossed by a long wooden bridge, so narrow that only +two horsemen could pass abreast. It was madness to send an army +over the river by such a means in the face of a watchful enemy. But +not only was the English plan of battle foolish it was also carried +out weakly. Warenne overslept himself, and his subordinates wasted +the early morning in useless discussions and altercations. When at +last he woke up, he rejected the advice of a Scottish knight to +send part of his cavalry over the river by a ford which thirty +horsemen could traverse abreast, and ordered all his troops to +cross by the bridge.</p> + +<p>Wallace, seeing that the enemy had delivered themselves into his +hands, remained in the woods until a fair proportion of the English +men-at-arms had made their way over the stream. He then suddenly +swooped down upon the bridge, cutting off the retreat of those who +had traversed it, and blocking all possibility of reinforcement. +After a short fight the English to the north of the Forth were cut +down almost to a man. The English on the Stirling side, seeing the +fate of their comrades, fled in terror, and their Scots allies went +over to their country men. Among the slain was the greedy +Cressingham, whose skin the Scots tanned into leather. Warenne did +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg208" id="pg208">208</a></span>not +draw rein until he reached Berwick, and in one day all Scotland was +lost. The castles of Roxburgh and Berwick alone upheld the English +flag. Wallace and Moray governed all Scotland as "generals of the +army of King John". Within a few weeks of their victory, they +raided the three northern counties of England.</p> + +<p>Wallace had freed Scotland, but his wonderful success taught the +contending factions in England the plain duty of union against the +common enemy. A new parliament of the three estates was summoned +for September 30. The opposition leaders came armed, and declared +that there could be no supply of men or money until their demand +for the confirmation of the charters was granted. No longer content +with simple confirmation, they drew up, in the form of a statute, a +petition requiring that no tallage or aid should henceforth be +taken without the assent of the estates. This was the so-called +<i>statutum de tallagio non concedendo</i> which +seventeenth-century parliaments and judges erroneously accepted as +a statute. The helpless regency substantially accepted their +demands, and, on October 12, issued a confirmation of the charters, +to which fresh clauses were added, providing, with less generality +than in the baronial request, that no male-tolts, or such manner of +aids as had recently been extorted, should be imposed in the future +without the common consent of all the realm, but making no +reference to tallage.[1] Liberal supplies were then voted by all +the three estates, and Winchelsea, who all through these +proceedings acted as the brain of the baronage, exerted himself to +explain away the last of the clerical difficulties raised by the +<i>Clericis laicos</i>.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The Latin, <i>Articuli inserti in magna +carta</i>, given by Hemingburgh, ii., 152, is quoted as a statute +in the Petition of Right of 1628, under the title <i>De tallagio +non concedendo</i>. The view of its relation to the French +<i>Confirmatio cartavum</i> is that taken by M. Bémont, +<i>Chartes des libertés anglaises</i>, especially pp. +xliii., xliv. and 87. It is based on Bartholomew Cotton's nearly +contemporary statement (<i>Hist. Angl</i>., p. 337).</p> + +<p>On November 5 the king ratified, at Ghent, the action of his +son's advisers. Thus the constitutional struggle was ended by the +complete triumph of the baronial opposition. And the victory was +the more signal, because it was gained not over a weak king, +careless of his rights, but over the strongest of <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg209" id="pg209">209</a></span>the +Plantagenets, greedy to retain every scrap of authority. It is with +good reason that the Confirmation of the Charters of 1297 is +reckoned as one of the great turning points in the history of our +constitution. Its provisions sum up the whole national advance +which had been made since Gualo and William the marshal first +identified the English monarchy with the principles wrested from +John at Runnymede. In the years that immediately followed, it might +well seem that the act of 1297, like the submission of John, was +only a temporary expedient of a dexterous statecraft which +consented with the lips but not with the heart. But in later times, +when the details of the struggle were forgotten and the noise of +the battle over, the event stood out in its full significance. +Edward had been willing to take the people into partnership with +him when he thought that they would be passive partners, anxious to +do his pleasure. He was taught that the leaders of the people were +henceforth to have their share with the crown in determining +national policy. Common dangers were still to be met by measures +deliberated in common, but the initiative was no longer exclusively +reserved to the monarch. The sordid pedantry of the baronial +leaders and the high-souled determination of the king compel our +sympathy for Edward rather than his enemies. But all that made +English history what it is, was involved in the issue, and the +future of English freedom was assured when the obstinacy of the +constable and marshal prevailed over the resolution of the great +king.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XI</h2> + +<h4>THE SCOTTISH FAILURE.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg210" id= +"pg210">210</a></span>The expedition of Edward to Flanders lost its +best chance of success through the events which retarded its +despatch. While the English king was wrangling with his barons, the +French king was active. On the news of the alliance of Count Guy +with the English, Robert of Artois was summoned from Gascony to the +north. While Philip besieged Lille, and finally took it, Robert of +Artois gained a brilliant victory over the Flemings at Furnes on +August 20. Meanwhile John of Avesnes, Count of Hainault, was +closely co-operating with the French, and kept Edward's son-in-law +and ally, John, Duke of Brabant, from sending effective help to the +Flemings. Moreover, the Flemish townsmen, in their dislike of their +count, were largely on the side of the French. Edward's little army +could do nothing to redress a balance that already inclined so +heavily on the other side. The Flemings were disappointed at the +scanty numbers of the English men-at-arms, and stared with wonder +and contempt at the bare-legged Welsh archers and lancemen, with +their uncouth garb, strange habits of eating and fighting, and +propensity to pillage and disorder, though they recognised their +hardihood and the effectiveness of their missiles.[1] The same +disorderly spirit that had marred the Rioms campaign still +prevailed among the English engaged on foreign service. No sooner +were the troops landed at Sluys on August 28, than the mariners of +the Cinque Ports renewed their old feud with the men of Yarmouth, +and many ships were destroyed and lives lost in this untimely +conflict. Edward advanced to Bruges, where he was joined by the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg211" id= +"pg211">211</a></span>Count of Flanders, but the disloyalty of the +townsmen and the approach of King Philip forced the king and the +earl to take shelter behind the stronger walls of Ghent. +Immediately on their retreat, Philip occupied Bruges and Damme, +thus cutting off the English from the direct road to the sea. The +Anglo-Flemish army was afraid to attack the powerful force of the +French king. But the French had learnt by experience a wholesome +fear of the English and Welsh archers, and did not venture to +approach Ghent too closely. The ridiculous result followed that the +Kings of France and England avoided every opportunity of fighting +out their quarrel, and lay, wasting time and money, idly watching +each other's movements.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for Flemish criticisms of the Welsh, L. +van Velthem, <i>Spiegel Historiaal</i>, pp. 215-16, ed. Le Long, +partly translated by Funck Brentano in his edition of <i>Annales +Qandenses</i>, p. 7, a work giving full details of these +struggles.</p> + +<p>The only dignified way of putting an end to this impossible +situation lay in negotiation. Edward's faithful servant, William of +Hotham, the Dominican friar whom the pope had appointed Archbishop +of Dublin, was in the English camp. Hotham, who had enjoyed +Philip's personal friendship while teaching theology in the Paris +schools, was an acceptable mediator between the two kings. A short +truce was signed at Vyve-Saint-Bavon on the Lys on October 7. This +allowed time for more elaborate negotiations to be carried on at +Courtrai and Tournai, and on January 31, 1298, a truce, in which +the allies of both kings were included, was signed at Tournai, to +last until January 6, 1300. It was agreed to refer all questions in +dispute to the arbitration of Boniface VIII, "not as pope but as a +private person, as Benedict Gaetano". Both kings despatched their +envoys to Rome, where with marvellous celerity Boniface issued, on +June 30, 1298, a preliminary award. It suggested the possibility of +a settlement on the basis of each belligerent retaining the +possessions which he had held at the beginning of the struggle, and +entering into an alliance strengthened by a double marriage. Edward +was to marry the French king's sister Margaret, while Edward of +Carnarvon was to be betrothed to Philip's infant daughter Isabella. +The latter match involved the repudiation of the betrothal of +Edward of Carnarvon with the daughter of the Count of Flanders. But +all through the award there was no mention of the allies of either +party. Boniface was too eager for peace to be over-scrupulous as to +the honourable obligations of the two kings who sought his +mediation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg212" id= +"pg212">212</a></span>The English regency, which grappled so +courageously with the baronial opposition, showed an equal energy +in protecting the northern counties from the Scots. About the time +of the confirmation of the charters, Wallace crossed the border and +spread desolation and ruin from Carlisle to Hexham. Warenne and +Henry Percy, who had attended the October parliament at London, +were soon back in the north. By December the largest army which was +ever assembled during Edward I.'s reign[1] was collected together +on the borders, and preparations were made for a winter campaign +after the fashion which had proved so effective in Wales. But all +that Warenne was able to accomplish was the relief of Roxburgh. The +quality of the troops was not equal to their quantity, and all his +misfortunes had not taught him wisdom. Early in Lent Edward stopped +active campaigning by announcing that no great operations were to +be attempted until his return. Thereupon Warenne sent the bulk of +the troops home, and remained at Berwick, awaiting the king's +arrival.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Morris, <i>Welsh Wars of Edward I.</i>, pp. +284-86.</p> + +<p>Edward landed at Sandwich on March 14, 1298, and at once set +about preparing to avenge Stirling Bridge. He met his parliament on +Whitsunday, May 25, at York. The Scots barons were summoned to this +assembly, but as they neither attended nor sent proxies, their +absence was deemed to be proof of contumacy. A month later a large +army was concentrated at Roxburgh. The earls and barons with their +retinues mustered to the number of 1,100 horse, while 1,300 +men-at-arms served under the king's banners for pay. Though Gascony +was still in Philip's hands, the good relations that prevailed +between England and France allowed the presence in Edward's host of +a magnificent troop of Gascon lords, headed by the lord of Albret +and the Captal de Buch, and conspicuous for the splendour of their +armour and the costliness and beauty of their chargers. On this +occasion Edward set little store on infantry, and was content to +accept the services of those who came of their own free will. Yet +even under these conditions some 12,000 foot were assembled, more +than 10,000 of whom came from Wales and its march.</p> + +<p>The leaders of the opposition were present in Edward's <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg213" id="pg213">213</a></span>host. On +the eve of the invasion, the impatient king was kept back by the +declaration of Hereford and Norfolk that they would not cross the +frontier, until definite assurances were given that the king would +carry out the confirmation of the charters which he had informally +ratified on foreign soil. Etiquette or pride prevented Edward +himself satisfying their demand, but the Bishop of Durham and three +loyal earls pledged themselves that the king would fulfil all his +promises on his return. Then the two earls suffered the expedition +to proceed; and on July 6 the army left Roxburgh, proceeding by +moderate marches to Kirkliston on the Almond, where it encamped on +the 15th. Here there was a few days' delay, while Bishop Bek +captured some of the East Lothian castles which were threatening +the English rear. Already there was a difficulty in obtaining +supplies from the devastated country-side, and northerly winds +prevented the provision ships from sailing from Berwick to the +Forth. The worst hardships fell upon the Welsh infantry, who began +to mutiny and talked of joining the Scots. Matters grew worse on +the arrival of a wine ship, for such ample rations of wine were +distributed to the Welsh that very many of them became drunk. So +threatening was the state of affairs that Edward thought of +retreating to Edinburgh. On July 21, however, the news was brought +that Wallace and his followers were assembled in great force at +Falkirk, some seventeen miles to the west. The prospect of battle +at once restored the courage and discipline of the army, and Edward +ordered an advance. That night the host bivouacked on the moors +east of Linlithgow, "with shields for pillows and armour for beds". +During the night the king, who was sleeping in the open field like +the meanest trooper, received a kick from his horse which broke two +of his ribs. Yet the early morning of July 22, the feast of St. +Mary Magdalen, saw him riding at the head of his troops through the +streets of Linlithgow. At last the Scots lances were descried on +the slopes of a hill near Falkirk, and the English rested while the +bishop and king heard mass. Then the army, which had eaten nothing +since the preceding day, advanced to the battle.</p> + +<p>Wallace had a large following of infantry, but a mere handful of +mounted men-at-arms. He ordered the latter to occupy the rear, and +grouped his pikemen, the flower of his army, into four great +circles, or "schiltrons," which, with the front ranks <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg214" id="pg214">214</a></span>kneeling or +sitting and the rear ranks standing, presented to the enemy four +living castles, each with a bristling hedge of pikes, dense enough, +it was hoped, to break the fierce shock of a cavalry charge. The +spaces between the four schiltrons were occupied by the archers, +the best of whom came from Ettrick Forest. The front was further +protected by a morass, and perhaps also by a row of stout posts +sunk into the ground and fastened together by ropes.</p> + +<p>Edward ordered the Welsh archers to prepare the way with their +missiles for the advance of the men-at-arms. But the Welsh refused +to move, so that Edward was forced to proceed by a direct cavalry +charge. For this purpose he divided his men-at-arms into four +"battles". The first of these was commanded by the Earl of Lincoln, +with whom were the constable and marshal, who at last had an +opportunity of serving the king in battle in the offices which +belonged to them by hereditary right. On approaching the morass +this first line was thrown into some confusion, and paused in its +advance. Behind it the second battle, under command of the Bishop +of Durham, who, perhaps, knew the ground better, wheeled to the +east and took the Scots on their left flank. But Bek's followers +disobeyed his orders to wait until the rest of the army came up, +and they suffered heavy losses in attacking the left schiltron. +Before long, however, Lincoln found a way round the morass +westwards to the enemy's right, while the two rearmost battles, +headed by the king and Earl Warenne, also advanced to the front. +The combat thus became general. The Scots cavalry fled without +striking a blow, and some of the English thought that Wallace +himself rode off the field with them. The archers between the +schiltrons were easily trampled down, so that the only effective +resistance came from the circles of pikemen. The yeomanry of +Scotland steadily held their own against the fierce charges of the +mail-clad knights, and it looked for a time as if the day was +theirs. But the despised infantry at last made their way to the +front and poured in showers of arrows that broke down the Scottish +ranks. Friend and foe were at such close quarters that the English +who had no bows threw stones against the Scottish circles. When the +way was thus prepared, the horsemen easily penetrated through the +gaps made in the circles, and before long the Scottish pikemen were +a crowd of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg215" id= +"pg215">215</a></span>panic-stricken fugitives. Edward's brilliant +victory was won with comparatively little loss.</p> + +<p>It was years before the Scots again ventured to meet the English +in the open field. Yet the king's victory was not followed by any +real conquest even of southern Scotland. Edward advanced to +Stirling, where he rested until he had recovered from his accident, +while detachments of his troops penetrated as far as Perth and St. +Andrews. Meanwhile the south-west rose in revolt, under Robert +Bruce, Earl of Carrick, whose father had fought at Falkirk. Late in +August, Edward made his way to Ayr and occupied it, while Bruce +fled before him. Provisions were still scarce, and the army was +weary of fighting. The Durham contingent deserted in a body,[1] and +the earls were so lukewarm that Edward was fain to return by way of +Carlisle, capturing Lochmaben, Bruce's Annandale stronghold, on the +way. On September 8 the king reached Carlisle, where the constable +and marshal declared that they had lost so many men and horses that +they could no longer continue the campaign. Edward tried to stem +the tide of desertion by promises of Scottish lands to those who +would remain with his banners. But the distribution of these +rewards proved only a fresh source of discontent. At last Edward +was forced to dismiss the greater part of his forces. He lingered +in the north until the end of the year, but there was no more real +fighting; with the beginning of 1299 he returned to the south, +convinced that the disloyalty of his barons had neutralised his +triumphs in the field. The few castles which still upheld the +English cause in Scotland were soon closely besieged.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Lapsley, <i>County Palatine of Durham</i>, p. +128.</p> + +<p>During the whole of 1299 Edward was prevented by other work from +prosecuting the war against the Scots. Even the borderers were sick +of fighting, and Bishop Bek, who had hitherto afforded him an +unswerving support with all the forces of his palatinate, was +forced to desist from warlike operations by the refusal of his +tenants to serve any longer beyond the bounds of the lands of St. +Cuthbert. While the men of Durham abandoned the war, there was +little reason to wonder at the indifference of the south country as +to the progress of the Scots. In the Lenten parliament at London, +the Earls of Hereford and Norfolk <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg216" id="pg216">216</a></span>pressed Edward once more to fulfil +his promise to carry out the confirmation of the charters. The king +would not yield to their demand yet dared not refuse it. In his +perplexity he had recourse to evasions which further embittered his +relations with them. He promised that he would give an answer the +next day, but when the morrow came, he secretly withdrew from the +city. The angry barons followed him to his retreat and reminded him +of his broken promise. Edward coolly replied that he left London +because his health was suffering from the corrupt air of the town, +and bade the barons return, as his council had his reply ready. The +barons obeyed the king's orders, but their indignation passed all +bounds when they found that the king's promised confirmation of the +charters was vitiated by a new clause saving all the rights of the +crown, and that nothing was said as to the promised perambulation +of the forests. In bitter wrath the parliament broke up, and the +Londoners, who shared the anger of the barons, threatened a revolt. +After Easter these stormy scenes were repeated in a new parliament, +and Edward was at last forced to yield a grudging assent to all the +demands of the opposition, and even to appoint a commission for the +perambulation of the forests. By the time the summer was at hand, +the progress of the negotiations with France occupied Edward so +fully that he had abundant excuse for not precipitating a new +rupture with his barons, by insisting upon a fresh campaign against +the Scots.</p> + +<p>A papal legate presided over a congress of English and French +ambassadors at Montreuil-sur-mer, which belonged to Edward by right +of the late queen, Eleanor as Countess of Ponthieu. The outcome of +these deliberations was the treaty of Montreuil, concluded on June +19, 1299. It was not the final pacification which had been hoped +for. Edward indeed abandoned his Flemish allies, but Philip would +not relax his hold upon Gascony, and without that a definitive +peace was impossible. The treaty of Montreuil was simply a marriage +treaty. Edward was forthwith to marry Margaret, and his son was to +be betrothed to Isabella of France. Neither the prolongation of the +truce nor the affairs of the Flemings were mentioned in it, while +all that Philip did for the Scots was to provide for the liberation +of the deposed King John from his English prison. As soon as the +ratifications were exchanged the king, who was <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg217" id="pg217">217</a></span>then sixty years +of age, and his youthful bride were married on September 9 at +Canterbury by Archbishop Winchelsea.</p> + +<p>Edward's willingness to marry the sister of the king who still +kept him out of Gascony can best be explained by his overmastering +desire to renew operations in Scotland. Shortly after his marriage, +he again busied himself with preparations for the long-delayed +Scots campaign. It was high time that he took action. The English +garrisons were surrendering one by one, and the Scottish magnates +were deserting the English cause. Their conversion to patriotic +principles was made easier by the decay of Wallace's power +consequent on his defeat at Falkirk. After stormy scenes with his +aristocratic rivals, Wallace withdrew from Scotland and went to the +continent, where he implored the help of the King of France. Philip +proved true to his new brother-in-law, and put Wallace in prison, +only releasing him that he might go to Rome and enlist the sympathy +of Boniface VIII. Meanwhile the Scots chose a new regency at the +head of which was the younger John Comyn of Badenoch. Under these +changed conditions the Scottish earls rapidly rallied round the +national cause. Stirling, Edward's chief stronghold in central +Scotland, was so hardly pressed that the men-at-arms were forced to +eat their chargers. Yet when the English barons assembled about the +beginning of winter, in obedience to Edward's summons, they +stubbornly declared that they would not endure the hardships of a +winter campaign until the king had fulfilled his pledges as regards +the charters. Thus left to their own resources, the sorely tried +garrison of Stirling surrendered to the Scots.</p> + +<p>In March, 1300, Edward met his parliament at Westminster. +Despite the straits to which he was reduced, he was still unwilling +to make a complete surrender. He avoided a formal re-issue of the +charters by giving his sanction to a long series of articles, drawn +up apparently by the barons. These articles provided for the better +publication of the charters, and the appointment in every shire of +a commission to punish all offences against them which were not +already provided for by the common law; together with numerous +technical clauses "for the relief of the grievances that the people +have had by reason of the wars that have been, and for the +amendment of their estate, and that they may be more ready in the +king's service and more <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg218" id= +"pg218">218</a></span>willing to aid him when he has need of them +". This document was known as <i>Articuli super cartas</i>.[1] At +the same time the forest perambulation, which had long been +ordered, was directed to be proceeded with at once. For this reason +a chronicler calls this assembly "the parliament of the +perambulation".[2] The reconciliation between the king and his +subjects was attested by a grant of a twentieth.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] It is published in Bémont's +<i>Chartes</i>, pp. 99-108, with valuable comments; another draft +analysed in <i>Hist. MSS. Comm.</i>, 6th Report, i., p. 344.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] Langtoft, ii, 320.</p> + +<p>Edward's concessions once more enabled him to face the Scots, +and the summer saw a gallant army mustered at Carlisle, though some +of the earls, including Roger Bigod, still held aloof. A two +months' campaign was fought in south-western Scotland in July and +August. But the peasants drove their cattle to the hills, and rainy +weather impeded the king's movements. The chief exploit of the +campaign was the capture of Carlaverock castle, though even in the +glowing verse of the herald, who has commemorated the taking of +this stronghold,[1] the military insignificance of the achievement +cannot be concealed. Edward returned to the same district in +October, but he effected so little that he was glad to agree to a +truce with the Scots, which Philip the Fair urged him to accept. +The armistice was to last until Whitsuntide, and Edward immediately +returned to England. He had not yet satisfied his subjects, and was +again forced to meet his estates.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>The Siege of Carlaverock</i>, ed. Nicolas +(1828).</p> + +<p>A full parliament assembled on January 20, 1301, at Lincoln. The +special business was to receive the report of the forest +perambulation; and the first anticipation of the later custom of +continuing the same parliament from one session to another can be +discerned in the direction to the sheriffs that they should return +the same representatives of the shires and boroughs as had attended +the Lenten parliament of 1300, and only hold fresh elections in the +case of such members as had died or become incapacitated. During +the ten days that the commons were in session stormy scenes +occurred. Edward would only promise to agree to the +disafforestments recommended by the perambulators, if the estates +would assure him that he could do so, without violating his +coronation oath or disinheriting his crown. The estates refused to +undertake this <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg219" id= +"pg219">219</a></span>grave responsibility, and a long catalogue of +their grievances was presented to Edward by Henry of Keighley, +knight of the shire for Lancashire, and one of the first members of +the third estate of whose individual action history has preserved +any trace. The commons demanded a fresh confirmation of the +charters; the punishment of the royal ministers who had infringed +them, or the <i>Articuli super cartas</i> of the previous session, +and the completion of the proposed disafforestments. In addition, +the prelates declared that they could not assent to any tax being +imposed upon the clergy contrary to the papal prohibition. Among +the ministers specially signalled out for attack was the treasurer, +Bishop Walter Langton, and in this Edward discerned the influence +of Winchelsea, for he was Langton's personal enemy. The king's +disgust at the primate's action was the more complete since Bishop +Bek now arrayed himself on the side of the opposition. Edward +showed his ill-will by consigning Henry of Keighley to prison. But +the coalition was too formidable to be withstood. The king agreed +to all the secular demands of the estates, accepted the hated +disafforestments and directed the re-issue of a further +confirmation of the charters, but refused his assent to the demand +of the prelates. A grant of a fifteenth was then made, and Edward +dismissed the popular representatives on January 30, retaining the +prelates and nobles for further business. On February 14, the last +confirmation of the charters concluded the long chapter of history, +which had begun at Runnymede.</p> + +<p>Edward strove to separate his baronial and his clerical enemies, +and found an opportunity, which he was not slow to use, in the +uncompromising papalism of Winchelsea. Boniface VIII. had no sooner +settled the relations of England and France than he threw himself +with ardour into an attempt to establish peace between England and +Scotland. Scottish emissaries, including perhaps Wallace himself, +gave Boniface their version of the ancient relations of the two +crowns. On June 27, 1299, the pope issued the letter <i>Scimus, +fili</i>, in which he claimed that Scotland specially belonged to +the apostolic see, on the ground that it was converted through the +relics of St. Andrew. He denied all feudal dependence of Scotland +on Edward, and explained away the submissions of 1291 as arising +from such momentary fear as might fall upon the most steadfast. If +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg220" id= +"pg220">220</a></span>Edward persisted in his claims, he was to +submit them to the judgment of the Roman <i>curia</i> within the +next six months. In 1300 Winchelsea, who fully accepted the new +papal doctrine, sought out Edward in the midst of the Carlaverock +campaign and presented him with Boniface's letter. Edward's hot +temper fired up at the archbishop's ill-timed intervention, and +subsequent military failures had not smoothed over the situation. +His wrath reached its climax when Winchelsea once more stirred up +opposition in the Lincoln parliament, and his refusal of a demand, +which the primate had astutely added to the commons' requests, +showed that he was prepared for war to the knife. Edward laid the +papal letter before the earls and barons that still tarried with +him at Lincoln. His appeal to their patriotism was not +unsuccessful. A letter was drawn up, which was sealed, then and +subsequently, by more than a hundred secular magnates, in which +Boniface was roundly told that the King of England was in no wise +bound to answer in the pope's court as to his rights over the realm +of Scotland or as to any other temporal matter, and that the papal +claim was unprecedented, and prejudicial to Edward's sovereignly. A +longer historical statement was composed by the king's order in +answer to Boniface. It is not certain that the two documents ever +reached the pope, but they had great effect in influencing English +opinion and in breaking down the alliance between the baronage and +the ecclesiastical party.[1] Winchelsea's influence was fatally +weakened, and the period of his overthrow was at hand.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See, on the barons' letter, the +<i>Ancestor</i>, for July and October, 1903, and Jan., 1904.</p> + +<p>The triumph over Winchelsea made Edward's position stronger than +it had been during the first days of the Lincoln parliament. That +assembly ended amidst the festivities which attended the creation +of Edward of Carnarvon as Prince of Wales, Earl of Chester, and +Count of Ponthieu. The new prince, already seventeen years of age, +had made his first campaign in the previous year. But all the pains +that Edward took in training his son in warfare and in politics +bore little fruit, and Edward of Carnarvon's introduction to active +life was only to add another trouble to the many that beset the +king.</p> + +<p>When the truce with Scotland expired, in the summer of 1301, +Edward again led an army over the border, in which the <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg221" id="pg221">221</a></span>Prince of Wales +appeared, at the head of a large Welsh contingent. Little of +military importance happened. Edward remained in Scotland over the +cold season, and kept his Christmas court at Linlithgow. Men and +horses perished amidst the rigours of the northern winter, and, +before the end of January, 1302, the king was glad to accept a +truce, suggested by Philip of France, to last until the end of +November. Immediately afterwards he was called to the south by the +negotiations for a permanent peace with France, which still hung +fire despite his marriage to the French king's sister. The earlier +stages of the negotiation were transacted at Rome, but it was soon +clear to Edward that no good would come to him from the +intervention of the <i>curia</i>. The fundamental difficulty still +lay in the refusal of Philip to relax his grasp on Gascony. Not +even the exaltation, consequent on the success of the famous +jubilee of 1300, blinded Boniface to the patent fact that he dared +not order the restitution of Gascony. "We cannot give you an +award," declared the pope to the English envoys in 1300. "If we +pronounced in your favour, the French would not abide by it, and +could not be compelled, for they would make light of any penalty." +"What the French once lay hold of," he said again, "they never let +go, and to have to do with the French is to have to do with the +devil."[1] A year later Boniface could do no more than appeal to +the crusading zeal of Edward not to allow his claim on a patch of +French soil to stand between him and his vow. With such +commonplaces the papal mediation died away.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See the remarkable report of the Bishop of +Winchester to Edward printed in <i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, xvii. +(1902), pp. 518-27.</p> + +<p>Two events in 1302 indirectly contributed towards the +establishment of a permanent peace. These were the successful +revolt of Flanders from French domination, and the renewed quarrel +between Philip and Boniface. On May 18, the Flemings, in the +"matins of Bruges," cruelly avenged themselves for the oppressions +which they had endured from Philip's officials, and on July 11 the +revolted townsfolk won the battle of Courtrai, in which their heavy +armed infantry defeated the feudal cavalry of France, a victory of +the same kind as that Wallace had vainly hoped to gain at Falkirk. +Even before the Flemish rising, the reassertion of high sacerdotal +doctrine in the bull <i>Ausculta, fili</i> had renewed the strife +between Boniface <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg222" id= +"pg222">222</a></span>and the French king. A few months later the +bull <i>Unam sanctam</i> laid down with emphasis the doctrine that +those who denied that the temporal sword belongs to St. Peter were +heretics, unmindful of the teachings of Christ. Thus began the +famous difference that went on with ever-increasing fury until the +outrage at Anagni, on September 7, 1303, brought about the fall of +Boniface and the overthrow of the Hildebrandine papacy. Meanwhile +Philip was devoting his best energies to constant, and not +altogether vain, attempts to avenge the defeat of Courtrai, and +re-establish his hold on Flanders. With these two affairs on his +hands, it was useless for him to persevere in his attempt to hold +Gascony.</p> + +<p>In the earlier stages of his quarrel with Philip, Boniface built +great hopes on Edward's support, and strongly urged him to fight +for holy Church against the impious French king. But Edward had +suffered too much from Boniface to fall into so obvious a trap. His +hold over his own clergy was so firm that Winchelsea himself had no +chance of taking up the papal call to battle. Thus it was that +<i>Unam sanctam</i> produced no such clerical revolt in England as +<i>Clericis laicos</i> had done. It was Edward's policy to make use +of Philip's necessities to win back Gascony, and cut off all hope +of French support from the Scottish patriots. Philip himself was +the more disposed to agree with his brother-in-law's wishes, +because about Christmas, 1302, Bordeaux threw off the French yoke +and called in the English. The best way to save French dignity was +by timely concession. Accordingly, on May 20, 1303, the definitive +treaty of Paris was sealed, by which the two kings were pledged to +"perpetual peace and friendship". Gascony was restored, and Edward +agreed that he, or his son, should perform liege homage for it. +With the discharge of this duty by the younger Edward at Amiens, in +1304, the last stage of the pacification was accomplished. For the +rest of the reign, England and France remained on cordial terms. +Neither Edward nor Philip had resources adequate to the +accomplishment of great schemes of foreign conquest. Though Edward +got back Gascony, he owed it, not to his own power, but to the +embarrassment of his rival.</p> + +<p>While completing his pacification with Philip the Fair, Edward +was busily engaged in establishing his power at home, at the +expense of the clerical and baronial opposition, which <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg223" id="pg223">223</a></span>had stood for so +many years in the way of the conquest of Scotland. Since the +parliament of Lincoln, Winchelsea was no longer dangerous. He +failed even to get Boniface on his side in a scandalous attack +which he instigated on Bishop Langton. His constant efforts to +enlarge his jurisdiction raised up enemies all over his diocese and +province, and the mob of his cathedral city broke open his palace, +while he was in residence there. His inability to introduce into +England even a pale reflection of the struggle of Philip and the +pope showed how clearly he had lost influence since the days of +<i>,Clericis laicos</i>. A more recent convert to higher clerical +pretensions also failed. Bishop Bek of Durham lost all his power, +and was deprived of his temporalities by the king in 1302. Two +years later the insignificant Archbishop of York also incurred the +royal displeasure, and was punished in the same fashion. With +Durham, Norhamshire, and Hexhamshire all in the royal hands, the +road into Scotland was completely open.</p> + +<p>The heavy hand of Edward fell upon earls as well as upon +bishops. Even in the early days of his reign when none, save +Gilbert of Gloucester, dared uplift the standard of opposition, +Edward had not spared the greatest barons in his efforts to +eliminate the idea of tenure from English political life. A subtle +extension of his earlier policy began to emphasise the dependence +of the landed dignitaries on his pleasure. The extinction of +several important baronial houses made this the easier, and Edward +took care to retain escheats in his own hands, or at least to +entrust them only to persons of approved confidence. The old +leaders of opposition were dead or powerless. Ralph of Monthermer, +the simple north-country knight who had won the hand of Joan of +Acre, ruled over the Gloutester-Glamorgan inheritance on behalf of +his wife and Edward's little grandson, Gilbert of Clare. The Earl +of Hereford died in 1299, and in 1302 his son and successor, +another Humphrey Bohun, was bribed by a marriage with the king's +daughter, Elizabeth, the widowed Countess of Holland, to surrender +his lands to the crown and receive them back, like the Earl of +Gloucester in 1290, entailed on the issue of himself and his +consort. In the same year the childless earl marshal, Roger Bigod, +conscious of his inability to continue any longer his struggle +against royal assumptions and at variance with his <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg224" id="pg224">224</a></span>brother and +heir, made a similar surrender of his estates, which was the more +humiliating since the estate in tail, with which he was reinvested, +was bound to terminate with his life. In 1306, on the marshal's +death, the Bigod inheritance lapsed to the crown. Much earlier than +that, in 1293, Edward had extorted on her deathbed from the great +heiress, Isabella of Fors, Countess of Albemarle and Devon, the +bequest of the Isle of Wight and the adjacent castle of +Christchurch. In 1300, on the death of the king's childless cousin, +Earl Edmund, the wealthy earldom of Cornwall escheated to the +crown. To Edward's contemporaries the acquisition of the earldoms +of Norfolk and Cornwall seemed worthy to be put alongside the +conquests of Wales and Scotland.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See John of London, <i>Commendatio +lamentabilis</i> in <i>Chron. of Edw. I. and Edw. II.</i>, ii., +8-9. See for the earldoms my <i>Earldoms under Edward I.</i> in +<i>,Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, new ser.</i>, +viii. (1894), 129-155.</p> + +<p>Even more important as adding to Edward's resources than these +direct additions to the royal domains, was the increasing +dependence of the remaining earls upon the crown. His sons-in-law +of Gloucester and Hereford were entirely under his sway. In 1304 +the aged Earl Warenne had died, and in 1306 his grandson and +successor was bound closely to the royal policy by his marriage +with Joan of Bar, Edward's grand-daughter. In the same way Edward's +young nephew, Thomas of Lancaster, ruled over the three earldoms of +Lancaster, Derby, and Leicester, and by his marriage to the +daughter and heiress of Henry Lacy, was destined to add to his +immense estates the additional earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury. +Edward of Carnarvon was learning the art of government in Wales, +Cheshire, and Ponthieu. The policy of concentrating the higher +baronial dignities in the royal family was no novelty, but Edward +carried it out more systematically and successfully than any of his +predecessors. He reaped the immediate advantages of his dexterity +in the extinction of baronial opposition and in the zeal of the +baronial levies against the Scots during the concluding years of +his reign. Yet the later history of the Middle Ages bears witness +to the grievous dangers to the wielder of the royal power which +lurked beneath a system so attractive in appearance.</p> + +<p>The truce with the Scots ended in November, 1302, and Edward +despatched a strong force to the north under John Segrave. On +February 24, 1303, Segrave, attacked unexpectedly <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg225" id="pg225">225</a></span>by the enemy at +Roslin, near Edinburgh, suffered a severe defeat. The conclusion of +the treaty of Paris gave Edward the opportunity for avenging the +disaster. He summoned his levies to assemble at Roxburgh for +Whitsuntide and, a fortnight before that time, appeared in person +in Tweeddale. After seven weary years of waiting and failure, he +was at last in a position to wear down the obstinate Scots by the +same systematic and deliberate policy that had won for him the +principality of Wales. The invasion of Scotland was henceforth to +continue as long as the Scottish resistance. Adequate resources +were procured to enable the royal armies to hold the field, and a +politic negotiation with the foreign merchants resulted in a +<i>,carta mercatoria</i> by which additional customs were imposed +upon English exports. These imposts, known as the "new and small +customs," as opposed to the "old and great customs" established in +1275, were not sanctioned by parliamentary grant: but for the +moment they provoked no opposition. Thus Edward was equipped both +with men and money for his undertaking. At last the true conquest +of Scotland began.</p> + +<p>No attempt was made in the Lothians to stop Edward's advance, +but the Scots, under the regent, John Comyn of Badenoch, made a +vigorous effort to hold the line of the Forth against him. Their +plan seemed to promise well, for Stirling castle was still in +Scottish hands. Edward crossed the river by a ford, and all +organised efforts to oppose him at once ceased. Prudently leaving +Stirling to itself for the present, he hurried to Perth. After +spending most of June and July at Perth, he led his army +northwards, nearly following the line of his advance in 1296, +through Perth, Brechin, and Aberdeen, to Banff and Elgin. The most +remote point reached was Kinloss, a few miles west of Elgin, in +which neighbourhood he spent much of September. Then he slowly +retraced his steps and took up his winter quarters at Dunfermline. +In all this long progress, the only energetic resistance which +Edward encountered was at Brechin. Flushed with his triumph, he +ordered Stirling to be besieged, and from April, 1304, directed the +operations himself. The garrison held out with the utmost +gallantry, but at last a breach was effected in the walls, and on +July 24 the defenders laid down their arms. Long before the Scots +people despaired of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg226" id= +"pg226">226</a></span>withstanding the invader, the nobles grew +cold in the defence of their country. In February, 1304, the regent +and many of the earls made their submission. It was more than +suspected that this result was brought about by the threat of +Edward to divide their lands among his English followers. But on +Comyn and his friends showing a desire to yield, the king readily +promised them their lives and estates. Believing that his task was +over, Edward returned to England in August after an absence of +nearly fifteen months. He crossed the Humber early in December, +kept his Christmas court at Lincoln, and reached London late in +February. As a sign of the completion of the conquest, he ordered +that the law courts, which since 1297 had been established at York, +should resume their sessions in London.</p> + +<p>A few heroes still upheld the independence of Scotland. Foremost +among them was Sir William Wallace, who, since his mission to +France in 1298, had disappeared from history. The submission of the +barons to Edward gave him another chance. He took a strenuous part +in the struggle of 1303-4, and he was specially exempted from the +easy pardons with which Edward purchased the submission of the +greater nobles. It was the daring and skill of Wallace that +prolonged the Scots' struggle until the spring of 1305. But he was +then once more an outlaw and a fugitive, only formidable by his +hold over the people, and by the possibility that the smallest +spark of resistance might at any time be blown into a flame. At +last he was captured through the zeal, or treachery, of a Scot in +Edward's service. In August, Wallace was despatched to London to +stand a public trial for treason, sedition, sacrilege, and murder. +He denied that he had ever become Edward's subject, but did not +escape conviction. With his execution, the last stage of Edward's +triumph in Scotland was accomplished. Though the full measure of +Wallace's fame belongs to a later age rather than his own, yet it +was a sure instinct that made the Scottish people celebrate him as +the popular hero of their struggle for independence. His courage, +persistency, and daring stands in marked contrast to the +self-seeking opportunism of the great nobles, who afterwards +appropriated the results of his endeavours. Yet we can hardly blame +Edward for making an example of him, when he fell into his power. +Even if Wallace had successfully evaded the oath of fealty to +Edward, it is scarcely <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg227" id= +"pg227">227</a></span>reasonable to expect that the king would +consider this technical plea as availing against his doctrine that +all Scots were necessarily his subjects since the submission of +1296. It was Wallace's glory that he fought his fight and paid the +penalty of it.</p> + +<p>A full parliament of the three estates sat with the king at +Westminster from February 28 to March 21, 1305. The proceedings of +this assembly are known with a fulness exceeding that of the record +of any of the other parliaments of the reign.[1] Among the matters +enumerated in the writs as specially demanding attention was the +"establishment of our realm of Scotland". Three Scottish magnates, +Robert Wishart, Bishop of Glasgow, Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, +and John Mowbray were particularly called upon to give their advice +as to how Scotland was to be represented in a later parliament, in +which the plans for its future government were to be drawn up. They +informed the king that two bishops, two abbots, two barons, and two +representatives of the commons, one from the south of the Forth and +the other from the north thereof, would be sufficient for this +purpose. This further "parliament" assembled on September 15, three +weeks after the execution of Wallace. It consisted simply of twenty +councillors of Edward, and the ten Scottish delegates. From the +joint deliberations of these thirty sprang the "ordinance made by +the lord king for the establishment of the land of Scotland".</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See <i>Memoranda, de parliamento</i> (1305), +ed. F.W. Maitland (Rolls Series).</p> + +<p>Following the general lines of the settlement of the +principality of Wales, the ordinance combined Edward's direct +lordship over Scotland with a legal and administrative system +separate from that of England. John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, +the king's sister's son, was made Edward's lieutenant and warden of +Scotland, and under him were a chancellor, a chamberlain, and a +controller. Scotland was to be split up for judicial purposes into +districts corresponding to its racial and political divisions. Four +pairs of justices were appointed for each of these regions, two for +Lothian, two for Galloway and the south-west, two for the lands +"between Forth and the mountains," that is the Lowland districts of +the north-east, and two for the lands "beyond the mountains," that +is for the Highlands and islands. Sheriffs "natives either of +England or Scotland" were <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg228" id= +"pg228">228</a></span>nominated for each of the shires, and it was +significant that the great majority of them were Scots and that the +hereditary sheriffdoms of the older system were still continued. +The "custom of the Scots and the Welsh," that is the Celtic laws of +the Highlanders and the Strathclyde Welsh, was "henceforth +prohibited and disused". John of Brittany was to "assemble the good +people of Scotland in a convenient place" where "the laws of King +David and the amendments by other kings" were to be rehearsed, and +such of these laws as are "plainly against God and reason" were to +be reformed, all doubtful matters being referred to the judgment of +Edward. The king's lieutenant was bidden to "remove such persons as +might disturb the peace" to the south of the Trent, but their +deportation was to be in "courteous fashion" and after taking the +advice of the "good people of Scotland". Care for the preservation +of the peace, and for administrative reform, is seen in the oath +imposed upon officials and in the pains taken to secure the custody +of the castles. The Scots parliament was to be retained, and recent +precedents also suggested the probability of Scottish +representation in the parliament of England. If Scotland were to be +ruled by Edward at all, it would have been difficult to devise a +wiser scheme for its administration. Yet the Scottish love of +independence was not to be bartered away for better government. +Within six months the new constitution was overthrown, and the +chief part in its destruction was taken by the Scots by whose +advice Edward had drawn it up.</p> + +<p>Edward at last felt himself in a position to take his long +deferred revenge on Winchelsea. The primate still kept aloof from +the councils of the king, and his spirit was as irreconcilable as +ever. He gained his last victory in the Lenten parliament of 1305, +when he prevented the promulgation of a statute, passed on the +petition of the laity, but agreed to by all the estates, which +forbade taxes on ecclesiastical property involving the exportation +of money out of the country.[1] At this moment the long vacancy of +the papacy, which followed the pontificate of Benedict XI., +Boniface VIII.'s short-lived successor, had not yet come to an end. +Soon, however, Winchelsea's zeal on <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg229" id="pg229">229</a></span>behalf of papal taxation was to be +ill requited. On June 5, 1305, Bertrand de Goth, a Gascon nobleman +who since 1299 had been archbishop of Bordeaux, was elected to the +papacy as Clement V., through the management of Philip the Fair. A +dependant of the King of France and a subject of the King of +England, the new pope showed a complaisance towards kings which +stood in strong contrast to the ultramontane austerity of his +predecessors. He refused to visit Italy, received the papal crown +at Lyons, and spent the first years of his pontificate in Poitou +and Gascony. Ultimately establishing himself at Avignon, he began +that seventy years of Babylonish captivity of the apostolic see +which greatly degraded the papacy. Though Clement's main concern +was to fulfil the exacting conditions which, as it was believed, +Philip had imposed upon him, he was almost as subservient to Edward +as to the King of France. His deference to his natural lord enabled +Edward to renounce the most irksome of the obligations which he had +incurred to his subjects, to punish Winchelsea, and to restrain +Roman authority by laws which anticipate the legislation of the age +of Edward III.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Memoranda de parliamento</i>, preface, p. +li. The statement in the text is an inference suggested by +Professor Maitland's account of the statute <i>De asportis +religiosorum</i>. For the last struggle of Edward and Winchelsea, +see Stubbs's preface to <i>Chron. of Edw. I. and Edw. II.</i>, i., +xcix.-cxiii.</p> + +<p>At Clement V.'s coronation at Lyons, in November, England was +represented by Winchelsea's old enemy, Bishop Walter Langton, and +by the Earl of Lincoln. The first result of their work was the +promulgation, on December 29, of the bull <i>Regalis +devotionis</i>, by which the pope annulled the additions made to +the charters in 1297 and succeeding years, and dispensed Edward +from the oath which he had taken to observe them, on the ground +that it was in conflict with his coronation vows. Next year Edward +took advantage of this bull to revoke the disafforestments made by +the parliament of Lincoln in 1301. It may be a sign either of the +moderation, or of the well-grounded fears of the king, that he made +no further use of the papal absolution. But, like his father and +grandfather, he used the papal authority to set aside his plighted +word, and his conduct in this respect suggests that it was well for +England that the renewal of the Scottish troubles reduced for the +rest of the reign the temptation, which the bull held out to him, +to play fast and loose with the liberties of his subjects. The +standards of contemporary morality were not, however, infringed by +Edward's action, dishonourable and undignified as it seems to us of +later times</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg230" id= +"pg230">230</a></span>Winchelsea's turn was at last come. On +February 12, 1306, Clement suspended him from his office, and +summoned him to appear before the <i>curia</i>. On March 25 the +archbishop humbled himself before Edward and begged for his +protection. But the king overwhelmed him with reproaches and +refused to show him any mercy. Within two months, the primate took +ship for France and made his way to the papal court, which was then +established at Bordeaux. He remained in exile, though in the +English king's dominions, for the rest of Edward's life. A less +harsh punishment was meted out to the Bishop of Durham, who then +came back from the court of Clement with the magnificent title of +Patriarch of Jerusalem. For a second time Edward laid violent hands +upon the rich temporalities of the see, and Bek, like Winchelsea, +remained under a cloud for the remainder of the reign.</p> + +<p>Clement expected to be paid for yielding so much to the king. A +papal agent, William de Testa, was sent to England, and to him +Edward gave the administration of the temporalities of Canterbury. +William's energy in collecting first-fruits aroused a storm of +opposition from the clergy. The laity, disgusted to find that the +king was negotiating for the transference of a crusading tenth to +himself, associated themselves with their protest. Clement +thereupon despatched the Cardinal Peter of Spain to England, that +he might attempt to arrange a general pacification, and complete +the marriage of the Prince of Wales to Isabella of France, which +had been agreed upon in 1303. Before the cardinal's arrival, +Edward's last parliament met in January, 1307, at Carlisle. The +renewed disturbances in Scotland necessitated a meeting on the +border, but the main transactions of the estates bore upon matters +ecclesiastical. The lords and commons joined in demanding from the +king a remedy against the oppressions of the apostolic see. A +spirited and strongly worded protest was addressed to the pope. Nor +were the estates contented with mere remonstrances. The statute of +Carlisle renewed the abortive measure of 1305 <i>De asportis +religiosorum</i>, by prohibiting tallages of religious houses being +sent out of the realm. Had the petition of the estates been drafted +into a statute, the parliament of Carlisle would have anticipated +the statute of <i>Praemunire</i> and many other anti-papal +enactments. But Peter of Spain arrived, and Edward thought it +injudicious <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg231" id= +"pg231">231</a></span>to provoke a contest with the papacy. Even +the petition actually approved was left in suspense to await +further negotiations between the king and the cardinal. Before any +decision was come to, Edward died, and this anti-Roman movement, +like so many which had preceded it, resulted in little more than +brave words. When, two generations later, a more resolute temper +seized upon king and estates, they fell back upon the petitions and +proceedings of the parliament of Carlisle for precedents for +resisting the papal authority. With all its pitiful conclusion, +Edward's ecclesiastical policy at least marks a step in advance +upon the dependent attitude of Henry III.</p> + +<p>In the period of peace after the conquest of Scotland, Edward +busied himself with strengthening the administration of his own +kingdom and with enforcing the laws against violence and outrage. +Under the strongest of medieval kings, the state of society was +very disorderly, and even a ruler like Edward had often to be +contented with holding up in his legislation an ideal of conduct +which he was powerless to enforce in detail. Complaints had long +been made that the greater nobles encroached upon poor men's +inheritances, that gangs of marauders ranged over the country, +wreaking every sort of violence and outrage, and that the law +courts would give no redress to the sufferers from such outrageous +deeds, since judges and juries were alike terrorised by overmighty +offenders and dared not administer equal justice. Accordingly in +the Lenten parliament of 1305 was drawn up the ordinance of +Trailbaston, by which the king was empowered to issue writs of +inquiry, addressed to special justices in the various shires, and +authorising them to take vigorous action against these +<i>trailbastons</i>, or men with clubs, whose outrages had become +so grievous. It was not so much a new law as an administrative act; +but it formed a precedent for later times, and the energy of the +justices of trailbaston effected a real, if temporary, improvement +in the condition of the country. So important was the measure that +a chronicler calls the year in which this was enacted the "year of +trailbaston".[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Liber de antiquis legibus</i>, p. 250.</p> + +<p>Never did Edward's prospects seem brighter than in the early +days of 1306. Scotland was obedient; the French alliance was firmly +cemented; the pope was complacent; the Archbishop <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg232" id="pg232">232</a></span>of Canterbury +was in exile and the Bishop of Durham in disgrace; the commons were +grateful for the better order secured by the commissions of +trailbaston, and the king had in the papal absolution a weapon in +reserve, which he could always use against a renewal of baronial +opposition, though, for the moment, neither nobles nor commons +seemed likely to give trouble. Once more there was some talk of +Edward leading a crusade, and the French lawyer, Peter Dubois, at +this time dedicated to him the first draft of his remarkable +treatise on the recovery of the Holy Land.[1] Nor did the project +seem altogether impracticable. Though Edward was sixty-seven years +of age, he remained slim, vigorous and straight as a palm tree. He +could mount his horse and ride to the hunt or the field with the +activity of youth. His eyes were not dimmed with age and his teeth +were still firm in his jaws.[2] The worst trouble which immediately +beset him, was the undutiful conduct of the young Prince of Wales, +who foolishly quarrelled with Bishop Langton, and preferred to +amuse himself with unworthy favourites rather than submit himself +to the severe training in arms and affairs to which Edward had long +striven to inure him. When all thus seemed favourable, a sudden +storm burst in Scotland which plunged the old king into renewed +troubles.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>De recuperatione terre sancte</i>, ed. C.V. +Langlois (1891).</p> + +<p class="three">[2] John of London, <i>Commendatio +lamentabilis</i>, pp. 5-6.</p> + +<p>In 1304 Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, became by his father's +death the head of his house. Though he had long adhered to the +regency which had governed Scotland in Balliol's name, he had now +made terms with Edward, and had taken a conspicuous part in +bringing about the pacification of Scotland under its new +constitution. But the double policy, which had involved him in the +shifts and tergiversations of his earlier career, still dominated +the mind of the ambitious earl. At the moment of his submission to +Edward, he entered into an intimate alliance with Bishop Lamberton +of St. Andrews, the old partisan of Wallace. Lamberton was then, +like Bruce, on Edward's side, and as John of Brittany had not yet +personally taken up his new charge, the blind confidence of Edward +entrusted him with the foremost place among the commissioners who +acted as wardens of Scotland during the king's lieutenant's +absence. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg233" id= +"pg233">233</a></span>Bruce, still remembering his grandfather's +claim on the throne, welcomed the definitive setting aside of +Balliol. While Edward believed that Scotland was quietening down +under its new constitution, Bruce was secretly conspiring with the +Scottish magnates, with a view to making himself king. His chief +difficulty was with the late regent, John Comyn the Red, lord of +Badenoch. The Bruces and the Comyns had long been at variance, and +the Red Comyn, who was the nephew of the deposed King John, +regarded himself as the representative of the Balliol claim to the +throne, and was not unmindful how his father had withdrawn his +pretensions in 1291 rather than divide the Balliol interest. +Meanwhile the antagonism of the two houses was the best safeguard +for the continuance of Edward's rule.</p> + +<p>Bruce was violent as well as able and ambitious. He invited +Comyn to a conference for January 10, 1306, in the Franciscan +friary at Dumfries. On that day the king's justices were holding +the assizes in the castle, and Brace and Comyn, with a few +followers, met in the cloister of the convent. Hot words were +exchanged, and Bruce drew his sword and wounded Comyn. The lord of +Badenoch took refuge in the church, and some of Bruce's friends +followed him and slew him on the steps of the high altar. This +cruel murder involved a violent breach between Bruce and the king. +The earl took to the hills, declared himself the champion of +national independence, and renewed his claim to the crown. He was +joined by a great multitude of the people and by a certain number +of the magnates. Conspicuous among the latter was Bishop Wishart of +Glasgow, who broke his sixth oath of fealty, using the timber given +him by Edward for building the steeple of his cathedral in +constructing military engines to besiege the castles which were +still held for the English king. Before long Bishop Lamberton, the +chief of the Edwardian government, also went over. The support of +the two bishops enabled Bruce to be crowned on March 25 at Scone. +All Scotland was soon in revolt, and only the garrisons and a few +magnates remained faithful to Edward.</p> + +<p>News of the death of Comyn and the revolt of Bruce reached +Edward, while engaged in hunting in Dorset and Wiltshire. He at +once called upon Church and State to unite against the sacreligious +murderer and traitor. Clement V. excommunicated the Earl of +Carrick, and deprived Lamberton and Wishart of <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg234" id="pg234">234</a></span>their +bishoprics. The warlike zeal of the English barons was stimulated +by liberal grants of the forfeited estates of Bruce and his +partisans. Feeling the infirmities of age coming upon him, Edward +saw that his best chance of success was to inspire his son with +something of his spirit. The Prince of Wales accordingly received a +grant of Gascony, and on Whitsunday, May 22, was dubbed knight at +Westminster along with over two hundred other aspirants to arms. A +magnificent feast in Westminster Hall succeeded the ceremony. Two +swans, adorned with golden chains, were brought in, and the old +king set to all the revellers the example of vowing on the swans to +revenge the murder of Comyn. Edward swore that when he had expiated +this wrong to Holy Church, he would never more bear arms against +Christian man, but would immediately turn his steps towards the +Holy Land to redeem the Holy Sepulchre. The Prince of Wales' vow +was never to rest two nights in the same spot until he had reached +Scotland to assist his father in his purpose. Then all the young +knights were despatched northwards to overthrow the Scottish +pretender.</p> + +<p>A liberal grant from the estates facilitated the military +preparations. But since the beginning of the year, Edward's +strength had rapidly broken. He was no longer able to ride, and his +movements were consequently very tedious. His army gathered +together with more than the usual slowness, and Aymer of Valence, +Earl of Pembroke, the king's cousin, was sent forward as warden of +Scotland to meet Bruce with such forces as were ready. On June 26 +Aymer fell upon Bruce at Methven, near Perth, and inflicted a +severe defeat upon him. The power of the pretender died away as +rapidly as it had arisen. The Bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow +were made prisoners, and Bruce's brothers, wife, and daughter fell +into the enemy's hands. The brothers were promptly beheaded, though +one of them was an ecclesiastic, and the ladies were confined in +English nunneries. Bruce himself fled to Kintyre, and thence to +Rathlin island, off the coast of Antrim.</p> + +<p>Edward went north in July, and, after a long stay in +Northumberland, took up his quarters early in October with the +Austin canons of Lanercost, near Carlisle. There he remained for +above five months. In January, 1307, the parliament, whose +anti-clerical policy has already been recounted, assembled at +Carlisle, and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg235" id= +"pg235">235</a></span>remained in session until March. With the +spring, Brace crossed over from Ireland, and re-appeared in his own +lands in the south-west. In May he revenged the rout of Methven by +inflicting a bloody check on Aymer of Valence near Ayr, and within +three days gained another victory over Edward's son-in-law, Earl +Ralph of Gloucester. These blows only spurred on Edward to +increased efforts. The levies were summoned to meet at Carlisle +and, regardless of his infirmities, the old king resolved to lead +his troops in person. On July 3 he once more mounted his horse and +started for the border. But his constitution could not respond to +the demands made on it by his unbroken spirit. After a journey of +two miles he was forced to rest for the night. Next day he could +only traverse a similar distance, and his exertions so fatigued him +that he was compelled to remain at his lodgings all the following +day. This repose enabled him to make his way, on July 6, to +Burgh-on-Sands, less than seven miles from Carlisle, where he spent +the night. On July 7, as he was being raised in his bed by his +attendants to take his morning meal, he fell back in their arms and +expired.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XII.</h2> + +<h4>GAVESTON, THE ORDAINERS, AND BANNOCKBURN.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg236" id= +"pg236">236</a></span>Edward of Carnarvon was over twenty-three +years of age when he became king. Tall, graceful, and handsome, +with magnificent health and exceptional bodily strength, the young +king was, so far as externals went, almost as fine a man as his +father. Yet no one could have been more absolutely destitute of all +those qualities which constitute Edward I.'s claims to greatness. +An utter want of serious purpose blasted his whole career. It was +in vain that his father subjected him to a careful training in +statecraft and in military science. Though not lacking in +intelligence, the young prince from the first to the last concerned +himself with nothing but his own amusements. A confirmed gambler +and a deep drinker, Edward showed a special bent for unkingly and +frivolous diversions. Save in his devotion for the chase, his +tastes had nothing in common with the high-born youths with whom he +was educated. He showed himself a coward on the battlefield, and +shirked even the mimic warfare of the tournament. He repaid the +contempt and dislike of his own class by withdrawing himself from +the society of the nobles, and associating himself with buffoons, +singers, play-actors, coachmen, ditchers, watermen, sailors, and +smiths. Of the befitting comrades of his youth, the only one of the +higher aristocracy with whom he had any true intimacy was his +nephew, Gilbert of Clare, while the only member of his household +for whom he showed real affection was the Gascon knight, Peter of +Gaveston.[1] Attributing his son's levity to Gaveston's corrupting +influence, the old king had banished the foreign favourite early in +1307. But no change in his surroundings could stir up the prince's +frivolous nature to fulfil the duties of his station. Edward's most +kingly qualities were <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg237" id= +"pg237">237</a></span>love of fine clothes and of ceremonies. +Passionately fond of rowing, driving, horse-breeding, and the +rearing of dogs, his ordinary occupations were those of the athlete +or the artisan. He was skilful with his hands, and an excellent +mechanic, proficient at the anvil and the forge, and proud of his +skill in digging ditches and thatching roofs. Interested in music, +and devoted to play-acting, he was badly educated, taking the +coronation oath in the French form provided for a king ignorant of +Latin. Vain, irritable, and easily moved to outbursts of childish +wrath, he was half-conscious of the weakness of his will, and was +never without a favourite, whose affection compensated him for his +subjects' contempt. The household of so careless a master was +disorderly beyond the ordinary measure of the time. While Edward +irritated the nobles by his neglect of their counsel, he vexed the +commons by the exactions of his purveyors.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] That is Gabaston, dep. Basses +Pyrénées, cant. Morlaas.</p> + +<p>The task which lay before Edward might well have daunted a +stronger man. The old king had failed in the great purpose of his +life. Scotland was in full revolt and had found a man able to guide +her destinies. The crown was deeply in debt; the exchequer was bare +of supplies, and the revenues both of England and Gascony were +farmed by greedy and unpopular companies of Italian bankers, such +as the Frescobaldi of Florence, the king's chief creditors. The +nobles, though restrained by the will of the old king, still +cherished the ideals of the age of the Barons' War, and were +convinced that the best way to rule England was to entrust the +machinery of the central government, which Edward I. had elaborated +with so much care, to the control of a narrow council of earls and +prelates. Winchelsea, though broken in health, looked forward in +his banishment to the renewal of the alliance of baronage and +clergy, and to the reassertion of hierarchical ideals. The papal +<i>,curia</i>, already triumphant in the last days of the reign of +the dead king, was anticipating a return to the times of Henry III, +when every dignity of the English Church was at its mercy. The +strenuous endeavour which had marked the last reign gave place to +the extreme of negligence.</p> + +<p>Edward at once broke with the policy of his father. After +receiving, at Carlisle, the homage of the English magnates, he +crossed the Solway to Dumfries, where such Scottish barons <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg238" id="pg238">238</a></span>as had not +joined Robert Bruce took oaths of fealty to him. He soon +relinquished the personal conduct of the war, and travelled slowly +to Westminster on the pretext of following his father's body to its +last resting-place. He replaced his father's ministers by +dependants of his own. Bishop Walter Langton, the chief minister of +the last years of Edward I., was singled out for special vengeance. +He was stripped of his offices, robbed of his treasure, and thrown +into close confinement, without any regard to the immunities of a +churchman from secular jurisdiction. Langton's place as treasurer +was given to Walter Reynolds, an illiterate clerk, who had won the +chief place in Edward's household through his skill in theatricals. +Ralph Baldock, Bishop of London, was replaced in the chancery by +John Langton, Bishop of Chichester. The barons of the exchequer, +the justices of the high courts, and the other ministers of the old +king were removed in favour of more complacent successors. Signal +favour was shown to all who had fallen under Edward I.'s +displeasure. Bishop Bek, of Durham, was restored to his palatinate, +and the road to return opened to Winchelsea, though ill-health +detained him on the Continent for some time longer. Conspicuous +among the returned exiles was Peter of Gaveston, whom the king +welcomed with the warmest affection. He at once invested his +"brother Peter" with the rich earldom of Cornwall, which the old +king, with the object of conferring it on one of his sons by his +second marriage, had kept in his hands since Earl Edmund's death. A +little later Edward married the favourite to his niece, Margaret of +Clare, the eldest sister of Earl Gilbert of Gloucester. Of the +tried comrades of Edward I. the only one who remained in authority +was Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln. The abandonment of the Scottish +campaign soon followed. It was no wonder that the Scots lords, who +had performed homage to Edward at Dumfries, began to turn to Bruce. +Already king of the Scottish commons, Robert was in a fair way to +become accepted by the whole people.</p> + +<p>The readiness with which the barons acquiesced in Edward's +reversal of his father's policy shows that they had regarded the +late king's action with little favour. Lincoln, the wisest and most +influential of the earls, even found reasons for the grant of +Cornwall to Gaveston, and kept in check his son-in-law, Earl Thomas +of Lancaster, who was the most disposed to grumble <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg239" id="pg239">239</a></span>at the elevation +of the Gascon favourite. Gilbert of Gloucester was but newly come +to his earldom. He was personally attached to the king, his old +playmate and uncle, and was not unfriendly to his Gascon +brother-in-law. The recent concentration of the great estates in +the hands of a few individuals gave these three earls a position of +overwhelming importance both in the court and in the country, and +with their good-will Edward was safe. But the weakness of the king +and the rashness of the favourite soon caused murmurs to arise.</p> + +<p>Early in 1308 Edward crossed over to France, leaving Gaveston as +regent, and was married on January 25, at Boulogne, to Philip the +Fair's daughter Isabella, a child of twelve, to whom he had been +plighted since 1298. The marriage was attended by the French king +and a great gathering of the magnates of both countries. +Opportunity was taken of the meeting for Edward to perform homage +for Aquitaine. After the arrival of the royal couple in England, +their coronation took place on February 25. Time had been when the +reign began with the king's crowning; but Edward had taken up every +royal function immediately on his father's death, and set a +precedent to later sovereigns by dating his own accession from the +day succeeding the decease of his predecessor. The coronation +ceremony, minutely recorded, provided precedents for later ages. It +was some recognition of the work of the last generation that the +coronation oath was somewhat more rigid and involved a more +definite recognition of the rights of the community than on earlier +occasions. Winchelsea was still abroad, and the hallowing was +performed by Henry Woodlock, Bishop of Winchester.</p> + +<p>Discontent was already simmering. Not even Lincoln's weighty +influence could overcome the irritation of the earls at the +elevation of the Gascon knight into their circle. The very virtues +of the vigorous favourite turned to his discredit. At a tournament +given by him, at his own castle of Wallingford, to celebrate his +marriage with the king's niece, the new-made earl, with a party of +valiant knights, challenged a troop, which included the Earls of +Hereford, Warenne, and Arundel, and utterly discomfited his +rivals.[1] The victory of the upstart over magnates of such dignity +was accounted for by treachery, and <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg240" id="pg240">240</a></span>the prohibition of a coronation +tournament, probably a simple measure of police, was ascribed to +the unwillingness of Peter to give his opponents a legitimate +opportunity of vindicating their skill. There had been much +resentment at Gaveston's appointment as regent during the king's +absence in France. A further outburst of indignation followed when +the Gascon, magnificently arrayed and bedecked with jewels, bore +the crown of St. Edward in the coronation procession. The queen's +uncles, who had escorted her to her new home, left England +disgusted that Edward's love for Gaveston led him to neglect his +bride, and the want of reserve shown in the personal dealings of +the king and his "idol" suggested the worst interpretation of their +relations, though this is against the weight of evidence. Rumours +spread that the favourite had laid hands on the vast treasures +which Bishop Walter Langton had deposited at the New Temple, and +had extorted from the king even larger sums, which he had sent to +his kinsfolk in Gascony by the agency of the Italian farmers of the +revenue.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Ann. Paulini</i>, p. 258, and Monk of +Malmesbury, p. 156, are to be preferred to Trokelowe, p. 65.</p> + +<p>Gaveston was a typical Gascon, vain, loquacious, and +ostentatious, proud of his own ready wit and possessed of a fatal +talent for sharp and bitter sayings. He seems to have been a brave +and generous soldier. There is little proof that he was specially +vicious or incompetent, and, had he been allowed time to establish +himself, he might well have been the parent of a noble house, as +patriotic and as narrowly English as the Valence lords of Pembroke +had become in the second generation. But his sudden elevation +rather turned his head, and the dull but dignified English earls +were soon mortally offended by his airs of superiority, and by his +intervention between them and the sovereign. "If," wrote the +annalist of St. Paul's, London, "one of the earls or magnates +sought any special favour of the king, the king forthwith sent him +to Peter, and whatever Peter said or ordered at once took place, +and the king ratified it. Hence the whole people grew indignant +that there should be two kings in one kingdom, one the king in +name, the other the king in reality." Gaveston's vanity was touched +by the sullen hostility of the earls. He returned their suspicion +by an openly expressed contempt. He amused himself and the king by +devising nicknames for them. Thomas of Lancaster was the old pig or +the play-actor, Aymer of Pembroke was Joseph the Jew, Gilbert <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg241" id="pg241">241</a></span>of +Gloucester was the cuckoo, and Guy of Warwick was the black dog of +Arden. Such jests were bitterly resented. "If he call me dog," said +Warwick on hearing of the insult, "I will take care to bite him." +The barons formed an association, bound by oath to drive Gaveston +into exile and deprive him of his earldom. All over the country +there were secret meetings and eager preparations for war. The +outlook became still more alarming when the Earl of Lincoln at last +changed his policy. Convinced of the unworthiness of Gaveston, he +turned against him, and the whole baronage followed his lead. Only +Hugh Despenser and a few lawyers adhered to the favourite. +Gloucester did not like to take an active part against his +brother-in-law, but his stepfather, Monthermer, was conspicuous +among the enemies of the Gascon. Winchelsea, too, came to England +and threw his powerful influence on the side of the opposition.</p> + +<p>In April, 1308, a parliament of nobles met and insisted upon the +exile of the favourite. The magnates took up a high line. "Homage +and the oath of allegiance," they declared, "are due to the crown +rather than to the person of the king. If the king behave +unreasonably, his lieges are bound to bring him back to the ways of +righteousness." On May 18 letters patent were issued promising that +Gaveston should be banished before June 25. Gaveston, bending +before the storm, surrendered his earldom and prepared for +departure, while Winchelsea and the bishops declared him +excommunicate if he tarried in England beyond the appointed day. +The king did his best to lighten his friend's misfortune. Fresh +grants of land and castles compensated for the loss of Cornwall and +gave him means for armed resistance. The grant of Gascon counties, +jurisdictions, cities and castles to the value of 3,000 marks a +year provided him with a dignified refuge. The pope and cardinals +were besought to relieve him from the sentence hung over his head +by the archbishop. It is significant of Edward's early intention to +violate his promise, that in his letters to the curia he still +describes Gaveston as Earl of Cornwall. Peter was soon appointed +the king's lieutenant in Ireland. This time he was called Earl of +Cornwall in a document meant for English use. As midsummer +approached, Edward accompanied him to Bristol and bade him a +sorrowful farewell. Attended by a numerous and splendid household, +Gaveston crossed over to Ireland and <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg242" id="pg242">242</a></span>took up the government of that +country, where his energy and liberality won him considerable +popularity.</p> + +<p>Edward was inconsolable at the loss of his friend. For the first +time in his reign he threw himself into politics with interest, and +intrigued with rare perseverance to bring about his recall. +Meanwhile the business of the state fell into deplorable confusion. +No supplies were raised; no laws were passed; no effort was made to +stay the progress of Robert Bruce. The magnates refused to help the +king, and in April, 1309, Edward was forced to meet a parliament of +the three estates at Westminster. There he received a much-needed +supply, but the barons and commons drew up a long schedule of +grievances, in which they complained of the abuses of purveyance, +the weakness of the government, the tyranny of the royal officials, +and the delays in obtaining justice. The estates refused point +blank the king's request for the recall of Gaveston and demanded an +answer to their petitions in the next parliament.</p> + +<p>Edward saw in submission to the estates the only way of bringing +back his brother Peter from his gilded exile. He persuaded the pope +to annul the ecclesiastical censures with which Winchelsea had +sought to prevent Gaveston's return, and then recalled his friend +on his own authority. Gaveston at once quitted Ireland and was met +at Chester by Edward. Together they attended a parliament of +magnates held in July at Stamford. There Edward announced that he +accepted the petitions of the estates and issued a statute limiting +purveyance. But the real work of this assembly was the ratification +of the recall of the favourite, which was assured since Edward had +won over some of the chief earls to agree to it. Gloucester was +easily moved to champion his brother-in-law's cause. Lincoln +reverted to his former friendship for the Gascon, and managed both +to overbear the hostility of Lancaster and to induce Earl Warenne, +"who had never shown a cheerful face to Peter since the Wallingford +tournament," to become his friend. Warwick, alone of the earls, was +irreconcilable. But Edward had gained his point. It was even agreed +that the returned exile should regain his earldom of Cornwall.</p> + +<p>The annalists moralise on the instability of the magnates; and +the sudden revolution may perhaps be set down as much to their +incapacity as to the dexterity of the king. But Peter's <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg243" id="pg243">243</a></span>second +period of power was even shorter than his first. He had learnt +nothing from his misfortunes, save perhaps increased contempt for +his enemies. He was more insolent, greedy, and bitter in speech +than ever. Early in 1310 the barons were again preparing to renew +their attacks. The second storm burst in a parliament of magnates +held at London in March, 1310. The barons came to this parliament +in military array, and Edward once more found himself at their +mercy. The conditions of 1258 exactly repeated themselves. Once +more an armed baronial parliament made itself the mouthpiece of the +national discontent against a weak king, an incompetent +administration, and foreign favourites. The magnates were no longer +contented with simply demanding the banishment of Gaveston. They +were ready with a constructive programme of reform, and they went +back to the policy of the Mad Parliament. As the king could not be +trusted, the royal power must once more be put into commission in +the hands of a committee of magnates. So stiff were the barons in +their adhesion to the precedents of 1258, that they made no +pretence of taking the commons into partnership with them. To them +the work of Edward I. had been done to no purpose. Baronial +assemblies and full parliaments of the estates were still equally +competent to transact all the business of the nation. It is vain to +see in this ignoring of the commons any aristocratic jealousy of +the more popular element in the constitution. There can be no doubt +but that any full parliament would have co-operated with the barons +as heartily in 1310 as it had done in 1309. It was simply that +popular co-operation was regarded as unnecessary. As in 1258, the +magnates claimed to speak for the whole nation.</p> + +<p>The barons drew up a statement of the "great perils and dangers" +to which England was exposed through the king's dependence on bad +counsellors. The franchises of Holy Church were threatened; the +king was reduced to live by extortion; Scotland was lost; and the +crown was "grievously dismembered" in England and Ireland. +"Wherefore, sire," the petition concludes, "your good folk pray you +humbly that, for the salvation of yourself and them and of the +crown, you will assent that these perils shall be avoided and +redressed by ordinance of your baronage." Edward at once +surrendered at discretion, perhaps in the vain hope of saving +Gaveston. On March 16 he issued a <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg244" id="pg244">244</a></span>charter, which empowered the +barons to elect certain persons to draw up ordinances to reform the +realm and the royal household. The powers of the committee were to +last until Michaelmas, 1311. A barren promise that the king's +concession should not be counted a precedent made Edward's +submission seem a little less abject. Four days later the ordainers +were appointed, the method of their election being based upon the +precedents of 1258.</p> + +<p>Twenty-one lords ordainers represented in somewhat unequal +proportions the three great ranks of the magnates. At the head of +the seven bishops was Winchelsea, while both Bishop Baldock of +London, the dismissed chancellor, and his successor, John Langton +of Chichester, were included among the rest. All the eight earls +attending the parliament became ordainers. Side by side with +moderate men, such as Gloucester, Lincoln, and John of Brittany, +Earl of Richmond, were the extreme men of the opposition, +Lancaster, Pembroke, Warwick, Hereford, the king's brother-in-law, +and Edmund Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel. Warenne and the insignificant +Earl of Oxford do not seem to have been present in parliament, and +are therefore omitted. With these exceptions, and of course that of +the Earl of Cornwall, the whole of the earls were arrayed against +the king. The six barons, who completed the list of nominees, were +either colourless in their policy or dependent on the earls and +their episcopal allies. The ordainers set to work at once. Two days +after their appointment, they issued six preliminary ordinances by +which they resolved that the place of their sitting should be +London, that none of the ordainers should receive gifts from the +crown, that no royal grants should be valid without the consent of +the majority, that the customs should be paid directly into the +exchequer, that the foreign merchants who had lately farmed them +should be arrested, and that the Great Charter should be firmly +kept. During the next eighteen months they remained hard at +work.</p> + +<p>Gaveston, conscious of his impending doom, betook himself to the +north as early as February. As soon as he could escape, Edward +hurried northwards to join him. An expedition against the Scots was +then summoned for September. It was high time that something should +be done. During the three years that Edward had reigned, Robert +Bruce had made alarming progress. <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg245" id="pg245">245</a></span>One after the other the Scottish +magnates had joined his cause, and a few despairing partisans and +some scattered ill-garrisoned, ill-equipped strongholds alone +upheld the English cause north of the Tweed. But even then Edward +did not wage war in earnest. His real motive for affecting zeal for +martial enterprise was his desire to escape from his taskmasters, +and to keep Gaveston out of harm's way. The earls gave him no +encouragement. On the pretext that their services were required in +London at the meetings of the ordainers, the great majority of the +higher baronage took no personal part in the expedition. Gloucester +was the only ordainer who was present, and the only other earls in +the host were Warenne and Gaveston himself. The chief strength of +Edwards army was a swarm of ill-disciplined Welsh and English +infantry, more intent on plunder than on victory. In September +Edward advanced to Roxburgh and made his way as far as Linlithgow. +No enemy was to be found, for Bruce was not strong enough to risk a +pitched battle, even against Edward's army. He hid himself in the +mountains and moors, and contented himself with cutting off +foraging parties, destroying stragglers, and breaking down the +enemy's communications. Within two months Edward discreetly retired +to Berwick, and there passed many months at the border town. +Technically he was in Scotland; practically he might as well have +been in London for all the harm he was doing to Bruce. However, +Gaveston showed more martial zeal than his master. He led an +expedition which penetrated as far as Perth, and reduced the +country between the Forth and the Grampians to Edward's obedience. +Gloucester also pacified the forest of Ettrick. To these two all +the little honour of the campaign belonged.</p> + +<p>The Earl of Lincoln governed England as regent during the king's +absence. In February, 1311, he died, and Gloucester abandoned the +campaign to take up the regency. The death of the last of Edward +I.'s lay ministers was followed in March by that of another +survivor of the old generation, Bishop Bek of Durham. The old +landmarks were quickly passing away, and the forces that still made +for moderation were sensibly diminished. Gilbert of Gloucester, +alone of the younger generation, still aspired to the position of a +mediator. The most important result of Lincoln's death was the +unmuzzling of his son-in-law, Thomas of Lancaster. In his own <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg246" id="pg246">246</a></span>right the +lord of the three earldoms of Lancaster, Leicester, and Derby, +Thomas then received in addition his father-in-law's two earldoms +of Lincoln and Salisbury. The enormous estates and innumerable +jurisdictions attached to these five offices gave him a territorial +position greater by far than that of any other English lord. "I do +not believe," writes the monk of Malmesbury, "that any duke or +count of the Roman empire could do as much with the revenues of his +estates as the Earl of Lancaster." Nor were Earl Thomas' personal +connexions less magnificent than his feudal dignities. As a +grandson of Henry III., he was the first cousin of the king. +Through his mother, Blanche of Artois, Queen of Navarre and +Countess of Champagne, he was the grandson of the valiant Robert of +Artois, who had fallen at Mansura, and the great-grandson of Louis +VIII. of France. His half-sister, Joan of Champagne, was the wife +of Philip the Fair, so that the French king was his brother-in-law +as well as his cousin, and Isabella, Edward's consort, was his +niece. Unluckily, the personality of the great earl was not equal +to his pedigree or his estates. Proud, hard to work with, jealous, +and irascible, he was essentially the leader of opposition, the +grumbler, and the <i>frondeur</i>. When the time came for a +constructive policy, Thomas broke down almost as signally as Edward +himself. His ability was limited, his power of application small, +and his passions violent and ungovernable. Greedy, selfish, +domineering, and narrow, he had few scruples and no foresight, +little patriotism, and no breadth of view. At this moment he had to +play a part which was within his powers. The simple continuance of +the traditions of policy, which he inherited with his pedigree and +his estates; was all that was necessary. As the greatest of the +English earls, the head of a younger branch of the royal house, and +the inheritor of the estates and titles of Montfort and Ferrars, he +was trebly bound to act as leader of the baronial opposition, the +champion of the charters, the enemy of kings, courtiers, +favourites, and foreigners. He was steadfast in his prejudices and +hatreds, and the ordainers found in him a leader who could at least +save them from the reproach of inconstancy and the lack of fixed +purpose shown at the parliament of Stamford.</p> + +<p>It was the first duty of Earl Thomas to perform homage and +fealty for his new earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg247" id="pg247">247</a></span>Attended by a +hundred armed knights, he rode towards the border. Edward was at +Berwick, and Thomas declined to proffer his homage outside the +kingdom. On Edward refusing to cross the Tweed, Thomas declared +that he would take forcible possession of his lands. Civil war was +only avoided by Edward giving way. The king met Thomas on English +soil at Haggerston, four miles from Berwick. There the earl +performed homage, and exchanged the kiss of peace with his king, +but he would not even salute the upstart Earl of Cornwall, who +injudiciously accompanied Edward, and the king departed deeply +indignant at this want of courtesy. Returning to Berwick, Edward +lingered there until the completion of the work of the ordainers +made it necessary for him to face parliament. Leaving Gaveston +protected by the strong walls of Bamburgh, the king quitted the +border at the end of July, and met his parliament a month later in +London. Though the ordainers had been appointed by a baronial +parliament, the three estates were summoned to hear and ratify the +results of their labours. Thirty-five more ordinances, covering a +very wide field, were then laid before them. Disorderly and +disproportioned, like most medieval legislation, they ranged from +trivial personal questions and the details of administration to the +broadest schemes for the future. Many of them were simply efforts +to get the recognised law enforced. There were clauses forbidding +alienation of domain, the abuses of purveyance, the usurpations of +the courts of the royal household, the enlargement of the forests, +and the employment of unlawful sources of revenue. Under the last +head, the new custom, which Edward I. had persuaded the foreign +merchants to pay, was specifically abolished. Provisions of such a +character show that the king had made no effort to observe either +the Great Charter or the laws of Edward I. Even the recent statute +of Stamford, and the six ordinances of the previous year, had to be +re-enacted. Similar restatements of sound principles were too +common in the fourteenth century to make the ordinances an epoch. +The vital clauses were those providing for the control of the king +and for penalties against his favourites.</p> + +<p>Under the first of these heads, the ordainers worked out to the +uttermost consequences their favourite distinction between the +crown and the king. The crown was to be strengthened, <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg248" id="pg248">248</a></span>but the king was +to be deprived of every shred of power. The great offices of state +in England, Ireland, and Gascony were to be filled up with the +counsel and consent of the barons, a provision which, if literally +interpreted, meant that the barons intended to govern Gascony as +well as England. The king was not to go to war, raise an army, or +leave the kingdom without the permission of parliament. He was to +"live of his own," however scanty a living that might be. Special +judges were to hear complaints against royal ministers and +bailiffs. Parliaments were to meet once or twice a year. It was a +complete programme of limited monarchy. But there was no reference +to the commons and clergy. We are still in the atmosphere of the +Provisions of Oxford, and there is no Earl Simon to emphasise the +fuller conception of national control.</p> + +<p>To Edward and to the barons, the penal clauses were the very +essence of the ordinances. The twentieth ordinance declared that +Peter of Gaveston, "as a public enemy of the king and kingdom, be +forthwith exiled, for all time and without hope of return," from +all dominions subject to the English king. He was to leave England +before All Saints' day, and the port of Dover was to be his place +of embarkation. Other ordinances dealt with lesser offenders. Exile +was once more to be the doom of the Frescobaldi, and the other +alien merchants who had acted as Edward's financial agents; +Gaveston's kinsfolk, followers and abettors incurred their master's +fate. All Gascons were to be sent to their own country, their +allegiance to the crown in no wise saving them from the hatred +meted out to all aliens. Neither high nor low were spared: Henry de +Beaumont, the grandson of an Eastern emperor, and his sister, the +lady Vesey, were to leave the realm; John Charlton, the pushing +Shropshire squire who was worming his way by court favour into the +estates of the degenerate descendants of the house of Gwenwynwyn, +was, with the other English partisans of the favourite, to be +driven from the royal service.</p> + +<p>Edward made a last desperate attempt to save Gaveston. He would +agree to all the other ordinances, if he were still allowed to keep +his brother Peter in England and in possession of the earldom of +Cornwall. But the estates refused to yield the root of the whole +matter. Threatened with the prospect of a new battle of Lewes, if +he remained obdurate, Edward bowed <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg249" id="pg249">249</a></span>to his destiny. The ordinances +were published in every shire, and new ministers, chosen with the +approval of the estates, deprived the king of the government of the +country.</p> + +<p>Early in November, Gaveston sailed to Flanders, but within a few +weeks Edward insisted upon his return. Rumours spread that Gaveston +was in England, hiding himself away in his former castles of +Wallingford and Tintagel, or in the king's castle of Windsor. The +thin veil of mystery was soon withdrawn. Early in 1312, Peter +openly accompanied the king to York, where, on January 18, Edward +issued a proclamation to the effect that Gaveston had been +unlawfully exiled, that he was back in England by the king's +command, and prepared to answer to all charges against him. A few +weeks later, Edward restored him to his earldom and estates. King +and favourite still tarried in the north, preparing for the +inevitable struggle. It was believed that they intrigued with +Robert Bruce for a refuge in Scotland. Bruce, according to the +story, declined to have anything to do with them. "If the King of +England will not keep faith with his own subjects," he is reported +to have said, "how then will he keep faith with me?"</p> + +<p>The ordainers looked upon Gaveston's return as a declaration of +war. Winchelsea pronounced him excommunicate, and five of the eight +earls who sat among the ordainers, bound themselves by oaths to +maintain the ordinances and pursue the favourite to the death. +These were Thomas of Lancaster, Aymer of Pembroke, Humphrey of +Hereford, Edmund of Arundel, and Guy of Warwick. Gilbert of +Gloucester declined to take part in the confederacy, but promised +to accept whatever the five earls might determine. Moreover, John, +Earl Warenne, who had hitherto kept aloof from the ordainers, at +last threw in his lot with them, won over, it was believed, by the +eloquence of Archbishop Winchelsea. The ordainers then divided +England into large districts, appointing one of the baronial +leaders to the charge of each. Gloucester himself undertook the +government of the south-east, while Robert Clifford and Henry Percy +agreed to guard the march, to prevent Gaveston escaping to the +Scots. Pembroke and Warenne marched to the north to lay hands on +the favourite, and Lancaster himself followed them.</p> + +<p>While the ordainers were acting, Edward and Gaveston were +aimlessly wandering about in the north. They failed to <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg250" id="pg250">250</a></span>raise an army or +to win the people to their side, and on the approach of Lancaster, +they fled before him from York to Newcastle. The earl followed +quickly. On the afternoon of Ascension day, May 4, Lancaster, +Clifford, and Percy suddenly swooped down on Newcastle. The king +and his friend escaped with the utmost difficulty to Tynemouth, +leaving their luggage, jewels, horses, and other possessions to the +victor. Next day they fled by sea to Scarborough. The queen, left +behind at Tynemouth, fell into her uncle Lancaster's power.</p> + +<p>The royal castle of Scarborough, whose Norman keep and spacious +wards occupy a rocky peninsula surrounded, except on the town side, +by the North Sea, had lately been transferred from the custody of +Henry Percy, one of the confederate barons, to that of Gaveston. +There was no fitter place wherein the favourite could stand at bay +against his pursuers. Accordingly Edward left Gaveston, after a +tender parting, and betook himself to York. Lancaster thereupon +occupied a position midway between Scarborough and Knaresborough, +while Pembroke, Warenne, and Henry Percy laid siege to Scarborough. +Gaveston soon found that he was unable to resist them. His troops, +scarcely adequate to man the extensive walls, were too many for the +scanty store of provisions which the castle contained. After less +than a fortnight's siege, he persuaded the two earls and Percy to +allow him easy terms of surrender. The three baronial leaders +pledged themselves on the Gospels to protect Gaveston from all +manner of evil until August 1. During the interval parliament was +to decide as to what was to be his future fate. If the terms agreed +upon by parliament were unsatisfactory to him, he was to return to +Scarborough, which was still to be garrisoned by his followers, +with leave to purchase supplies.</p> + +<p>Pembroke undertook the personal custody of the prisoner, and +escorted him by slow stages from Scarborough to the south, where he +was to be retained in honourable custody at his own castle of +Wallingford. Three weeks after the surrender, the convoy reached +Deddington, a small town in Oxfordshire, a few miles south of +Banbury. There Gaveston was lodged in the house of the vicar of the +parish, and told to take a few days' rest after the fatigues of the +journey. Pembroke himself did not remain at Deddington, but went on +to Bampton in the Bush, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg251" id= +"pg251">251</a></span>where his countess then was. Thereupon on +June 10, at sunrise, the Earl of Warwick, the most rancorous of +Peter's enemies, occupied Deddington with a strong force. Bursting +into the bedchamber of his victim, Earl Guy exclaimed in a loud +voice: "Arise, traitor, thou art taken". Peter was at once led with +every mark of indignity to Warwick castle. Thus the black dog of +Arden showed that he could bite.</p> + +<p>Warwick was not personally pledged to Gaveston's safety, though, +as one of the confederates, he was clearly bound by their acts. His +seizure of Peter was only warrantable by the, fear that Pembroke, +with his royalist leanings, was likely to play the extreme party +false; but in any case Warwick was as much obliged as Pembroke to +observe the terms of the capitulation. Neither Warwick nor his +allies took this view of the matter. They rejoiced at the good +fortune which had remedied the disastrous capitulation of +Scarborough, and resolved to put an end to the favourite without +delay. Lancaster was then at Kenilworth; Hereford, Arundel, and +other magnates were also present, and all agreed in praising +Warwick's energy. On Monday morning, June 19, the three earls rode +the few miles from Kenilworth to Warwick, and Earl Guy handed over +Peter to them. They then escorted their captive to a place called +Blacklow hill, about two miles out of Warwick on the Kenilworth +road, but situated in Lancaster's lands. The crowd following the +cavalcade was moved to tears when Peter, kneeling to Lancaster, +cried in vain for mercy from the "gentle earl". On reaching +Blacklow hill, the three earls withdrew, though remaining near +enough to see what was going on. Then two Welshmen in Lancaster's +service laid hands upon the victim. One drove his sword through his +body, the other cut off his head. The corpse remained where it had +fallen, but the head was brought to the earls as a sign that the +deed was done. After this the earls rode back to Kenilworth. Guy of +Warwick remained all the time in his castle. He had already taken +his share in the cruel act of treachery. It was, however, important +that Lancaster should take the responsibility for the deed. Four +cobblers of Warwick piously bore the headless corpse within their +town. But the grim earl sent it back, because it was not found on +his fee. At last some Oxford Dominicans took charge of the body and +deposited it temporarily in their <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg252" id="pg252">252</a></span>convent, not daring to inter it in +holy ground, as Gaveston had died excommunicate.</p> + +<p>The ostentatious violence of the confederate earls broke up +their party. Aymer of Pembroke, indignant at their breach of faith, +regarded the whole transaction as a stain on his honour. He +besought Gloucester's intervention, but was only told that he +should be more cautious in his future negotiations. He harangued +the clerks and burgesses of Oxford, but university and town agreed +that the matter was no business of theirs. Then in disgust he +betook himself to the king, whom he found still surrounded with the +Beaumonts, Mauleys, and other friends of Gaveston, against whom the +ordinances had decreed banishment. Warenne, whose honour was only +less impeached than Pembroke's, also deserted the ordainers for the +court. Edward bitterly deplored the death of his friend. He gladly +welcomed the deserters, and prepared to wreak vengeance on the +ordainers.</p> + +<p>Edward plucked up courage to return to London, where in July he +addressed the citizens, and persuaded them to maintain the peace of +the city against the barons. He next visited Dover, and there he +strengthened the fortifications of the castle, took oaths of fealty +from the Cinque Ports, and negotiated with the King of France. +Thence he returned to London, hoping that the precautions he had +taken would secure his position in the parliament which he had +summoned to meet at Westminster. But the four earls still held the +field, and answered the summons to parliament by occupying Ware +with a strong military force. A thousand men-at-arms were drawn by +Lancaster from his five earldoms, while the Welsh from Brecon, who +followed the Earl of Hereford, and the vigorous foresters of Arden, +who mustered under the banner of Warwick, made a formidable show. +Yet at the last moment neither side was eager to begin hostilities. +The four earls' violence damaged their cause, and many who had no +love of Gaveston, or desire to avenge him, inclined to the king's +party. Gilbert of Gloucester busied himself with mediating between +the two sides. At this juncture two papal envoys, sent to end the +interminable outstanding disputes with France, arrived in England, +along with Louis, Count of Évreux, the queen's uncle. Edward +availed himself of the presence of French jurists in the count's +train to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg253" id= +"pg253">253</a></span>obtain legal opinion that the ordinances were +invalid, as against natural equity and civil law. These +technicalities did little service to the king's cause, and better +work was done when Louis and the papal envoys joined with +Gloucester in mediating between the opposing forces. At length +moderate counsels prevailed. Edward could only resist the four +earls through the support of his new allies, and Pembroke and +Warenne were as little anxious to fight as Gloucester himself. They +were quite willing to make terms which seemed to the king treason +to his friend's memory.</p> + +<p>The negotiations were still proceeding when, on November 13, +1312, the birth of a son to Edward and Isabella revived the almost +dormant feeling of loyalty to the sovereign. The king ceased to +brood over the loss of his brother Peter, and became more willing +to accept the inevitable. He gave some pleasure to his subjects by +refusing the suggestion of the queen's uncle that the child should +be called Louis, and christened him Edward after his own father. At +last, on December 22, terms of peace were agreed upon. The earls +and barons concerned in Gaveston's death were to appear before the +king in Westminster Hall, and humbly beg his pardon and good-will. +In return for this the king agreed to remit all rancour caused by +the death of the favourite. Lancaster and Warwick, who took no +personal part in the negotiations, sent in a long list of +objections to the details of the treaty. Nearly a year elapsed +before the earls personally acknowledged their fault. During that +interval there was no improvement in the position of affairs. +Parliament granted no money; and Edward only met his daily expenses +by loans, contracted from every quarter, and by keeping tight hands +on the confiscated estates of the Templars. Both the king and the +leading earls made every excuse to escape attending the ineffective +parliaments of that miserable time. Two short visits to France gave +Edward a pretext for avoiding his subjects. There were some hasty +musterings of armed men on pretence of tournaments. But the king +was still formidable enough to make it desirable for the barons to +carry out the treaty. Finally, in October, 1313, Lancaster, +Hereford, and Warwick made their public submission in Westminster +Hall. Pardons were at once issued to them and to over four hundred +minor offenders. Feasts of reconciliation were held, <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg254" id="pg254">254</a></span>and it seemed as +if the old feuds were at last ended. Gaveston's corpse was removed +from Oxford to Langley, in Hertfordshire, and buried in the church +of a new convent of Dominicans set up by Edward to pray for the +favourite's soul.</p> + +<p>Just before the end of the disputes Archbishop Winchelsea died +in May, 1313. He left behind him the reputation of a saint and a +hero, and a movement was undertaken for his canonisation. With all +his faults, he was the greatest churchman of his time, and the most +steadfast and unselfish of ecclesiastical statesmen. Despite his +palsy, he had shown wonderful activity since his return. The brain +and soul of the ordainers, he equally made it his business to +uphold extreme hierarchical privilege. Bitterly as he hated Walter +Langton, he was indignant that a bishop should be imprisoned and +despoiled by the lay power, and took up his cause with such energy +that he effected his liberation, only to find that Langton made +peace with the king and turned his back on the ordainers. The +after-swell of the storms, excited by the petition of Lincoln and +the statute of Carlisle, still continued troublous during +Winchelsea's later years. The pope complained of the violated +privileges of the Church and of the accumulated arrears of King +John's tribute; and Winchelsea was anxious to promote the papal +cause. But the barons in Edward's early parliaments still used the +bold language of the magnates of 1301, and the letter of 1309, +drawn up by the parliament of Stamford, is no unworthy pendant of +the Lincoln letter. As time went on, the disorders of the +government and the weakness of the king surrendered everything to +the pope. It was soon as it had been in the days of Henry III., +when pope and king combined to despoil the English Church.</p> + +<p>The suppression of the order of the Temple shows how absolutely +England was forced to follow in the wake of the papacy and the King +of France. There was no spontaneous movement against the society as +in France; there was not even the fierce malice and insatiable +greed which could find their only satisfaction in the ruin of the +brethren; and there is not much evidence that the Templars were +unpopular. The whole attack was the result of commands given from +without. It was at the repeated request of Philip of France and +Clement V. that Edward reluctantly ordered the apprehension of all +the Templars within England, Scotland, and Ireland on January 8, +1308. Their <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg255" id= +"pg255">255</a></span>property was taken into the king's hands, and +their persons were confined in the royal prisons under the custody +of the sheriffs. For their trial, Clement appointed a mixed +commission including Winchelsea, Archbishop Greenfield of York, +several English bishops, one French bishop, and certain papal +inquisitors specially assigned for the purpose, the chief of whom +were the Abbot of Lagny and Sicard de Lavaur, Canon of Narbonne, +who came to England in 1309. At last the victims were collected at +London and York, where the trials were to be conducted for the +southern and northern provinces. There was much hesitation among +the English bishops. The foes of the Templars lamented the +prelates' lack of zeal and their scruples in collecting evidence, +and suggested that the torture, which had so freely been used in +France, would soon extract confessions. But the northern bishops +declared that torture was unknown in England, and asked, if it were +to be adopted, whether it was to be applied by clerks or laymen, +and whether torturers should be imported from beyond sea. In the +end, torture was used, but not to any great extent.</p> + +<p>A great mass of depositions, mostly vague and worthless, or +derived from the suspicious confessions of apostates and weaklings, +was gathered together, and in 1311 laid before provincial councils, +but neither province came to any fixed decision. "Inasmuch," says +Hemingburgh, "as the Templars were not found altogether guilty or +altogether innocent, they referred the dubious matter to the pope." +They sent the evidence they had collected to swell the mass of +testimony from all Christendom, which was laid before the council +of Vienne. When the pope suppressed the order in April, 1312, and +transferred its lands to the Knights of St. John, the papal decrees +were quietly carried out in England. One or two Templars died in +prison, but none were executed; and the majority were dismissed +with pensions or secluded in monasteries. Edward and his nobles +took good care to make a large profit out of the transaction. The +resources of the Temple alone kept the king from destitution during +the period between the death of Gaveston and his reconciliation +with the earls. Many barons laid violent hands on estates belonging +to the order, and long held on to them despite papal expostulation. +The Hospitallers found that the lands of their rivals came to them +so slowly, and encumbered <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg256" id= +"pg256">256</a></span>with so many charges, that their new property +became burdensome rather than helpful to their society. Thus it was +that they never made any use of the New Temple in London, and, +before long, let it out to the common-lawyers. In the fall of the +Templars, the pope and the Church set the first great example of +the suppression of a religious order to kings, who before long +bettered the precedent given them. The sordid story is mainly +important to our history as an example of the completeness of the +influence of the papal autocracy, and of the submissiveness of +clergy and laity to its behests. It was a lurid commentary on the +practical working of the ecclesiastical system that the business of +condemning an innocent order first brought into England the papal +inquisitor and the use of torture. Yet the whole process was but so +pale a reflection of the horrors wrought in France that the +conclusion arises that England owed more to the weakness of Edward +II than France to the strength of Philip IV.</p> + +<p>Winchelsea's death removed a real check on Edward, especially as +the king was on such good terms with the papacy that he had little +difficulty in obtaining a successor amenable to his will. +Undeterred by Clement's bull reserving to himself the appointment, +the monks of Christ Church at once proceeded to elect Thomas of +Cobham, a theologian and a canonist of distinction, a man of high +birth, great sanctity, and unblemished character, and in every way +worthy of the primacy. But his merits did not weigh for a moment +with Clement against the wishes of the king. He rejected Cobham and +conferred the primacy on Edwards favourite, Walter Reynolds, who +had already obtained the bishopric of Worcester through the king's +influence. A good deal of money, it was believed, found its way to +the coffers of the <i>curia</i>; and the indignation of the English +Church found voice in the impassioned protests of the chroniclers. +"Lady Money rules everything in the pope's court," lamented the +monk of Malmesbury. "For eight years Pope Clement has ruled the +Universal Church: but what good he has done escapes memory. +England, alone of all countries, feels the burden of papal +domination. Out of the fulness of his power, the pope presumes to +do many things, and neither prince nor people dare contradict him. +He reserves all the fat benefices for himself, and excommunicates +all who resist him: his legates come and spoil the land: those +armed with his bulls come and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg257" +id="pg257">257</a></span>demand prebends. He has given all the +deaneries to foreigners, and cut down the number of resident +canons. Why does the pope exercise greater power over the clergy +than the emperor over the laity? Lord Jesus! either take away the +pope from our midst or lessen the power which he presumes to have +over the people." Such lamentations bore no fruit, and the +simoniacal nomination of Reynolds was but the first of a series of +appointments which robbed the episcopate of dignity and moral +worth.</p> + +<p>While Church and State in England were thus distressed, the +cause of Robert Bruce was making steady progress in Scotland. It is +some measure of the difficulties against which Bruce had to contend +that, after six years, he was still by no means master of all that +land. But least of all among the causes which retarded his advance +can be placed the armed forces of England. During six years Edward +II.'s one personal expedition had been a complete failure. A more +formidable obstacle in Bruce's way was the stubborn resistance +offered to him by the valour and skill of the small but highly +trained garrisons which the wisdom of Edward I. had established in +the fortresses of southern and central Scotland. Each castle took a +long time to subdue, and demanded engineering resources and a +persistency of effort, which were difficult to obtain from a +popular army. The garrisons co-operated with the Scottish nobles +who still adhered to Edward through jealousy of the upstart Bruces +and love of feudal independence, rather than by reason of any +sympathy with the English cause. Additional obstacles to Robert's +progress were the hostility of the Church, to which he was still +the excommunicated murderer of Comyn; the captivity of so many +Scottish prelates and barons in England; the efforts of the pope +and the King of France to bring about suspensions of hostilities, +and the grievous famines which desolated Scotland no less than +southern Britain. But during these years the King of Scots +gradually overcame these difficulties. His hardest fighting in the +field was with rival Scots rather than with the English intruders. +In 1308 he defeated the Comyns of Buchan, and established himself +on the ruins of that house in the north-east. In the same year his +brother, Edward Bruce, conquered Galloway, where the Balliol +tradition long prevented the domination of the rival family.</p> + +<p>Secure from retaliation so long as domestic troubles lasted, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg258" id="pg258">258</a></span>the +Scots devastated the northern counties of England, whose +inhabitants were forced to purchase relief from further attacks by +paying large sums of money to the invaders. Formal truces were more +than once made, but they were ill observed, and each violation of +an armistice involved some loss to Edward and some gain to Robert. +Meanwhile the garrisons were carefully isolated, and one by one +signalled out for attack. In 1312 Berwick itself was only saved +from surprise by the opportune barking of a dog. In January, 1313, +Perth was captured by assault. Next day Robert slew the leading +native burgesses who had adhered to the English, while he permitted +the English inhabitants to return freely to their own country. The +whole town was destroyed, since walled towns, like castles, had +given the English their chief hold upon the country.</p> + +<p>Such was the state of Scotland when the reconciliation between +Edward and the earls restored England to the appearance of unity. +As if conscious that no time was to be lost in strengthening his +position, Bruce redoubled his efforts to make himself master of the +fortresses which still remained in the enemy's hands. Regardless of +the rigour of the season, he set actively to work in the early +weeks of 1314, and remarkable success attended his efforts. In +February, the border stronghold of Roxburgh was taken by a night +attack. "And all that fair castle, like the other castles which he +had acquired, they pulled down to the ground, lest the English +should afterwards by holding the castle bear rule over the +land."[1] In March, Edinburgh castle was secured by some Scots who +climbed up the precipitous northern face of the castle rock, +overpowered the garrison, and opened the gates to their comrades +outside. Flushed with this great success, Bruce began the siege of +Stirling, the only important English garrison then held by the +English in the heart of Scotland. He pressed the besieged so hard +that they agreed to surrender to the enemy, if they were not +relieved before Midsummer day, the feast of St. John the Baptist. +While Robert was watching Stirling, his brother Edward devastated +the country round Carlisle, lording it for three days at the +bishop's castle of Rose, and levying heavy blackmail on the men of +Cumberland.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Lanercost Chronicle</i>, p. 223.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg259" id= +"pg259">259</a></span>If Stirling were lost, all Scotland would be +at Bruce's mercy. Even Edward was stirred by the disgrace involved +in the utter abandonment of his father's conquest; and from March +onwards he began to make spasmodic efforts to collect men and ships +to enable him to advance to the relief of the beleaguered garrison. +At first it seemed sufficient to raise the feudal levies and a +small infantry force from the northern shires, but as time went on +the necessity of meeting the Scottish pikemen by corresponding +levies of foot soldiers became evident, and over 20,000 infantry +were summoned from the northern counties and Wales.[1] But the +notice given was far too short, and June was well advanced before +anything was ready.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the numbers at Bannockburn, see +<i>Foedera</i>, ii., 248, and Round, <i>Commune</i> of London, pp. +289-301.</p> + +<p>Even the Scottish peril could not quicken the sluggish +patriotism of the ordainers. Four earls, Lancaster, Warenne, +Warwick, and Arundel, answered Edward's summons by reminding him +that the ordinances prescribed that war should only be undertaken +with the approval of parliament, and by declining to follow him to +a campaign undertaken on his own responsibility. They would send +quotas, but begged to be excused from personal attendance. Yet even +without them, a gallant array slowly gathered together at Berwick, +and one at least of the opposition earls, Humphrey of Hereford, was +there, with Gilbert of Gloucester and Aymer of Pembroke and 2,000 +men-at-arms. An enormous baggage train enabled the knights and +barons to appear in the field in great magnificence, though it +destroyed the mobility of the force. "The multitude of waggons," +wrote the monk of Malmesbury, "if they had been extended in a +single line would have occupied the space of twenty leagues." The +splendour and number of the army inspired the king and his friends +with the utmost confidence. Though the host started from Berwick +less than a week before the appointed day, the king moved, says the +Malmesbury monk, not as if he were about to lead an army to battle, +but rather as if he were going on a pilgrimage to Compostella. +"There was but short delay for sleep, and a shorter delay for +taking food. Hence horses, horsemen, and infantry were worn out +with fatigue and hunger." There was no order <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg260" id="pg260">260</a></span>or method in the +proceedings of the host. The presence of the king meant that there +was no effective general, and Hereford and Gloucester quarrelled +for the second place.</p> + +<p>It was not until Sunday, June 23, that Edward at last took up +his quarters a few miles south of Stirling, with a worn-out and +dispirited army. Yet, if Stirling were to be saved, immediate +action was necessary. Gloucester and Hereford made a vigorous but +unsuccessful effort to penetrate at once into the castle, and Bruce +came down just in time to throw himself between them and the walls. +Henry Bohun, who had forced his way forward at the head of a force +of Welsh infantry, was slain, and his troops dispersed. Gloucester +was unhorsed, and thereupon the English retreated to their camp. +Fearing an attack under cover of darkness, they had little sleep +that night, and many of the watchers consoled themselves with +revelry and drunkenness. When St. John's day dawned, they were too +weary to fight effectively. Bruce advanced from the woods and +stationed his troops on the low ridge bounding the northern slope +of the little brook, called the Bannockburn, which runs about two +miles south of Stirling on its course towards the Forth. Of the +three divisions, or battles, into which the Scots were divided, two +stood on the same front, side by side, while King Robert commanded +the rear battle, which was to serve as a reserve. He marshalled his +forces much in the same way that Wallace had adopted at Falkirk. +There was the same close array of infantry, protected by a wall of +shields and a thick hedge of pikes. Each man wore light but +adequate armour, and, besides the pike, bore an axe at his side for +work at close quarters. Pits were dug before the Scots lines, and +covered over with hurdles so light that they would not bear the +weight of a mail-clad warrior and his horse. Save for a small +cavalry force kept in reserve in the rear, the men-at-arms were +ordered to dismount and take their place in the dense array, lest, +like their comrades at Falkirk, they should ride off in alarm when +they saw the preponderance of the enemy's horse. The Scots were +less numerous than the English, but they were an army and not a +mob; their commander was a man of rare military insight, and their +tactics were those which, twelve years before, had defeated the +chivalry of France at Courtrai.</p> + +<p>The English had feared that the Scots would not fight a pitched +battle, and were astonished to see them at daybreak prepared to +receive an attack. Their contempt for their enemy made them eager +to accept the challenge, but Gloucester, who, though only +twenty-three, had more of the soldier's eye than most of the +magnates, urged Edward to postpone the encounter for a day, that +the army might recover from its fatigue, and the clergy advised +delay out of respect to St. John the Baptist. Unmoved by prudence +or piety, Edward denounced his nephew as a coward, and ordered an +immediate advance.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg261" id= +"pg261">261</a></span>The English, forgetting the lessons of the +Welsh wars, sent on the archers in front of the cavalry. Bruce, +seeing that their missiles were playing havoc on his dense ranks, +directed his small cavalry force to charge the archers on their +left flank. The unsupported bowmen at once fell back in confusion, +leaving the cavalry to do its work. Meanwhile the English +men-at-arms were advancing in three "battles," the first of which +then came into action. Many of the English fell into the pits +prepared for them, and the Scottish shields and pikes broke the +attack of those who evaded these obstacles. Gloucester fought with +rare gallantry, but was badly seconded by his followers. At last +his horse was slain under him, and he was knocked down and killed. +The troop which he led fled panic-stricken from the field. The +Scots then advanced with such vigour that the English never +recovered from the disorder into which their first disaster had +thrown them. While these things were going on, the second and third +English "battles" had been making feeble efforts to take their part +in the fight. But the first line cut them off from direct access to +the foe, and the archers of the second battle did more harm to +their friends than to their enemies by shooting wildly, straight in +front of them. There was no single directing force, nor, after +Gloucester's fall, even one conspicuous leader who would set an +example of blind valour. Hundreds of English knights, who had not +drawn their swords, were soon fleeing in terror before the enemy. +Edward, who had taken up his station in the rear battle, rode off +the field and never dismounted until he reached Dunbar, whence he +fled by sea to Berwick.</p> + +<p>Abandoned by their leaders, the English retreated as best they +could. Many of their best knights lay dead on the field, <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg262" id="pg262">262</a></span>and more +were drowned in the Forth or Bannock, or swallowed up in the bogs, +than were slain in the fight. The Scots, whose losses were slight, +showed a prudent tendency to capture rather than slay the knights +and barons, in order that they might hold them up to ransom, and +though many desisted from the pursuit to plunder the baggage train, +those who followed the English fugitives reaped an abundant harvest +of captives. Hereford was chased into Bothwell castle, which was +still held for the English. But next day the Scottish official who +commanded there for Edward opened the gates to Bruce, and the earl +became a prisoner. Pembroke escaped with difficulty on foot, along +with a contingent of Welsh infantry. The mighty English army had +ceased to exist; and with the surrender of Stirling, next day, +Bruce's career attained its culminating point. His long years of +trial were at last over, and the clever adventurer could henceforth +enjoy in security the crown which he had so gallantly won.</p> + +<p>The military results of Bannockburn were of extreme importance. +The ablest of contemporary annalists aptly compared Bruce's victory +to the battle of Courtrai. An even nearer analogy was the fight at +Morgarten where, within two years, the pikemen of the Forest +Cantons were to scatter the chivalry of the Hapsburgers as +effectively as the Flemings won the day at Courtrai or the Scots at +Bannockburn. The English had forgotten the military lessons of +Edward I., as completely as they had forgotten his political +lessons, and their reliance on the obsolete and unsupported cavalry +charge was their undoing. Bruce, on the other hand, had improved +upon the teaching of Wallace and Edward I. His use of his +men-at-arms on foot anticipates the English tactics of the Hundred +Years' War. The presence of these heavily armed troopers in his +ranks gave him a strength in defence, and an impetuosity in attack, +which made it a simple matter to break up the undisciplined +squadrons opposed to him. Bannockburn rang the death-knell of the +tactics which since Hastings had been regarded as the perfection of +military art. The political lessons of the victory were of not less +importance. It is almost too much to say that Bannockburn won for +Scotland its independence, for Scottish independence had already +been vindicated. But the easy victory brought home to men's minds +the full measure of the Scottish triumph. It was <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg263" id="pg263">263</a></span>already clear +that so long as Edward lived, England would never make the +continued effort which, as Edward I.'s wars both in Wales and +Scotland had shown, could alone systematically conquer a nation. +Bruce's difficulties were not so much with the English as with the +Scots. It was no small task to unite the English of the Lothians, +the Welsh of the south-west, the Norsemen of the extreme north, and +the Celts of the hills into a single Scottish nation. He had +against him the separatist local feeling which Scottish history and +ethnology made inevitable, and it took time for him to obtain that +prestige, which should hedge a king, and raise him above the crowd +of feudal earls and clan chieftains, who thought themselves as good +as the sometime Earl of Carrick. Such dignity and distinction +Bannockburn supplied, and such measure of national unity and strong +monarchical authority as Scotland ever enjoyed, came from the +triumph of him who became, even more than Wallace, the hero of the +new nation. For the next few years the Scots took the aggressive. +They induced the French kings to renew the alliance which Philip +IV. had made with them in the early years of the contest. They +obtained papal recognition for their king and the withdrawal of the +ban of the Church on Comyn's murderer; they plundered northern +England from end to end, and broke down Anglo-Norman rule in +Ireland; they plotted for the resurrection of the Welsh +principality; and, worse than all, they made common cause with the +baronial opposition. Hence it followed that the political results +of the victory were as important to England as they were to +Scotland itself. The troubled history of the next eight years +reveals in detail the effects of Bannockburn on England. Edward's +defeat threw him into the power of the ordainers. The ordainers, +when called upon to govern, showed themselves as incapable as ever +Edward or his favourites had been. The results were misrule, +aristocratic faction, popular distress, and mob violence. +Ineffective as are the first seven years of the reign of Edward of +Carnarvon, the eight years which followed Bruce's victory plunged +England deeper into the pit of degradation, from which neither the +king nor the king's foes were strong, wise, or honest enough to +release her.</p> + +<h2>CHAPTER XIII.</h2> + +<h4>LANCASTER, PEMBROKE, AND THE DESPENSERS.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg264" id= +"pg264">264</a></span>Bannockburn was almost welcomed by the +ordainers, for it afforded new opportunities of humiliating the +defeated king. While Edward tarried at Berwick, Lancaster was in +his castle of Pontefract with a force far larger than his cousin's. +Loudly declaring that the true cause of the disaster was Edward's +neglect to carry out the ordinances, he announced his intention of +immediately enforcing their observance. At a parliament at York, in +September, Edward delivered himself altogether into Thomas's hands, +ordering the immediate execution of the ordinances, and replacing +his ministers and sheriffs by nominees of the ordainers. The only +boon that he obtained was that the earls postponed the removal from +court of Hugh Despenser and Henry Beaumont, the two faithful +friends who had guarded him in his flight from Bannockburn. +Despenser, however, thought it prudent to avoid his enemies by +going into hiding. Edward's submission did not help him against the +Scots. The earls resolved that the question of an expedition was to +be postponed until the next parliament, on the ground that it was +imprudent to take action until Hereford and the other captives had +been released. It was a sorry excuse, for King Robert and his +brother were devastating the northern counties with fire and sword, +and it gave new ground to the suspicion of an understanding between +the Scottish king and the ordainers. But the victor of Bannockburn +showed surprising moderation. He suffered the bodies of Gloucester +and the slain barons to be buried among their ancestors, and +released Gloucester's father-in-law, Monthermer, without ransom, +declaring that the thing in the world which he most desired was to +live in peace with the English. He welcomed an exchange of +prisoners, by which <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg265" id= +"pg265">265</a></span>his wife, Elizabeth de Burgh, his sister, his +daughter, and the Bishop of Glasgow were restored to Scotland. The +release of Hereford soon added to the king's troubles.</p> + +<p>In January, 1315, Edward's humiliation was completed at a London +parliament. Hugh Despenser and Walter Langton were removed from the +council. The "superfluous members" of the royal household, +denounced as "excessively burdensome to the king and the land," +were dismissed, and drastic ordinances were drawn up for the +regulation of the diminished following still allowed to the king. +Edward was put on an allowance of £10 a day, and the +administration of his revenues taken out of his hands. The grant +made was accompanied by the condition that its spending should be +entirely in the hands of the barons, and the estates arranged after +their own fashion for the new Scottish campaign. When summer came, +Lancaster insisted on taking the command himself, and thus gave a +new grievance to Pembroke, who had already been appointed general. +Lancaster was henceforth the indispensable man. When parliament met +at Lincoln, in January, 1316, the few magnates who attended would +transact no business until his arrival. On his tardy appearance in +the last days of the session, it was resolved "that the lord king +should do nothing grave or arduous without the advice of the +council, and that the Earl of Lancaster should hold the chief place +in the council". It was only after some hesitation that the earl +accepted this position. Once more the king was forced to confirm +the ordinances. Liberal grants were made by the estates, and every +rural township was called upon to furnish and pay a foot soldier to +fight the Scots.</p> + +<p>The commander of the army and the chief counsellor of the king, +Lancaster, was in a stronger position than any subject since the +days of Simon of Montfort. He could afford to despise aristocratic +jealousy and royal malignity. To the commons he was the good earl, +who was standing up for the rights of the people. He was the +darling of the clergy, who looked upon him as the pillar of +orthodoxy, the disciple of Winchelsea, and the upholder of the +rights of Holy Church. The warlike and energetic barons of the +north were his sworn followers, and, apart from his hold upon +public opinion, he could always fall back on the resources of his +five earldoms. But events <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg266" id= +"pg266">266</a></span>were soon to show that the successful leader +of opposition was absolutely incapable of carrying out a +constructive policy. He had no ideals, no principles, no feeling of +the importance of administrative efficiency, no sense of +responsibility, no power of controlling his followers. He never +understood that his business was no longer to oppose but to act. +The clear-headed monk of Malmesbury paints the disastrous results +of his inaction: "Whatsoever pleased the king, the earl's servants +strove to overthrow; and whatever pleased the earl, was declared by +the king's servants to be treasonable; and so, at the suggestion of +the evil one, the households of earl and king put themselves in the +way and would not allow their masters, by whom the land should have +been defended, to be of one accord". Even the implied understanding +with the King of Scots was not abandoned by the man on whom the +responsibility rested of defeating him. When Bruce devastated the +north of England he still spared the lands of the king's "chief +counsellor," as of old he had spared the lands of the opposition +leader. When, in 1316, Lancaster mustered his forces at Newcastle +against the Scots, Edward repaid him for his inaction in 1314 by +declining to accompany him over the border. "Thereupon," wrote the +border annalist,[1] "the earl at once went back; for neither +trusted the other." Edward, who forgot and forgave nothing, +secretly negotiated with the pope for absolution from his oath to +the ordinances. He gradually built up a court party, and soon +restored Hugh Despenser to his position in the household. As might +be expected in such circumstances no effective resistance was made +to the Scots.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Lanercost Chronicle</i>, p. 233.</p> + +<p>It was a time of severe distress in England. In 1315 a rainy +summer ruined the harvest. Great floods swept away the hay from the +fields, and drowned the sheep and cattle. In 1316 famine raged, +especially in the north. For a hundred years, we are told, such +scarcity of corn had not been known. A bushel of wheat was sold at +London for forty pence, and the Northumbrians were driven to feed +on dogs, horses, and other unwonted food. Pestilence followed in +the train of famine. It was in vain that parliament passed laws, +limiting the repasts of the barons' households to two courses of +meat, and fixing the price of the chief sorts of victuals. The only +result was <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg267" id= +"pg267">267</a></span>that dealers refused to bring their produce +to market. Then the legislation, passed in a panic, was repealed in +a panic. "It is better," said a chronicler, "to buy things at a +high rate than not to be able to buy them at all."</p> + +<p>Private wars raged from end to end of south Britain. On the +upper Severn, Griffith of Welshpool, the younger son of Griffith ap +Gwenwynwyn, laid regular siege to Powys castle, the stronghold of +John Charlton, his niece's husband and his rival for the lordship +of upper Powys. As Charlton was a courtier, Griffith attached +himself to the ordainers. After Bannockburn, the captivity of +Hereford, the lord of Brecon, and the death without heirs of +Gloucester, the lord of Glamorgan, removed the strongest restraints +on the men of south Wales. The royal warden of Glamorgan, Payne of +Turberville, displaced Gloucester's old officers. One of the +sufferers was Llewelyn Bren, "a great and powerful Welshman in +those parts," who had held high office under Earl Gilbert. In 1315 +Llewelyn, after seeking justice in vain at the king's court, rose +in revolt against Turberville. He gathered the Welshmen on the +hills, burst upon Caerphilly, while the constable was holding a +court outside the castle, took the outer ward by surprise and burnt +it to ashes. There was fear lest this revolt should be the +starting-point of a general Welsh rising. Llewelyn's hill +strongholds threatened Brecon on the north and the vale of +Glamorgan on the south; and Hereford, then released from his +Scottish captivity, was entrusted with the suppression of the +revolt. Before long all the lords of the march joined Hereford in +stamping out the movement. Among them were the two Roger Mortimers, +the Montagues and the Giffords, and Henry of Lancaster, Earl +Thomas's brother, and lord in his own right of Monmouth and +Kidwelly. Overwhelmed by such mighty opponents, Llewelyn +surrendered to Hereford, hoping thus to save his followers.</p> + +<p>Lancaster himself suffered from the spirit of anarchy that was +abroad. His own Lancashire vassals rose against his authority, +under Adam Banaster, a former member of his household. Adam +belonged to an important Lancashire family, which had long stood in +close relations to Wales, and had committed a homicide for which he +despaired of pardon. He now posed as the champion of the king +against the earl, believing that anything that caused trouble to +Thomas would <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg268" id= +"pg268">268</a></span>give no small delight at court. Lancaster +showed more energy in upholding his own rights than in maintaining +the honour of England. He raised such an overwhelming force that +Banaster, unable to hold the field against him, shut himself up in +his house. His refuge was stormed and his head brought to Earl +Thomas as a trophy of victory. While Banaster was raiding +Lancashire and Llewelyn south Wales, the Scots were devastating the +country as far south as Furness, and Edward Bruce, King Robert's +brother, was conquering Ireland. There was little wonder that +Edward Bruce hoped to cross over to Wales when he had done his work +in Ireland, or that the Welsh, buoyed up, as in the last +generation, by the prophesies of Merlin, believed that the time was +come when they would expel the Saxons, and win back the empire of +Britain.</p> + +<p>Of much longer duration than the wars of Llewelyn Bren and Adam +Banaster, were the formidable disturbances which raged for many +years at Bristol. Fourteen Bristol magnates had long a +preponderating influence in the government of the town. The commons +bitterly resented their superiority and declared that every burgess +should enjoy equal rights. A royal inquiry was ordered, but the +judges, bribed, as was believed, by the fourteen, gave a decision +which was unacceptable to the commons. Lord Badlesmere, warden of +the castle, sided with the oligarchs, and thus the whole authority +of the state was brought to bear against the popular party. But it +was an easy matter to resist the government of Edward II. The +commons took arms and a riot broke out in court. Twenty men were +killed in the disturbances, and the judges fled for their lives. +Eighty burgesses were proved by inquest at Gloucester to have been +the ringleaders. As they refused to appear to answer the charges, +they were outlawed. Indignation at Bristol then rose to such a +height that the fourteen fled in their turn, and for more than two +years Bristol succeeded in holding out against the royal mandate. +At last, in 1316, the town was regularly besieged by the Earl of +Pembroke. The castle was not within the burgesses' power, and its +<i>petrariae</i>, breaking down the walls and houses of the +borough, compelled the townsmen to surrender. A few of the chief +rebels were punished, but a pardon was issued to the mass of the +burgesses.</p> + +<p>More dangerous than any of these troubles was the attack <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg269" id="pg269">269</a></span>made by +Edward Bruce on the English power in Ireland. That power had been +on the wane during the last two generations. Edward I. had formed +schemes for the better administration of the country, but little +had come of them. The English government in Dublin gradually lost +such control as it had possessed over the remoter parts of the +island. The shire organisation, set up in an earlier generation, +became little more than nominal. The constitutional movement of the +thirteenth century extended to the island, and the Irish +parliament, then growing up out of the old council, reflected in a +blurred fashion the organisation of the English parliament of the +three estates. But royal lieutenants and councils, shires and +sheriffs, parliaments and justices had only the most superficial +influence on Irish life. Real authority was divided between the +Norman lords of the plain and the Celtic chieftains of the hills. +Each feudal lord hated his fellows, and bitter as were the feuds of +Fitzgeralds and Burghs, they were mild as compared with the +rancorous hereditary factions which divided the native septs from +each other. These divisions alone made it possible for the king's +officers to keep up some semblance of royal rule. If they were +seldom obeyed, the divisions in the enemies' camps prevented any +chance of their being overthrown. Thus the Irish went on living a +rude, turbulent life of perpetual purposeless war and bloodshed. +Ireland was a wilder, larger, more remote Welsh march, and the +resemblance was heightened by the fact that many of the +Anglo-Norman principalities were in the hands of great English or +marcher families, and that the Irish foot-soldier played only a +less important part than the Welsh archer and pikeman among the +light-armed soldiers of the English crown.</p> + +<p>The easiest way to keep up a show of English government was to +form an alliance between the crown and some of the baronial houses. +Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, the most powerful of the feudal +lords of Ireland, was the only one who at that period bore the +title of earl. He had long been interested in general English +affairs, and his kinswomen had intermarried into great British +houses. One of his daughters married Robert Bruce when he was Earl +of Carrick, and another was more recently wedded to Earl Gilbert of +Gloucester. Despite the Bruce connexion, the Earl of Ulster was +still trusted by the English party, and the king gave him the +command <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg270" id= +"pg270">270</a></span>of an Irish army which he had intended to +send against Scotland in 1314. Richard was too busy fighting the +Ulster clans of O'Donnell and O'Neil, and too jealous of the +Fitzgeralds, his feudal rivals, to throw his heart into the +hopeless task of gathering together the two nations and many clans +of Ireland into a single host. The death of Earl Gilbert at +Bannockburn broke his nearest tie with England, and the release of +Elizabeth Bruce in exchange for Hereford gave his daughter the +actual enjoyment of the throne of Scotland. His natural instincts +as an Irishman and as a baron were to restrain the power of his +overlord. When the news of Bruce's victory produced a great stir +among the Irish clans, he stood aside and let events take their +course.</p> + +<p>Though the Gael of the Scottish Highlands played little part at +Bannockburn, the Irish rejoiced at the Scots' success as that of +their kinsmen. "The Kings of the Scots," said the Irish Celts, +"derive their origin from our land. They speak our tongue and have +our laws and customs." However little true this was in fact, it was +a good excuse for some of the Irish clans to offer the throne of +Ireland to the King of Scots. Robert rejected the proposal for +himself, but was willing to give his able and adventurous brother +Edward the chance of winning another crown for his house. Edward, +"who thought that Scotland was too little for his brother and +himself," cheerfully fell in with the scheme. On May 25, 1315, he +landed near Carrickfergus and received a rapturous welcome from the +O'Neils, the greatest of the septs of the north-east. Before long +all Celtic Ulster flocked to his banners, and Edmund Butler, then +justice of Ireland, strove with little success to make head against +the Scottish invasion. The completeness of Bruce's union with the +native Irish gave him his best chance of attaining his object. Up +to this point the attitude of the Earl of Ulster had been most +undecided. He at last threw in his lot with the justiciar. When +parties began to shape themselves it was clear that "all the Irish +of Ireland" were in league with Bruce. The danger was that "a great +part of the great lords and lesser English folk" also joined the +invader. Conspicuous among these were the Lacys of Meath.</p> + +<p>Edward Bruce showed energy and vigour. He made his way +southwards, and in September won a victory over the forces of <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg271" id="pg271">271</a></span>the Earl +of Ulster and the justiciar at Dundalk, then in the south of +Ulster. After this he pushed into Meath and Leinster and was joined +by the O'Tooles and the other clans of the Wicklow mountains, while +the adhesion of Phelim O'Connor, King of Connaught, brought the +whole of the Celtic west into his alliance. The barons, however, +took the alarm. During the winter Butler contracted friendship with +many of the Norman colonists. From that time the struggle assumed +the character of a war between Celtic Ireland and feudal Ireland, +the native clansmen and the Anglo-Norman settlers. Thus, though +Bruce and his wild allies found it easy to make themselves masters +of the open country, all the castles and towns were closed to them +and could only be won by long-continued efforts. Before long, +Butler drove them to the hills. Ere the winter was over, Edward +found it prudent to retire to Ulster.</p> + +<p>During 1316 the struggle raged unceasingly. Bruce was crowned +King of Ireland, the O'Neil, it was said, having abdicated his +rights in his favour. But the summer saw the utter defeat of the +O'Connors by the justiciar at the bloody battle of Athenry, where +King Phelim and the noblest of his sept perished. A little later +the King of Scots came to the help of his brother. With his aid, +Edward was able to reduce Carrickfergus, which had hitherto defied +his efforts. Then the brothers led their forces from one end of +Ireland to the other. Dublin prepared for a siege by burning its +suburbs and devastating the country around. But though the two +Bruces penetrated as far as Limerick, they did not capture a single +castle or a walled town. They lost so many men during their winter +campaign, that they were forced in the spring to retire to Ulster. +The hopeless disunion of both parties in Ireland seemed likely to +prolong the struggle indefinitely. The men of Dublin and the Earl +of Ulster were at feud with each other, and the citizens captured +the earl and shut him up in Dublin castle. However little the earl +could be trusted, this was a step likely to throw all Ulster into +the arms of the Bruces. But a stronger justice of Ireland then +superseded Edmund Butler. Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, the mightiest +baron of the Welsh march, and a man of real ability, rare energy, +extreme ruthlessness, and savage cruelty, crossed over from +Haverfordwest early in 1317 at the head of a large force of marcher +knights and men-at-arms, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg272" id= +"pg272">272</a></span>versed from their youth up in the traditions +of Celtic warfare. Mortimer set himself to work to break up the +ill-assorted coalition that supported Bruce. He released the Earl +of Ulster from his Dublin prison; he procured the banishment of the +heads of the house of Lacy; he won over some of the Irish septs to +his side; he stimulated the civil war which had devastated +Connaught since the fall of the O'Connors. Edward Bruce was once +more confined to Ulster, where he still struggled on bravely. In +the autumn of 1318 he led a foray southwards, and met his fate in a +skirmish near Dundalk on October 14, when his force was scattered +in confusion by John of Bermingham, one of the neighbouring lords. +The four quarters of the luckless King of Ireland were exposed in +the four chief towns of the island as a trophy of victory, and +Bermingham was rewarded by the new earldom of Louth.</p> + +<p>Edward Bruce's enterprise ended with his death, and Ireland +rapidly settled down into its normal condition of impotent +turbulence. Though at first sight the invader utterly failed, yet +he pricked the bubble of the English power in Ireland. His gallant +attempt at winning the throne is the critical event in a long +period of Irish history. From the days of Henry III to the days of +Edward Bruce, the lordship of the English kings in Ireland was to +some extent a reality. From 1315 to the reign of Henry VIII, the +English dominion was little more than a name as regards the greater +part of Ireland.</p> + +<p>No one attained success, in the years after +Bannockburn,—neither Banaster, nor Llewelyn Bren, nor the +Bristol commons nor Edward Bruce and his Irish allies. Before long, +the incompetence of Lancaster became as manifest as the +incompetence of Edward II. Lancaster's failure led to the +dissolution of the baronial opposition into fiercely opposing +factions. Personal and territorial jealousies slowly undermined a +unity which had always been more apparent than real. The Earl of +Pembroke had never forgiven the treachery of Deddington. Though +Warwick was dead, Pembroke still pursued Lancaster with unrelenting +hatred. No partisan of prerogative, and an enemy of Edward's +personal following, Earl Aymer separated himself from his old +associates and strove to form a middle party between the faction of +the king and the faction of Lancaster. Warerine, coarse, turbulent, +and vicious, at once violent <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg273" +id="pg273">273</a></span>and crafty, still acted with him. The lord +of Conisborough had long grudged the master of Pontefract and +Sandal his great position in Yorkshire. The natural rivalries of +neighbouring potentates were further emphasised by personal +animosity of the deadliest kind. Lancaster had long been at +variance with his wife, Alice Lacy. On May 9, 1317, the Countess of +Lancaster ran away from him, with the active help of Warenne and by +the secret contrivance of the king. Private war at once broke out +between the two earls. Lancaster was too strong for his enemy. +Before winter had begun, Conisborough and Warenne's other Yorkshire +castles fell into his hands. Lancaster's partisans even laid hold +of the king's castle of Knaresborough, while other Lancastrian +bands occupied Alton castle in Staffordshire. Intermittent +hostilities continued until the summer of 1318. Twice Edward +himself went to the north, and on one occasion appeared in force +outside Pontefract. But the more moderate of the baronage managed +to prevent open hostilities between the king and the earl. +Lancaster was, as ever, fighting for his own hand. His self-seeking +narrowness gave Pembroke the chance of winning for his middle party +a preponderating authority.</p> + +<p>Pembroke found more trustworthy allies than Warenne in +Bartholomew, Lord Badlesmere, the sometime instigator of the +Bristol troubles, and a bitter opponent of Lancaster, and in Roger +of Amory, the husband of one of the three co-heiresses who now +divided the Gloucester inheritance. Edward, who had profited by the +divisions of his enemies to revive the court party, formed a +coalition between his friends and the followers of Pembroke. All +lovers of order, of moderation, and of the supremacy of the law +necessarily made common cause with them. Thus it followed that the +same machinery, which Lancaster a few years earlier had turned +against the king, was now turned against him. An additional motive +to bring peaceable Englishmen into line was found in the capture of +Berwick by Bruce in April, 1318. After this negotiations for peace +began. The king and Lancaster treated as two independent princes. +Lancaster was no longer supported by any prominent earl, and even +his clerical friends were falling from him. Ordainers as jealous as +Arundel, royalists as fierce as Mortimer, served along with +trimmers like Pembroke and Badlesmere, in acting as mediators. +Lancaster <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg274" id= +"pg274">274</a></span>could no more resist than Edward could in +1312. On August 9 he accepted at Leek, in Staffordshire, the +conditions drawn up for him.</p> + +<p>The treaty of Leek marks the triumph of the middle party and the +removal of Lancaster from the first place in the royal council. A +pardon was granted to him and his followers, but Thomas gained +little else by the compact. Pembroke and his friends showed +themselves as jealous of Edward as ever the ordainers had been. The +ordinances were once more confirmed, and a new council of seventeen +was nominated, including eight bishops, four earls, four barons, +and one banneret. The earls were Pembroke, Arundel, Richmond, and +Hereford. Of these the Breton Earl of Richmond was the most +friendly to the king, but it was significant to find so truculent a +politician as Hereford making common cause with Pembroke. The most +important of the four barons was Roger Mortimer of Wigmore. +Lancaster though not paramount was still powerful, but his habit of +absenting himself from parliaments made it useless to offer him a +place in the council, and he was represented by a single banneret, +nominated by him. Of these councillors two bishops, one earl, one +baron, and Lancaster's nominee were to be in constant attendance. +They were virtually to control Edward's policy, and to see that he +consulted parliament in all matters that required its assent. A few +days after the treaty Edward and Lancaster met at Hathern, near +Loughborough, and exchanged the kiss of peace. Roger of Amory and +other magnates of the middle party reconciled themselves to +Lancaster, and he condescendingly restored them to his favour. But +he would not deign to admit Hugh Despenser to his presence, and +declared that he was still free to carry on his quarrel against +Warenne. In October, a parliament at York confirmed the treaty of +Leek, adding new members to the council and appointing another +commission to reform the king's household. From that time until +1321, Pembroke and his friends controlled the English state, though +often checked both by the king and even more by Lancaster, who +still stood ostentatiously aloof from parliaments and campaigns. +These years, though neither glorious nor prosperous, were the most +peaceable and uneventful of the whole of Edward II.'s reign. They +are noteworthy for the only serious attempt made to check the +progress of the Scots after <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg275" +id="pg275">275</a></span>Bannockburn. From 1318 to 1320 king and +court were almost continually in the north. York became the regular +meeting-place of parliaments for even a longer period.</p> + +<p>Since 1314, the Scots had mercilessly devastated the whole north +of England. The population made little attempt at resistance, and +sought to buy them off by large payments of money. The Scots took +the cash and soon came again for more. They wandered at will over +the open country, and only the castles and walled towns afforded +protection against them. Their forays extended as far south as +Lancashire and Yorkshire, and, so early as 1315, Carlisle and +Berwick were regularly besieged by them. It was to no purpose that +in 1317 the pope issued a bull insisting upon a truce. The English +welcomed an armistice on any terms, but the Scots' interest was in +the continuance of the war, and they paid no attention to the papal +proposal. The result was a renewal of Bruce's excommunication, and +the placing of all Scotland under interdict. Yet no papal censures +checked Robert's career or lessened his hold over Scotland. Next +year he showed greater activity than ever. In April, 1318, he +captured the town of Berwick by treachery. Peter of Spalding, one +of the English burgesses who formed the town guard, was bribed to +allow a band of Scots to seize that section of the town wall of +which he was guardian. Then the intruders captured the gates and +admitted their comrades. Thus the last Scottish town to be held by +the English went back to its natural rulers. The English burgesses +were expelled, though Bruce showed wonderful moderation, and few of +his enemies were slain. Berwick castle held out for a time, until +lack of victuals caused its surrender. In May the Scots marched +through Northumberland and Durham into Yorkshire, burnt +Northallerton and Boroughbridge, and exacted a thousand marks from +Ripon, as the price of respecting the church of St. Wilfred. They +then spent three days at Knaresborough, and made their way home +through Craven.</p> + +<p>Such successes show clearly enough that the treaty of Leek was +not signed a moment too soon. It was, however, too late for any +great effort against the Scots in 1318. A strenuous endeavour was +made to levy a formidable expedition for 1319. In strict accordance +with the ordinances, the parliament, which met at York in May of +that year, agreed that there should be <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg276" id="pg276">276</a></span>a muster at Berwick for July +22, and granted a liberal subsidy. An insolent offer of peace, +coupled with a promise of freedom of life and limb to Bruce, should +he resign his crown, provoked from the Scots king the reply that +Scotland was his kingdom both by hereditary right and the law of +arms, and that he was indifferent whether he had peace with the +English king or not. On July 22, the feast of St. Mary Magdalen and +the anniversary of Falkirk fight, the barons assembled at +Newcastle. Thomas of Lancaster was there with his brother Henry. +Warenne, newly reconciled with Lancaster by a large surrender of +lands, also attended, as did Pembroke, Arundel, Hereford, and the +husbands of the three Gloucester co-heiresses. There was a braver +show of earls than even in 1314. An offer of lands, when Scotland +was conquered, attracted a large number of volunteer infantry, +while the cupidity of the seamen was appealed to by a promise of +ample plunder. In August the host and fleet moved northwards, and +closely beset Berwick.</p> + +<p>The Scots were too astute to offer battle. While the English +were employed at Berwick, Sir James Douglas led their main force +into the heart of Yorkshire. Douglas hoped to capture Queen +Isabella, who was staying near York. A spy betrayed this design to +the English, and Isabella was hurried off by water to Nottingham, +while Douglas pressed on into the heart of Yorkshire. The +Yorkshiremen had to defend their own shire while their best +soldiers were with the king at Berwick. A hastily gathered assembly +of improvised warriors flocked into York. Archbishop Melton put +himself at their head, and the clergy, both secular and religious, +formed a considerable element in the host. Then they marched out +against the Scots, and found them at Myton in Swaledale. The Scots +despised the disorderly mob of squires and farmers, priests and +canons, monks and friars. "These are not warriors," they cried, +"but huntsmen. They will do nought against us." Concealing their +movements by kindling great fires of hay, they bore down upon the +Yorkshiremen and put them to flight with much loss. The fight was +called "the white battle of Myton" on account of the large number +of white-robed monks who took part in it The archbishop escaped +with the utmost difficulty. Many fugitives were drowned in the +Swale, and not one would have escaped had not night stopped the +Scots' pursuit. The victors then <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg277" id="pg277">277</a></span>pushed as far south as Pontefract. +On the news of the battle, the besiegers of Berwick were dismayed. +There was talk of dividing the army, and sending one part to drive +Douglas out of Yorkshire while the other continued the siege. But +the magnates, in no mood to run risks, insisted on an immediate +return to England. Before Edward had reached Yorkshire, Douglas had +made his way home over Stainmoor and Gilsland. Thereupon the king +sent back his troops, each man to his own house. The magnificent +army had accomplished nothing at all. So inglorious a termination +of the campaign naturally gave rise to suspicions of treason. A +story was spread abroad that Lancaster had received £4,000 +from the King of Scots and had consequently done his best to help +his ally. The rumour was so seriously believed that the earl +offered to purge himself by ordeal of hot iron. In despair Edward +made a two years' truce with the Scots. It was the best way of +avoiding another Bannockburn.</p> + +<p>Troublous times soon began again. Since Edward surrendered +himself to the guidance of Pembroke and Badlesmere, he had enjoyed +comparative repose and dignity. It was only when a great +enterprise, like the Scots campaign, was attempted that the evil +results of anarchy and the still-abiding influence of Lancaster +made themselves felt. But Edward bore no love to Pembroke and his +associates, and was quietly feeling his way towards the +re-establishment of the court party. His chief helpers in this work +were the two Despensers, father and son, both named Hugh. The elder +Despenser, then nearly sixty years of age, had grown grey in the +service of Edward I. A baron of competent estate, he inherited from +his father, the justiciar who fell at Evesham, an hereditary bias +towards the constitutional tradition, but he looked to the monarch +or to the popular estates, rather than to the baronage, as the best +embodiment of his ideals. Ambitious and not over-scrupulous, he saw +more advantage to himself in playing the game of the king than in +joining a swarm of quarrelsome opposition lords. From the beginning +of the reign he had identified himself with Gaveston and the +courtiers, and had incurred the special wrath of Lancaster and the +ordainers. Excluded from court, forced into hiding, excepted from +several pacifications as he had been, Despenser never long absented +himself from the court. His ambition was kindled by the +circumstance that his eldest son had <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg278" id="pg278">278</a></span>become the most intimate personal +friend of the king. Brought up as a boy in the household of Edward +when Prince of Wales, the ties of old comradeship gradually drew +the younger Hugh into Gaveston's old position as the chief +favourite. Neither a foreigner nor an adventurer, Despenser had the +good sense to avoid the worst errors of his predecessor. As +chamberlain, he was in constant attendance on the king; and having +married Edward's niece Eleanor, the eldest of the Gloucester +co-heiresses, he sought to establish himself among the higher +aristocracy. Royal grants and offices rained upon father and son. +The household officers were changed at their caprice. The only safe +way to the king's favour was by purchasing their good-will. Their +good fortune stirred up fierce animosities, and the barons showed +that they could hate a renegade as bitterly as a foreign +adventurer.</p> + +<p>The Despensers' ambition to attain high rank was the more +natural from the havoc which death had played among the earls. +"Time was," said the monk of Malmesbury, "when fifteen earls and +more followed the king to war; but now only five or six gave him +their assistance." The five earldoms of Thomas of Lancaster meant +the extinction of as many ancient houses. The earldoms of Chester, +Cornwall, and Norfolk had long been in the king's hands. If the +comital rank was not to be extinguished altogether, it had to be +recruited with fresh blood. And who were so fit to fill up the +vacant places as these well-born favourites?</p> + +<p>A little had been done under Edward II to remedy the desolation +of the earldoms. The revival of the earldom of Cornwall in favour +of Gaveston had not been a happy experiment. But the king's elder +half-brother, Thomas of Brotherton, invested with the estates and +dignities of the Bigods, was made earl marshal and Earl of Norfolk. +In 1321 the earldom of Kent, extinct since the fall of Hubert de +Burgh, was revived in favour of Edmund of Woodstock, the younger +half-brother of the king. The titular Scottish earldoms of some +English barons, such as the Umfraville earls of Angus, kept up the +name, if not the state of earls, and we have seen the reward of the +victor of Dundalk in the creation of a new earldom of Louth in +Ireland. But there were certain hereditary dignities whose +suspension seemed unnatural. Conspicuous among these was the +Gloucester earldom which, from the days <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg279" id="pg279">279</a></span>of the valiant son of Henry +I. to the death of the last male Clare at Bannockburn, had played a +unique part in English history.</p> + +<p>Both the Despensers desired to be earls, and the younger Hugh +wished that the Gloucester earldom should be revived in his favour. +Assured of the good-will of the king, both had to contend against +the jealousy of the baronage and the exclusiveness of the existing +earls. The younger Hugh had also to reckon with his two +brothers-in-law, with whom he had divided the Clare estates. These +were Hugh of Audley, who had married Margaret the widow of +Gaveston, and Roger of Amory, the husband of Elizabeth, the +youngest of the Clare sisters. There had been difficulty enough in +effecting the partition of the Gloucester inheritance among the +three co-heiresses. In 1317 the division was made, and Despenser +had become lord of Glamorgan, which politically and strategically +was most important of all the Gloucester lands.[1] Yet even then, +Despenser was not satisfied with his position. His rival Audley had +been allotted Newport and Netherwent, while Amory had been assigned +the castle of Usk and estates higher up the Usk valley. Annoyed +that he should be a lesser personage in south Wales than Earl +Gilbert had been, Despenser began to intrigue against his wife's +brothers-in-law. Each of the co-heirs had already become deadly +rivals. Their hostility was the more keen since the three had +already taken different sides in English politics. Despenser was +the soul of the court faction; Amory was the ally of Pembroke and +Badlesmere, the men of the middle party; and Audley was an +uncompromising adherent of Thomas of Lancaster. There was every +chance that each one of the three would have competent backing. To +each the triumph of his friends meant the prospect of his becoming +Earl of Gloucester.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this, W.H. Stevenson, <i>A Letter of +the Younger Despenser in 1321</i> in <i>Engl. Hist. Rev.</i>, xii. +(1897), 755-61.</p> + +<p>Despenser, abler and more restless than the others, and +confident in the royal favour, was the first to take the +aggressive. He wished to base his future greatness upon a compact +marcher principality in south Wales, and to that end not only laid +his hands upon the outlying possessions of the Clares but coveted +the lands of all his weaker neighbours. He took advantage of <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg280" id="pg280">280</a></span>a family +arrangement for the succession to Gower, to strike the first blow. +The English-speaking peninsula of Gower, with the castle of +Swansea, was still held by a junior branch of the decaying house of +Braose, whose main marcher lordships had been divided a century +earlier between the Bohuns and the Mortimers. Its spendthrift +ruler, William of Braose, was the last male of his race. He strove +to make what profit he could for himself out of his succession, and +had for some time been treating with Humphrey of Hereford. Gower +was immediately to the south-west of Hereford's lordship of Brecon. +Its acquisition would extend the Bohun lands to the sea, and make +Earl Humphrey the greatest lord in south Wales. At the last moment, +however, Braose broke off with him and sought to sell Gower to John +of Mowbray, the husband of his daughter and heiress. When Braose +died in 1320, Mowbray took possession of Gower in accordance with +the "custom of the march". The royal assent had not been asked, +either for licence to alienate, or for permission to enter upon the +estate. Despenser coveted Gower for himself. He had already got +Newport, had he Swansea also he would rule the south coast from the +Lloughor to the Usk. Accordingly, he declared that the custom of +the march trenched upon the royal prerogative, and managed that +Gower should be seized by the king's officers, as a first step +towards getting it for himself.</p> + +<p>Despenser's action provoked extreme indignation among all the +marcher lords. They denounced the apostate from the cause of his +class for upsetting the balance of power in the march, and declared +that in treating a lordship beyond the Wye like a landed estate in +England, Hugh had, like Edward I., "despised the laws and customs +of the march". It was easy to form a coalition of all the marcher +lords against him. The leaders of it were Humphrey of Hereford, +Roger Mortimer of Chirk, justice of Wales, and his nephew, Roger +Mortimer of Wigmore, the head of the house, who had overthrown +Edward Bruce's monarchy of Ireland. As Braose co-heirs their +position was unassailable. But every other baron had his grievance. +John of Mowbray resented the loss of Gower; Henry of Lancaster +feared for Monmouth and Kidwelly; Audley wished to win back +Newport, and Amory, Usk. Behind the confederates was Thomas of +Lancaster himself, eager to regain his lost position of leadership. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg281" id="pg281">281</a></span>The +league at once began to wage war against Despenser in south Wales, +and approached the court with a demand that he should be banished +as a traitor.</p> + +<p>Edward made his way to Gloucester in March, 1321, and strove to +protect Despenser and to calm the wild spirits of the marchers. But +private war had already broken out after the marcher fashion, and +the king retired without effecting his purpose. Left to themselves +the marcher allies easily overran the Despenser lands, inherited or +usurped. Neither Cardiff nor Caerphilly held out long against them: +the Welsh husbandmen, like the English knights and barons of +Glamorgan, were hostile to the Despensers. The king could do +nothing to help his friends. In May, Lancaster formed a league of +northern barons in the chapter-house of the priory at Pontefract. +In June, another northern gathering was held in the Norman nave of +the parish church of Sherburn-in-Elmet, a few miles to the north of +Pontefract. This was attended by the Archbishop of York and two of +his suffragans, and a great number of clergy, secular and regular, +as well as by many barons and knights. It was in fact an informal +parliament of the Lancastrian party. A long list of complaints were +drawn up which, under fair words, demanded the removal of bad +ministers, and among them the chamberlain. The clerical members of +the conference met separately at the rectory, where they showed +more circumspection, but an equally partisan bias.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Bp. Stubbs works all this out, <i>Chron. Ed. +I. and II</i>., ii., pref., lxxxvi.-xc.</p> + +<p>The conferences at Pontefract and Sherburn showed that Lancaster +and the northerners were in full sympathy with the men of the west. +The middle party again made common cause with the followers of +Lancaster. Amory's interests were sufficiently involved to make him +an eager enemy of Despenser, and Badlesmere was almost as keen. +Though Pembroke still professed to mediate, it was generally +believed that he was delighted to get rid of the Despensers. Even +Warenne took sides against them, though the discredited earl was +fast becoming of no account. Such being the drift of opinion, the +fate of the favourites was settled when the estates assembled in +London in July. Edward had delayed a meeting of parliament as long +as he could, and was helpless in its hands. Great pains were taken +this time to prevent the repetition of the informalities <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg282" id="pg282">282</a></span>which had +attended the attack on Gaveston. There was an unprecedented +gathering of magnates, who came to the parliament with a large +armed following, encamped like an army in all the villages to the +north of the city. The commons were fully represented, and the +clerical estate was expressly summoned. Articles were at once drawn +up against the Despensers. They had aspired to royal power; had +turned the heart of the king from his subjects; had excited civil +war, and had taught that obedience was due to the crown rather than +to the king. This last charge came strangely from those who had +urged that doctrine as a pretext for withdrawing support from +Gaveston. It is a good illustration of the tendency of the +Despensers to cloak their personal ambitions with loud-sounding +constitutional phrases.</p> + +<p>The peers pronounced sentence of banishment and forfeiture +against both the elder and the younger Hugh. They were not to be +recalled save by consent of the peers in parliament assembled. The +easy revolution was completed by the issuing of pardons to nearly +five hundred members of the triumphant coalition. The elder +Despenser at once withdrew to the continent. The younger Hugh found +friends among the mariners of the Cinque Ports. These at first +protected him in England, and then put at his disposal a little +fleet of vessels with which, when driven from the land, he took to +piracy in the narrow seas.</p> + +<p>The fall of the Despensers was brought about very much after the +same fashion as the first exile of Gaveston. Like Gaveston, they +speedily returned, and in circumstances which suggest an even +closer parallel with the events that led to the recall of the +Gascon. The triumphant coalition in each case fell to pieces as +soon as it had done its immediate work. Once more the loss of his +friend and comrade stirred up Edward to an energy and perseverance +such as he never displayed on other occasions. But the second +triumph of the king assumed a more complete character than his +earlier snatched victory. Accident favoured Edward's design of +bringing back his favourites, and throwing off once more the +baronial thraldom. On October 13, 1321, Queen Isabella, on her way +to Canterbury, claimed hospitality at Leeds castle, situated +between Maidstone and the archiepiscopal city. The castle belonged +to Badlesmere, whose wife was then residing there, with his +kinsman, Bartholomew Burghersh, and a competent garrison. Lady +Badlesmere refused <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg283" id= +"pg283">283</a></span>to admit the queen, declaring that, without +her lord's orders, she could not venture to entertain any one. +Bitterly indignant at the insult, the queen took up her quarters in +the neighbouring priory and attempted to force an entrance. The +castle, however, was not to be taken by the hasty attack of a small +company. Six of Isabella's followers were slain, and the attempt +was abandoned. Isabella called upon her husband to avenge her; and +the king at once resolved to capture Leeds castle at any cost, and +prepared to undertake the enterprise in person. He offered high +wages to all crossbowmen, archers, knights, and squires who would +follow him to Leeds, and summoned the levies of horse and foot from +the towns and shires of the south-east. His trust in the loyalty of +his subjects met with an unexpectedly favourable response. In a few +days a large army gathered round the king under the walls of Leeds. +Among the many magnates who appeared among the royal following were +six earls: Pembroke, Badlesmere's own associate; the king's two +brothers, Norfolk and Kent; Warenne, Richmond, and Arundel, who as +Despenser's kinsman felt himself bound to fight on his side. On +October 23 the castle was closely besieged by this overwhelming +force, and on October 31 was forced to surrender. Burghersh was +shut up in the Tower and Lady Badlesmere in Dover castle. Thirteen +of the garrison, "stout men and valiant," were hanged by the angry +king.</p> + +<p>During the siege of Leeds, the magnates of the march, headed by +Hereford and Roger Mortimer, collected a force at +Kingston-on-Thames, where they were joined by Badlesmere. But they +dared not advance towards the relief of the Kentish castle, and, +after a fortnight they dispersed to their own homes. Lancaster +hated Badlesmere so bitterly that he made no move against the king, +and sullenly bided his time in the north. His inaction paralysed +the barons as effectively as in earlier days it had hindered the +plans of the king. Flushed with his victory, Edward gradually +unfolded his designs. His tool, Archbishop Reynolds, summoned a +convocation of the southern province for December 1 at St. Paul's, +and obtained from the assembled clergy the opinion that the +proceedings against the Despensers were invalid. On January 1, +1322, Reynolds solemnly declared this sentence in St. Paul's. +Edward did not wait for the archbishop. Attended by many of <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg284" id="pg284">284</a></span>the +warriors who had fought at Leeds, he marched to the west, occupying +on his journey the lands and castles of his enemies. He kept his +Christmas court at Cirencester, and thence advanced towards the +Severn. As the inaction of Lancaster kept the northern barons +quiet, Edward's sole task was to wreak his revenge on the marcher +lords. They were unprepared for resistance, and waited in vain for +Lancaster to come to their help. Without a leader, they made feeble +and ill-devised efforts to oppose the king's advance. Their command +of the few bridges over the Severn prevented the king from crossing +the river, and leading his troops directly into the march. Foiled +at Gloucester, Worcester, and Bridgnorth, Edward made his way up +the stream to Shrewsbury. The two Mortimers, who held the town and +the passage of the river, could have stopped him if they had +chosen. But they feared to undertake strong measures while +Lancaster's action remained uncertain. They suffered Edward to +cross the stream and surrendered to him. The collapse of the +fiercest of the marcher lords frightened the rest into surrender. +Edward wandered back through the middle and southern marches, +occupying without resistance the main strongholds of his enemies. +At Hereford, he sharply rebuked the bishop for upholding the barons +against their natural lord. At Berkeley, he received from Maurice +of Berkeley the keys of the stately fortress which was so soon to +be the place of his last humiliation. Early in February, he was +back at Gloucester, where, on February 11, he recalled the +Despensers.</p> + +<p>Humphrey of Hereford, Roger of Amory, and a few other marchers +managed to escape the king's pursuit, and rode northwards to join +Thomas of Lancaster. Thomas had long been ready at Pontefract with +his followers in arms. But he let the time for effective action +slip, and was only goaded into doing anything when the fugitives +from the march impressed him with the critical state of affairs. +The quarrel of king and barons was not the only trouble besetting +England. The two years' truce with Scotland had expired, and Robert +Bruce was once more devastating the northern counties. But neither +Edward nor Lancaster cared anything for this. Andrew Harclay, the +governor of Carlisle, strongly urged the king to defend his +subjects from the Scots rather than make war against them. Edward +answered that rebels must be put down before foreign <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg285" id="pg285">285</a></span>enemies could be +encountered, and pressed northwards with his victorious troops.</p> + +<p>Lancaster was then besieging Tickhill, a royal castle in +southern Yorkshire. After wasting three weeks before its walls, he +led his force south to Burton-on-Trent, which he occupied on March +10. Edward soon approached the Trent on his northward march. The +barons thereupon lost courage, and, abandoning the defence of the +passage over the river, fled northwards to Pontefract, the centre +of Lancaster's power in Yorkshire. Edward advanced against them, +taking on his road Lancaster's castle of Tutbury, where Roger of +Amory was captured, mortally wounded. The Lancastrians were +panic-stricken. They fled from Pontefract as they had fled from +Burton, retreating northwards, probably simply to avoid the king, +possibly to join hands with Robert Bruce. On March 16 the fugitives +reached Boroughbridge, on the south bank of the Ure, where a long +narrow bridge, hardly wide enough for horsemen in martial array, +crossed the stream. The north bank of the river, and the approaches +to the bridge, were held in force by the levies of Cumberland and +Westmoreland which Barclay had summoned at the king's request, in +order to prevent a junction between the Lancastrians and the Scots. +Barclay was a brave and capable commander and had well learnt the +lessons of Scottish warfare.[1] He dismounted all his knights and +men-at-arms, and arranged them on the northern side of the river, +along with some of his pikemen. The rest of the pikemen he ordered +to form a "schiltron" after the Scottish fashion, so that their +close formation might resist the cavalry of which the Lancastrian +force consisted. He bade his archers shoot swiftly and continually +at the enemy.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the tactics of Boroughbridge see <i>Engl. +Hist. Review</i>, xix. (1904), 711-13.</p> + +<p>Seeing this disposition of the hostile force, the Lancastrian +army divided. One band, under Hereford and Roger Clifford, +dismounted and made for the bridge, which was defended by the +schiltron of pikemen. The rest of the men-at-arms remained on +horseback and followed Lancaster, to a ford near the bridge, +whence, by crossing the water, they could take the schiltron in +flank. Neither movement succeeded. Hereford and Clifford advanced, +each with one attendant, to the bridge. <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg286" id="pg286">286</a></span>No sooner had the earl +entered upon the wooden structure than he was slain by a Welsh +spearman, who had hidden himself under it, and aimed a blow at +Humphrey through the planking. Clifford was severely wounded, and +escaped with difficulty. Discouraged by the loss of their leaders, +the rest of the troops made only a feeble effort to force the +passage. The same evil fortune attended the division that followed +Lancaster. The archers of Harclay obeyed his orders so well that +the Lancastrian cavalry scarcely dared enter the water. Lancaster +lost his nerve, and besought Harclay for a truce until the next +morning. His request was granted, but during the night all the +followers of Hereford dispersed, thinking that there was no need +for them to remain after the death of their lord. Lancaster's own +troops were likewise thinned by desertions. The sheriff of York +came up early in the morning with an armed force from the south, +joined Harclay, and cut off the last hope of retreat. Further +resistance being useless, Lancaster, Audley, Clifford, Mowbray, and +the other leaders surrendered in a body.</p> + +<p>Edward was then at Pontefract in the chief castle of his +deadliest enemy. Thither the prisoners of Boroughbridge were sent +for their trial, and there they were hastily condemned by a body of +seven earls and numerous barons, presided over by the king himself. +Lancaster, not allowed to say a word in his defence, was at once +sentenced to death as a rebel and a traitor. In consideration of +his exalted rank, the grosser penalties of treason were commuted, +as in the case of Gaveston, to simple decapitation. On the morning +of March 22 Thomas was led out of his castle, clad in the garb of a +penitent and mounted on a sorry steed. He was conducted to a little +hill outside the walls. The crowd mocked at his sufferings and in +scorn called him "King Arthur". In two or three blows of the axe, +his head was struck off from his body. Nor was he the only victim. +Audley, spared his life by reason of his marriage to the king's +niece, was, like the two Mortimers, consigned to prison. Clifford +and Mowbray were hanged at York, and Badlesmere at Canterbury. In +all, more than twenty knights and barons paid the penalty of +death.</p> + +<p>It is hard to waste much pity on Lancaster. He was the victim of +his own fierce passions and, still more, of his own utter +incompetence. His attitude all through the crisis had been inept in +the extreme, and the poor fight that he made for <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg287" id="pg287">287</a></span>his life at +Boroughbridge was a fitting conclusion to a feeble career. But with +all his faults he remained popular to the end, especially with the +clergy and commons. He was hailed as a martyr to freedom and sound +government. Pilgrimages were made to the scene of his death, and +miracles were wrought with his relics. A chapel arose on the little +hill dedicated to his worship, and a loud cry arose for his +canonisation. The abuse made by his enemies of their victory only +strengthened his reputation among the people. The tragedy of his +fall appealed to the rude sympathies of the north-countrymen, and +the merit of the cause atoned in their minds for the weakness of +the man.</p> + +<p>A parliament met at York on May 2, where the triumph of the king +received its consummation. The Despensers had more advanced +constitutional ideas than Lancaster, and pains were taken that this +parliament should completely represent the three estates. It was a +novel feature that twelve representatives of the commons of north +Wales and twelve of the commons of south Wales attended, on this +occasion, to speak on behalf of the region where the troubles had +first begun. With the full approval of the estates, the ordinances +were solemnly revoked, as infringing the rights of the crown. The +important principle was laid down that "matters which are to be +established for the estate of the king and for the estate of the +realm shall be treated, accorded, and established in parliament by +the king and by the council of the prelates, earls, and barons, and +the commonalty of the realm". Thus, while the repeal of the +ordinances seemed based upon their infringement of the royal +prerogative, it was at least implied that they were also invalid +because they were the work of a council of barons only, and not of +a full parliament of the estates. This declaration of the necessity +of popular co-operation in valid legislation is the most important +constitutional advance of the reign of Edward II. It is a +significant comment on the limitations of the baronial opposition +that the ordinances should be the last great English law in the +passing of which the commons were not consulted, and that a +royalist triumph should be the occasion of the declaration of a +vital principle.</p> + +<p>The king's friends then received their rewards. Harclay was made +Earl of Carlisle and the elder Despenser became Earl <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg288" id="pg288">288</a></span>of Winchester. +Fear of the marcher lords, even in their prison, withheld from the +younger Hugh the title, though hardly the authority, of Earl of +Gloucester. In other ways also the Despensers were anxious to +prevent their victory suggesting too much of a reaction. Before +parliament separated, it adopted a new series of ordinances +confirming the Great Charter and re-enacting in more constitutional +fashion some portions of the laws of 1312, which aimed at +protecting the subject and strengthening the administration. Grants +of men and money were made to fight the Scots, and once more the +new customs were allowed to swell the royal revenue. Thus the +revolution was completed. Edward, Gaveston, Lancaster, and Pembroke +had each in their turn been tried and found wanting. Thanks to the +jealousies of the barons, his own spasmodic energy, and the +acuteness of the Despensers, Edward was still to have another +chance, under the guidance of his new friends. We shall see how the +restored rule of the Despensers was blighted by the same +incompetence and selfishness which had ruined their predecessors in +power. The triumph of the Despensers proved but the first act in +the tragic fall of Edward II.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XIV.</h2> + +<h4>THE FALL OF EDWARD II. AND THE RULE OF ISABELLA AND +MORTIMER.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg289" id= +"pg289">289</a></span>During the deliberations of the parliament of +York, the truce with Bruce expired, and forthwith came the news +that the Scots had once more crossed the border. On this occasion +Bruce raided the country from Carlisle to Preston, burning every +open town on his way, though sparing most of the religious houses. +At Cartmel, Lancaster, and Preston, favoured monastic buildings +alone stood entire amidst the desolation wrought by the Scots. No +effective opposition was offered to them, and after a three weeks' +foray, they recrossed the Solway.</p> + +<p>As in 1314 and 1318, the restoration of order was followed by an +attempt to put down Bruce. In August, 1322, Edward assembled his +forces at Newcastle and invaded Scotland. Berwick was +unsuccessfully besieged and the Lothians laid waste. The Scots +still had the prudence to withdraw beyond the Forth, and avoid +battle in the open field. By the beginning of September, pestilence +and famine had done their work on the invaders. Unable to find +support in the desolate fields of Lothian, the, English returned to +their own land, having accomplished nothing. The Scots followed on +their tracks, but with such secrecy that they penetrated into the +heart of Yorkshire before Edward was aware of their presence. In +October they suddenly swooped down on the king, when he was staying +at Byland abbey. Some troops which accompanied him were encamped on +a hill between Byland and Rievaux. They were attacked by the Scots +and defeated; their leader, John of Brittany, was taken prisoner, +and Edward only avoided capture by a precipitate flight from Byland +to Bridlington. All Yorkshire was reduced to abject terror, and +Edward's hosts, the canons of Bridlington, removed with all their +valuables <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg290" id= +"pg290">290</a></span>to Lincolnshire, and sent one of their number +to Bruce at Malton to purchase immunity for their estates. After a +month the Scots went home, leaving famine, pestilence, and misery +in their train. The Despensers thus proved themselves not less +incompetent to defend England than Thomas of Lancaster.</p> + +<p>As the state afforded no protection, each private person had to +make the best terms he could for himself. Even the king's +favourite, Louis of Beaumont, the illiterate Bishop of Durham, +entered into negotiations with the Scots, while the Archbishop of +York issued formal permission to religious houses of his diocese to +treat with the excommunicated followers of Bruce. Not only timid +ecclesiastics, but well-tried soldiers found in private dealings +with the Scots the only remedy for their troubles. After the Byland +surprise, Harclay, the new Earl of Carlisle, the victor of +Boroughbridge, and the warden of the marches, dismissed his troops, +sought out Bruce at Lochmaben, and made an arrangement with him, by +which it was resolved that a committee of six English and six +Scottish magnates should be empowered to conclude peace between the +two countries on the basis of recognising him as King of Scots. +There was great alarm at court when Harclay's treason was known. A +Cumberland baron, Anthony Lucy, was instructed to apprehend the +culprit, and forcing his way into Carlisle castle by a stratagem, +captured the earl with little difficulty. In March, 1323, Harclay +suffered the terrible doom of treason. He justified his action to +the last, declaring that his only motive was a desire to procure +peace, and convincing many of the north-countrymen of the innocence +of his motives. To such a pass had England been reduced that those +who honestly desired that the farmers of 'Cumberland should once +more till their fields in peace, saw no other means of gaining +their end than by communication with the enemies of their +country.</p> + +<p>The disgrace of Byland and the tragedy of Carlisle showed that +it was idle to pretend to fight the Scots any longer. Negotiations +for peace were entered upon; Pembroke and the younger Despenser +being the chief English commissioners. Peace was found impossible, +as English pride still refused to recognise the royal title of King +Robert, but a thirteen years' truce was arranged without any +difficulty. This treaty of 1323 practically concluded the Scottish +war of independence. Bruce then easily <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg291" id="pg291">291</a></span>obtained papal recognition of +his title, though English ill-will long stood in the way of the +remission of his sentence of excommunication. His martial career, +however, was past, and he could devote his declining years to the +consolidation of his kingdom and the restoration of its material +prosperity. He reorganised the national army, built up a new +nobility by distributing among his faithful followers the estates +of the obstinate friends of England, and first called upon the +royal burghs of Scotland to send representatives to the Scottish +parliament. He had made Scotland a nation, and nobly redeemed the +tergiversation and violence of his earlier career.</p> + +<p>Among Harclay's motives for treating with the Scots had been his +distrust of the Despensers. As generals against the Scots and as +administrators of England, they manifested an equal incapacity. +Their greed and insolence revived the old enmities, and they proved +strangely lacking in resolution to grapple with emergencies. +Nevertheless they ruled over England for nearly five years in +comparative peace. This period, unmarked by striking events, is, +however, evidence of the exhaustion of the country rather than of +the capacity of the Earl of Winchester and the lord of Glamorgan. +The details of the history bear witness to the relaxation of the +reins of government, the prevalence of riot and petty rebellion, +the sordid personal struggles for place and power, the weakness +which could neither collect the taxes, enforce obedience to the +law, nor even save from humiliation the most trusted agents of the +government.</p> + +<p>The Despensers' continuance in power rested more on the absence +of rivals than on their own capacity. The strongest of the royalist +earls, Aymer of Pembroke, died in 1324. As he left no issue, his +earldom swelled the alarmingly long roll of lapsed dignities. None +of the few remaining earls could step into his place, nor give +Edward the wise counsel which the creator of the middle party had +always provided. Warenne was brutal, profligate, unstable, and +distrusted; Arundel had no great influence; Richmond was a +foreigner, and of little personal weight, and the successors of +Humphrey of Hereford and Guy of Warwick were minors, suspected by +reason of their fathers' treasons. The only new earl was Henry of +Lancaster, who in 1324 obtained a partial restitution of his +brother's estates and the title of Earl of Leicester. Prudent, +moderate, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg292" id= +"pg292">292</a></span>and high-minded, Henry stood in strong +contrast to his more famous brother. But the tragedy of Pontefract +and his unsatisfied claim on the Lancaster earldom stood between +Henry and the government, and the imprudence of the Despensers soon +utterly estranged him from the king, though he was the last man to +indulge in indiscriminate opposition, and Edward dared not push his +powerful cousin to extremities. In these circumstances, the king +had no wise or strong advisers whose influence might counteract the +Despensers. His loneliness and isolation made him increasingly +dependent upon the favourites.</p> + +<p>The older nobles were already alienated, when the Despensers +provoked a quarrel with the queen. Isabella was a woman of strong +character and violent passions, with the lack of morals and +scruples which might have been expected from a girlhood passed +amidst the domestic scandals of her father's household. She +resented her want of influence over her husband, and hated the +Despensers because of their superior power with him. The favourites +met her hostility by an open declaration of warfare. In 1324 the +king deprived her of her separate estate, drove her favourite +servants from court, and put her on an allowance of a pound a day. +The wife of the younger Hugh, her husband's niece, was deputed to +watch her, and she could not even write a letter without the Lady +Despenser's knowledge. Isabella bitterly chafed under her +humiliation. She was, she declared, treated like a maidservant and +made the hireling of the Despensers. Finding, however, that nothing +was to be gained by complaints, she prudently dissembled her wrath +and waited patiently for revenge.</p> + +<p>The Despensers' chief helpers were among the clergy. Conspicuous +among them were Walter Stapledon, Bishop of Exeter, the treasurer, +and Robert Baldock, the chancellor. The records of Stapledon's +magnificence survive in the nave of his cathedral church, and in +Exeter College, Oxford; but the great builder and pious founder was +a worldly, greedy, and corrupt public minister. So unpopular was he +that, in 1325, it was thought wise to remove him from office. +Thereupon another building prelate, William Melton, Archbishop of +York, whose piety and charity long intercourse with courtiers had +not extinguished, abandoned his northern flock for London and the +treasury. But the best <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg293" id= +"pg293">293</a></span>of officials could do little to help the +unthrifty king. Edward was so poorly respected that he could not +even obtain a bishopric for his chancellor. On two occasions the +envoys sent to Avignon, to urge Baldock's claims on vacant sees, +secured for themselves the mitre destined for the minister. In this +way John Stratford became Bishop of Winchester and William +Ayermine, Bishop of Norwich. Edward had not even the spirit to show +manifest disfavour to these self-seeking prelates, but his inaction +was so clearly the result of weakness that it involved no +gratitude, and the two bishops secretly hated the ruling clique, as +likely to do them an evil turn if it dared. Nor were the older +prelates better contented or more loyal. The primate Reynolds was +deeply irritated by Melton's appointment as treasurer. Burghersh, +the Bishop of Lincoln, was a nephew of Badlesmere, and anxious to +avenge his uncle. Adam Orleton, Bishop of Hereford, was a dependant +of the Mortimers, who took his surname from one of their +Herefordshire manors. Forgiven for his share in the revolt of 1322, +he cleverly contrived in 1324 the escape of his patron, Roger +Mortimer of Wigmore, from the Tower. The marcher made his way to +France, but his ally felt the full force of the king's wrath. He +was deprived of his temporalities, and, when the Church spread her +ægis over him, the court procured the verdict of a Herefordshire +jury against him. Thus the impolicy of the crown combined the +selfish worldling with the zealot for the Church in a common +opposition. Like Isabella, Orleton bided his time, and Edward +feared to complete his disgrace.</p> + +<p>In such ways the king and the Despensers proclaimed their +incapacity to the world. The Scottish truce, the wrongs of Henry of +Lancaster, the humiliation of the queen, the alienation of the old +nobles, the fears of greedy prelates,—each of these was +remembered against them. Gradually every order of the community +became disgusted. The feeble efforts of Edward to conciliate the +Londoners met with little response. Weak rule and the insecurity of +life and property turned away the heart of the commons from the +king. It was no wonder that men went on pilgrimage to the little +hill outside Pontefract, where Earl Thomas had met his doom, or +that rumours spread that the king was a changeling and no true son +of the great Edward. But though the power of the king and the <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg294" id="pg294">294</a></span>Despensers +was thoroughly undermined, the absence of leaders and the general +want of public spirit still delayed the day of reckoning. At last, +the threatening outlook beyond the Channel indirectly precipitated +the crisis.</p> + +<p>The relations of France and England remained uneasy, despite the +marriage of two English kings in succession to ladies of the +Capetian house. The union of Edward I. and Margaret of France had +not done much to help the settlement of the disputed points in the +interpretation of the treaty of Paris of 1303, and the match +between Edward II and his stepmother's niece had been equally +ineffective. The restoration of Gascony in 1303 had never been +completed, and in the very year of the treaty a decree of the +parliament of Paris had withdrawn the homage of the county of +Bigorre from the English duke. Within the ceded districts, the +conflict of the jurisdictions of king and duke became increasingly +accentuated. Having failed to hold Gascony by force of arms, Philip +the Fair aspired to conquer it by the old process of stealthily +undermining the traditional authority of the duke. Appeals to Paris +became more and more numerous. The agents of the king wandered at +will through Edward's Gascon possessions, and punished all loyalty +to the lawful duke by dragging the culprits before their master's +courts. The ineptitude which characterised all Edward's +subordinates was particularly conspicuous among his Gascon +seneschals and their subordinates. While the English king's +servants drifted on from day to day, timid, without policy, and +without direction, the agents of France, well trained, energetic, +and determined, knew their own minds and gradually brought about +the end which they had clearly set before themselves. In vain did +bitter complaints arise of the aggressions of the officers of +Philip. It was to no purpose that conferences were held, protocols +drawn up, and much time and ink wasted in discussing trivialities. +Neither Edward nor Philip wished to push matters to extremities. To +the former the policy of drift was always congenial. The latter was +content to wait until the pear was ripe. It seemed that in a few +more years Gascony would become as thoroughly subject to the French +crown as Champagne or Normandy.</p> + +<p>Philip the Fair died in 1314, and was followed in rapid +succession by his three sons. The first of these, Louis X., had, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg295" id="pg295">295</a></span>like +Edward II., to contend against an aristocratic reaction, and died +in 1316, before he could even receive the homage of his +brother-in-law. A king of more energy than Edward might have +profited by the difficult situation which followed Louis' death. +For a time there was neither pope, nor emperor, nor King of France. +But Philip V. mounted the French throne when his brother's widow +had given birth to a daughter, and continued the policy of his +predecessors with regard to Gascony. Again the disputes between +Norman and Gascon sailors threatened, as in 1293, to bring about a +rupture. The ever-increasing aggressions of the suzerain culminated +in summoning Edward's own seneschal of Saintonge to appear before +the French king's court. Edward neglected to do homage, alleging +his preoccupation in the Scottish war and similar excuses. But the +threatened danger soon passed away, for again the interests and +fears of both parties postponed the conflict. In avoiding any +alliance with the Scots, the French king showed a self-restraint +for which Edward could not but be grateful. In 1320 Edward +performed in person his long-delayed homage at Amiens, though his +grievances against his brother-in-law still remained unredressed. +In 1322 the death of Philip V. renewed the troublesome homage +question in a more acute form.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the relations of Edward II. and Philip V. +see Lehugeur, <i>Hist. de Philippe le Long</i>, pp. 240-66 +(1897).</p> + +<p>The obligation of performing homage to a rival prince weighed +with increasing severity on the English kings at each rapid change +of occupants of the throne of France. The same pretexts were again +brought forward, as sufficient reasons for postponing or evading +the unpleasant duly. But before the question was settled a new +source of trouble arose in the affair of Saint-Sardos, which soon +plunged the two countries into open war. The lord of Montpezat, a +vassal of the Duke of Gascony, built a <i>bastide</i> at +Saint-Sardos upon a site which he declared was held by himself of +the duke, but which the French officials claimed as belonging to +Charles IV. The dispute was taken before the parliament of Paris, +which decided that the new town belonged to the King of France. +Thereupon a royal force promptly took possession of it. Irritated +at this high-handed action, the lord of Montpezat invoked the aid +of Edward's seneschal of Gascony, who attacked and destroyed the +<i>bastide</i> and massacred <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg296" +id="pg296">296</a></span>the French garrison.[1] The answer of +Charles the Fair to this aggression was decisive. Gascony was +pronounced sequestrated and Charles of Valois, the veteran uncle of +the king, was ordered to enforce the sentence at the head of an +imposing army.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this affair Bréquigny, +<i>Mémoire sur les différends entre la France et +l'Angleterre sous Charles le Bel, in Mém. de l'Acad. des +Inscriptions et Belles Lettres</i>, xli. (1780), pp. 641-92. M. +Déprez is about to publish a Chancery Roll of Edward II. +which includes all the official acts relating to it.</p> + +<p>Thus, in the summer of 1324 England and France were once more at +war. But while England remonstrated and negotiated, France acted. +Norman corsairs swept the Channel and pillaged the English coasts. +Ponthieu yielded without resistance. Early in August, Charles of +Valois entered the Agenais, and on the 15th Agen opened its gates. +The victorious French soon appeared before La Réole, where +alone they encountered real resistance. Edmund, Earl of Kent, who +had made vain attempts to procure peace at Paris, had been sent in +July to act as lieutenant of Aquitaine. He had not sufficient force +at his command to venture to meet the Count of Valois in the open +field, and threw himself into La Réole. The rocky height, +crowned with a triple wall, and looking down on the vineyards and +cornfields of the Garonne, defied for weeks the skill of the +eminent Lorrainer engineers who directed Charles of Valois' siege +train. But when Charles announced to Edmund that he would carry the +town by assault, if not surrendered within four days, the timid +earl signed a truce from September to Easter, and was allowed to +withdraw to Bordeaux. A mere fringe of coast-land still remained +faithful to the English duke, when Charles of Valois went back to +Paris, having victoriously terminated his long and chequered +career. Before the end of 1325 he died.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Petit, <i>Charles de Valois</i>, pp. 207-15 +(1900), gives the fullest modern account of these transactions.</p> + +<p>The truce involved a renewal of the negotiations. Bishop +Stratford and William Ayermine, the astute chancery clerk, were +commissioned in November, 1324, to treat with the French, but made +little progress in their delicate task. At this stage Isabella, +inspired probably by Adam Orleton, came forward with a proposal. +She besought her husband to allow her to visit her brother, the +French king, and use her influence with him to procure peace and +the restitution of Gascony. With <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg297" id="pg297">297</a></span>the strange infatuation which +marked all the acts of Edward and his favourites, Isabella's +proposal was adopted, and in March, 1325, the queen crossed the +Channel and made her way to her brother's court. The summer was +consumed in negotiating a treaty, by which Edward's French fiefs +were to be restored to him in their integrity, as soon as he had +performed homage to the new king. Meanwhile the English garrison of +Gascony was to withdraw to Bayonne, leaving the rest of the duchy +in the hands of a French seneschal. Edward agreed to these terms, +and put Gascony into Charles's hands. He was still unwilling to +compromise his dignity by performing homage, while the Despensers +were mortally afraid of his going to France, lest it should remove +him from their influence. Isabella then made a second suggestion. +She persuaded her brother to excuse the personal homage of her +husband, if Edward would invest his young son, Edward, with Gascony +and Ponthieu, and send him in his stead to tender his feudal duly. +This also was agreed to by the English king, and in September the +young prince, then about thirteen years old, was appointed Duke of +Aquitaine and Count of Ponthieu, and despatched to join his mother +at Paris, where he performed homage to his uncle.</p> + +<p>It was expected that Gascony and Ponthieu would then be +restored, and that the queen and her son would return to England. +But Charles IV. perpetrated a clever piece of trickery which showed +how far off a real settlement still was. He "restored" to Edward +those parts of Gascony which had been peacefully surrendered to him +in the summer, and announced that he should keep the Agenais and La +Réole, as belonging to France by right of Charles of Valois' +recent conquest. Bitterly mortified at this treachery, Edward took +upon himself the title of "governor and administrator of his +firstborn, Edward, Duke of Aquitaine, and of his estates". By this +technical subtlety, he thought himself entitled to resume the +control of the ceded districts and resist the attack which was +bound to follow hard upon the new breach. Once more Charles IV. +pronounced the sequestration of the duchy, and despite Edward's +efforts, his power crumbled away before the peaceful advent of the +French troops, charged with the execution of their master's +edict.</p> + +<p>Long before the last Gascon castles had opened their gates to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg298" id= +"pg298">298</a></span>Charles's officers, new developments at Paris +made the question of Aquitaine a subordinate matter. Despite the +breach of the negotiations, Isabella and her son still tarried at +the French court. In answer to Edward's requests for their return, +she sent back excuse after excuse, till his patience was fairly +exhausted. At last, on December 1, 1325, Edward peremptorily +ordered his wife to return home, and warned her not to consort with +certain English traitors in the French court. The Duke of Aquitaine +was similarly exhorted to return, with his mother if he could, but +if not, without her. The reference to English traitors shows that +Edward was aware that Isabella had already formed that close +relation with the exiled lord of Wigmore which soon ripened into an +adulterous connexion. Inspired by Roger Mortimer, Isabella declared +that she was in peril of her life from the malice of the +Despensers, and would never go back to her husband as long as the +favourites retained power. A band of the exiles of 1322 gathered +round her and her paramour, and sought to bring about their +restoration as champions of the loudly expressed grievances of the +queen, and the rights of her young son. The king's ambassadors at +Paris, Stratford and Ayermine, recently made Bishop of Norwich by a +papal provision which ignored the election of Robert Baldock the +chancellor, united themselves with the queen and the fugitive +marcher. With them, too, was associated Edmund of Kent, who was +allowed by the treaty to return from Gascony through France. Bishop +Stapledon, who had accompanied the queen to France, was so alarmed +at the turn events were taking, that he fled in disguise to reveal +his suspicions to the king. Thus England, already exposed to a +danger of a French war, was threatened with the forcible overthrow +of the Despensers and the reinstatement of Isabella by armed +invaders.</p> + +<p>By the spring of 1326 the scandalous relations of Isabella and +Mortimer were notorious all over England and France. Charles IV. +grew disgusted at his sister's doings, and gave no countenance to +her schemes. Isabella accordingly withdrew from Paris with her son +and her paramour, and made her way to the Netherlands. There she +found refuge in the county of Hainault, whose lord, William II, of +Avesnes, was won over to support her by a contract to marry the +Duke of Aquitaine to his daughter Philippa. A large advance from +Philippa's marriage <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg299" id= +"pg299">299</a></span>portion was employed in hiring a troop of +knights and squires of Hainault and Holland. John of Hainault, +brother of the count, took joint command of this band with Roger +Mortimer. The ports of Holland and Zealand, both of which counties +were united with Hainault under William II.'s rule, offered ample +facilities for their embarkation.</p> + +<p>On September 23, 1326, the queen and her followers took ship at +Dordrecht in Holland. Next day the fleet cast anchor in the port of +Orwell, and that same day the expedition was landed and marched to +Walton, where it spent the first night on English soil. The gentry +of Suffolk and Essex flocked to the standard of the queen, who +declared that she had come to avenge the wrongs of Earl Thomas of +Lancaster and to drive the Despensers from power. Thomas of +Brotherton, the earl marshal, made common cause with the invaders, +and Henry, Earl of Leicester, hastened to associate himself with +the champions of his martyred brother. A great force of native +Englishmen swelled the queen's host, and reduced to insignificance +the little band of Hainaulters and Hollanders. There was no +resistance. Isabella marched to Bury St. Edmunds, "as if on a +pilgrimage," and thence to Cambridge, where she tarried several +days with the canons of Barnwell. From Cambridge she moved on to +Baldock, where she despoiled the chancellor's manors and took his +brother captive. At Dunstable, her next halt, she was on a great +highway, within thirty-three miles of London.</p> + +<p>On hearing of his wife's landing, Edward threw himself on the +compassion of the Londoners, but met with so cold a reception that +early in October he withdrew to Gloucester. Besides the chancellor +and the two Despensers, the only magnates of mark who remained +faithful to him were the brothers-in-law, Edmund, Earl of Arundel, +and Earl Warenne. On Edward's retreat from London, Bishop Stratford +made his way to the capital, where he joined with Archbishop +Reynolds in a hollow pretence of mediation. The Londoners gladly +welcomed the queen's messengers and soon rose in revolt in her +favour. They plundered and burnt the house of the Bishop of Exeter, +who fled in alarm to St. Paul's. Seized at the very door of the +church, Stapledon was brutally murdered by the mob in Cheapside, +where his naked body lay exposed all day. Immediately after this, +Reynolds fled in terror to his Kentish estates, where <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg300" id="pg300">300</a></span>he waited to see +which was the stronger side. The king's younger son, John of +Eltham, a boy of nine, who had been left behind by his father in +the Tower, was proclaimed warden of the capital.</p> + +<p>On hearing of Edward's flight to the west, Isabella went after +him in pursuit. On the day of Stapledon's murder, she had advanced +as far as Wallingford, where, posing as the continuer of the policy +of the lords ordainers, she issued a proclamation denouncing the +Despensers. Thence she made her way to Oxford, where Bishop +Orleton, who had already joined her, preached a seditious sermon +before the university and the leaders of the revolt. Taking as his +text, "My head, my head," he demonstrated that the sick head of the +state could not be restored by all the remedies of Hippocrates, and +would therefore have to be cut off. This was the first intimation +that the insurgents would not be content with the fall of the +Despensers. From Oxford, Isabella and Mortimer hurried to +Gloucester, whence Edward had already fled to the younger +Despenser's palatinate of Glamorgan. From Gloucester, they passed +on through Berkeley to Bristol, where the elder Despenser, the Earl +of Winchester, was in command. The feeling of the burgesses of the +second town in England was so strongly adverse that the earl was +unable to defend either the borough or the castle. In despair he +opened the gates on October 26 to the queen, and was immediately +consigned, without trial or inquiry, to the death of a traitor. +After proclaiming the Duke of Aquitaine as warden of the realm +during his father's absence, the queen's army marched on Hereford, +where Isabella remained, while the Earl of Leicester, accompanied +by a Welsh clerk, named Rhys ap Howel, was sent, with part of the +army to hunt out the king.</p> + +<p>After his flight from Gloucester, Edward had wandered through +the Welsh march to Chepstow, whence he took ship, hoping to make +sail to Lundy, which Despenser had latterly acquired, and perhaps +ultimately to Ireland. But contrary winds kept him in the narrows +of the Bristol Channel, and on October 27 he landed again at +Cardiff. A few days later he was at Caerphilly, but afraid to +entrust himself to the protection of the mightiest of marcher +castles, he moved restlessly from place to place in Glamorgan and +Gower, imploring the help of the tenants of the Despensers, and +issuing vain summonses and commissions that no one obeyed. +Discovered by the local <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg301" id= +"pg301">301</a></span>knowledge of Rhys ap Howel, or betrayed by +those whom the Welshman's gold had corrupted, Edward was captured +on November 16 in Neath abbey. With him Baldock and the younger +Despenser were also taken. On November 20 the favourite was put to +death at Hereford, while Baldock, saved from immediate execution by +his clerkly privilege, was consigned to the cruel custody of +Orleton, only to perish a few months later of ill-treatment. To +Hereford also was brought Edmund of Arundel, captured in +Shropshire, and condemned to suffer the fate of the Despensers. The +king was entrusted to the custody of Henry of Leicester, who +conveyed him to his castle of Kenilworth, where the unfortunate +monarch passed the winter, "treated not otherwise than a captive +king ought to be treated".</p> + +<p>It only remained to complete the revolution by making provision +for the future government of England. With this object a parliament +was summoned, at first by the Duke of Aquitaine in his father's +name, and afterwards more regularly by writs issued under the great +seal. It met on January 7, 1327, at Westminster, and, after the +York precedent of 1322, contained representatives of Wales as well +as of the three estates of England. Orleton, the spokesman of +Mortimer, asked the estates whether they would have Edward II. or +his son as their ruler. The London mob loudly declared for the Duke +of Aquitaine, and none of the members of parliament ventured to +raise a voice in favour of the unhappy king, save four prelates of +whom the most important was the steadfast Archbishop Melton. The +southern primate, deserting his old master, declared that the voice +of the people was the voice of God. Stratford drew up six articles, +in which he set forth that Edward of Carnarvon was incompetent to +govern, led by evil counsellors, a despiser of the wholesome advice +of the "great and wise men of the realm," neglectful of business, +and addicted to unprofitable pleasures; that by his lack of good +government he had lost Scotland, Ireland, and Gascony; that he had +injured Holy Church, and had done to death or driven into exile +many great men; that he had broken his coronation oath, and that it +was hopeless to expect amendment from him.</p> + +<p>Even the agents of Mortimer shrunk from the odium of decreeing +Edward's deposition, and the more prudent course <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg302" id="pg302">302</a></span>was preferred of +inducing the king to resign his power into his son's hands. An +effort to persuade the captive monarch to abdicate before his +estates, was defeated by his resolute refusal. Thereupon a +committee of bishops, barons, and judges was sent to Kenilworth to +receive his renunciation in the name of parliament. On January 20, +Edward, clothed in black, admitted the delegates to his presence. +Utterly unmanned by misfortune, the king fell in a deep swoon at +the feet of his enemies. Leicester and Stratford raised him from +the ground, and, on his recovery, Orleton exhorted him to resign +his throne to his son, lest the estates, irritated by his +contumacy, should choose as their king some one who was not of the +royal line. Edward replied that he was sorry that his people were +tired of his rule, but that being so, he was prepared to yield to +their wishes, and make way for the Duke of Aquitaine. On this, Sir +William Trussell, as proctor of the three estates, formally +renounced their homage and fealty, and Sir Thomas Blount, steward +of the household, broke his staff of office, and announced that the +royal establishment was disbanded. Thus the calamitous reign of +Edward of Carnarvon came to a wretched end. His utter inefficiency +as a king makes it impossible to lament his fate. Yet few +revolutions have ever been conducted with more manifest +self-seeking than that which hurled Edward from power. The angry +spite of the adulterous queen, the fierce vengeance and greed of +Roger Mortimer, the craft and cruelty of Orleton, the time-serving +cowardice of Reynolds, the stupidity of Kent and Norfolk, the party +spirit of Stratford and Ayermine, can inspire nothing but disgust. +Among the foes of Edward, Henry of Leicester alone behaved as an +honourable gentleman, anxious to vindicate a policy, but careful to +subordinate his private wrongs to public objects. Though his name +and wrongs were ostentatiously put forward by the dominant faction, +it is clear from the beginning that he was only a tool in its +hands, and that the reversal of the sentence of Earl Thomas was but +the pretext by which the schemers and traitors sought to capture +the government for their own selfish ends.</p> + +<p>The resignation of the king was promptly reported to parliament. +On January 24 the Duke of Aquitaine was proclaimed Edward III., and +from the next day his regnal years were reckoned as beginning. +Henry of Leicester dubbed him <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg303" +id="pg303">303</a></span>knight, and on January 29 he was crowned +in Westminster Abbey. A few days later the young king met his +parliament. A standing council was appointed to carry on the +administration during his nonage. Of this body the Earl of +Leicester acted as chief, though most of his colleagues were +partisans of Mortimer and the queen. Orleton, who was made +treasurer, continued to pull the wires as the confidential agent of +Isabella and Mortimer. A show of devotion to the good old cause was +thought politic, and therefore the sentences of 1322 were revoked, +so that Earl Henry, restored to all his brother's estates, was +henceforth styled Earl of Lancaster. The commons went beyond this +in petitioning for the canonisation of Earl Thomas and Archbishop +Winchelsea. The revolution was consummated by a new confirmation of +the charters.</p> + +<p>Even in the first flush of victory, Isabella and Mortimer were +too insecure and too bitter to allow Edward of Carnarvon to remain +quietly in prison under the custody of the Earl of Lancaster. As +long as he was alive, he might always become the possible +instrument of their degradation. At Orleton's instigation the +deposed king was transferred in April from his cousin's care to +that of two knights, Thomas Gurney and John Maltravers. He was +promptly removed from Kenilworth and hurried by night from castle +to castle until, after some sojourn at Corfe, he was at last +immured at Berkeley. Every indignity was put upon him, and the +systematic course of ill-treatment, to which he was subjected, was +clearly intended to bring about his speedy death. But the robust +constitution of the athlete rose superior to the persecutions of +his torturers, and to save further trouble he was barbarously +murdered in his bed on the night of September 21. Piercing shrieks +from the interior of the castle told the peasantry that some dire +deed was being perpetrated within its gloomy walls. Next day it was +announced that the lord Edward had died a natural death, and his +corpse was exposed to the public view that suspicion might be +averted. He was buried with the state that became a crowned king in +the Benedictine Abbey Church of St. Peter, Gloucester. A few years +later the piety or remorse of Edward III. erected over his father's +remains the magnificent tomb which still challenges our admiration +by the delicacy of its tabernacle work and the artistic beauty of +the sculptured effigy of the murdered monarch.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg304" id= +"pg304">304</a></span>The tragedy of Edward's end soon caused his +misdeeds to be forgotten, and ere long the countryside flocked on +pilgrimage to his tomb, as to the shrine of a saint. By a curious +irony the burial place of Edward of Carnarvon rivalled in +popularity the chapel on the hill at Pontefract where Thomas of +Lancaster had perished by Edward's orders. Like his cousin, Edward +became a popular, though not a canonised, saint. From the offerings +made at his tomb the monks of Gloucester were in time supplied with +the funds that enabled them to recast their romanesque choir in the +newer "perpendicular" fashion of architecture, and embellish their +church with all the rich additions which contrast so strangely with +the grim impressiveness of the stately Norman nave. There was only +one impediment to the people's worship of the dead king. The +secrecy which enveloped his end led to rumours that he was still +alive, and the prevalence of these reports soon proved almost as +great a source of embarrassment to his supplanters, as his living +presence had been in the first months of their unhallowed +power.</p> + +<p>It was not easy for Isabella and Mortimer to restore the waning +fortunes of England at home and abroad. We shall see that it was +only by an almost complete surrender that they procured peace with +France and a partial restoration of Gascony. In Scotland they were +even less fortunate. Robert Bruce, though broken in health and +spirits, took up an aggressive attitude, and it was found necessary +to summon the feudal levies to meet on the border in the summer of +1327 in order to repel his attack. While the troops were mustering +at York, a fierce fight broke out in the streets, between the +Hainault mercenaries, under John of Hainault, and the citizens. So +threatening was the outlook that it was thought wise to send the +Hainaulters back home. From this accident it happened that the +young king went forth to his first campaign, attended only by his +native-born subjects. The Scots began operations by breaking the +truce and overrunning the borders. The campaign directed against +them was as futile as any of the last reign, and the English, +though three times more numerous than the enemy, dared not provoke +battle. This inglorious failure may well have convinced Mortimer +that the best chance of maintaining his power was to make peace at +any price. Early in 1328, the negotiations for a treaty were +concluded at York. During <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg305" id= +"pg305">305</a></span>their progress, Edward, who was at York to +meet his parliament, was married to Philippa of Hainault.</p> + +<p>The Scots treaty was confirmed in April by a parliament that met +at Northampton. All claim to feudal superiority over Scotland was +withdrawn; Robert Bruce was recognised as King of Scots, and his +young son David was married to Joan of the Tower, Edward III.'s +infant sister. This surrender provoked the liveliest indignation, +and men called the treaty of Northampton the "shameful peace," and +ascribed it to the treachery or timorousness of the queen and her +paramour. But it is hard to see what other solution of the Scottish +problem was practicable. For many years Bruce had been <i>de +facto</i> King of Scots, and any longer hesitation to withhold the +recognition which he coveted would have been sure to involve the +north of England in the same desolation as that which he had +inflicted before the truce of 1322. But the founder of Scottish +independence was drawing near to the end of his career. His health +had long been undermined by a terrible disease which the +chroniclers thought to be leprosy. He died in 1329, and on his +death-bed he bethought him of how he, who had shed so much +Christian blood, had never been able to fulfil his vow of crusade. +Accordingly he entreated James Douglas, his faithful +companion-in-arms, to go on crusade against the Moors of Granada, +taking with him the heart of his dead master. Douglas fulfilled the +request, and perished in Spain, whither he had carried the heart of +the Scottish liberator. With the accession of the little David +Bruce, new troubles began for Scotland, though danger from England +was for the moment averted by the English marriage and the treaty +of Northampton.</p> + +<p>The ill-will produced by the "shameful peace" spread far and +wide the profound dislike for Mortimer which pity for the fate of +Edward had first aroused in the breasts of Englishmen. The greedy +marcher was at no pains to make himself popular. Holding no great +office of state, he strove to rule through his creatures Orleton, +the treasurer, and the hardly less subservient chancellor, Bishop +Hotham of Ely, or through lay partisans such as Sir Oliver Ingham +and Sir Simon Bereford. But his best chance of remaining in power +was through the besotted infatuation of the queen-mother, whose +relations with him were not concealed from the public eye by any +elaborate <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg306" id= +"pg306">306</a></span>parade of secrecy. He still posed as the +inheritor of the tradition of the lords ordainers, and never failed +to put as much of the responsibility of his rule as he could on +Henry of Lancaster and the old baronial leaders. But with all his +force and energy, he was too narrowly selfish and grasping to take +much trouble to frame an elaborate policy. As an administrator he +was as incompetent as either Thomas of Lancaster or the +Despensers.</p> + +<p>Mortimer's chief care was to add office to office, and estate to +estate, in order that he might establish his house as supreme over +all Wales and its march. Besides his own enormous inheritance, he +ruled over Ludlow and Meath in the right of his wife, Joan of +Joinville, the heiress of the Lacys. He had inherited Chirk and the +other lands of his uncle, the sometime justice of Wales, who had +died in Edward II.'s prison; and he procured for himself a grant of +his uncle's old office for life, so that, while as justice of Wales +he lorded it over the principality, as head of the Mortimers he +could dominate the whole march. To complete his ascendency in the +march became his great ambition. He obtained the custody of +Glamorgan, the stronghold of his sometime rival, Hugh Despenser the +younger. To this were added Oswestry and Clun, the Fitzalan march +in western Shropshire, forfeited to the crown by the faithfulness +with which Edmund Fitzalan, the late Earl of Arundel, had laid down +his life for Edward II. Minor grants of lands, offices, wardships, +and pensions were constantly lavished upon him by the complacency +of his mistress. In Ireland he received complete palatine +franchises over Trim, Meath, and Louth, along with the custody of +the estates of the infant Earl of Kildare, the chief of the +Leinster Geraldines. He extended his connexions by marrying his +seven daughters to the heads of great families, and where possible +to men of marcher houses. He soon numbered among his sons-in-law +the representatives of the Charltons of Powys, the Hastingses of +Abergavenny, now the chief heirs of Aymer of Pembroke, the Audleys +of the Shropshire march, the Beauchamps of Warwick, the Berkeleys, +the Grandisons, and the Braoses. Anxious to extend his dignity as +well as his power, he procured his nomination as Earl of the March +of Wales, "a title," says a chronicler, "hitherto unheard of in +England". As earl of the march and justice of the principality, he +ruled the lands west of the Severn with little less than <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg307" id="pg307">307</a></span>regal +sway. His banquets, his tournaments, his pious foundations even, +dazzled all men by their splendour.</p> + +<p>Mortimer was created Earl of March in the parliament held in +October, 1328, at Salisbury, where John of Eltham was made Earl of +Cornwall and James, Butler of Ireland, Earl of Ormonde. His +assumption of this new title at last roused the sluggish +indignation of Earl Henry of Lancaster, who felt that his own +marcher interests were compromised, and bitterly resented the vain +use made of his name, while he was carefully kept without any +control of policy. He refused to attend the Salisbury parliament, +though he and his partisans mustered in arms in the neighbourhood +of that city. Civil war seemed imminent, and Mortimer's Welshmen +devastated Lancaster's earldom of Leicester, but Archbishop Meopham +(who had lately succeeded Reynolds in the primacy) managed to patch +up peace. Not long afterwards Lancaster was smitten with blindness, +and was thenceforth unable to take an active part in public +affairs. Mortimer again triumphed for the moment, and, with cruel +malice, excepted Lancaster's confidential agents from the pardon +which he was forced to extend to the earl. His success over +Lancaster was materially facilitated by the weakness of Edmund, +Earl of Kent, who, after joining with Earl Henry in his refusal to +attend the Salisbury parliament, deserted him at the moment of the +capture of Leicester by the Earl of March. But his treachery did +not save him from Mortimer's revenge. In conjunction with the +queen, Mortimer plotted to lure on Earl Edmund to ruin. Their +agents persuaded him that Edward II. was still alive and imprisoned +in Corfe castle, and urged him to restore his brother to liberty. +The earl rose to the bait, and agreed to be party to an +insurrection which was to restore Edward of Carnarvon to freedom, +if not to his throne. When Kent was involved in the meshes, he was +suddenly arrested in the Winchester parliament of March, 1330, and +accused of treason. Convicted by his own speeches and letters, he +was adjudged to death by the lords, and on March 19 beheaded +outside the walls of the city.</p> + +<p>The fall of Kent convinced Lancaster that his fate would not be +long delayed, and that his best chance of saving himself and his +cause lay in stirring up the king to energetic action against the +Earl of March. The death of his uncle irritated <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg308" id="pg308">308</a></span>Edward, who at +seventeen was old enough to feel the degrading nature of his +thraldom, and was eager to govern the kingdom of which he was the +nominal head. In June, 1330, the birth of a son, the future Black +Prince, to Edward and Philippa seems to have impressed on the young +monarch that he had come to man's estate. Lancaster accordingly +found him eager to shake off the yoke of his mother's paramour. The +opportunity came in October, 1330, when the magnates assembled at +Nottingham to hold a parliament there. Isabella and Mortimer took +up their abode in the castle, where Edward also resided. Suspicions +were abroad, and the castle was closely guarded by Mortimer's Welsh +followers. Sir William Montague, a close friend of Edward's, was +chosen to strike the blow, and lay outside with a band of troops. +Some rumour of the plot seems to have leaked out, and on October 19 +Mortimer angrily denounced Montague as a traitor, and accused the +king of complicity with his designs. But Montague was safe outside +the castle, and, when evening fell, all that Mortimer could do was +to lock the gates and watch the walls. William Eland, constable of +the castle, had been induced to join the conspiracy, and had +revealed to Montague a secret entrance into the stronghold. On that +very night, Montague and his men-at-arms effected an entrance +through an underground passage into the castle-yard, where Edward +joined them. They then made their way up to Mortimer's chamber, +which as usual was next to that of the queen. Two knights, who +guarded the door, were struck down, and the armed band burst into +the room. After a desperate scuffle, the Earl of March was secured. +Hearing the noise, the queen rushed into the room, and though +Edward still waited without, cried, with seeming consciousness of +his share in the matter, "Fair son, have pity on the gentle +Mortimer". Her entreaties were unavailing, and the fallen favourite +was hurried, under strict custody, to London.</p> + +<p>Edward then issued a proclamation announcing that he had taken +the government of England into his own hands. Parliament, prorogued +to Westminster, met on November 26, and its chief business was the +trial of Mortimer before the lords. He was charged with accroaching +to himself the royal power, stirring up dissension between Edward +II and the queen, teaching Edward III. to regard the Earl of +Lancaster as his enemy, deluding <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg309" id="pg309">309</a></span>Edmund of Kent into believing that +his brother was alive and with procuring his execution, accepting +bribes from the Scots for concluding the disgraceful peace, and +with perpetrating grievous cruelties in Ireland. The lords, +imitating the evil precedents set during Mortimer's time of power, +condemned him without trial or chance of answer to the accusations +made against him. On November 29 the fallen earl was paraded +through London from his prison in the Tower to Tyburn Elms, and was +there hanged on the common gallows. His vast estates were forfeited +to the crown. His accomplice, Sir Simon Bereford, suffered the same +fate; but Sir Oliver Ingham, another of his associates, was +pardoned. Edward discreetly drew a veil over his mother's shame. +Mortimer's notorious relations with her were not enumerated in the +accusations brought against him, and Isabella, though removed from +power and stripped of some of her recent acquisitions, was allowed +to live in honourable retirement on her dower manors. Scrupulously +visited by her dutiful son, she wandered freely from house to +house, as she felt disposed. She died in 1358 at her castle of +Hertford, in the habit of the Poor Clares—a sister order of +the Franciscans. The later tradition that she was kept in +confinement at Castle Rising has only this slender foundation in +fact that Castle Rising was one of her favourite places of abode. +With her withdrawal from public life Edward III.'s real reign +begins.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XV.</h2> + +<p>THE PRELIMINARIES OF THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg310" id= +"pg310">310</a></span>Edward III. had just entered upon his +nineteenth year when he became king in fact as well as in name. In +person he was not unworthy of his father and grandfather. Less +strikingly tall than they, he was nobly built and finely +proportioned. In full manhood, long hair, a thick moustache and a +flowing beard adorned his regular and handsome countenance. His +graciousness and affability were universally praised. His face +shone, we are told, like the face of a god, so that to see him or +to dream of him was certain to conjure up joyous images.[1] He +delighted in the pomp of his office, wore magnificent garments, and +played his kingly part with the same majesty and dignity as his +grandfather. Despite the troubles of his youth, he was well +educated. Richard of Bury is said to have been his tutor, and the +early lessons of the author or instigator of the <i>Philobiblon</i> +were never entirely lost by the prince who took Chaucer and +Froissart into his service. More conspicuous was his love of art, +his taste for sumptuous buildings and their magnificent +embellishment, which left memorials in the stately castle of +Windsor and its rich chapel of St. George, in St. Stephen's chapel +at Westminster, and the Eastminster for Cistercian nuns hard by +Tower hill. A fluent and eloquent speaker in French and English, +Edward was also conversant with Latin, and perhaps Low-Dutch. Yet +no king was less given to study or seclusion. Possessed, perhaps, +of no exceptional measure of intellectual capacity, and not even +endowed to any large extent with firmness of character, he won a +great place in history by the extraordinary activity of his +temperament and the vigour and energy with which he threw himself +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg311" id="pg311">311</a></span>into +whatever work he set his hand to do. He was a consummate master of +knightly exercises, delighting in tournaments, and especially in +those which were marked by some touch of quaintness or fancy. He +had the hereditary passion of his house for the chase. In his +youthful campaigns in Scotland and in his maturer expeditions in +France, he was accompanied by a little army of falconers and +huntsmen, by packs of hounds, and many hawks trained with the +utmost care. He honoured with his special friendship an Abbot of +Leicester, famed throughout England as the most dexterous of +hare-coursers.[2]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Continuation of Murimuth</i> (Engl. Hist. +Soc.), pp. 225-27, which gives the best contemporary description of +Edward's character.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] Knighton, ii., 127.</p> + +<p>Edward's abounding energy was even more gladly devoted to war +than to the chase. He was an admirable exponent of those chivalric +ideals which are glorified in the courtly pages of Froissart. Not +content with the easy victories which fall in the tiltyard to the +crowned king, Edward was anxious to show that his triumphs belonged +to the knight and not to the monarch, and more than once jousted +victoriously in disguise. The same spirit led him to challenge +Philip of France to decide their quarrel by single combat, and to +win a personal triumph when masking as a knight attached to the +service of Sir Walter Manny. He was liberal to the verge of +prodigality, good-tempered, easy of access, and, save when moved by +deep gusts of fierce anger, kindly and compassionate. His easy good +nature endeared him both to foreigners and to every class of his +own subjects. Not only did he enter fully into the free-masonry +which regarded the knights of all Christian nations as equal +members of a sworn brotherhood of arms, but he extended his favours +to the London vintner's son who earned his bread in his service, +and entertained the wives of the leading London citizens, side by +side with the noble ladies in whose honour he gave the most quaint +and magnificent of his banquets. Pious after a somewhat formal +fashion, he was unwearied in going on pilgrimage and lavish in his +religious foundations. Though no prince was more careful to protect +the state from the encroachments of churchmen, his orthodoxy and +devoutness kept him in good repute with the austerest champions of +the Church. He could choose fit agents to carry out his policy, and +his campaigns were a marvellous training ground for gallant and +capable warriors.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg312" id= +"pg312">312</a></span>Edward seldom lost sight of the material and +economic interests of his subjects. He was the friend of merchants, +the father of English commerce, the patron of the infant woollen +manufactures, and a zealous champion of the maritime greatness of +his island realm, which boasted that he was "king of the sea". +Though his financial exigencies often led him to sell excessive +privileges to alien traders, this policy did little harm to his +subjects, for few of them were ready as yet to embark in foreign +commerce. A true patriot, who declared that his land of England was +"nearer to his heart, more delightful, noble, and profitable than +all other lands," he succeeded in making Englishmen conscious of +their national life as they had never been before; and he won for +his fatherland a foremost place among the kingdoms of the world. +His network of diplomatic alliances was dexterously fashioned, and +enabled him to supplement the resources of his own subjects.</p> + +<p>The breadth of Edward's ambitions hindered their complete +accomplishment. Like Edward I., he undertook more than he could +carry through, and, though his panegyrists praise his patience in +adversity no less than his moderation in prosperity, his merely +animal courage and vigour broke down under the weight of +misfortune. Thus the glorious king, who in his youth vied with his +grandfather, seemed in his old age to have nearly approached the +fate of his wretched father. In early life he won the love of his +subjects. It was only in the first years of his reign that the +violence and greed of his disorderly household, which inherited the +evil traditions of the previous generation, bore so heavily upon +the people that Englishmen fled at his approach in dread of the +purveyors, who confiscated every man's goods for the royal use.[1] +The somewhat shallow opportunism which abandoned, with little +attempt at resistance, every royal right that stood in the way of +his receiving the full support of his parliament, at least had the +merit of keeping Edward in general touch with his estates. The +wanton breaches of good faith, by which he sometimes strove to win +back what he had lightly conceded, were regarded as efforts to save +the sovereign's dignity, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg313" id= +"pg313">313</a></span>rather than as insidious attempts to restore +the prerogative. Unjust as was the very basis of his French +pretensions, they were backed up by a show of legal claim that +satisfied the conscience of king and subject, and to contemporaries +Edward seemed a king regardful of his honour and mindful of his +plighted word. If his generosity verged on extravagance, and his +affectation of popular manners and graciousness on unreality, +Englishmen of the fourteenth century were no severe critics of a +crowned king. It was only when in his later years Edward laid aside +the soldier's life, and abandoned himself to the frivolous +distractions and degrading amours[2] which provoked the censure +even of his admirers, that the self-indulgent traits inherited from +his unhappy father stood revealed.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The <i>Speculum regis Edwardi</i> (ed. +Moisant) was written before 1333, and the attribution of its +composition to Archbishop Islip and the inferences drawn in Stubbs' +<i>Const. Hist.</i>, ii., 394, are therefore unwarranted; see +Professor Tait's note in <i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, xvi. (1901), +110-15.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] <i>Chron. Anglia</i>, 1328-1388, p. 401.</p> + +<p>Edward was before all things a soldier. He was not only the +consummate knight, the mirror of chivalry, but a capable tactician +with a general's eye that took in the essential points of the +situation at a glance. His restless energy ensured the rapidity of +movement and alertness of action which won him many a triumph over +less mobile and less highly trained antagonists; while they +inspired his followers with faith in their cause and with the +courage which succeeds against desperate odds. Yet the victor of +Crecy cannot be numbered among the consummate generals of history. +His campaigns were ill-planned; and he lacked the self-restraint +and sense of proportion which would have prevented him from aiming +at objects beyond his reach. The same want of relation between ends +and means, the same want of definite policy and clear ideals, +marred his statecraft. Yet contemporaries, conscious of his faults, +magnified Edward as the brilliant and successful king who had won +for himself an assured place among the greatest monarchs of +history, "Never," says Froissart, "had there been such a king since +the days of Arthur King of Great Britain."[1] Even to his own age +his senile degradation pointed the moral of the triumphs of his +manhood. The modern historian, who sees, beneath the superficial +splendour of the days of Edward III., the misery and degradation +that underlay the wreck of the dying Middle Ages, is in no danger +of appraising too highly the merits of this <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg314" id="pg314">314</a></span>showy and +ambitious monarch. Perhaps in our own days the reaction has gone +too far, and we have been taught to undervalue the splendid energy +and robustness of temperament which commanded the admiration of all +Europe, and personified the strenuous ideals of the young English +nation.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Froissart (ed. Luce), viii., 231; <i>cf</i>. +Canon of Bridlington, p. 95.</p> + +<p>The internal history of the first few years of Edward's reign +was uneventful. John Stratford became chancellor after Mortimer's +fall, and remained for ten years the guiding spirit of the +administration. Translated on Meopham's death in 1333 to +Canterbury, he continued, as primate, to take a leading part in +politics. His chief helper was his brother Robert, rewarded in 1337 +by the see of Chichester. The brothers were capable but not +brilliant politicians. The worst disorders of the times of anarchy +were put down, and parliaments readily granted sufficient money to +meet the king's necessities. After a few years, the strife of +parties was so far hushed that Burghersh was suffered to return to +office, and it looks as if the balance between the Lancastrian +party, upheld by the Stratfords, and the old middle party of +Pembroke and Badlesmere, with which Burghersh had hereditary +connexions, was maintained, as it had been during the least unhappy +period of the preceding reign. The country was growing rich and +prosperous. The annalists tell us of little save tournaments and +mummings, and the setting up of seven new earldoms to remedy the +gaps which death and forfeiture had made in the higher circle of +the baronage. The earldom of Devon was revived for the house of +Courtenay; that of Salisbury in favour of the trusty William +Montague, and an Audley, son of Despenser's rival, was raised to +the earldom of Gloucester. William Bohun, a younger son of the +Humphrey slain at Boroughbridge, became Earl of Northampton, an +Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, a Clinton Earl of Huntingdon, a Hastings +Earl of Pembroke, and Henry of Grosmont, the Earl of Lancaster's +first born, Earl of Derby. A new rank was added to the English +peerage when the king's little son, Earl of Chester in 1333, was +made Duke of Cornwall in 1337. The old feuds seemed dead and with +them the old disorder. But Edward was ambitious of military glory, +and it was natural that he should seek to reverse the degrading +part which he had been forced to play in relation to Scotland and +France. His hands being tied by treaties, it was not easy for him +to make the first move. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg315" id= +"pg315">315</a></span>Before long, however, circumstances arose +which gave him a chance of taking up a line of his own with regard +to Scotland. From that time Scottish affairs mainly absorbed his +attention until the outbreak of troubles with France.</p> + +<p>The establishment of Robert Bruce on the Scottish throne had +been attended by a considerable disturbance of the territorial +balance in the northern kingdom. Many Scottish magnates, deprived +of their lands and driven into exile, had abodes in England, and +all might well look for the favour of the king in whose service +they had been ruined. The treaty of Northampton made no provision +for their restoration, and Edward showed himself disposed to uphold +it. Their estates were in the hands of their supplanters, the +nobles who had gathered round the throne of the Bruces. Thus it was +that the exiles were cut off from all hope of return, and saw their +only possibility of restitution in the break-up of the friendship +of Edward and David. In like case were the English magnates who +still entertained hopes of making effective the grants of Scottish +estates which they had received from Edward I. and Edward II. For +both classes alike every fresh year of peace between the realms +decreased their chances of obtaining their desires. They failed to +persuade Edward to go to war with his brother-in-law and repudiate +formally the obligations imposed upon him by his mother and her +paramour. But the minority of King David had unloosed the spirits +of disorder in Scotland. Though the vigorous and capable regent, +Sir Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray, showed himself competent to +stem the tide of aristocratic reaction which swelled round the +throne of his infant cousin, he was one of the old generation of +heroes that had aided King Robert to gain his throne. Were he to +die, or become incapable of acting, there was no one who could +supply his place. The Disinherited—thus they styled +themselves—were encouraged both by the apathy of Edward III. +and the weakness of Scotland to make a bold stroke on their own +behalf.</p> + +<p>At the head of the disinherited was Edward Balliol, the son of +the deposed King John. Brought up in England, first under the care +of his cousin, Earl Warenne, and afterwards in the household of the +half-brothers of Edward II., Edward Balliol, who succeeded in 1315 +to the French estates on which his father spent his latter years, +divided his time between England <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg316" id="pg316">316</a></span>and France. The forfeiture of his +father still kept him out of Barnard Castle and the other Balliol +lands in England. Young and warlike, poor and ambitious, with few +lands and great pretensions, he never formally abandoned either the +lordship of Galloway or the throne of Scotland. In 1330 he received +permission to take up his quarters in England during pleasure. He +soon associated himself with his fellow-exiles in a bold attempt to +win back their patrimony. Chief among his followers were three +titular Scottish earls, closely related by intermarriage, each of +whom was also a baron of high rank in England. Of these the +French-born Henry of Beaumont, kinsman of Eleanor of Castile, and +brother of Bishop Louis of Durham, was the oldest and most +experienced. As the husband of a sister of the last of the Comyn +Earls of Buchan, he posed as the heir of the greatest of the +Scottish houses which had paid the penalty of its opposition to +King Robert, and was summoned to the English parliament as Earl of +Buchan. Beaumont's great-nephew, the young Gilbert of Umfraville, +lord of Redesdale, was a grandson of another Comyn heiress, and his +ancestors had inherited in the middle of the thirteenth century the +ancient Scottish earldom of Angus, though they also had incurred +forfeiture for their adhesion to the English policy. David of +Strathbolgie, Earl of Athol, had a better right to be called a Scot +than Umfraville or Beaumont. But his father abandoned Bruce, and +was driven into England, where he held the Kentish barony of +Chilham, and sat in the English parliament under his Scottish +title. The younger Athol was son-in-law to the titular Earl of +Moray, and all three kinsmen were bound by common interests to +embrace the policy of Edward Balliol. Many lesser men associated +themselves with the three earls and the claimant to a throne. +Nearly every nobleman of the Scottish border made himself a party +to a scheme of adventure which had its best parallels in the Norman +invasions of Wales and Ireland.</p> + +<p>The object of the disinherited was to raise an army and +prosecute their Scottish claims by force. Edward III. gave them no +open countenance, and took up an ostentatiously correct attitude. +He solemnly forbade all breach of the peace, and prevented the +adventurers from adopting the easy course of marching from England +to an open attack on Scotland. No obstacles, however, were imposed +to hinder their raising a <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg317" id= +"pg317">317</a></span>small but efficient army of 500 men-at-arms +and 1,000 archers. Mercenaries, both English and foreign, were +hired to supplement their scanty numbers, and among those who took +service with them was a young gentleman of Hainault, Walter Manny, +whose father had a few years before perished in the service of +Edward II. in Gascony, and who had first come to England in the +service of his countrywoman, Queen Philippa. Ships were collected +in the Humber, and on the last day of July, 1332, the disinherited +and their followers sailed from Ravenspur on a destination which +was officially supposed to be unknown. A week later, on August 6, +they landed at Kinghorn in Fife.</p> + +<p>Scotland was singularly unready to meet invasion. The regent +Moray had died a few weeks earlier, and his successor, Donald, Earl +of Mar, incompetent to carry on his vigorous policy, had perhaps +already been intriguing with the adventurers. The only resistance +to Balliol's landing, made by the Earl of Fife, was altogether +unsuccessful. The little army established itself easily in the +enemies' territory, and, after two days' rest at Dunfermline, +advanced over the Ochils towards Perth. The regent had by that time +gathered together an imposing army. As the invaders approached +Strathearn on their way northwards, they found Mar encamped on +Dupplin Moor, on the left bank of the Earn, and holding in force +the only bridge available for crossing the river. There was some +parleying between the two hosts. "We are sons of magnates of this +land," declared the disinherited to Mar. "We are come hither with +the lord Edward of Balliol, the right heir of the realm, to demand +the lands which belong to us by hereditary right." Mar returned a +warlike answer to their words, and both armies made preparation for +battle.</p> + +<p>The disinherited, though few in number, were well trained in +warfare, and from the beginning showed capacity to out-general the +unwieldy host and feeble leader opposed to them. At sunset, some of +their forces crossed the Earn by a ford which the Scots had +neglected to guard, and falling upon an outlying portion of the +enemies' camp, where the infantry were quartered, slaughtered the +surprised Scots at their leisure. Luckily for Mar, the whole of his +knights and men-at-arms were far away, uselessly watching the +bridge, over which they <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg318" id= +"pg318">318</a></span>had expected the disinherited to force a +passage. Thus saved from the night ambuscade, the kernel of the +Scottish army prepared next morning, August 12, to attack the +disinherited. Puffed up by the memory of Bannockburn and the +consciousness of superior numbers, they marched to battle as if +certain of victory. All fought on foot, and the men-at-arms were +drawn up in a dense central mass, supported at each side by wings. +The disinherited were sufficiently schooled in northern warfare to +adopt the same tactics. Save for a few score of horsemen in +reserve, their heavily armed troops, leaving their horses in the +rear, formed a compact column after the Scottish fashion. But +archers were distributed in open order on the right and left +flanks, with both extremities pushed forward, so that they formed +the horns of a half-moon. Then the Scots advanced to the charge, +and both sides joined in battle. The irresistible weight of the +Scottish main phalanx forced back the little column of the +disinherited, and for a moment it looked as if the battle were won. +Meanwhile the archers on the flanks poured a galling shower on the +collateral Scottish columns. The unvisored helmets of the Scots +made them an easy prey to the storm of missiles, and they were +driven back on to the main body. By this time the disinherited had +rallied from the first shock; and still the deadly hail of arrows +descended from right and left, until the whole of the Scottish army +was thrown into panic-stricken disorder. Escape was impossible for +the foremost ranks by reason of the closeness of their formation. +At last, the rear files sought safely in flight, and were closely +pursued by the victors, mounted on their fresh horses. A huge mass +of slain, piled up upon each other, marked the place of combat. As +at Bannockburn, the small disciplined host prevailed, but +discipline was now with the English and numbers only with the +Scots.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The significance of the battle of Dupplin was +first pointed out by Mr. J.E. Morris in <i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, +xii. (1897), 430-31.</p> + +<p>The victory of Dupplin Moor was for the moment decisive. Balliol +occupied Perth, and received the submission of many of the Scottish +magnates, among them being that Earl of Fife who first opposed his +landing. A few weeks later, on September 24, Balliol was crowned +King of Scots at Scone by the Bishop of Dunkeld. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg319" id="pg319">319</a></span>It was a +soldier's coronation, and the magnates sat at the coronation feast +in full armour, save their helmets. The disinherited then received +the lands for which they had striven; and thereupon quitted the new +king, either to secure their estates or to revisit their property +in England. But the Scots, of no mind to receive a king from the +foreigner, chose a new regent in Sir Andrew Moray, son of the +companion of Wallace; and prepared to maintain King David. On +December 16, Balliol was surprised at Annan by a hostile force +under the young Earl of Moray, son of the late regent, and by Sir +Archibald Douglas. His followers were cut off, his brother was +slain, and he himself had the utmost difficulty in effecting his +escape to England. He had only reigned four months.</p> + +<p>During Balliol's brief triumph, Edward III. had declared himself +in his favour. Debarred by the treaty of Northampton from +questioning the independence of King David, he was able to make +what terms he liked with David's supplanter. In November a treaty +was drawn up at Roxburgh, by which Balliol recognised the +overlordship of Edward, and promised him the town, castle, and +shire of Berwick. In return for these concessions, Edward III. +acknowledged his namesake as lawful King of Scots. When, a few +weeks later, his new vassal appeared as a fugitive on English soil, +Edward had no longer any scruples in openly supporting him in an +attempt to win back his throne. In the spring of 1333, Balliol and +the disinherited once more crossed the frontier in sufficient force +to undertake the siege of Berwick. The border stronghold held out +manfully, but the Scots failed in an attempt to divert the +attention of the English by an invasion of Cumberland. After +Easter, Edward III. went in person to Berwick, and devoted the +whole resources of England to ensuring its reduction. The siege +lasted on until July, when the garrison, at the last gasp, offered +to surrender, unless the town were relieved within fifteen days. +The Scots made a great effort to save Berwick from capture, and the +English king was forced to fight a pitched battle, before he could +secure its possession.</p> + +<p>On July 19 Edward, leaving a sufficient portion of his army to +maintain the blockade of Berwick, took up a position with the +remainder on Halidon Hill, a short distance to the west of the +town. The lessons of Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, and <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg320" id="pg320">320</a></span>Dupplin were not +forgotten, and the English host was arranged much after the fashion +which had procured the first victory of the disinherited. Knights +and men-at-arms sent their horses to the rear and, from the king +downwards, all, save a small reserve of horse, prepared to fight on +foot. Edward divided his forces into three lines or "battles," each +of which consisted of a central column of dismounted heavily armed +troops, flanked by a right and a left wing of archers in open +order, John of Eltham and the titular Earl of Buchan commanded the +right battle, the king the centre, and Edward Balliol the left. The +Scots still employed the traditional tactics which had failed so +signally at Dupplin. Sir Archibald Douglas led his followers up the +slopes of the hill in three dense columns. But a pitiless rain of +arrows spread havoc among their ranks, and there were no answering +volleys to disturb their foes. The battle was won for the English +almost before the two lines had joined in close combat. It was only +on Edward's right that the Scots were strong enough to push home +their attack. On the centre and left, the English easily drove the +enemy in panic flight down the slopes which they had ascended so +confidently. The pursuit was long and bloody; few were taken +prisoners, but many were slain or driven into the sea. Seven +Scottish earls were believed by the English to have fallen, while +the victors lost one knight, one squire, and a few infantry +soldiers. Thus, for a second time the tactics, which had served the +Scots so well in the defensive fight of Bannockburn, failed in +offence to secure victory for them. The experience of this day +completed the evolution of the new English battle array of +men-at-arms fighting on foot and supported by wings of archers, +which was soon to excite the wonder of Europe, when its +possibilities were demonstrated on continental fields.</p> + +<p>Next day Berwick opened its gates, and was handed over to the +English, according to the treaty of Roxburgh, to be for the rest of +its history an English frontier town. Edward Balliol again +conquered Scotland as easily as he had done on the former occasion, +and far more effectually. It was no longer possible for the few +remaining champions of the house of Bruce to safeguard the person +of the little king and queen. David and Joan were accordingly sent +off to France, where they were to grow up as good friends of King +Philip. But Balliol had <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg321" id= +"pg321">321</a></span>so clearly regained his throne through +English help that he was no longer an independent agent. No sooner +was his conquest assured than he was forced not only to confirm the +surrender of Berwick, but to yield up the whole of south-eastern +Scotland as the price of the English assistance. The depth of his +humiliation was sounded when, in the treaty of Newcastle, June 12, +1334, Edward, King of Scots, granted Edward, King of England, lands +worth two thousand pounds a year in the marches of Scotland, and in +part payment thereof yielded up to him, besides Berwick and its +shire, the castle, town, and county of Roxburgh, the forests of +Jedburgh Selkirk, and Ettrick, the town and county of Selkirk, and +the towns, castles, and counties of Peebles, Dumfries, and +Edinburgh. Of these Dumfries then included the Stewartry of +Kirkcudbright, while the shire of Edinburgh took in the +constabularies, the modern shires, of Haddington and Linlithgow. +Thus the whole of Lothian, the whole of the central upland region, +and Balliol's own inheritance of Galloway east of the Cree were +directly transferred to the English crown, and were divided into +sheriffdoms, and officered after the English fashion. On June 18 +Balliol personally performed homage for so much of Scotland as +Edward chose to leave him. The wrongs of the disinherited had been +the means of re-opening the whole Scottish question, and Edward +III. seemed assured of a position as supreme as that which had once +been held by Edward I.</p> + +<p>It was always easier in the Middle Ages to conquer a country +than to keep it. And the experience of forty years might well have +convinced Englishmen that no land was more difficult to hold than +the stubborn and impenetrable northern kingdom, with its strenuous +population, ever willing to cry a truce between local feuds when +there was an opportunity of uniting against the southerners. Edward +overshot his mark in grasping too eagerly the fairest portions of +Balliol's realm. He needed for his policy a Scottish king, strong +enough to maintain himself against his subjects, and loyal enough +to remain true to the English connexion. Any faint chance of +Balliol occupying such a position was completely destroyed by his +studied humiliation. Henceforward the King of Scots, who had fought +so well at Dupplin and Halidon, was but a pawn in Edward's game. +Hated by the Scots as the betrayer of his <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg322" id="pg322">322</a></span>country, distrusted by the +English who henceforth spied his actions and commanded his armies +in his name, the gallant victor of Dupplin lost faith in himself +and in his cause. After all, he was his father's son, and in no +wise capable of bearing adversity and indignity with equanimity. +His helplessness soon proved the worst obstacle in the way of the +success of Edward's plans. Even with the aid of a large Scottish +party, Edward I. had failed to bring about the subjection of +Scotland. It was clearly impossible for his grandson to succeed in +the same task when all Scotland was united against him, and braced +to action by a series of glorious memories.</p> + +<p>Difficulties arose almost from the first. Not only had Balliol +to contend against the implacable hostility of the Scottish +patriots; the disinherited split up into rival factions after their +triumph, and their divisions played the game of the partisans of +the Bruces. The Earls of Athol and Buchan quarrelled with Balliol. +Buchan, besieged by the partisans of David Bruce in a remote +castle, was forced to surrender and quit Scotland for good. Athol +was distinguished by the violence and suddenness of his +tergiversations. After deserting Balliol for the patriots, he once +more declared for the two Edwards, and persuaded many of the +Scottish magnates to submit themselves to them. So long as the +English king remained in Scotland, Athol was safe. On Edward's +retirement to his kingdom in November, 1335, the nationalist +leaders took the earl prisoner and put him to death. The war +dragged on from year to year, with startling vicissitudes of +fortune, but at no time was Balliol really established on the +Scottish throne, and at no time did Edward III. really govern all +the ceded districts.</p> + +<p>Scottish business detained the English king and court mainly in +the north. Edward was in Scotland for most of the winter of 1334-5, +keeping his Christmas court at Roxburgh. In the summer of 1335 he +led an army into Scotland and penetrated as far as Perth. Again in +1336, he marched from Perth along the east coast, as far as Elgin +and Inverness. The Scots refused to give him battle, and their +tactics of evasion and guerilla warfare soon exhausted his +resources and demoralised his armies. This was Edward's last +personal intervention in the business. He had long been irritated +by the persistent interference of the French king in Scottish +affairs, and his anger <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg323" id= +"pg323">323</a></span>was not lessened by his hard plight forcing +him, on more than one occasion, to grant short truces to the +Scottish insurgents at Philip's intervention. His relations with +France were becoming so strained that he preferred to spend 1337 in +the south and entrust Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, with the +conduct of the fruitless campaign of that year. Early in 1338, +Edward made his way once more to Berwick, but his intention of +invading Scotland was suddenly abandoned on the news of a +threatened French expedition to England recalling him to the south. +This was the decisive moment of the long struggle. Henceforth the +English king could only devote a small share of his resources to an +undertaking which he had not been able to compass when his whole +energies were absorbed in it. The patriots, who had always +dominated the open country, now attacked the castles and fortified +towns, which were the bulwarks of the Edwardian power. Within three +years all the more important of these fell into their hands. In +1339 Edward Balliol's capital of Perth was beset by Robert, the +Steward of Scotland, who had recently undertaken the regency for +his uncle David. On the approach of danger, Balliol was ordered to +England, and Sir Thomas Ughtred, an English knight and one of the +disinherited of 1332, was entrusted with the command. By August he +had been forced to surrender, and Stirling soon afterwards opened +its gates to the gallant and energetic steward. In 1341 Edinburgh +castle was captured by a clever stratagem, and a few weeks later +David and Joan returned from France. The king, then seventeen years +old, henceforth undertook the personal administration of his +kingdom. Once more there was a King of Scots whom the Scottish +people themselves desired. The first military enterprise of +Edward's reign ended in complete failure.</p> + +<p>During the years of Edward Balliol's attempt on Scotland, it was +the obvious interest of the English king to maintain such relations +with France as to prevent the tightening of the traditional bond +between the French and the Scottish courts. There were plenty of +outstanding points of difference between England and France, but +neither country was anxious for war, and the result of this mutual +forbearance enabled Edward III. to deal with the Scots at his +leisure. A survey of the relations of the two realms during the +first ten years of Edward III.'s <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg324" id="pg324">324</a></span>reign will show how, despite the +reluctance of either party to force matters to a crisis, the Kings +of France and England gradually drifted into the hostility which, +from 1337 onwards, paralysed the progress of the English cause in +Scotland.</p> + +<p>At the moment of the fall of Edward II., England and France were +still nominally engaged in the war which had followed the second +seizure of Guienne by Charles IV. The difficulties experienced by +Isabella and Mortimer in establishing their power made them as +willing to give way to the French as to the Scots. Accordingly, on +March 31, 1327, a treaty of peace was signed at Paris. By this +treaty Edward only gained the restoration of certain of his Gascon +vassals to the estates of which they had been deprived through +their loyalty to the English connexion. He pledged himself to pay a +large war indemnity, and accepted a partial restitution of his +Gascon lands. Like so many of the treaties since 1259, it was a +truce rather than a peace. Many details still remained for +settlement, and it was pretty clear that the French, having the +whip hand, would drive Gascony towards the goal of gradual +absorption which had been so clearly marked out by Philip the +Fair.</p> + +<p>Charles IV. restored to Edward such parts of Gascony as he chose +to surrender. He retained in his hands Agen and the Agenais, and +Bazas and the Bazadais, on the ground that Charles of Valois had +won them by right of conquest in 1324. This policy reduced Edward's +duchy to two portions of territory, very unequal in size and +separated from each other by the lands conquered by the French +king's uncle. The larger section of the English king's lands +extended along the coast from the mouth of the Charente to the +mouth of the Bidassoa. It included Saintes with Saintonge south of +the Charente, Bordeaux and the Bordelais, Dax and the diocese of +Dax, and Bayonne and its territory. But in no place did the +boundaries go very far inland. Along the Dordogne, Libourne and +Saint-Émilion were the easternmost English towns. Up the +Garonne, the French were in possession of Langon, while, in the +valley of the Adour, Saint-Sever, perched on its upland rock, was +the landward outpost of the diminished Gascon duchy. In the east of +the Agenais the two <i>châtellenies</i> of Penne and Puymirol +formed a little <i>enclave</i> of ducal territory which extended +from the Lot to the Garonne. But this second fragment of the +ancient duchy <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg325" id= +"pg325">325</a></span>was of no military and little commercial +value, being commanded on all sides by the possessions of the +French king. Moreover, the fiefs dependent on the Gascon duchy had +fallen away with the attenuation of the duke's domain. In +particular the viscounty of Béarn, now held by the Count of +Foix, repudiated all allegiance to its English overlord. Even a +thoroughly Gascon seigneur, such as the lord of Albret, was +wavering in his fidelity to his duke. It was no longer safe for +Gascons to risk the hostility of the king of the French.</p> + +<p>Within a year of the treaty of Paris, the death of Charles IV. +further complicated Anglo-French relations. Like his brothers, +Louis X. and Philip V., Charles the Fair left no male issue; but +the pregnancy of his queen prevented the settlement of the +succession being completed immediately after his decease. The +barons of France, however, had no serious doubts as to their +policy. The inadmissibility of a female ruler had already been +determined at the accession of both Philip V. and Charles IV., and +it was clear that the nearest male heir was Philip, Count of +Valois, who had recently succeeded to the great appanage left +vacant by the death in 1325 of his father, Charles of Valois, the +inveterate enemy of the English. As the next representative of the +male line, the French at once recognised Philip of Valois as +regent. When his cousin's widow gave birth to a daughter, the +regent was proclaimed as King Philip VI. without either delay or +hesitation. Thus the house of Valois occupied the throne of France +in the place of the direct Capetian line in which son had succeeded +father since the days of Hugh Capet.</p> + +<p>Even Isabella and Mortimer protested against the succession of +Philip of Valois. Admitted that the exclusion of women from the +monarchy was already established by two precedents, could it not be +plausibly argued that a woman, incapable herself of reigning, might +form "the bridge and plank"[1] (as a contemporary put it) by which +her sons might step into the rights of their ancestors? Strange as +such a conception seems to our ideas, it was not unfamiliar to the +jurists of that day. It was <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg326" +id="pg326">326</a></span>in this fashion that the Capetian house +claimed its boasted descent and continuity from the race of +Charlemagne. Such a principle was actually the law in some parts of +France, and it was a matter of every-day occurrence in the Parisis +to transmit male fiefs to the sons of heiresses, themselves +incapable of succession. Edward, as the son of Charles IV.'s +sister, was nearer of kin to his uncle than Philip, the son of +Charles's uncle. Surely a man's nephew had a better right to his +succession than his first cousin could ever claim? From the purely +juridical point of view, the claim put forward by Isabella on her +son's behalf was not only plausible but strong.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Viollet, <i>Hist. des Institutions politiques +et administratives de la France</i>, ii., 74, from a MS. source. +See also Viollet, <i>Comment les Femmes ont été +exclues en France de la Succession à la Couronne</i>, in +<i>Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions</i>, xxxiv., pt. ii. +(1893).</p> + +<p>Happily for France, the magnates of the realm dealt with the +succession question as statesmen and not as lawyers. A later age +imagined that the French barons brought forward a text of the law +of the Salian Pranks, as a complete answer to Edward's claim from +the juridical point of view. But the famous Salic law was a +figment, forged by the next generation of lawyers who were eager to +give a complete refutation of the elaborate legal pleadings of the +partisans of the English claim. No authentic Salic law dealt with +the question of the succession to the throne,[1] and the bold step +of transferring a doctrine of private inheritance to the domain of +public law was one of the characteristic feats of the medieval +jurist, anxious to heap up at any risk a mass of arguments that +might overwhelm his antagonists' case. The barons of 1328 rose +superior to legal subtleties. To them the question at issue was the +preservation of the national identity of their country. The vital +thing for them was to secure the throne of France, both at the +moment and at future times, for a Frenchman. Any admission, however +guarded, of the right of women to transmit claims to their sons +opened out a vista of the foreign offspring of French princesses, +married abroad, ruling France as strangers, and it might be as +enemies. They chose Philip of Valois because he was a Frenchman +born and bred, and because he had no interests or possessions +outside the French realm. They could not endure the idea of being +ruled by the English king. He was not only a stranger, but the +hereditary enemy. The Capetian monarchy must at all costs be kept +French.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Viollet, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 55-57; +<i>cf</i>. Désprez, <i>Les Préliminaires de la Giurre +de Cent Ans</i>, p. 32.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg327" id= +"pg327">327</a></span>Isabella did what she could on her son's +behalf. She excited the <i>noblesse</i> of Aquitaine to support +Edward's claim; but the lords of the south paid no heed to her +exhortations. She was more successful with the Flemings, then in +revolt against their Count, Louis of Nevers. Twelve notables of +Bruges, headed by the burgomaster, William de Deken, visited +England and offered to recognise Edward as King of France if he +would support the Flemish democracy against their feudal lord.[1] +But Philip VI.'s first act was to unite with the Count of Flanders, +and the fatal day of Cassel laid low the fortunes of Bruges and +restored the fugitive Louis to power. Isabella was forced to resign +herself to simple protests.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See Pirenne, <i>La première Tentative +pour reconnaitre Édouard I. comme Roi de France in Ann. de +la Soc. d'Hist. de Gand</i>, 1902.</p> + +<p>The inevitable demand from Philip VI. for Edward's homage for +Guienne and Ponthieu soon brought the English government face to +face with realities. The request for his vassal's submission, +conveyed to England by Peter Roger, Abbot of Fecamp, the future +Clement VI., was even more unwelcome than such demands commonly +were. At first Isabella used brave words: "My son, who is the son +of a king, will never do homage to the son of a count".[1] But a +threat of a third seizure of Gascony soon brought the queen to her +senses. Further insistence on the part of Philip was met with +polite apologies for delay. At last, in May, 1329, the young king +crossed the Channel, and on June 6 performed homage to Philip in +the choir of the cathedral of Amiens. But even at the last moment +there were explanations and reservations on both sides. Philip made +it clear that he acknowledged no claim of his vassal to any +territories, beyond those which he actually possessed. Edward's +advisers protested that they abandoned no pretension to the whole +by performing homage for a part. Moreover, the act of homage was +couched in such ambiguous phrases that it remained doubtful whether +Edward had performed "liege homage," as the King of France +demanded, or only "simple homage," such as seemed to him less +offensive to the dignity of a crowned king. Thus, though the +cousins parted amicably and discussed proposals of a marriage <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg328" id="pg328">328</a></span>treaty +between the English and French houses, the homage at Amiens settled +nothing.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Grandes Chroniques de France</i>, v., 323 +(ed. P. Paris).</p> + +<p>The diplomatists still had plenty of work before them. The +French statesmen insisted on the necessity of the ceremony at +Amiens being interpreted as liege homage, involving the obligation +of defending the overlord "against all those who can live or die". +The English politicians complained of the "injustice and unreason +of the King of France, who seeks the disinheritance of their master +in Aquitaine". It was only by limiting the demands of both parties +to points of detail, that a compromise was arrived at in the +convention of the Wood of Vincennes on May 8, 1330. Further +negotiations were still necessary; and at the moment when +everything was trembling in the balance, the sudden occupation of +Saintes by the Count of Alencon, brother of Philip VI., brought +matters within a measurable distance of war. But Edward, then at +the beginning of his real reign, had no mind for fighting. A more +satisfactory convention, drawn up on March 9, 1331, at +Saint-Germain-en-Laye, was ratified by Edward at Eltham on March +30, when he recognised that he owed liege homage, and not merely +simple homage, to the King of France. Next month, he crossed over +to France so secretly that his subjects believed that he went +disguised as a merchant or a pilgrim. At Pont-Sainte-Maxence, a +little town on the Oise, a few miles below Compiègne, Edward +held an interview with Philip VI., who came thither with equal +privacy. The French king does not seem to have insisted upon a +renewal of homage, being content with the assurance already given +as to the character of the previous ceremony. The informal +interview, which the modern historian can only ascertain by painful +scrutiny of the royal itineraries, proved more fertile in +friendship than all the pomp of Amiens. Before Edward went home, +Philip gave him complete satisfaction for the outrage at Saintes, +and arrived at a financial settlement. Thus Edward and Philip at +last became friends "so far as outside appearances went," as a +chronicler of the time phrased it. The fundamental difference of +interests and standpoint could be glossed over by no facile +compromise, and the calm of the next six years was only the prelude +to a storm destined to end the policy that had regulated the +relations of the two courts from the days <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg329" id="pg329">329</a></span>of the peace of 1259 to those +of the meeting at Pont-Sainte-Maxence.</p> + +<p>At first there was talk of further cementing the newly +established friendship. There were suggestions of a marriage of +Edward's infant son with Philip's daughter, a fresh interview +between the monarchs, a treaty of perpetual alliance and a common +crusade against the Turks. The last, and the most fantastic, of +these projects was the one which was most seriously discussed. The +chivalrous spirit of Philip of Valois rose eagerly to the idea of a +great European expedition against the infidel, of which he was to +be the chief commander. Inspired by John XXII., he took the cross, +made preparations for an early start, and invoked Edward's +co-operation. Edward cleverly utilised his kinsman's zeal as +another lever for enforcing the settlement of outstanding +differences. "Tell your master," he said to the French ambassador, +Peter Roger, now Archbishop of Rouen, "that when he has fulfilled +his promises, I will be more eager to go on the holy voyage than he +is himself." But the chronic troubles, arising from the unceasing +extension of the suzerain's claims in Aquitaine, and from the +shelter given by Philip to David Bruce, had continued all through +the years of professed friendship, and in 1334 an embassy to Paris, +presided over by Archbishop Stratford, failed to establish a +<i>modus vivendi</i>. In the same year John XXII. died without +having either procured the crusade or crushed Louis of Bavaria. His +successor, James Founder of Foix, who took the name of Benedict +XII., pursued his general policy, though in a more diplomatic and +self-seeking spirit. Benedict's great wish was to, unite France and +England against his enemy, the Emperor Louis of Bavaria, and he +dexterously played upon Philip's eagerness for the crusade to +persuade him to abandon to the papacy the position, which he had +assumed, of arbiter of the differences between Edward and the +Scots. It was a signal, though transitory, triumph of this policy +that a truce between England and Scotland was brought about by the +mediation of the pope and not of the French king. But Benedict +found that a crusade was impossible so long as the chief powers of +the west were hopelessly estranged from each other. In 1336, he +vetoed the crusading scheme until happier times had dawned. Philip, +bitterly disappointed, sought <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg330" +id="pg330">330</a></span>out Benedict at Avignon, but utterly +failed to change his purpose. He was in his own despite released +from the crusader's vow, though exhorted still to continue his +preparations. The galleys, purchased from the crusading tenths of +the Church, were transferred from the Mediterranean to the Channel. +The French king might well find consolation for the abandonment of +the holy war in a sudden descent on England.</p> + +<p>From that moment the horizon darkened. Philip VI., once more +took up the cause of the Scots, and once more the Aquitanian +troubles became acute. His irritation at Benedict led him to open +up negotiations with Louis of Bavaria, whereat Benedict was greatly +offended. Edward III. then sought to find friends who would help +him against Philip. He was as much disgusted with the pope as was +his French rival. The crusading fleet, equipped with the money of +the Roman Church, threatened the English coast, and the +<i>curia</i> was even more French in its sympathies than the +temporising pontiff. It is no wonder then that both kings looked +coldly on Benedict's offer of mediation between them. Yet, +notwithstanding the indifference manifested by both courts, two +cardinals, Peter Gomez, a Spaniard, and Bertrand of Montfavence, a +Frenchman, were sent in the summer of 1337 as papal legates to +France and England to settle the points in dispute. For the next +three years these prelates pursued their mission with energy and +persistence, though with little result.</p> + +<p>A fresh dispute further embittered the personal relations of +Philip and Edward. In 1336, Edward offered a refuge in England to +Robert of Artois, Philip's brother-in-law and mortal enemy. The +grandson of the Count Robert of Artois who was slain in 1302 at +Courtrai, Robert of Artois was indignant that the rich county of +Artois should, according to local custom, have devolved upon his +aunt Maud, the wife of Otto, Count of Burgundy, or Franche +Comté, and the mother-in-law of the last two kings of the +direct Capetian line. Though he had failed in several suits to +obtain it, Robert renewed his claim after his brother-in-law became +King of France. It was soon proved that the charters upon which he +relied to prove his title had been forged. The sudden death of the +Countess of Artois, followed quickly by that of her daughter and +heiress, added the suspicion of poisoning to the certainly of +forgery. Robert <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg331" id= +"pg331">331</a></span>was deprived of all his possessions and was +exiled from France. Driven from his first refuge in Brabant by +Philip's indignant hostility, he found shelter in England, where he +was received with a favour which Philip bitterly resented. +Condemned in his absence as a traitor, and devoured by a ferocious +hatred of Philip and his Burgundian wife, Robert did all that he +could to inflame the mind of Edward against the French king. French +romance of the next generation, in the poem of the <i>Vow of the +Heron</i>,[1] tells how Robert, returning to Edward's court from +the chase, brought as his only victim a heron, which he offered to +the king as the most timid of birds to the most cowardly of kings; +"for, sire," he declared, "you have not dared to claim the realm of +France which belongs to you by hereditary right". Stirred up by +this challenge, Edward swore to God and the heron that within a +year he would place the crown of France on Queen Philippa's brow. +This famous legend is, however, a fiction. It was not until later +that Edward seriously renewed the claim which he had advanced in +1328. But when once war became certain, the challenge of the French +throne was bound to be made, and the dissolution of the friendly +personal relations of the two kings, which had so long prevented +either from proceeding to extremities, was certainly in large part +the work of Robert of Artois. For the moment, Edward probably +thought that his welcome of Robert was only a fair return for +Philip's reception of David Bruce.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Les voeus du héron</i> in Wright, +<i>Political Poems and Songs</i>, i., 1-25 (Rolls Ser.)</p> + +<p>War being imminent, Edward looked beyond sea for foreign allies. +Commercial and traditional ties closely bound England to the county +of Flanders, but our friendship had latterly been with its people +rather than with its princes. Louis of Nevers, the Count of +Flanders, had been expelled in 1328 by a rising of the maritime +districts of the county, and had been restored by force of arms +through the agency of Philip of Valois. Gratitude and interest +accordingly combined to make Count Louis a strong partisan of +Philip of Valois. Though far from absolute, he was still possessed +of sufficient authority over his unruly townsmen to make it +impossible for Edward to negotiate successfully with them. In 1336 +the count answered Edward's advances by prohibiting all commercial +relations between <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg332" id= +"pg332">332</a></span>his subjects and England. Bitterly disgusted +at the hostility of Flanders, Edward in 1337 passed a law through +parliament which prohibited the export of wool to the Flemish +weaving centres. This measure provoked an economic crisis at Ghent +and Ypres; but for the moment such a catastrophe could only +accentuate the differences between England and the count. It was +otherwise, however, with the neighbouring princes of the imperial +obedience. Count William I. of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand was +Edward III.'s father-in-law, and, during the last months of his +strenuous career, he welcomed Bishop Burghersh, Edward's chief +diplomatist, to his favourite residence of Valenciennes, where from +April, 1337, the English ambassadors kept great state, "sparing as +little as if the king were present there in his own person," and +striving with all their might to build up an alliance with the +princes of the Low Countries. When the count died, his son and +successor, William II., persisted, though with less energy, in his +father's policy, and the Hainault connexion became the nucleus of a +general Low German alliance. Burghersh was lavish in promises, and +soon a large number of imperial vassals took Edward's pay and +promised to fight his battles. Among these were Count Reginald of +Gelderland, who since 1332 had been the husband of Edward III.'s +sister Eleanor, and with him came the Counts of Berg, Jülich, +Cleves, and Mark, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, and a swarm of +minor potentates.</p> + +<p>Hardest to win over of the Netherlandish princes was Duke John +III. of Brabant, a crafty statesman and a successful warrior, who +had recently conquered limburg, and won a signal victory over a +formidable coalition of his neighbours. Among his former foes had +been the house of Avesnes, but he had reconciled himself with +Hainault, by reason of his greater hatred for Louis of Flanders. +The Flemish cities were the rivals in trade of his own land, and +their count's friendship for his French suzerain ensured the +establishment of Philip of Valois as temporary lord of Mechlin, the +possession of which had long been indirectly disputed between +Brabant and Flanders. The hesitating duke was at last won over by a +favourable commercial treaty, which made Antwerp the staple of +English wools, and ensured for the looms of Louvain and Brussels +the advantages denied by Edward's hostility to the clothworkers of +Ghent and Ypres. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg333" id= +"pg333">333</a></span>Convinced that war with Philip was the surest +way of adding Mechlin to his dominions, he then joined the circle +of Edward's stipendiaries. The excommunicated and schismatic +emperor, Louis of Bavaria, welcomed the advances of Burghersh. More +than one tie already bound the Bavarian to England. The English +Franciscan, William of Ockham, proved himself the most active and +daring of the literary champions of the imperial claims against +John XXII. Moreover, the emperor and Edward had married sisters, +and their brother-in-law, the new Count of Hainault, Holland, and +Zealand, was childless, so that they had common interests in +keeping on good terms with him. Louis' bitter enemy, Benedict XII., +forbade all hope of French support, and blocked the way to all +prospect of reconciliation with the Church. It was natural that +Louis should take his revenge by an alliance with the prince who +ignored the advice of the pontiff, and hated the Valois king. As +the result of all this, an offensive and defensive alliance between +Edward on the one hand and Louis and his Low German vassals on the +other was signed at Valenciennes in the summer of 1337.</p> + +<p>The die seemed cast. Philip VI. pronounced the forfeiture of +Gascony and Ponthieu. The French at once invaded Edward's duchy and +county, while the French sailors in the Channel plundered the +Anglo-Norman islands and the towns on the Sussex and Hampshire +coasts. Edward redoubled his preparations for war, and issued a +long manifesto to his subjects in which he set forth in violent +language his grievances against Philip. It was at this unlucky +moment that the two cardinal legates came upon the scene, reaching +Paris in August, intent on arranging a pacification. The +irritation, which Benedict showed against Edward for concluding an +alliance with the schismatic emperor, did not make him more +disposed to the work of conciliation. But the pope saw in the +outbreak of a great war the destruction of his last hopes of +humiliating the Bavarian, and once more played upon the weakness +and impolicy of Philip. Though France was more ready than England, +and Philip had everything to lose by delay, the French king allowed +himself to be persuaded by the two legates to enter once more upon +the paths of conciliation. As a preliminary measure, he revoked the +order for the confiscation of Gascony, <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg334" id="pg334">334</a></span>and accepted a temporary +armistice. As before in the Scottish business, Philip again played +the game of the papacy. Unlike his adversary, Edward continued +steadily in the line which he had determined upon, while welcoming +any delay that gave him opportunity to get ready. He employed the +interval in making peace more impossible than ever. On October 7, +he renewed his claim to the French crown, repudiated the homage +into which he had been tricked during his infancy, and sent Bishop +Burghersh straight from Valenciennes to Paris as bearer of his +defiance. Thus the autumn of 1337 saw a virtual declaration of war. +In November the first serious hostilities took place. Sir Walter +Manny devastated the Flemish island of Cadzand, taking away with +him as prisoner the bastard brother of the Count of Flanders.</p> + +<p>Papal diplomacy had not yet exhausted its resources. Benedict +XII. was deeply concerned at the conclusion of the Anglo-imperial +alliance. He was convinced that the only possible way of avoiding +its perils was to persuade Edward and Philip to bury their +differences and unite with him against the emperor. He succeeded in +obtaining short prolongations of the existing armistice and, in +December, 1337, the two cardinal legates landed in England, and +were gladly received by Edward, who was delighted to gain time by +negotiations. For the next six months they tarried in England, +hoping against hope that something definite would result from their +efforts. Meanwhile the English hurried on their preparations for +war, and Edward made ready to cross over to the continent. As +months slipped away, the tension became more severe, and in May +Edward denounced the truces, though he still kept up the pretence +of negotiations, and so late as June appointed ambassadors to treat +with Philip of Valois. The real interest centred in the hard +fighting which at once broke out at sea between the rival seamen of +England and Normandy. At first the advantage was with the Normans. +Not only were many English ships captured, but repeated destructive +forays were made on the coasts of the south-eastern counties. +Portsmouth was burnt; the Channel Islands were ravaged; and so +alarming were the French corsairs that, in July, 1338, the dwellers +on the south coast were ordered to take refuge in fortresses, or +withdraw their goods to a distance of four leagues from the +sea.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg335" id= +"pg335">335</a></span>At last the army and fleet were ready. On +July 12, 1338, Edward appointed his son, the eight-year-old Duke of +Cornwall, warden of England, and a few days later sailed from +Orwell on a great ship named the <i>Christopher</i>. A favourable +wind quickly bore the royal fleet to the mouth of the Scheldt. +Thence the king and his army sailed up the river to Antwerp, the +chief port of Brabant, where they landed on July 16. There, on July +22, Edward revoked all commissions addressed to the King of France, +and withheld from his agents all power to prejudice his own +pretensions to the throne of the Valois. He passed more than a +month at Antwerp, holding frequent conferences with his imperial +allies, and thence proceeded through Brabant and Jülich to +Cologne. From that city he went up the Rhine to Coblenz, where on +September 5 he held an interview with his queen's imperial +brother-in-law. Their meeting was celebrated with all the pomp and +stateliness of the heyday of chivalry. Edward was accompanied by +the highest nobles of his land, the emperor by all the electors, +save King John of Bohemia, who, as a Luxemburger, was a convinced +partisan of the French. Louis received his ally clothed in a purple +dalmatic, with crown on head and with sceptre and orb in hand, +surrounded by the electors and the higher dignitaries of the +empire, and seated on a lofty throne erected in the Castorplatz, +hard by the Romanesque basilica that watches over the junction of +the Moselle with the Rhine. Another throne, somewhat lower in +height, was occupied by the King of England, clothed in a robe of +scarlet embroidered with gold, and surrounded by three hundred +knights. Then, before the assembled crowd, Louis declared that +Philip of France had forfeited the fiefs which he held of the +empire. He put into Edward's hands a rod of gold and a charter of +investiture, by which symbols he appointed him as "Vicar-general of +the Empire in all the Germanies and in all the Almaines". Next day +the allies heard a mass celebrated by the Archbishop of Cologne in +the church of St. Castor. After the service the emperor swore to +aid Edward against the King of France for seven years, while the +barons of the empire took oaths to obey the imperial vicar and to +march against his enemies. Thereupon the English king took farewell +of the emperor, and returned to Brabant.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg336" id= +"pg336">336</a></span>All was ready for war. The interview at +Coblenz was the deathblow to the papal diplomacy, and the sluggish +Philip awaited in the Vermandois the expected attack of the +Anglo-imperial armies. Yet the best part of a year was still to +elapse before lances were crossed in earnest. The lords of the +empire had no real care for the cause of Edward. They were +delighted to take his presents, to pledge themselves to support +him, and to insist upon the regular payment of the subsidies he had +promised. But John of Brabant was more intent on winning Mechlin +than on invading France, and even William of Avesnes was +embarrassed by the ties which bound him to Philip, his uncle, even +more than to Edward, his brother-in-law. They contented themselves +with taking Edward's money and giving him little save promises in +return. It became evident that an imperial vicar would be obeyed +even less than an emperor. Every week of delay was dangerous to +Edward, who had exhausted his resources in the pompous pageantry of +his Rhenish journey, and in magnificent housekeeping in Brabant. It +was then Edward's interest, as it had previously been Philip's, to +bring matters to a crisis. That he failed to do this must be +ascribed to the lukewarmness of his allies, the poverty of his +exchequer, and, above all, to the still active diplomacy of +Benedict XII.</p> + +<p>The cardinal legates appeared in Brabant, but their tone was +different from that which they had taken in the previous spring in +England. Profoundly irritated by the alliance of Edward and Louis, +Benedict lectured the English king on the iniquity of his courses. +The empire was vacant; the Coblenz grant was therefore of no +effect; if Edward persisted in acting as vicar of the schismatic, +he would be excommunicated. Benedict stood revealed as the partisan +of France. It was in vain that Edward offered peace if France gave +up the Scots and made full restitution of Gascony. Benedict ordered +his legates to refuse to discuss the latter proposal, and, as the +Gascon question lay at the root of the whole matter, an amicable +settlement became more impossible than ever. Edward hotly defended +his right to make what alliances he chose with his wife's kinsmen, +and bitterly denounced the employment of the wealth of the Church +in equipping the armies of his enemies. Though the cardinals, Peter +and Bertrand, remained in Edward's camp, <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg337" id="pg337">337</a></span>they might, for all practical +purposes, as well have been at Avignon. The papal diplomacy had +failed.</p> + +<p>Edward employed the leisure forced upon him by these events in +elaborating his claim to the French throne. His lawyers ransacked +both Roman jurisprudence and feudal custom that they might lay +before the pope and Christendom plausible reasons for their +master's pretensions. They advanced pleas of an even bolder +character. Was not the right of Edward to the French throne the +same as that of Jesus Christ to the succession of David? The Virgin +Mary, incapable of the succession on her own behalf, was yet able +to transmit her rights to her Son. These contentions, sacred and +profane, did not touch the vital issue. It was not the dynastic +question that brought about the war, though, war being inevitable, +Edward might well, as he himself said, use his claim as a buckler +to protect himself from his enemies. The fundamental difference +between the two nations lay in the impossible position of Edward in +Gascony. He could not abandon his ancient patrimony, and Philip +could not give up that policy of gradually absorbing the great +fiefs which the French kings had carried on since the days of St. +Louis. The support given to the Scots, the Anglo-imperial alliance, +the growing national animosity of the two peoples, the rivalry of +English and French merchants and sailors, all these and many +similar causes were but secondary.[1] At this stage the claim to +the French throne, though immensely complicating the situation, and +interposing formidable technical obstacles to the conduct of +negotiations, loomed larger in talk than in acts. It was only in +1340, when Edward saw in his pretensions the best way of commanding +the allegiance of Philip's sworn vassals, that the question of the +French title became a serious matter.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Déprez, <i>Les Préliminaires de +la Guerre de Cent Ans</i>, pp. 400-406, admirably elucidates the +situation.</p> + +<p>On which side did the responsibility for the war rest? National +prejudices have complicated the question. English historians have +seen in the aggression of Philip in Gascony, his intervention in +Scottish affairs, and the buccaneering exploits of the Norman +mariners, reasons adequate to provoke the patience even of a +peace-loving monarch. French writers, unable to deny these facts, +have insisted upon the slowness of <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg338" id="pg338">338</a></span>Philip to requite provocation, his +servile deference to papal authority, his willingness to negotiate, +and his dislike to take offence even at the denial of his right to +the crown which he wore. Either king seems hesitating and reluctant +when looked at from one point of view, and pertinaciously +aggressive when regarded from the opposite standpoint. It is safer +to conclude that the war was inevitable than to endeavour to +apportion the blame which is so equally to be divided between the +two monarchs. The modern eye singles out Edward's baseless claim +and makes him the aggressor, but there was little, as the best +French historians admit, in Edward's pretension that shocked the +idea of justice in those days. Moreover this view, held too +absolutely, is confuted by the secondary position taken by the +claim during the negotiations which preceded hostilities. If in the +conduct of the preliminaries we may assign to Edward the credit of +superior insight, more resolute policy, and a more clearly +perceived goal, the intellectual superiority, which he possessed +over his rival, was hardly balanced by any special moral obliquity +on his part; though to Philip, with all his weakness, must always +be given the sympathy provoked by the defence of his land against +the foreign invader. It is useless to refine the issue further. The +situation had become impossible, and fighting was the only way out +of the difficulty. When in the late summer of 1339 the curtain was +rung down on the long-drawn-out diplomatic comedy, Edward had not +yet finally assumed that title of King of France, which made an +inevitable strife irreconcilable, and so prolonged hostilities that +the struggle became the Hundred Years' War.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XVI.</h2> + +<h4>THE EARLY CAMPAIGNS OF THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg339" id= +"pg339">339</a></span>In the late summer of 1339 Edward III. was at +last able to take the offensive against France. During the +negotiations England strained every effort to provide her absent +sovereign with men and money, but neither the troops nor the +supplies were adequate. The army which assembled in September in +the neighbourhood of Brussels consisted largely of imperial +vassals, hired by the English King, and clamorous for the regular +payment of their wages. Already Edward told his ministers that, had +not "a good friend in Flanders" advanced him a large sum, he would +have been obliged to return with shame to England. As it was, +enough was raised to set the unwieldy host in motion, and on +September 20 he marched from Valenciennes, and thence advanced into +the bishopric of Cambrai, whose lord, though an imperial vassal, +had declared for France and the papacy.</p> + +<p>The rolling uplands of the Cambrésis were devastated with +fire and sword. One night an English baron took the Cardinal +Bertrand, who with his comrade Peter still accompanied Edward's +host, to the summit of a high tower, whence they could witness the +flaming homesteads and villages of the fertile and populous +district. In that woeful spectacle the churchman saw the futility +of his last two years of constant labour, and fell in a swoon to +the ground. But the confederates could do little more than +devastate the open country. Cambrai itself was besieged to no +purpose, and Edward pressed on to the invasion of France. On +October g he spent his first night on French soil at the abbey of +Mont Saint-Martin. He learnt how slender was the tie which bound +his foreign allies to him, for his brother-in-law, William of +Hainault, refused to serve, except on imperial soil, against his +uncle Philip VI. Consoled for this <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg340" id="pg340">340</a></span>defection by the arrival of the +sluggish Duke of Brabant and of the Elector of Brandenburg, the +eldest son of the emperor, Edward marched through the Vermandois, +the Soissonais, and the Laonnais, burning and devastating, without +meeting any serious resistance. Philip of Valois timidly held aloof +in the neighbourhood of Péronne.</p> + +<p>By the middle of October, when Edward was near St. Quentin on +the Oise, the Duke of Brabant suggested the expediency of seeking +out winter quarters. The slow-moving host was almost in mutiny, +when the master crossbowman of the King of France brought a +challenge from his lord. "Let the King of England," ran the +message, "seek out a field favourable for a pitched battle, where +there is neither wood, nor marsh, nor river." Edward cheerfully +accepted a day for the combat, and chose his ground higher up the +Oise valley, among the green meadowlands and hedgerows of the +Thiérache. The appointed day passed by, and the French came +not. At last, when Edward almost despaired of a meeting, he was +told that the French were arrayed at Buironfosse, on the plateau +between the Oise and the upper Sambre, and that Philip was ready to +fight the next day, Saturday, October 23. Edward once more chose a +suitable field of action in a plain between La Flamangrie and +Buironfosse, a league and a half from the French. "On the +Saturday," wrote Edward to his son in England, "we were in the +field, a full quarter of an hour before dawn, and took up our +position in a fitting place to fight. In the early morning some of +the enemy's scouts were taken, and they told us that his advanced +guard was in battle array and coming out towards us. The news +having come to our host, our allies, though they had hitherto borne +themselves somewhat sluggishly, were in truth of such loyal intent +that never were folk of such goodwill to fight. In the meantime one +of our scouts, a knight of Germany, was taken, and he showed all +our array to the enemy. Thereupon the foe withdrew his van, gave +orders to encamp, made trenches around him, and cut down large +trees in order to prevent us from approaching him. We tarried all +day on foot in order of battle, until towards evening it seemed to +our allies that we had waited long enough. And at vespers we +mounted our horses and went near to Avesnes, and made him to know +that we would await him there all the Sunday. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg341" id="pg341">341</a></span>On the Monday +morning we had news that the lord Philip had withdrawn. And so +would our allies no longer afterwards abide."</p> + +<p>Thus ended the inglorious campaign of the Thiérache. +Edward returned to Brussels "like a fox to his hole," and each side +denounced the other for failing to keep the appointed tryst. The +chivalry of the fourteenth century saw something ignoble in the +sluggishness of Philip; but no modern soldier would blame him for +his inactivity. Without striking a blow, he obtained the object of +his campaign, for the enemy abandoned French territory. Had Edward +been fully confident of victory, he could easily have forced a +battle by advancing on Buironfosse; but he preferred to run the +risk of a fiasco rather than abandon the defensive tactics on which +he relied. Thus, even from the chivalrous point of view, he was by +no means blameless. From the material standpoint, his first French +campaign was a failure. It left its only mark on the devastated +countryside, the beggared peasantry, the desolated churches and +monasteries, the farmsteads and villages burnt to ashes.</p> + +<p>Edward seemed ruined both in reputation and purse. He had +exhausted his resources in meeting the extravagant demands of his +allies, and their help had profited him nothing at all. Yet his +inexhaustible energy opened up a surer means of foreign assistance +than had been supplied by the unruly vassals of Louis of Bavaria. +At the moment when the imperial alliance was tried and found +wanting, the way was opened up for close friendship between Edward +and the Flemish cities. In earlier years the chivalrous devotion of +Louis of Nevers to his overlord had secured the political +dependence of Flanders upon the King of France. If the action of +their count made the Flemings the tools of French policy, their +commercial necessities bound them to England by chains forged by +nature itself. Alone of the lands of northern and western Europe, +Flanders was not a self-sufficing economic community.[1] Its great +ports and weaving towns depended for their customers on foreign +markets, and the raw material of their staple manufacture was +mainly derived from England. When in 1337 Edward prohibited the +export of wool to Flanders, his action at once <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg342" id="pg342">342</a></span>brought about +the same result that the cessation of the supplies of American +cotton would cause in the manufacturing districts of Lancashire. A +wool famine, like the Lancashire cotton famine of 1862-65, plunged +Ghent, Ypres, and Bruges into grievous distress. The starving +weavers wandered through the farms begging their bread, and, when +charity at home proved inadequate, they exposed their rags and +their misery in the chief cities of northern France. Even wealthy +merchants felt the pinch of the crisis which ruined the small +craftsmen.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this Pirenne, <i>Histoire de +Belgique</i>, vols. i. and ii., and Lamprecht, <i>Deutsche +Geschichte</i>, iii., 304-324, and iv., 134-142.</p> + +<p>A common desire to avoid calamity bound together the warring +classes and rival districts of Flanders, as they had never been +united before. Bruges and Ypres had borne the brunt of earlier +struggles, and had not even yet recovered from the exhaustion of +the wars of the early years of the century. Their exhaustion left +the way open to Ghent, where the old patricians and the rich +merchants, the weavers and the fullers, forgot their ancient +rivalries and worked together to remedy the crisis. A wealthy +landholder and merchant-prince of Ghent, James van Artevelde, made +himself the spokesman of all classes of that great manufacturing +city. He was no demagogue nor artisan, though his eloquence and +force had wonderful power over the impressionable craftsmen of the +trading guilds. He was no Netherlandish patriot, as some moderns +have imagined, though he was anxious to unite Flanders with her +neighbour states, on the broad basis of their identity of economic +and political interests. A man of Ghent, above all things, his +policy was to save the imperilled industries of his native town, +and to make it the centre of a new movement for the vindication of +commercial liberty against feudal domination. By the winter of 1337 +this rich capitalist allied himself with the turbulent democracy of +the weavers' guilds, and put himself at the head of affairs. Early +in 1338 he began to negotiate with Edward III., and his loans to +the distressed monarch had the result of removing the embargo on +English wool. The famished craftsmen hailed the enemy of their +class as a god who had come down from heaven for their +salvation.</p> + +<p>Louis of Nevers and Philip of Valois took the alarm. Seeing in +the ascendency of Artevelde the certainty that Flanders would join +the English alliance, they left no stone unturned to avoid so dire +a calamity. Artevelde, conscious of the narrow <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg343" id="pg343">343</a></span>basis of his own +authority, was prudent enough to be moderate. Instead of pressing +the English alliance to a conclusion, he accepted the suggestion of +Philip VI., that Flanders should remain neutral. Louis of Nevers +hated the notion; but in June, 1338, Edward and Philip agreed to +recognise Flemish neutrality, and he was forced to acquiesce in it. +Both monarchs promised to avoid Flemish territory, and offered free +commercial relations between Flanders and their respective +dominions.</p> + +<p>Artevelde and the men of Ghent were the real masters of +Flanders. They kept their count in scarcely veiled captivity, +forcing him to wear the Flemish colours and to profess acceptance +of the policy that he disliked. In such circumstances the +neutrality of Flanders could not last long. Both Edward and +Artevelde regarded it simply as a step towards a declared alliance. +Before long Philip became uneasy, and lavished concession on +concession to keep the dominant party true to its promises. He gave +up the degrading conditions which since the treaty of Athis had +secured the subjection of Flanders. But Edward could offer more +than his rival. He proposed to the count and the "good towns" of +Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres that, in return for their alliance, he +would aid them to win back the towns of Lille, Douai, +Béthune, and Tournai, which the French king had usurped from +the Flemings, as well as the county of Artois, which had been +separated from Flanders since the days of Philip Augustus. He also +offered ample commercial privileges, the establishment of the +staple of wool at Bruges as well as at Antwerp, free trade for +Flemish cloth with the English markets, and a good and fixed money +which was to be legal tender in Flanders, Brabant, France, and +England. The Flemings demanded in return that Edward, by formally +assuming the title of King of France, should stand to them as their +liege lord, and thus free themselves and their count from the +ecclesiastical penalties and dishonour involved in their waging war +against a king of France. Late in 1339, these terms were mutually +accepted, and Count Louis avoided further humiliations by flight +into France.</p> + +<p>In January, 1340, Edward entered Flemish territory and was +magnificently entertained in the abbey of Saint Bavon at Ghent. +"The three towns of Flanders," declared Artevelde to his guest, +"are ready to recognise you as their sovereign lord, provided <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg344" id="pg344">344</a></span>that you +engage yourself to defend them." The deputies of the three towns +took oaths to Edward as their suzerain, and thereupon Edward was +proclaimed King of France with much ceremony in the Friday market +of Ghent. A new great seal was fashioned and new royal arms +assumed, in which the lilies of France were quartered with the +leopards of England. The new regnal year of Edward, which began on +January 25, was styled the fourteenth of his reign in England, and +the first of his reign in France. Urgent affairs called Edward back +to his kingdom, but his debts to the Flemings were already so heavy +that they only consented to his departure on his pledging himself +to return before Michaelmas day, and on his leaving as hostages his +queen, his two sons, and two earls. At last, on February 20, he +crossed over from Sluys to Orwell. He had been absent from home for +nearly a year and a half.</p> + +<p>From February 21 to June 22, 1340, Edward remained in England. +During that period, formal treaties with the Flemings confirmed the +hasty negotiations of Ghent. Benedict XII, still pursued Edward +with remonstrances. He warned the English king to have no trust in +allies like the Flemings, who had shamefully driven away their +natural lords and whose faithlessness and inconstancy were +by-words. He told him that his strength was not enough to conquer +France, and reproached him with calling himself king of a land of +which he possessed nothing. Somewhat inconsistently, he offered his +mediation between Edward and Philip. But Philip was only less weary +than Edward of the self-seeking pontiff. Benedict was forced to +drink the cup of humiliation, for after the rejection of his +mediation, he was confronted with a proposal that the schismatic +Bavarian should arbitrate between the two crowns. Meanwhile, after +many delays, Edward embarked a gallant army on a fleet of 200 +ships, and on June 22 a favourable west wind bore them from the +Orwell towards Flanders. On arriving next day off Blankenberghe, he +learned that a formidable French squadron was anchored in the mouth +of the Zwyn, and that he could only land in Flanders as the reward +of victory.</p> + +<p>From the outbreak of hostilities in 1337, there had been a good +deal of fighting by sea, and in the first stages of warfare the +advantage lay with the French. Since the days of Edward I., and +Philip the Fair, the maritime energies of the two <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg345" id="pg345">345</a></span>countries had +developed at an almost equal rate, and the parallel growth had been +marked by bitter rivalry between the seamen of the two nations. The +Normans had taken the leading share in this expansion of the French +navy.[1] They welcomed the outbreak of war with enthusiasm, as +giving them a chance of measuring their forces with their hated +foes. Alone among the provinces of France, Normandy seems already +to have experienced that intense national bitterness against the +English which was soon to spread to all the rest of the country. +Not content with the vigorous war of corsairs which had inflicted +so much mischief on our southern coast and on English shipping, the +Normans formed bold designs of a new Norman Conquest of England, +and in return for the permanent establishment of the local estates +of Normandy, agreed with Philip and his son John, who bore the +title of Duke of Normandy, to equip a large fleet and army, with +which England was to be invaded in the summer of 1339. Normandy, +which monopolised the glory, was to monopolise the spoil. If +England were conquered, Duke John, like Duke William before him, +was to be King of England as well as Duke of Normandy. Thus the +aggressions of Edward in France were to be answered by Norman +aggressions in England.[2]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>C</i>. de la Roncière, <i>Hist, +de</i> la <i>Marine Française</i>; of. Nicolas, <i>Hist, of +the Royal Navy</i>.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] See on this subject A. Coville, <i>Les +États</i> de <i>Normandie</i>, pp. 41-52 (1894).</p> + +<p>Nothing came of this grandiose project, though the burning ruins +of Southampton, the capture of the great <i>Christopher</i>, which +had borne Edward in 1338 to Antwerp, and the occupation of the +Channel Islands—the last remnants of the old duchy still +under English rule—showed that the Normans were in earnest. +The chief result of their energy was the equipment of the strongest +French fleet that had ever been seen in the Channel. Though a few +Genoese galleys under Barbavera and a few great Spanish ships +swelled the number of the armada, 160 of the 200 ships that formed +the fleet were Norman.[1] Of the two Frenchmen in command, one, +Hugh Quièret, was a Picard knight, but the other, the more +popular, was Nicholas Béhuchet, a Norman of humble birth, +then a knight and the chief confidant of Philip VI. Quièret +and Béhuchet had long challenged the command of the narrow +seas. But for their <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg346" id= +"pg346">346</a></span>error of dividing their forces and preferring +a piratical war of reprisals, they might have cut off +communications between England and the Netherlands. They had learnt +wisdom by experience, and their ships were massed in Zwyn harbour +to prevent the passage of Edward to his new allies.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] S. Luce, <i>La Marine normande à +l'Écluse</i>, in <i>La France pendant la Guerre de Cent +Ans</i>, 3-31.</p> + +<p>The coast-line between Blankenberghe and the mouth of the +Scheldt was strangely different in the fourteenth century from what +it is at present.[1] The sandy flats, through which the Zwyn now +trickles to the sea, formed a large open harbour, accessible to the +biggest ships then known. It was protected on the north by the +island of Cadzand, the scene of Manny's exploit in 1337, while at +its head stood the town of Sluys, so called from the locks, or +sluices, that regulated the waters of the ship canal, which bore to +the great mart of Bruges the merchantmen of every land. It was in +this harbour that Edward, on arriving off Blankenberghe, first +spied the fleet of Quièret and Béhuchet. He anchored +at sea for the night, and on the afternoon of June 24, the +anniversary of Bannockburn, he bore down on the French, having the +sun, the tide, and the wind in his favour. On his approach +Barbavera urged that the French should take to the open sea; but +Quièret and Béhuchet preferred to fight in the +harbour. As an unsatisfactory compromise, however, the French moved +a mile or so towards the enemy. Then they lashed their ships +together and awaited attack.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For this see Professor Tait's inset map of the +district in <i>Oxford Historical Atlas</i>, plate lvi.</p> + +<p>The English, unable to break the serried mass of their enemies, +feigned a retreat, whereupon the Normans unlashed their ships and +hurried in pursuit into the open water. At once the English turned +and met them. The battle began when the English admiral, Robert +Morley, lay alongside the <i>Christopher</i>, which, after its +capture, had been taken into the enemy's service. Soon the ships of +both fleets were closely grappled together in a fierce hand-to-hand +fight which lasted until after nightfall. The desperate eagerness +of the combatants strangely contrasted with the slackness of the +campaign in the Thiérache. "This battle," says Froissart, +"was right fierce and horrible, for battles by sea are more +dangerous and fiercer than battles by land, for at sea there is no +retreat nor fleeing; there is no remedy but to fight and abide +fortune, and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg347" id= +"pg347">347</a></span>every man to show his prowess." In the end +the English won an overwhelming victory, which was completed next +morning after more hard fighting. During the night Barbavera and +his Genoese put to sea and escaped, but the magnificent Norman +fleet was in the hands of the victor. The English loss was small, +though it included Thomas of Monthermer, a son of Joan of Acre, and +Edward himself was wounded in the thigh. The Norman force was +almost annihilated. Quièret fell mortally wounded into +Edward's hands; Béhuchet was captured unhurt. A later Norman +legend tells how Béhuchet, when brought before the English +king, answered some taunt by boxing the king's ears, whereupon the +angry monarch hanged him forthwith from the mast of his ship.[1] +But the tradition is unsupported by English authorities, and, with +all his faults, Edward was not the man to deal thus with a captive +knight who had fought his best. Master at last of the sea, Edward +landed at Sluys amidst the rejoicings of the Flemings, and made his +way to Ghent, where he greeted his wife, and first saw his infant +son John, born during his absence, to whom Artevelde stood as +godfather.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Luce, <i>Le Soufflet de l'Écluse</i>, +in <i>La Frame pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans</i>, 2nd série, +pp. 3-15.</p> + +<p>Edward's military fame was established over all Europe, and, +says the Flemish writer, John van Klerk, "all who spoke the German +tongue rejoiced at the defeat of the French". Yet the victory at +Sluys was the prelude to a land campaign as ineffective as the raid +into the Thiérache. Eager to restore their lost lands to the +Flemings, Edward made the mistake of dividing his army. He sent +Robert of Artois to effect the reconquest of Artois, while he +himself besieged Tournai, which was then in French hands. Robert's +attempt to win back the lands of his ancestors was a sorry failure. +Defeated outside Saint Omer, he was unable even to invest that +town. Almost equally unsuccessful was Edward's siege of Tournai, +which resisted with such energy that he was soon at the end of his +resources. At last, in despair, Edward challenged Philip VI. to +decide their claim to France by single combat. The Valois answered +that he would gladly do so if, in the event of his winning, he +might obtain Edward's kingdom. In the same spirit of caution, +Philip tarried half-way between Saint Omer and Tournai, watching +both armies and afraid to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg348" id= +"pg348">348</a></span>strike at either. The armies wore themselves +out in this game of waiting until the widowed Countess of Hainault, +then abbess of the Cistercian nuns of Fontenelles, was moved by the +desolation of the country to intervene between the two kings. The +mother of the Queen of England and the sister of the King of +France, she succeeded not only by reason of her prayers, but +through the refusal of the Duke of Brabant, the Count of Hainault, +and the other imperial vassals to remain longer at the war. On +September 25, 1340, a truce was signed at the solitary chapel of +Esplechin, situated in the open country a little south of Tournai. +By it hostilities between both kings and their respective allies +were suspended, until midsummer day, 1341. Each king was to enjoy +the lands actually in his possession, and commerce was to be +carried on as if peace had been made. The most significant clause +of the truce was that by which both kings pledged themselves that +they "procure not that any innovation be done by the Church of +Rome, or by others of Holy Church on either of the said kings. And +if our most holy father the pope will do that, the two kings shall +prevent it, so far as in them lies."</p> + +<p>The truce of Esplechin, renewed until 1345, put an end to the +first, or Netherlandish, period of the Hundred Years' War. The +imperial alliance, which had failed Edward, was soon to be solemnly +dissolved. Early in 1341, Louis of Bavaria revoked Edward's +vicariate, and announced his intention of becoming henceforth the +friend of his uncle, the King of France. This alliance between +Philip and Louis completed the discomfiture of Benedict XII. In +1342 he died, and his successor was Peter Roger, the sometime +Archbishop of Rouen, who assumed the title of Clement VI. By +persuading Brabant and Hainault to be neutral between France and +England, the new pontiff broke up the last remnant of the +Anglo-imperial alliance. Even Flanders and England became +estranged. Artevelde, who found it a hard matter to govern Flanders +after the truce, would willingly have supported Edward. But Edward +had henceforth less need of Artevelde than Artevelde had of him. In +1345 Edward again appeared at Sluys and had an interview with him, +and then returned to his own country without setting foot on +Flemish soil. Artevelde soon afterwards met his death in a popular +tumult. His family fled to England, <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg349" id="pg349">349</a></span><i>where</i> they lived on a +pension from Edward. This was the end of the Anglo-Flemish +alliance.</p> + +<p>After the treaty of Esplechin, Edward returned to Ghent. The +conclusion of military operations was a signal to all his creditors +to clamour for immediate settlement of their debts. Neither +subsidies nor wool came from England, though the king wrote in +piteous terms to his council. Edward was convinced that the real +cause of his failure was the remissness of the home government, and +resolved to wreak his vengeance on his ministers. He was encouraged +to this effect by Bishop Burghersh, who still remembered his old +feuds with Archbishop Stratford, and may well have believed that +the archbishop, who had a financier's dread of war, had wilfully +ruined his rival's diplomacy. But Edward dared not openly return to +England, for his Flemish creditors regarded his personal presence +as the best security for his debts. He was therefore reduced to the +pitiful expedient of running away from them. One day he rode out of +Ghent on the pretext of taking exercise, and hurried secretly and +without escort to Sluys. Thence he took ship for England, and, +after a tempestuous voyage of three days and nights, sailed up the +Thames, and landed at the Tower on November 30, 1340, after +nightfall. At cockcrow next morning, he summoned his ministers +before him, denounced them as false traitors and drove them all +from office. The judges were thrown into prison, and with them some +of the leading merchants, including William de la Pole of Hull. A +special commission, like that of 1289, scrutinised the acts of the +royal officials throughout the kingdom, and exacted heavy fines +from the many who were found wanting. Nothing but fear of provoking +the wrath of the Church prevented Edward from consigning to prison +the dismissed chancellor, Robert Stratford, Bishop of Chichester, +and the late treasurer, Roger Northburgh, Bishop of Coventry. Their +successors were lay knights, the new chancellor, Sir Robert +Bourchier, being the first keeper of the great seal who was not a +clerk.</p> + +<p>Earlier in the year the king had quarrelled with Archbishop +Stratford, who resigned the chancellorship. But before Edward +sailed from Orwell in June there had been a partial reconciliation, +and the king left Stratford president of the council during his +absence. When his brother and colleagues were dismissed, <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg350" id="pg350">350</a></span>the +archbishop was at Charing. Conscious that he was the chief object +of Edward's vengeance, he at once took sanctuary with the monks of +his cathedral. Every effort was made to drag him from his refuge. +Some Louvain merchants, to whom he had bound himself for the king's +debts, demanded that he should be surrendered to their custody +until the money was paid. He was summoned to court and afterwards +to parliament. But he prudently remained safe within the walls of +Christ Church, and preached a course of sermons to the monks, in +which he compared himself to St. Thomas of Canterbury, and hinted +at the danger of his incurring his prototype's fate. Edward replied +to this challenge by a lengthy pamphlet, called the <i>libellus +famosus</i>. The violence and unmeasured terms of the tractate +suggest the hand of Bishop Orleton, Stratford's lifelong foe, who +had by Burghersh's recent death become the most prominent of the +courtly prelates. The archbishop was declared to be the sole cause +of the king's failures. He had left Edward without funds, and in +trusting to him the king had leant on a broken reed. Stratford +justified himself in another sermon in which he invited inquiry and +demanded trial by his peers.</p> + +<p>Edward so far relented as to issue letters of safe-conduct +enabling the archbishop to attend the parliament summoned for April +23, 1341. But when Stratford took his place, the king refused to +meet him, and ordered him to answer in the exchequer the complaints +brought against him. The lords upheld the primate's cause, and +declared that in no circumstances could a peer of parliament be +brought to trial elsewhere than in full parliament. Edward's fury +abated when he saw that he would get no grant unless he gave way. +He restored Stratford to his favour, and acceded to his request +that he should answer in parliament and not in the exchequer. The +childish controversy ended with the personal victory of the primate +and the formal re-assertion of the important principle of trial by +peers. But not even then was Edward able to get a subsidy. He was +further forced to embody in the statute of the year the doctrines +that auditors of the accounts of the royal officers should be +elected in parliament, and that all ministers should be chosen by +the king, after consultation with his estates, and should resign +their offices at each meeting of parliament and be prepared to +answer all complaints before it.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg351" id= +"pg351">351</a></span>Thus the fallen minister brought the estates +the greatest triumph over the prerogative won during Edward's +reign. Before long Edward was magnanimous enough to resume friendly +relations with him, but he was never suffered to take a prominent +part in politics. He died in 1348, after spending his later years +in the business of his see. It was a strange irony of fate that +this worldly and politic ecclesiastic should have perforce become +the champion of the rights of the Church and the liberties of the +nation. His victory established a remarkable solidarity between the +high ecclesiastical party and the popular opposition, which was to +last nearly as long as the century. Disgust at this alliance moved +Edward to take up the anti-clerical attitude which henceforth marks +the policy of the crown until the accession of the house of +Lancaster.</p> + +<p>The victory of the estates of 1341 was too complete to last. For +a medieval king to hand over the business of government to a +nominated ministry was in substance a return to the state of things +in 1258 or 1312. Edward was not the sort of man to endure the +thraldom that his father and great-grandfather had both found +intolerable. Even at the moment of sealing the statute, he and his +ministers protested that they were not bound to observe laws +contrary to the constitution of the realm. Five months later, on +October 1, 1341, the king issued letters, revoking the laws of the +previous session. "We have never," he impudently declared, "really +given our consent to the aforesaid pretended statute. But inasmuch +as our rejecting it would have dissolved parliament in confusion, +without any business having been transacted, and so all our affairs +would have been ruined, we dissembled, as was our duty, and allowed +the pretended statute to be sealed." For more than two years he did +not venture to face a parliament, but the next gathering of the +estates in April, 1343, repealed the offensive acts of 1341. +Parliament was so reluctant to ratify the king's high-handed +action, that he did not venture to ask it for any extraordinary +grant of money. The only other important act of this parliament was +a petition from lords and commons, urging the king to check the +claims of a French pope, friendly to the "tyrant of France," to +exercise ever-increasing rights of patronage over English +benefices. The anti-clerical tide was still flowing.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg352" id= +"pg352">352</a></span>Before parliament met in 1343, the French war +had been renewed on another pretext. A new source of trouble arose +in a disputed succession to the duchy of Brittany. The duke John +III., the grandson of John II. and Edward I.'s sister Beatrice, +died in April, 1341. He left no legitimate children, and his +succession was claimed by his half-brother, John of Montfort, and +his niece Joan of Penthièvre. Montfort, the son of Duke +Arthur II. by his second wife, had inherited from his mother the +Norman county of Montfort l'Amaury, which became her possession as +the representative on the spindle side of the line of Simon de +Montfort the Albigensian crusader. Joan was the daughter of Guy, +John III.'s brother of the full blood, in whose favour the great +county of Penthièvre-Tréguier, including the whole of +the north coast of the duchy from the river of Morlaix to within a +few miles of the Rance, had been dissociated from the demesne and +reconstituted as an appanage.[1] The heiress of Penthièvre +thus ruled directly over nearly a sixth of Brittany, and her power +was further strengthened by her marriage with Charles of Blois, +who, though a younger son, enjoyed great influence as the sister's +son of Philip VI., and also by reason of his simple, saintly, +honourable, and martial character. The house of Penthièvre +not only stood to Brittany as the house of Lancaster stood to +England, as the natural head of the higher nobility; it also +enjoyed the favour and protection of the French king, who was ever +anxious to find friends among the chief sub-tenants of his great +vassals. Against so formidable an opponent John of Montfort could +only secure his rights by promptitude. Accordingly he made his way +to Nantes and, receiving a warm welcome from his burgesses, +proclaimed himself duke. Very few of the great feudatories threw in +their lot with him. His strength was in the petty <i>noblesse</i>, +the townsmen, and the enthusiasm of the Celtic population of <i>La +Brétagne bretonnante</i>, which made Léon, +Cornouailles, and Vannes the strongholds of his cause. Yet the +Penthièvre influence took with it the Breton-speaking +inhabitants of the diocese of Tréguier, and the piety of +Charles made the clergy, and especially the friars, devoted to +him.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] On the importance of Penthièvre, see A. +de la Borderie, <i>La Géographie feodale de la +Brétagne</i> (1889), pp. 60-65.</p> + +<p>The fight was not waged in Brittany only. Montfort had to <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg353" id="pg353">353</a></span>contend +against the general sentiment of the French nobility and the strong +interest and affection which bound Philip VI. to uphold the claims +of Charles of Blois. After a few months the parliament of Paris +decided in favour of the king's nephew against Montfort. Charles's +wife was the nearest heir of the deceased duke, and had therefore a +prior claim over her uncle. Montfort urged in vain that the +superior rights of the male, which had made the Count of Valois +King of France, equally gave the Count of Montfort the duchy of +Brittany. He had to fight for his duchy. John, Duke of Normandy, +the heir of France, marched to Brittany with a strong force, to +secure the establishment of his cousin in accordance with the +decree of parliament. The union of the royal troops, with the +levies of Penthièvre and the great feudatories of Brittany, +was too powerful a combination to withstand. Montfort was shut up +in Nantes, was forced to capitulate, and sent prisoner to Paris. +His place was taken by his wife, Joan of Flanders, a daughter of +Louis of Nevers. This lady shewed "the heart of a man and of a +lion," as Froissart says. Her efforts, however, did not prevail +against her formidable enemies. Bit by bit she was driven from one +stronghold to another, until at last she was closely besieged in +Hennebont by Charles of Blois. Before that, she had recognised +Edward as King of France, and offered him the homage of her husband +and son. Edward III. readily took up the cause of Montfort. He +recked little of the inconsistency involved in the prince, who +claimed France through his mother, supporting in Brittany a duke, +whose pretensions were based upon grounds similar to the claim +advanced by Philip of Valois on the French throne. As in Flanders, +he found two rival nations contending in the bosom of a single +French fief. He at once supported the Celtic party in Brittany as +he had supported the Flemish party in Flanders. Both his allies had +the same enemies in feudalism, the French monarchy, and the +pretensions of high clericalism. Afraid to renew the attack in +France without allies, Edward welcomed the support of the Montfort +party, as giving him a chance of renewing his assaults on his +adversary of Valois. He invested Montfort with the earldom of +Richmond, of which John III had died possessed. He sent Sir Walter +Manny with a force sufficient to raise the siege of Hennebont. The +heroic Joan of Flanders was almost at the end of her <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg354" id="pg354">354</a></span>resources, when +on an early June morning, in 1342, she espied the white sails of +Manny's fleet working its way from the sea up the estuary of the +Blavet, which bathes the walls of Hennebont. After the arrival of +the English, Charles of Blois abandoned the siege in despair. For +the rest of the year the war was waged on a more equal footing. In +August Edward sent to Brest an additional force under William +Bohun, Earl of Northampton, who attempted, though with little +success, to invade the domains of the house of Penthièvre. A +hard-won victory against great odds near Morlaix was made memorable +by Northampton's first applying the tactics of Halidon Hill to a +pitched battle on the continent.[1] But the earl's troops were so +few that they were forced to withdraw after their success into more +friendly regions. Leon and Cornouailles then resumed allegiance to +the house of Montfort. In the midst of the struggle Robert of +Artois received a wound which soon ended his tempestuous +career.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Baker, p.76, gives the place, Knighton, ii., +25, the details. See also my note in <i>Engl. Hist. Review, +xix.</i> (1904), 713-15.</p> + +<p>Edward was eager to enter the field in person. Since his return +to England in 1340, his only military experience had been a +luckless winter campaign in the Lothians against King David. In +October, 1342, he left the Duke of Cornwall as warden of England +during his absence, and took ship at Sandwich for Brittany. He +remained in the country until the early months of 1343, raiding the +land from end to end, receiving many of the greater barons into his +obedience, and striving in particular to conquer the regions +included in the modern department of the Morbihan. There he +besieged Vannes, the strongest and largest city of Brittany, says +Froissart, after Nantes. The triumphs of his rival at last brought +Philip VI. into Brittany. While Edward laboriously pursued the +siege of Vannes, amidst the hardships of a wet and stormy winter, +Philip watched his enemy from Ploermel, a few miles to the north. +For a third time the situation of Buironfosse and Tournai was +renewed. The rivals were within striking distance, but once more +both Edward and Philip were afraid to strike. History still further +repeated itself; for the cardinal-bishops of Palestrina and +Frascati, sent by Clement VI. to end the struggle, travelled from +camp to camp with talk of peace. The sufferings of both <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg355" id="pg355">355</a></span>armies +gave the kings a powerful reason for listening to their advances. +At last, on January 19, 1343, a truce for nearly four years was +signed at Malestroit, midway between Ploermel and Vannes, "in +reverence of mother church, for the honour of the cardinals, and +that the parties shall be able to declare their reasons before the +pope, not for the purpose of rendering a judicial decision, but in +order to make a better peace and treaty". Scotland and the +Netherlands were included in the truce, and it was agreed that each +belligerent should continue in the enjoyment of the territories +which he held at the moment. Vannes, the immediate apple of +discord, was put into the hands of the pope.</p> + +<p>The spring of 1343 saw Edward back in England. The scene of +interest shifted to the papal court at Avignon, where ambassadors +from Edward and Philip appeared to declare their masters' rights. +The protracted negotiations were lacking in reality. The English, +distrusting Clement as a French partisan, did their best to +complicate the situation by complaints against papal provisions in +favour of aliens "not having knowledge of the tongue nor condition +of those whose governance and care should belong to them". English +indignation rose higher when, despite the terms of the truce and +the promise of the cardinals, Montfort remained immured in his +French prison, while Breton nobles of his faction were kidnapped +and put to death by Philip. Clement declared himself against +Edward's claims to the French throne, and, long before the +negotiations had reached a formal conclusion, it was clear that +nothing would come of them. At last in 1345 the English King +denounced the truce and prepared to renew the war. His first +concern was, necessarily finance, and he had already exhausted all +his resources as a borrower. The financial difficulties, which had +stayed his career in the Netherlands five years before, had reached +their culmination. Stratford was avenged for the outrages of 1340, +for Edward was in worse embarrassments than on that winter night +when the glare of torches illuminated the sovereign's sudden return +to the Tower. The king's Netherlandish, Rhenish, and Italian +creditors would trust him no longer and vainly clamoured for the +repayment of their advances. "We grieve," he was forced to reply to +the Cologne magistrates, "nay, we blush, that we are unable to meet +our obligations at the due time." Edward's anxiety to prepare for +fresh campaigns <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg356" id= +"pg356">356</a></span>made him careless as to his former +obligations. His wholesale neglect to repay his debts drove the +great banking houses of the Bardi and the Peruzzi into bankruptcy, +and the failure of the English king's creditors plunged all +Florence into deep distress. One good result came from the king's +dishonour. The foreign sources of supply having dried up, Edward +was forced to lean more exclusively upon his English subjects. A +wealthy family of Hull merchants, recently transferred to London, +became very flourishing. Its head, William de la Pole, who had +financed every government scheme since the days of Mortimer, became +a knight, a judge, a territorial magnate, and the first English +merchant to found a baronial house. And as the credit of the +English merchants was limited, Edward was forced more and more to +rely upon parliamentary grants. The memory of the king's want of +faith to the estates of 1341 had died away, and a parliament, which +met in 1344, once more made Edward liberal contributions. Secure of +his subjects' support, the frivolous king largely employed his +resources in the chivalrous pageantry which stirred up the martial +ardour of his barons and made the war popular. It was then that he +resolved to set up a "round table" at Windsor after the fabled +fashion of King Arthur. From this came the foundation of the Round +Tower which Edward was to erect in his favourite abode, and the +organised chivalry that was soon to culminate in the Order of the +Garter. In the summer of 1345 Edward made that journey to Sluys, +which has already been noted, and he held on ship-board his last +interview with James van Artevelde. His immediate return to England +showed that he had no mind to renew his Flemish alliances. In the +same year the death of the queen's brother, William of Avesnes, +established the rule of Louis of Bavaria in the three counties of +Holland, Zealand, and Hainault in the right of his wife, Philippa's +elder sister. Edward put in a claim on behalf of his queen, which +further embittered his already uneasy relations with Louis, and led +him to seek his field of combat anywhere rather than in the +Netherlands. In Brittany the murder of the nobles of Montfort's +faction had given an excuse for the renewal of partisan warfare as +early as 1343, but Montfort was still under surveillance in France, +even after his release from Philip's prison, and Joan of Flanders, +the heroic defender of Hennebont, was hopelessly insane in England. +At last in <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg357" id= +"pg357">357</a></span>1345 Montfort ventured to flee from France to +England, where he did homage to Edward as King of France for the +duchy which he claimed. He then went to Brittany, and there shortly +afterwards died. The new Duke of Brittany, also named John, was a +mere boy when he was thus robbed of both his parents' care, and his +cause languished for want of a head. Edward took upon himself the +whole direction of Brittany as tutor of the little duke. +Northampton was once more sent thither, but for a time the war +degenerated into sieges of castles and petty conflicts.</p> + +<p>While action was thus impracticable in the Netherlands, and +ineffective in Brittany, Gascony became, for the first time during +the struggle, the scene of military operations of the first rank. +The storm of warfare had hitherto almost spared the patrimony of +the English king in southern France. No great effort was made +either by the French to capture the last bulwarks of the Aquitanian +inheritance, or by Edward to extend his duchy to its ancient +limits. Cut off from other fields of expansion, Edward threw his +chief energies into the enlargement of his power in southern +France. He won over many of those Gascon nobles, including the +powerful lord of Albret, who had been alienated by his former +indifference. All was ready for action, and in June, 1345, Henry of +Grosmont, Earl of Derby, the eldest son of Henry of Lancaster, +landed at Bayonne with a sufficient English force to encourage the +lords of Gascony to rally round the ducal banner. Soon after his +landing, the death of his blind father made Derby Earl of +Lancaster. During the next eighteen months, the earl successfully +led three raids into the heart of the enemies' territory.[1] The +first, begun very soon after his landing, occupied the summer of +1345. Advancing from Libourne, the limit of the Anglo-Gascon power, +Henry made his way up the Dordogne, a fleet of boats co-operating +with his land forces. He took the important town of Bergerac, and +thence, mounting the stream as far as Lalinde, he crossed the hills +separating the Dordogne from the Isle, and unsuccessfully assaulted +Périgueux. Thence he advanced still further, and captured +the stronghold of Auberoche, dominating the rocky valley of the +Auvézère. Leaving <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg358" id="pg358">358</a></span>a garrison at Auberoche, Henry +returned to his base, but upon his withdrawal the French closely +besieged his conquest, and the earl made a sudden move to its +relief. On October 21 he won a brisk battle outside the walls of +Auberoche before the more sluggish part of his army had time to +reach the scene of action. This famous exploit again established +the Gascon duke in Périgord.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For these campaigns, see Ribadieu, <i>Les +Campagnes du Comté de Derby en Guyenne, Saintonge et +Poitou</i> (1865).</p> + +<p>Early in 1346 the victor of Auberoche led his forces up the +Garonne valley. La Réole, lost since 1325, was taken in +January, and thence Earl Henry marched to the capture of many a +town and fortress on the Garonne and the lower Lot. His most +important acquisition was Aiguillon, commanding the junction of the +Lot and the Garonne, for its possession opened up the way for the +reconquest of the Agenais, the rich fruit of the last campaign of +Charles of Valois. Duke John of Normandy then appeared upon the +scene, and Henry of Lancaster withdrew before him to the line of +the Dordogne. Aiguillon stood a siege from April to August, when +the Duke of Normandy, then at the end of his resources, solicited a +truce. News having come to Lancaster at Bergerac that Edward had +begun his memorable invasion of Normandy, he contemptuously +rejected the proposal. Before long, Duke John raised the siege and +hurried to his father's assistance. Thereupon Lancaster returned to +the Garonne and revictualled Aiguillon. Immediately after he +started on his third raid. This time he bent his steps northwards, +and late in September was at Châteauneuf on the Charente, +whence he threatened Angoulême, and finally obtained its +surrender. Crossing the Charente, he entered French Saintonge, +where the important town of Saint-Jean-d'Angely opened its gates +and took oaths to Edward <i>as</i> duke and king. Then he boldly +dashed into the heart of Poitou, marching by Lusignan to Poitiers. +"We rode before the city," wrote Lancaster, "and summoned it, but +they would do nothing. Thereupon on the Wednesday after Michaelmas +we stormed the city, and all those within were taken or slain. And +the lords that were within fled away on the other side, and we +tarried full eight days. Thus we have made a fair raid, God be +thanked, and are come again to Saint-Jean, whence we propose to +return to Bordeaux." This exploit ended Lancaster's Gascon career. +In January, 1347, he was back in England, having restored the <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg359" id="pg359">359</a></span>reputation +of his king in Gascony, and set an example of heroism soon to be +emulated by his cousin, the Black Prince.</p> + +<p>Edward resolved to take the field in person in the summer of +1346. Special efforts were made to equip the army, and lovers of +ancient precedent were dismayed when the king called upon all men +of property to equip archers, hobblers, or men-at-arms, according +to their substance, that they might serve abroad at the king's +wages. But the nation responded to the king's call, and a host of +some 2,400 cavalry and 10,000 archers and other infantry collected +at Portsmouth between Easter and the early summer.[1] There were +the usual delays of a medieval muster, and it was not until July +was well begun that Edward, having constituted his second son +Lionel of Antwerp, a boy of six, as regent, took ship at Portsmouth +with his eldest son, then sixteen years of age, and, since 1343, +Prince of Wales as well as Duke of Cornwall. The destination of the +army was a secret, but Edward's original idea seems to have been to +join Henry of Lancaster in Gascony, though we may well believe that +the resources of medieval transport were hardly adequate to convey +so large a force for so great a distance. Moreover, a persistent +series of south-westerly winds prohibited all attempts to round the +Breton peninsula, while Godfrey of Harcourt, a Norman lord who had +incurred the wrath of Philip VI. and had been driven into exile, +persistently urged on Edward the superior attractions of his native +coast. When the fleet set sail from Portsmouth, it was directed to +follow in the admiral's track; and as soon as the open sea was +gained, the ships were instructed to make their way to the +Côtentin. On July 12 the English army reached Saint-Vaast de +la Hougue, and spent five days in disembarking and ravaging the +neighbourhood.[2] Immediately on landing, Edward dubbed the Prince +of Wales a knight, along with other young nobles, one of whom was +Roger <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg360" id= +"pg360">360</a></span>Mortimer, the grandson and heir of the +traitor Earl of March. At last, on July 18, the English army began +to move by slow stages to the south. It met with little resistance, +and plundered and burnt the rich countryside at its discretion. The +English marvelled at the fertility of the country and the size and +wealth of its towns. Barfleur was as big as Sandwich, Carentan +reminded them of Leicester, Saint-Lo was the size of Lincoln, and +Caen was more populous than any English city save London.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] On the details of this force, see Wrottesley, +<i>Crecy and Calais,</i> in <i>Collections for a History of +Staffordshire,</i> vol. xviii. (1897); <i>cf.</i> J.E. Morris in +<i>Engl. Hist. Review, xiv.,</i> 766-69.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] Besides the sources for this campaign +mentioned in Sir E.M. Thompson, <i>Chronicle of Geoffrey le +Baker,</i> pp. 252-57, the disregarded <i>Acta bellicosa Edwardi, +etc.,</i> published in Moisant, <i>Le Prince Noir en Aquitaine, +pp.</i> 157-74, from a Corpus Christi Coll. Cambridge MS., should +be mentioned. It has first been utilised in H. Pientout's valuable +paper, <i>La prise de Caen par Édouard III. en 1346, in +Mémoires de l'Académie de Caen</i> (1904).</p> + +<p>It was only at Caen that any real resistance was encountered. On +July 26 Edward's soldiers entered the northern quarter of the town +without opposition, to find the fortified enclosures of the two +great abbeys of William the Conqueror and his queen undefended and +desolate, the <i>grand bourg</i>, the populous quarter round the +church of St. Peter open to them, and only the castle in the +extreme north garrisoned. Caen was not a walled town, and the +defenders preferred to limit themselves to holding the southern +quarter, the <i>Ile Saint-Jean</i>, which lay between the district +of St. Peter's and the river Orne, but was cut off from the rest by +a branch of the Orne that ran just south of St. Peter's church. +There was sharp fighting at the bridge which commanded access to +the island; but the English archers prepared the way, and then the +men-at-arms completed the work. After a determined conflict, the +Island of St. John was captured, and its chief defenders, the Count +of Eu, Constable of France, and the lord of Tancarville, the +chamberlain, were taken prisoners. Meanwhile the English fleet, +which had devastated the whole coast from Cherbourg to Ouistreham, +arrived off the mouth of the Orne, laden with plunder and eager to +get back home with its spoils. Edward thought it prudent to avoid a +threatened mutiny by ordering the ships to recross the Channel, and +take with them the captives and the loot which he had amassed at +Caen. During a halt of five days at Caen, Edward discovered a copy +of the agreement made between the Normans and King Philip for the +invasion of England eight years before. This also he despatched to +England, where it was read before the Londoners by the Archbishop +of Canterbury in order to show that the aggression was not all on +one side.</p> + +<p>On July 31, Edward resumed his eastward march. At <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg361" id="pg361">361</a></span>Lisieux, the +next important stage, came the inevitable two cardinals with their +inevitable proposals of mediation, which Edward put aside with +scant civility. The army was soon once more on the move, and on +August 7 struck the Seine at Elbeuf, a few miles higher up the +river than Rouen. Here Edward was at last in touch with his enemy. +During the English march through lower Normandy, Philip VI. had +assembled a considerable army, with which he occupied the Norman +capital. Nothing but the Seine and a few miles of country separated +the two forces. But as at Buironfosse, at Tournai, and at Vannes, +the French declined to attack, and Edward would not depart from his +tradition of acting on the defensive. The English slowly made their +way up the left bank of the Seine, avoiding the stronger castles +and walled towns, and devastating the open country. The French +followed them on the right bank, carefully watching their +movements, and breaking all the bridges. So things went until, on +August 13, Edward reached Poissy, a town within fifteen miles of +the capital.</p> + +<p>The English advanced troops plundered up to the walls of Paris, +whose citizens, watching in terror the flames that made lurid the +western sky, implored their king to come to their help. From +Saint-Denis Philip issued a challenge to Edward to meet him in the +open field on a fixed day, Edward, however, was not to be tempted +by such appeals to his chivalry. The day after Philip's message was +sent, he repaired the bridge at Poissy, crossed the Seine, sent a +stinging reply to Philip's letter, and moved rapidly northwards. +Avoiding Pontoise, Beauvais, and other towns, he was soon within a +few miles of the Somme. Long marching had fatigued his army, and he +resolved to retreat to the Flemish frontier. The French soon +followed him by a route some miles further towards the east. They +reached the Somme earlier than the English, and were pouring into +Amiens and Abbeville, while Edward's scouts were vainly seeking for +an unguarded passage over the river. If the Somme could not be +crossed, there was every chance of Edward's war-worn army being +driven into a corner at Saint-Valery, between the broad and sandy +estuary of the Somme and the open sea. When affairs had become thus +critical, local guides revealed to the English a way across the +estuary, where a white band of chalk, called the <i>Blanche +taque</i>, cropping out <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg362" id= +"pg362">362</a></span>of the sandy river bed, forms a hard, +practicable ford from one bank of the river to the other. "Then," +writes an official reporter, "the King of England and his host took +that water of the Somme, where never man passed before without +loss, and fought their enemies, and chased them right up to the +gate of Abbeville." That night Edward and his troops slept on the +outskirts of the forest of Crecy. After traversing this, they took +up a strong position on the northern side of the wood on Saturday, +August 26. There, in the heart of his grandmother's inheritance of +Ponthieu, Edward elected to make a stand, and, for the first time +in all their campaigning, Philip felt sufficient confidence to +engage in an offensive battle against his rival.</p> + +<p>Ponthieu is a land of low chalk downs, open fields, and dense +woods, broken by valleys, through which the small streams that +water it trickle down to the sea, and by the waterless depressions +characteristic of a chalk country. The village of +Crécy-en-Ponthieu is situated on the north bank of the +little river Maye. Immediately to the east of the village, a +lateral depression, running north and south, called the +<i>Vallée aux Clercs,</i> falls down into the Maye valley, +and is flanked with rolling downs, perhaps 150 to 200 feet in +height. On the summit of the western slopes of this valley, Edward +stationed his army. Its right was held by the first of the three +traditional "battles," under the personal command of the young +Prince of Wales. Its front and right flank were protected by the +hill, while still further to the right lay Crecy village embowered +in its trees, beyond which the dense forest formed an excellent +protection from attack. The second of the English battles, under +the Earls' of Northampton and Arundel, held the less formidable +slopes of the upper portion of the <i>Vallée aux Clercs,</i> +their left resting on the enclosures and woods of the village of +Wadicourt. The third battle, commanded by the king himself, and +stationed in the rear as a reserve, held the rolling upland plain, +on the highest point of which was a windmill, commanding the whole +field, in which Edward took up his quarters. The English +men-at-arms left their horses in the rear. The archers of each of +the two forward battles were thrown out at an angle on the flanks, +so that the enemy, on approaching the serried mass of men-at-arms, +had to encounter a severe discharge of arrows both <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg363" id="pg363">363</a></span>from the right +and the left. It was the tactics of Halidon hill, perfected by +experience and for the first time applied on a large scale against +a continental enemy. The credit of it may well be assigned to +Northampton, fresh from the fight at Morlaix, where similar tactics +had already won the day.</p> + +<p>The English were in position early in the morning of Saturday, +August 26, and employed their leisure in further strengthening +their lines by digging shallow holes, like the pits at Bannockburn, +in the hope of ensnaring the French cavalry, if they came to close +quarters with the dismounted men-at-arms. The summer day had almost +ended its course before the French army appeared. Philip and his +men had passed the previous night at Abbeville, and had not only +performed the long march from the capital of Ponthieu, but many of +them, misled by bad information as to Edward's position, had made a +weary detour to the north-west. It was not until the hour of +vespers that the mass of the French host was marshalled in front of +the village of Estrées on the eastward plateau beyond the +<i>Vallée aux Clercs</i>. John of Hainault, who had become a +thorough-going French partisan, advised Philip to delay battle +until the following day. The French were tired; all the army had +not yet come up; night would soon put an end to the combat; the +evening sun, shining brightly after a violent summer storm, was +blazing directly in the faces of the assailants. But the French +nobles demanded an immediate advance. Confident in their numbers +and prowess, they had already assured themselves of victory, and +were quarrelling about the division of the captives they would +make. Philip, too sympathetic with the feudal point of view to +oppose his friends, ordered the advance.</p> + +<p>The battle began by the French sending forward a strong force of +Genoese crossbowmen, to prepare the way for the cavalry charge. But +the long bows of the English outshot the obsolete and cumbrous +weapons of the Genoese, whose strings had been wetted by the recent +storm. The Italians descended into the valley, but were soon +demoralised by seeing their comrades fall all round them, while +their own bolts failed to reach the enemy. They were already in +full retreat back up the slope, when the impatience of the French +horsemen burst all bounds. The reckless cavalry charge swept right +through the disordered ranks of the crossbowmen, whose groans and +cries as they were <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg364" id= +"pg364">364</a></span>trampled underfoot by the mail-clad steeds, +inspired the rear ranks of the French with the vain belief that the +English were hard pressed, and made them eager to join the fray. +The charge, as disorderly and as badly directed as the fatal attack +of Bannockburn, never reached the English ranks. Shot down right +and left by archers, terrified by the fearful booming of three +small cannon that the English had dragged about during their +wanderings, the French line soon became a confused mob of furious +horsemen on panic-stricken horses. With gallantry even more +conspicuous than their want of discipline, the French made no less +than fifteen attempts to penetrate the enemies' lines. At one point +only did they get near their goal, and that was on the right battle +where the Prince of Wales himself was in command. A timely +reinforcement sent by King Edward relieved the pressure, and the +French were soon in full retreat, protected, as the English +boasted, from further attack by the rampart of dead that they left +behind them. The darkness, which ended the struggle, forbade all +pursuit. Next day the fight was renewed by fresh French forces, but +a fog hampered their movements, and they fell easy victims to the +English. Then the defeated force retreated to Abbeville. The +English loss was insignificant, but the field was covered with the +bravest and noblest of the French. Among those who perished on the +side of Philip were Louis of Nevers, the chivalrous Count of +Flanders, who had sacrificed everything save his honour on the +altar of feudal duty, and the blind King John of Bohemia, whose end +was as romantic and futile as his life. Both these princes left as +their successors sons of very different stamp in Louis de Male, and +Charles of Moravia. Charles, who had recently been set up as King +of the Romans by the clerical party against Louis of Bavaria, was +present at Crecy, but a prudent retreat saved him from his father's +fate.</p> + +<p>In the midst of the Norman campaign, Philip urgently besought +David, King of Scots, to make a diversion in his favour. Since 1341 +David, then a youth of seventeen, had been back in Scotland. +Prolonged truces gave him little opportunity of trying his skill as +a soldier, and his domestic rule was not particularly successful. +The full effects of the Franco-Scottish alliance were revealed +when, early in October, the Scottish king invaded the north of +England, confident that, as all the fighting-men <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg365" id="pg365">365</a></span>were in France, +he would meet no more formidable opponents than monks, peasants, +and shepherds. The five days' resistance of Lord Wake's border peel +of Castleton in Liddesdale showed the baselessness of this +imagination. At its capture on October 10, David put to death its +gallant captain, a knight named Walter Selby. Then the Scots +streamed over the hills into Upper Tynedale, and soon devastated +Durham. Such of the border lords as were not with the king in +France had now prepared for resistance. Beside the Nevilles, +Percys, and other great houses of the north, the Archbishop of +York, William de la Zouch, took a vigorous part in organising the +local levies, and in a very short space of time a sufficient army +assembled to make head against the invaders. From their muster at +Richmond, the northern barons marched into the land of St. +Cuthbert, many priests following their archbishop as of old their +predecessors had followed Melton or Thurstan. On October 17 the +forces joined battle at Neville's Cross, a wayside landmark on the +Red hills, a rough and broken region sloping down to the Wear, +immediately to the west of the city of Durham. Neither host was +large in size, and each stood facing the other, with the archers at +either wing, after the fashion that had become Scottish as well as +English. For a time neither army was willing to begin. At last the +English archers, irritated at the delay, advanced upon the Scots +with showers of missiles. Then the struggle grew general and after +a fierce hand-to-hand fight the English prevailed. David was taken +prisoner and was lodged in the Tower, and many of the noblest of +the Scots lay dead on the field. The diversion was a failure; the +local levies had proved amply sufficient to cope with the enemy. In +thus playing the game of the French king, David began a policy +which, from Neville's Cross to Flodden, brought embarrassment to +England and desolation to Scotland. It was the inevitable penalty +of two independent and hostile states existing in one little +island.</p> + +<p>So war-worn were the victors of Crecy that all the profit they +could win from the battle was the power to continue their march +undisturbed to the sea coast. On September 4, Edward reached the +walls of Calais, the last French town on the frontiers of Flanders, +and the port whose corsairs had inflicted exceptional damage on +English shipping during the whole of the war. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg366" id="pg366">366</a></span>With a keen eye +to the military importance of the place, the King abandoned the +easy course of returning with his troops to England, and at once +sat down before Calais. It was an arduous and prolonged siege. +Calais was girt by double walls and ditches of exceptional strength +and was bravely defended by John de Vienne and a numerous garrison. +Moreover the yielding soil of the sands and marshes around the town +made it impossible for Edward to erect against the fortifications +the cumbrous machines by which engineers then sought to batter down +the walls of towns. The only method of taking the place was by +starvation. At first Edward was not able to block every avenue of +access to the beleaguered fortress. Winter came on; the troops +demanded permission to go home; the sailors threatened mutiny, and +the French were actively on the watch.</p> + +<p>Amidst these troubles, Edward III showed a persistence worthy of +his grandfather. He remained at the seat of war, transacting much +of the business of government in the town of wooden huts which, +growing up round the besiegers' lines, made the winter siege +endurable. In the worst period of the year sufficient forces to man +the trenches could only be secured by wholesale charters of pardon +to felonious and offending soldiers, on condition that they did not +withdraw from service without the king's licence, so long as Edward +himself remained beyond the seas.[1] A parliament of magnates met +in March, 1347, and granted an aid. Instead of summoning the +commons, Edward preferred to raise his chief supplies by another +loan of 20,000 sacks of wool from the merchants, by additional +customs dues voted by a merchant assembly, and by considerable +loans from ecclesiastics and religious houses. In April and May all +England was alive with martial preparation, and gradually a force +far transcending the Crecy army was gathered round the walls of +Calais, while a great fleet held the sea and prohibited the access +of French ships to the doomed garrison. Northampton, ever fertile +in expedients, discovered that, even after the high seas were +blocked, boats still crept into Calais port by hugging the shallow +shore. He ran long jetties of piles from the coast line into deep +water, and thus cut off the last means of communication and of +supplies. By June the town was suffering severely from famine.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this, <i>Rotulus Normannice</i> in +<i>Cal. Patent Rolls,</i> 1345-48, especially PP. 473-526. For the +vast force gathered later, see Wrottesley and Morris, U.S.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg367" id= +"pg367">367</a></span>The French made a great effort, both by sea +and land, to relieve Calais. On June 25 Northampton went out with +his ships as far as the mouth of the Somme, where off Le Crotoy he +won a naval victory which made the English command of the sea +absolutely secure. A month later Philip, at the head of the land +army, looked down upon the lines of Calais from the heights of +Guînes. The two cardinals made their usual efforts for a +truce, but the English would not allow their prey to be snatched +from them at the eleventh hour. Then Philip challenged the enemy to +a pitched battle, and four knights on each side were appointed to +select the place of combat. The French, however, were of no mind to +risk another Crecy, and on the morning of July 31 the smoke of +their burning camp told the English that once more Philip had +shrunk from a meeting. Then at last the garrison opened its gates +on August 3, 1347. The defenders were treated chivalrously by the +victor, who admired their courage and endurance. But the mass of +the population were removed from their homes, and numerous grants +of houses and property made to Englishmen. Edward resolved to make +his conquest an English town, and, from that time onwards, it +became the fortress through which an English army might at any time +be poured into France, and the warehouse from which the spinners +and weavers of Flanders were to draw their supplies of raw wool. +For more than two hundred years, English Calais retained all its +military and most of its commercial importance. Later conquests +enabled a ring of forts to be erected round it which strengthened +its natural advantages.</p> + +<p>Crecy, Neville's Cross, Aiguillon, and Calais did not exhaust +the glories of this strenuous time. The war of the Breton +succession, which Northampton had waged since 1345, was continued +in 1346 by Thomas Dagworth, a knight appointed as his lieutenant on +his withdrawal to join the army of Crecy and Calais. The Montfort +star was still in the ascendant, and even the hereditary dominions +of Joan of Penthièvre were assailed. An English garrison was +established at La Roche Derien, situated some four miles higher up +the river Jaudy than the little open episcopal city of +Tréguier, and communicating by the river with the sea and +with England. So troublesome did Montfort's garrison at La Roche +become to the vassals of Penthièvre, that in the summer of +1347 Charles of Blois collected <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg368" id="pg368">368</a></span>an army, wherein nearly all the +greatest feudal houses of Brittany were strongly represented, and +sat down before La Roche. Dagworth, one of the ablest of English +soldiers, was at Carhaix, in the heart of the central uplands, when +he heard of the danger of the single English post within the lands +of Penthièvre. He at once hurried northwards, and on the +night of June 19 rested at the abbey of Bégard, about ten +miles to the south of La Roche. From Bégard two roads led to +La Roche, one on each bank of the Jaudy. Thinking that Dagworth +would pursue the shorter road on the left bank, Charles of Blois +stationed a portion of his army at some distance from La Roche on +that side of the Jaudy, while the rest remained with himself on the +right bank before the walls of the town. Dagworth, however, chose +the longer route, and before daybreak, on the morning of June 20, +fell suddenly upon Charles. A fierce fight in the dark was ended +after dawn in favour of Montfort by a timely sally of the +beleaguered garrison. In the confusion Charles forgot to recall the +division uselessly stationed beyond the Jaudy, and this error +completed his ruin. Charles fought like a hero, and, after +receiving seventeen wounds, yielded up his sword to a Breton lord +rather than to the English commander. When his wounds were healed, +Charles was sent to London, where he joined David of Scotland, the +Count of Eu, and the Lord of Tancarville. It looked as if +Montfort's triumph was secured.</p> + +<p>In the midst of his successes Edward made a truce, yielding to +the earnest request of the cardinals, "through his reverence to the +apostolic see". The truce of Calais was signed on September 28, and +included Scotland and Brittany as well as France within its scope. +On October 12 Edward returned to his kingdom. Financial exhaustion, +the need of repose, the unwillingness of his subjects to continue +the combat, and the failure of the Flemish and Netherlandish +alliances sufficiently explain this halt in the midst of victory. +Yet from the military standpoint Edward's action, harmful +everywhere to his partisans, was particularly fatal in Brittany, +where most of Penthièvre and nearly all upper Brittany were +still obedient to Charles of Blois.[1] But Edward had embarked upon +a course infinitely beyond his material resources. When a special +effort could only give him the one town of Calais, how could he +ever conquer all France?</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See on this A. de la Borderie, <i>Hist. de +Brétagne</i>, iii., 507, <i>et seq</i>.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XVII.</h2> + +<h4>FROM THE BLACK DEATH TO THE TREATY OF CALAIS.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg369" id= +"pg369">369</a></span>At the conclusion of the truce of Calais in +1347, Edward III and England were at the height of their military +reputation. Perhaps the nation was in even a stronger position than +the monarch. Edward had dissipated his resources in winning his +successes, but the danger which faced the ruler had but slightly +impaired the fortunes of his subjects. The country was in a +sufficiently prosperous condition to bear its burdens without much +real suffering. The widespread dislike of extraordinary taxation, +which so often assumed the form of the familiar cry that the king +must live of his own, had taken the shape of unwillingness to +accept responsibility for the king's policy and a growing +indisposition to meet his demands. But since the rule of Edward +began, England enjoyed a prosperity so unbroken that far heavier +burdens would hardly have brought about a diminution of the +well-being which stood in glaring contrast to the desolation long +inflicted by Edward's wars on France. A war waged exclusively on +foreign soil did little harm to England, and offered careers +whereby many an English adventurer was gaining a place among the +landed classes. The simple archers and men-at-arms, who received +high wages and good hopes of plunder in the king's foreign service, +found in it a congenial and lucrative, if demoralising profession. +In England, though wages were low, provisions were cheap and +employment constant. The growth of the wool trade, then further +stimulated by refugees from the "three towns of Flanders," against +which Louis de Male was waging relentless war, was bringing comfort +to many, and riches to a few. The maritime greatness of England +that found its first results in the battle of Sluys was the fruit +of a commercial activity on the sea which enabled English shipmen +to deprive the Italians, Netherlanders, and Germans of the +overwhelming <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg370" id= +"pg370">370</a></span>share they had hitherto enjoyed of our +foreign trade. The dark shadows of medieval life were indeed never +absent from the picture; but medieval England seldom enjoyed +greater wellbeing and tranquillity than during the first eighteen +years of the personal rule of Edward III. One sign of the +increasing attention paid to suppressing disorder was an act of +1344, which empowered the local conservators of the peace, already +an element in the administrative machinery, to hear and determine +felonies. A later act made this a part of their regular functions, +and gave them the title of justices of the peace, thus setting up a +means of maintaining local order so effective that the old +machinery of the local courts gradually gave way to it.</p> + +<p>A rude ending to this period of prosperity was brought about by +the devastations of the pestilence known to modern readers as the +Black Death, which since 1347 had decimated the Levant. This was +the bubonic plague, almost as familiar in the east of to-day as in +the mid-fourteenth century. It was brought along the chief +commercial highways which bound the western world to the markets of +the east. First introduced into the west at the great ports of the +Mediterranean, Venice, Genoa, Marseilles, it spread over France and +Italy by the early months of 1348. Avignon was a chief centre of +the infection, and, amidst the desolation around him, Clement VI. +strove with rare energy to give peace to a distracted world. The +regions of western and northern France, which had felt the full +force of the war, were among the worst sufferers. Aquitaine, too, +was cruelly desolated, and among the victims was Edward III.'s +daughter, Joan, who perished at Bordeaux on her way to Castile, as +the bride of the prince afterwards infamous as Peter the Cruel. +Early in August, 1348, the scourge crossed the channel, making its +first appearance in England at Weymouth. Thence it spread +northwards and westwards. Bristol was the first great English town +to feel its ravages. Though the Gloucestershire men prohibited all +intercourse between the infected port and their own villages, the +plague was in no wise stayed by their precautions. The disease +extended, by way of Gloucester and Oxford, to London, reaching the +capital early in November, and continuing its ravages until the +following Whitsuntide. When it had almost died out in London, it +began, in the spring of 1349, to rage <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg371" id="pg371">371</a></span>severely in East Anglia,[1] +while in Lancashire the worst time seems to have been from the +autumn of 1349 to the beginning of 1350.[2] Scotland was so long +exempt that the Scots, proud of their immunity, were wont to swear +"by the foul death of England". In 1350 they gathered together an +army in Ettrick forest with the object of invading the +plague-stricken border shires. But the pestilence fell upon the +host assembled for the foray, and all war was stopped while +Scotland was devastated from end to end. Ireland began to suffer in +August, 1349, the disease being at first confined to the Englishry +of the towns, though, after a time, it made its way also to the +pure Irish.[3]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] A. Jessopp, <i>The Black Death in East +Anglia</i>, in <i>The Coming of the Friars and Other +Essays</i>(1889). For general details see F. Seebohm, <i>The Black +Death</i>, in <i>Fortnightly Review (1865 and 1866)</i>; J.E.T. +Rogers, <i>England before and after the Black Death</i>, in +<i>Fortnightly Review (1866)</i>; F.A. Gasquet's <i>Great +Pestilence</i> (1893); and C. Creighton, <i>History of Epidemics in +Britain</i>, i., 114-207(1891).</p> + +<p class="three">[2] A.G. Little, <i>The Black Deaath in +Lancashire</i>, in <i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, v. (1890), +534-30.</p> + +<p class="three">[3] See for Ireland, however, the vivid details in +J. Clyn of Kilkenny, <i>Annales Hibevnia: ad annum 1349</i>, ed. R. +Butler, <i>Irish Archaological Soc.</i> (1849).</p> + +<p>The wild exaggerations of the chroniclers reflect the horror and +desolation wrought by the epidemic. There died so many, we are +told, that the survivors scarcely sufficed to bury the victims, and +not one man in ten remained alive. The more moderate estimate of +Froissart sets down the proportion dead of the plague as one in +three throughout all Christendom, and some modern inquirers have +rashly reckoned the mortality in England as amounting to a half or +a third of the population. In truth, complete statistics are +necessarily wanting, and if the records of the admissions of the +clergy attest that, in certain dioceses, half the livings changed +hands during the years of pestilence, it is not permissible to +infer from that circumstance that there was a similar rate of +mortality from the plague over the whole of the population. The +sudden and overwhelming character of the disorder increased the +universal terror. One day a man was healthy: within a few hours of +the appearance of the fatal swelling, or of the dark livid marks +which gave the plague its popular name, he was a corpse. The +pestilence seemed to single out the young and robust as its prey, +and to spare the aged and sick. The churchyards were soon +overflowing, and special plague pits had to be dug where the dead +were heaped up by <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg372" id= +"pg372">372</a></span>the hundred. Comparatively few magnates died, +but the poor, the religious, and the clergy were chief sufferers. +The law courts ceased to hold regular sessions. When the people had +partially recovered from the first visitations of the plague, +others befel them which were scarcely less severe. The years 1362 +and 1369 almost rivalled the horrors of 1348 and 1349.</p> + +<p>The immediate effects of the calamity were overwhelming. At +first the horror of the foul death effaced all other considerations +from men's minds. There were not enough priests to absolve the +dying, and special indulgences, with full liberty to choose +confessors at discretion, were promulgated from Avignon and from +many diocesan chanceries. The price of commodities fell for the +moment, since there were few, we are told, who cared for riches +amidst the general fear of death. The pestilence played such havoc +with the labouring population that the beasts wandered untended in +the pastures, and rich crops of corn stood rotting in the fields +from lack of harvesters to gather them. There was the same lack of +clergy as of labourers, and the priest, like the peasant, demanded +a higher wage for his services by reason of the scarcity of labour. +A mower was not to be had for less than a shilling a day with his +food, and a chaplain, formerly glad to receive two marks and his +board, demanded ten pounds, or ten marks at the least. +Non-residence, neglect of cures, and other evils followed. As +Langland wrote:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"><span>Persones and parisch prestes - playneth +to heore bisschops,<br /> +</span> <span>That heore parisch hath ben pore - seththe the +pestilence tyme,<br /> +</span> <span>And asketh leue and lycence - at Londun to +dwelle,<br /> +</span> <span>To singe ther for simonye - for seluer is +swete.[1]<br /> +</span></div> +</div> + +<p>The lack of clergy was in some measure compensated by the rush +of candidates for orders. Some of these new clerks were men who had +lost their wives by the plague; many of them were illiterate, or if +they knew how to read their mass-book, could not understand it. The +close social life of the monasteries proved particularly favourable +to the spread of the disease; the number of monks and nuns declined +considerably, and, since there was no great desire to embrace the +religious profession, many houses remained half empty for +generations.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Vision of Piers Plowman</i>, i., p. g, ed. +Skeat.</p> + +<p>No one in the Middle Ages believed in letting economic laws work +out their natural results. If anything were amiss, it <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg373" id="pg373">373</a></span>was the duty of +kings and princes to set things right. Accordingly Edward and his +council at once strove to remedy the lack of labourers by +ordinances that harvesters and other workmen should not demand more +wages than they had been in the habit of receiving, while the +bishops, following the royal example, ordered chaplains and vicars +to be content with their accustomed salaries. As soon as parliament +ventured to assemble, the royal orders were embodied in the famous +statute of labourers of 1351. This measure has been condemned as an +attempt of a capitalist parliament to force poor men to work for +their masters at wages far below the market rates. But it was no +new thing to fix wages by authority, and the medieval conception +was that a just and living wage should be settled by law, rather +than left to accident. The statute provided that prices, like +wages, should remain as they had been before the pestilence, so +that, far from only regarding the interests of the employer, it +attempted to maintain the old ratio between the rate of wages and +the price of commodities. Moreover it sought to provide for the +cultivation of the soil by enacting that the sturdy beggar, who, +though able, refused to work, should be forced to put his hand to +the plough. Futile as the statute of labourers was, it was not much +more ineffective than most laws of the time. Though real efforts +were made to carry it out, the chronic weakness of a medieval +executive soon recoiled before the hopeless task of enforcing +impossible laws on an unwilling population. Class prejudices only +showed themselves in the stipulation that, while the employer was +forbidden to pay the new rate of wages under pain of heavy fines, +the labourers who refused, to work on the old terms were imprisoned +and only released upon taking oath to accept their ancient wages. +In effect, however, the king's arm was not long enough to reach +either class. The labourers, says a chronicler, were so puffed up +and quarrelsome that they would not observe the new enactment, and +the master's alternative was either to see his crops perish +unharvested, or to gratify the greedy desires of the workmen by +violating the statute. While labourers could escape punishment +through their numbers, the employer was more accessible to the +royal officers.</p> + +<p>Thus the labourers enjoyed the benefits of the scarcity of +labour, while the employers suffered the full inconveniences of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg374" id="pg374">374</a></span>the +change. Producers were to some extent recompensed by a great rise +in prices, more especially in the case of those commodities into +whose cost of production labour largely entered. For example the +rise in the price of corn and meat was inconsiderable, while +clothing, manufactured goods, and luxuries became extraordinarily +dear. Of eatables fish rose most in value, because the fishermen +had been swept away by the plague. Rents fell heavily. Landlords +found that they could only retain their tenants by wholesale +remissions. When farmers perished of the plague, it was often +impossible to find others to take up their farms. It was even +harder for lords, who farmed their own demesne, to provide +themselves with the necessary labour. Hired labour could not be +obtained except at ruinous rates. It was injudicious to press for +the strict performance of villein services, lest the villein should +turn recalcitrant and leave his holding. The lord preferred to +commute his villein's service into a small payment. On the whole +the best solution of the difficulty was for him to abandon the +ancient custom of farming his demesne through his bailiffs, and to +let out his lands on such rents as he could get to tenant farmers. +Thus the feudal method of land tenure, which, since the previous +century, had ceased to have much political significance, became +economically ineffective, and began to give way to a system more +like that which still obtains among us.</p> + +<p>Struck by these undoubted results of the pestilence, some modern +writers have persuaded themselves that the Black Death is the one +great turning-point in the social and economic history of England, +and that nearly all which makes modern England what it is, is due +to the effects of this pestilence. A wider survey suggests the +extreme improbability of a single visitation having such +far-reaching consequences. Moreover the Black Death was not an +English but a European calamity, and it is strange to imagine that +the effects of the plague in England should have been so much +deeper than in France or Germany, and so different. In the +fourteenth century there was little that was distinctly insular in +the conditions of England, as compared with those of the continent. +A trouble common to both regions alike could hardly have been the +starting-point of such differentiation between them as later ages +undoubtedly witnessed. There was a French counterpart to the +statute of labourers.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg375" id= +"pg375">375</a></span>In truth the Black Death was no isolated +phenomenon. There were already in the air the seeds of the decay of +the ancient order, and those seeds fructified more rapidly in +England by reason of the plague.[1] It is only because of the +impetus which it gave to changes already in progress that the +pestilence had in a fashion more lasting results in England than +elsewhere. The last thirty years of the reign of Edward were an +epoch of social upheaval and unrest contrasting strongly with the +uneventful times that had preceded the Black Death. It is not right +to regard the period as one of misery or severe distress. The war +of classes, which was beginning, sprang not so much from material +discomfort of the poor, as from what unsympathetic annalists called +their greediness, their pride, and their wantonness. The +wage-earner was master of the situation and did not hesitate to +make his power felt. While the spread of manufactures, the rise of +prices, and the opening out of wider markets still secured the +prosperity of the shopkeeper, the merchant, or the artisan of the +towns, the whole brunt of the social change fell upon the landed +classes, and most heavily upon the ecclesiastics and especially +upon the monks. Broken down by the heavy demands of the state, +unable to share with the layman in the new avenues to wealth opened +up by the expanding resources of the country, the monks saw the +chief sources of their prosperity drying up. Their rents were +shrinking and it became increasingly difficult to cultivate their +lands. They never recovered their ancient welfare, and were already +getting out of touch with the national life.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See for this W. Cunningham, <i>Growth of +English Industry and Commerce,</i> vol. i., p. 330 ff. (ed. 4); +T.W. Page, <i>The End of Villainage in England</i> (American +Economic Association, 1900); and, above all, P. Vinogradoff in +<i>Engl. Hist. Review, xv.</i> (1900), 774-781.</p> + +<p>One immediate result of the plague was a renewed activity in +founding religious houses. Upon the two plague pits west and east +of the city of London, Sir Walter Manny set up his Charterhouse in +Smithfield, and Edward III. his foundation for Cistercian nuns +between Tower Hill and Aldgate. More characteristic of the times +was the foundation of secular colleges, which were established +either with mainly ecclesiastical objects or to encourage study at +the universities. Both at Oxford and Cambridge there were more +colleges set up in the first than in <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg376" id="pg376">376</a></span>the second half of the fourteenth +century; and it is noteworthy that several Cambridge colleges +incorporated after the plague were founded with the avowed motive +of filling up the gaps in the secular clergy occasioned by it. The +riots between the Oxford townsmen and the clerks of the university +on St. Scholastica's day, 1354, resulted in the victory of the +former because of the recent diminution in the number of the +scholars. Yet even as regards the monasteries, it is easy to +exaggerate the effects of the plague. Five years after the Black +Death, the Cistercians of the Lancashire abbey of Whalley boasted +that they had added twenty monks to their convent, and were busy in +enlarging their church.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Cal. <i>Papal Registers, Petitions</i>, i., +264. Professor Tait, however, informs me that the monks took a +sanguine view of their numbers. After the plague of 1362, we know +that they were not much more numerous than in the previous +century.</p> + +<p>Change was in the air in religion as well as in society. Along +with democratic ideas filtering in with the exiles from the great +Flemish cities, came a breath of that restless and unquiet spirit +which soon awakened the concern of the inquisition in the +Netherlands. There brotherhoods, some mystical and quietistic, +others enthusiastic and fanatical, were growing in numbers and +importance. Some of these bodies, Beguines, Beghards, and what not, +were harmless enough, but the whole history of the Middle Ages +bears testimony to the readiness with which religious excitement +unchastened by discipline or direction, grew into dangerous heresy. +The strangest of the new communities, the Flagellants, made its +appearance in England immediately after the pestilence. In the +autumn of 1349, some six score men crossed over from Holland and +marched in procession through the open spaces of London, chanting +doleful litanies in their own tongue. They wore nothing save a +linen cloth that covered the lower part of their body, and on their +heads hats marked with a red cross behind and before. Each of them +bore in his right hand a scourge, with which he belaboured the +naked back and shoulders of his comrade in the fore rank. Twice a +day they repeated this mournful exercise, and even at other times +were never seen in public but with cap on head and discipline in +hand. Few Englishmen joined the Flagellants, but their appearance +is not unworthy of notice as the first concrete evidence of the +religious unrest which soon became more widespread. Before long the +Yorkshireman, John Wycliffe, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg377" +id="pg377">377</a></span>was studying arts at the little +north-country foundation of the Balliols at Oxford, and John Ball, +the Essex priest, was preaching his revolutionary socialism to the +villeins. "We are all come," said he, "from one father and one +mother, Adam and Eve. How can the gentry show that they are greater +lords than we?"[1] In 1355 there were heretics in the diocese of +York who maintained that it is impossible to merit eternal life by +good works, and that original sin does not deserve +damnation.[2]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The sentiment, or its equivalent in Ball's +famous distich, was not new; it was employed for mystical purposes +in Richard Rolle's</p> + +<p class="two">"When Adam delf and Eue span, spir, if thou wil +spede,<br /> +Whare was then the pride of man, that now merres his mede?"<br /> +</p> + +<p class="four"><i>Library of Early English Writers. Richard Rolle +of Hampole and his followers</i>, ed. Horstman, i., 73 (1895).</p> + +<p class="three">[2] Cal. <i>Papal Registers, Letters</i>, iii., +565.</p> + +<p>The Flagellants were denounced as heretics by Clement VI.; the +Archbishop of York proceeded against the northern heretics, and in +1366 the Archbishop of Canterbury forbade John Ball's preaching. +But there were more insidious, because more measured, enemies of +the Church than a handful of fanatics. The English were long +convinced that the Avignon popes were playing the game of the +French adversary, and Clement VI.'s efforts for peace never had a +fair hearing. Since the beginning of the war, the king laid his +hand on the alien priories, and, though in his scrupulous regard +for clerical rights he had allowed the monks to remain in +possession, he diverted the stream of tribute from the French +mother houses to his own treasury. Bolder measures against papal +provisions were taken in the years which immediately followed the +pestilence. Finding remonstrances futile, the parliament of 1351, +which passed the statute of labourers, enacted also the first +statute of provisors. It recited that the anti-papal statute of +Carlisle of 1307 was still law, and that the king had sworn to +observe it. It claimed for all electing bodies and patrons the +right to elect or to present freely to the benefices in their gift. +It declared invalid all appointments brought about by way of papal +provision. Provisors who had accepted appointments from Avignon +were to be arrested. If convicted, they were to be detained in +prison, until they had made their peace with the king, and found +surely not to accept provisions in the future, and also not to seek +their reinstatement by any process in the Roman <i>curia</i>. Two +years <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg378" id= +"pg378">378</a></span>later this measure was supplemented by the +first statute of <i>præmunire</i>, which enacted that those who +brought matters cognisable in the king's courts before foreign +courts should be liable to forfeiture and outlawry. Though the +papal court is not specially mentioned, it is clear that this +measure <i>was</i> aimed against it.</p> + +<p>General measures proving insufficient, more specific legislation +soon followed. In 1365 a fresh statute of <i>præmunire</i> was +drawn up on the initiative of the crown, enacting that all who +obtained citations, offices, or benefices from the Roman court +should incur the penalties prescribed by the act of 1353. The +prelates dissociated themselves from so stringent a law, but did +not actively oppose it. When in 1366, Edward requested the guidance +of the estates as to how he was to deal with the demand of Urban V. +for the arrears of King John's tribute, withheld altogether for +more than thirty years, the prelates joined the lay estates in +answering that neither John nor any one else could put the realm +into subjection without their consent. Even the ancient offering of +Peter's pence ceased to be paid for the rest of Edward's reign. If +these laws had been strictly carried out, the papal authority in +England would have been gravely circumscribed. But medieval laws +were too often the mere enunciations of an ideal. The statutes of +provisors and <i>præmunire</i> were as little executed as were the +statutes of labourers, or as some elaborate sumptuary legislation +passed by the parliament of 1363. The catalogue of acts of papal +interference in English ecclesiastical and temporal affairs is as +long after the passing of these laws as before. Litigants still +carried their suits to Avignon: provisions were still issued +nominating to English benefices, and Edward himself set the example +of disregarding his own laws by asking for the appointment of his +ministers to bishoprics by way of papal provision. Papal ascendency +was too firmly rooted in the fourteenth century to be eradicated by +any enactment. To the average clergyman or theologian of the day +the pope was still the "universal ordinary," the one divinely +appointed source of ecclesiastical authority, the shepherd to whom +the Lord had given the commission to feed His sheep. This theory +could only be overcome by revolution; and the parliaments and +ministers of Edward III. were in no wise of a revolutionary +temper.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg379" id= +"pg379">379</a></span>The anti-papal laws of the fourteenth century +were the acts of the secular not of the ecclesiastical power. They +were not simply anti-papal, they were also anti-clerical in their +tendency, since to the men of the age an attack on the pope was an +attack on the Church. No doubt the English bishop at Edward's court +sympathised with his master's dislike of foreign ecclesiastical +interference, and the English priest was glad to be relieved from +payments to the curia. But the clergyman, whose soul grew indignant +against the curialists, still believed that the pope was the +divinely appointed autocrat of the Church universal. Being a man, a +pope might be a bad pope; but the faithful Christian, though he +might lament and protest, could not but obey in the last resort. +The papacy was so essentially interwoven with the whole Church of +the Middle Ages, that few figments have less historical basis than +the notion that there was an anti-papal Anglican Church in the days +of the Edwards. However, before another generation had passed away, +ecclesiastical protests began.</p> + +<p>Monasticism no less than the papacy was of the very essence of +the Church of the Middle Ages. Yet the monastic ideal had no longer +the force that it had in previous generations, and even the latest +embodiments of the religious life had declined from their original +popularity. Pope John XXII. himself, in his warfare against William +of Ockham and the Spiritual Franciscans who had supported Louis of +Bavaria, denied in good round terms the Franciscan doctrine of +"evangelical poverty". Ockham was now dead, and with him perished +the last of the great cosmopolitan schoolmen, of whose birth indeed +England might boast, but who early forsook Oxford for Paris. +Conspicuous among the younger academical generation was Richard +Fitzralph, Archbishop of Armagh, whose bitter attacks on the +fundamental principles underlying the mendicant theory of the +regular life are indicative of the changing temper of the age. A +distinguished Oxford scholar, a learned and pungent writer, a +popular preacher, a reputed saint, and a good friend of the pope, +Fitzralph made himself, about 1357, the champion of the secular +clergy against the friars by writing a treatise to prove that +absolute poverty was neither practised nor commended by the +apostles.[1] The indignant mendicants procured <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg380" id="pg380">380</a></span>the archbishop's +citation to Avignon, and it was a striking proof of the +ineffectiveness of recent legislation that Edward III. allowed him +to plead his cause before the <i>curia</i>. By 1358 the friars +gained the day, but their efforts to get Fitzralph's opinions +condemned were frustrated by his death in 1360. Fitzralph had the +sympathy not only of the seculars, but of the "possessioners," or +property-holding monks.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See his <i>De Pauperie Salvatoris</i>, lib. +i.-iv., printed by R.L. Poole, as appendix to Wycliffe, <i>De +Dominio Divino</i>.</p> + +<p>The period of experiments in economic and anti-clerical +legislation was also marked by other important new laws, such as +the ordinance of the staple of 1354, providing that wool, leather, +and other commodities were only to be sold at certain <i>staple</i> +towns, a measure soon to be modified by the law of 1362, which +settled the staple at Calais; the ordinance of 1357 for the +government of Ireland, to which later reference will be made; the +statute making English the language of the law courts in 1362, and +a drastic act against purveyance in 1365. The statute of treasons +of 1352, which laid down seven several offences as alone henceforth +to be regarded as treason, also demands attention. Its +classification is rude and unsystematic. While the slaying of the +king's ministers or judges, and the counterfeiting of the great +seal or the king's coin, are joined with the compassing the death +of the king or his wife or heir, adherence to the king's enemies, +the violation of the queen or the king's eldest daughter, as +definite acts of treason, its omission to brand other notable +indications of disloyally as traitorous, inspired the judges of +later generations to elaborate the doctrine of constructive treason +in order to extend in practice the scope of the act. It was, +however, an advance for nobles and commons to have set any +limitations whatever to the wide power claimed by the courts of +defining treason.</p> + +<p>Partial respite from war did not diminish the martial ardour of +the king and his nobles. The period of the Black Death was +precisely the time when Edward completed a plan which he had begun +by the erection of his Round Table at Windsor in 1344. By 1348 he +instituted a chapel at Windsor, dedicated to St. George, served by +a secular chapter, and closely connected with a foundation for the +support of poor knights. Within a year this foundation also +included the famous Order of the Garter, the type and model of all +later orders of chivalry. On St. George's day the king celebrated +the new institution by special <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg381" id="pg381">381</a></span>solemnities. The most famous of +his companions-at-arms were associated with him as founders and +first knights. Clad in russet coats sprinkled with blue garters, a +blue garter on the right leg, and a mantle of blue ornamented with +little shields bearing the arms of St. George, the Knights of the +Garter heard mass sung by the Archbishop of Canterbury in St. +George's chapel, and then feasted solemnly in their common hall. +Ten years later the glorification of the king's birthplace was +completed by the erection of new quarters for the king, more +sumptuous and splendid than were elsewhere to be seen. The fame of +the Knights of the Garter excited the emulation of King John of +France, who set up a Round Table which grew in 1351 into the +knightly Order of the Star.</p> + +<p>The rival brethren of the Garter and the Star found plenty of +opportunities of demonstrating their prowess. Though between 1347 +and 1355 there was, so far as forms went, an almost continuous +armistice for the space of eight years, its effect was not so much +to stop fighting as to limit its scale. In reality the years of +nominal truce were a period of harassing warfare in Brittany, the +Calais march, Gascony, and the narrow seas, which even the ravages +of the Black Death did not stop.</p> + +<p>In Brittany affairs were in a wretched condition. The nominal +duke, John, was a child brought up in England under the +guardianship of Edward III. Edward was not in a position to spend +either men or money upon Brittany. As an easy way of discharging +his obligations to his ward, he handed over the duchy to Sir Thomas +Dagworth, the governor, who maintained the war from local resources +and had a free hand as regards his choice of agents and measures. +In return for power to appropriate to his own purposes the revenues +of the duchy, Dagworth undertook the custody of the fortresses, the +payment of the troops, the expenses of the administration, and the +conduct of the war. In short, Brittany was leased out to him as a +speculation, like a farm left derelict of husbandmen after the +Black Death. Dagworth sublet to the highest bidders the lordships, +fortresses, and towns of Brittany. He established at various +centres of his influence a military adventurer, whose chief +business was to make war support war and, moreover, bring in a good +profit. The consequences were disastrous. Dagworth's captains were +for the most part Englishmen, men of character, energy, and <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg382" id="pg382">382</a></span>resources, +but utterly without scruples and with no other ambition than to +raise a good revenue and maintain themselves in authority. The most +famous of them were members of gentle but obscure houses, whose +poverty debarred them from the ordinary avenues to fame and +fortune, and whose vigour and ability made good use of their +exceptional positions. Two Cheshire kinsmen, Hugh Calveley and +Robert Knowles, thus won, each for himself, a place in history. +Some of the adventurers were of obscurer origin, some were +foreigners, German, French, or Netherlandish, and some few Breton +gentlemen of Montfort's faction. Of these Crockart, the German, and +Raoul de Caours, the Breton, were the most famous.</p> + +<p>The results of the system bore heavily on the Breton peasantry. +Each lord of a castle levied systematic blackmail on the +neighbouring parishes. These payments, called ransoms, were exacted +as a condition of protection. The governor, though severely +maltreating those who neglected to pay their ransom, did little to +save his dependants from the ravages of the partisans of Charles of +Blois. Despite such misdeeds, the war of partisans was brightened +by many feats of heroism. The friends of Charles of Blois +disregarded the truce and waged war as well as they could. Among +them was already conspicuous the son of a nobleman of the +neighbourhood of Dinan, the ugly, able, restless Bertrand du +Guesclin, whose enterprise and valour won for him a great local +reputation. In 1350 Dagworth was slain. The history of the +following years is not to be found in the acts of his successor, +Sir Walter Bentley, but in the private deeds of daring of the +heroes of both sides. Conspicuous among these is the famous Battle +of the Thirty, well known from the detailed narrative of Froissart, +and the stirring verses of a contemporary French poem. This fight +was fought on March 27, 1351, between thirty Breton gentlemen of +the Blois faction, drawn from the garrison of Josselin, and a less +noble but even more strenuous band of thirty English and other +adventurers of the Montfort party, from the garrison of Ploermel, +seven miles to the east. Beaumanoir, the commandant at Josselin, +had been moved to indignation at the cruel treatment of peasants +who had refused to pay ransom by Robert Bembro, the commander of +Ploermel. He challenged the tyrant to combat, and thirty heroes of +each party fought out their quarrel at a spot <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg383" id="pg383">383</a></span>marked by the +half-way oak, equidistant from the two garrisons. After a long +struggle, in which Bembro was slain, victory fell to the men from +Josselin. Among the vanquished were Knowles, Calveley, and +Crockart. This fight had absolutely no influence on the fortune of +the war.</p> + +<p>In 1352 the French strove to carry on the Breton war on a +grander scale, and a large army, commanded by Guy of Nesle, marshal +of France, was sent to reinforce the partisans of Charles of Blois. +They met Bentley at Mauron, a few miles north of Ploermel, where +one of the most interesting battles of the war was fought Taught by +the lesson of Crecy, Nesle had already, in obscure fights in +Poitou, ordered the French knights and men-at-arms to fight on +foot.[1] He here adopted the same plan for the first time in a +battle of importance, but, after a severe struggle, Bentley won the +day. In 1353 Edward III. made a treaty with his captive, Charles of +Blois. In return for a huge ransom Charles was to obtain his +liberty, be recognised as Duke of Brittany, marry one of Edward's +daughters, and promise to remain neutral in the Anglo-French +struggle. The treaty involved too great a dislocation of policy to +be carried out. Charles, after visiting Brittany, renounced the +compact and returned to his London prison. Thus the weary war of +partisans still went on, and thenceforth the fortunes of Charles +depended less upon negotiations than on the growing successes of +Bertrand du Guesclin.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] See my paper on <i>Some Neglected Fights +between Crecy and Poitiers</i> in <i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, vol. +xxi., Oct., 1905.</p> + +<p>During these years Calais was the centre of much fighting. Eager +to win back the town, the French bribed an Italian mercenary, then +in Edward's service, to admit them into the castle. The plot was +discovered, and Edward and the Prince of Wales crossed over in +disguise to help in frustrating the French assault. The French were +enticed into Calais and taken as in a trap. Edward then sallied out +of the town, and rashly engaged in personal encounter with a more +numerous enemy. He was unexpectedly successful, and made wonderful +display of his prowess as a knight. In revenge, the English +devastated the neighbouring country by raids like that led by the +Duke of Lancaster in 1351, which spread desolation from +Thérouanne to Etaples. Of more enduring importance were the +gradual <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg384" id= +"pg384">384</a></span>extensions of the English pale by the +piecemeal conquest of the fortresses of the neighbourhood. The +chief step in this direction was the capture of Guînes in +1352. An archer named John Dancaster, who escaped from French +custody in Guînes, led his comrades to the assault of the +town by a way which he learnt during his imprisonment. The attack +succeeded, and Dancaster, to avoid involving his master in a formal +breach of the truce, professed to hold the town on his own account +and to be willing to sell it to the highest bidder. Of course the +highest bidder was Edward III. himself, and thus Guînes +became the southern outpost of the Calais march.</p> + +<p>In Aquitaine and Languedoc there was no thought of repose. In +1349 Lancaster led a foray to the gates of Toulouse, which wrought +immense damage but led to no permanent results. There was incessant +border warfare. The Anglo-Gascon forces spread beyond the limits of +Edward's duchy and captured outposts in Poitou, Périgord, +Quercy, and the Agenais. In retaliation, the Count of Armagnac, a +strong upholder of the French cause, did what mischief he could in +those parts of Gascony adjacent to his own territories. On the +whole the result of these struggles was a considerable extension of +the English power.</p> + +<p>The most famous episode of these years was a naval battle fought +off Winchelsea on August 29, 1350, against a strong fleet of +Spanish privateers commanded by Charles of La Cerda. The Spaniards +having plundered English wine ships, Edward summoned a fleet to +meet them, and himself went on board, along with the Prince of +Wales, Lancaster, and many of his chief nobles. The fight that +ensued was remarkable not more for the reckless valour of the king +and his nobles than for the dexterity of the English tactics. The +great busses of Spain towered above the little English vessels, +like castles over cottages. Yet the English did not hesitate to +grapple their adversaries' craft and swarm up their sides on to the +decks. Edward captured one of the chief of the Spanish ships, +though his own vessel, the Cog <i>Thomas</i>, was so severely +damaged that it had to be hastily abandoned for its prize. The +glory of the victory of the "Spaniards on the sea" kept up the fame +first won at Sluys.</p> + +<p>In these years of truce first appeared the worst scourge of the +war, bands of mercenary soldiers, fighting on their own account and +recklessly devastating the regions which they chose to visit. <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg385" id="pg385">385</a></span>The cry +for peace rose higher than ever. Innocent VI., who succeeded +Clement VI. in 1352, took up with great energy the papal policy of +mediation. Thanks to his legates' good offices, preliminary +articles of peace were actually agreed upon on April 6, 1354, at +Guînes. By them Edward agreed to renounce his claim to the +French throne if he were granted full sovereignly over Guienne, +Ponthieu, Artois, and Guînes. When the chamberlain, +Burghersh, laid before parliament, which was then sitting, the +prospect of peace, "the commons with one accord replied that, +whatever course the king and the magnates should take as regards +the said treaty, was agreeable to them. On this reply the +chamberlain said to the commons: 'Then you wish to agree to a +perpetual treaty of peace, if one can be had?' And the said commons +answered unanimously, 'Yea, yea'."[1] Vexatious delays, however, +supervened, and at last the negotiations broke down hopelessly. The +French refused to surrender their over-lordship over the ceded +provinces, and the Easter parliament of 1355 agreed with the king +that war must be renewed. Two years of war were to follow more +fierce than even the struggles which had culminated in Crecy, La +Roche, and Calais.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Rot. Pad.,</i> ii., 262.</p> + +<p>Two expeditions were organised to invade France in the summer of +1355, one for Aquitaine under the Prince of Wales,[1] and the other +for Normandy under Lancaster. Westerly winds long prevented their +despatch. It was not until September that the Prince of Wales +reached Bordeaux. The change of wind, which bore the prince to +Gascony, enabled the host, collected by the King and Lancaster on +the Thames, to make its way to Normandy. But the special reason +which brought the English thither was already gone. The expedition +was planned to co-operate with the King of Navarre. Charles, +surnamed the Bad, traced on his father's side his descent to that +son of Philip the Bold who obtained the county of Evreux in upper +Normandy for his appanage. From his mother, the daughter of Louis +X., he derived his kingdom of Navarre and a claim on the French +monarchy of the same type as that of Edward III. Cunning, +plausible, unscrupulous, and violent, <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg386" id="pg386">386</a></span>Charles had quarrelled +fiercely with King John, whose daughter he had married. His vast +estates in Normandy made him a valuable ally to Edward, and he had +suggested joint action in that duchy against the French. Unluckily, +while the west winds kept the English fleet beyond the Straits of +Dover, John made terms with his son-in-law. Lancaster was +compensated for his disappointment by the governorship of Brittany. +The army equipped for the Norman expedition was diverted to Calais, +whence in November, Edward and Lancaster led a purposeless foray in +the direction of Hesdin, which hastily ended on the arrival of the +news that the Scots had surprised the town of Berwick, and were +threatening its castle. Thereupon Edward hastened back home. He had +to keep the Scots quiet, before he could attack the French.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] For the Black Prince's career in Aquitaine, +see Moisant, <i>Le Prince Noir en Aquitaine</i> (1894)</p> + +<p>When the Black Prince reached Bordeaux, he received a warm +welcome from the Gascons, and at once set out at the head of an +army, partly English and partly Gascon, on a foray into the enemy's +territory. He made his way from Bazas to the upper Adour through +the county of Armagnac, whose lord had incurred his wrath by his +devotion to the house of Valois and his invasions of the Gascon +duchy. Thence he worked eastwards, avoiding the greater towns, and +plundering and devastating wherever he could. The Count of +Armagnac, the French commander in the south, watched his progress +from Toulouse, and prudently avoided any open encounter. The prince +approached within a few miles of the capital of Languedoc, but +found an easier prey in the rich towns and fertile plains in the +valley of the Aude. He captured the "town" of Carcassonne, though +he failed to reduce the fortress-crowned height of the "city". At +Narbonne also he took the "town" and left the "city". His progress +spread terror throughout the south, and the clerks of the +university of Montpellier and the papal <i>curia</i> at Avignon +trembled lest he should continue his raid in their direction. But +November came, and Edward found it prudent to retire, choosing on +his westward journey a route parallel to that which he had +previously adopted. He had achieved his real purpose in desolating +the region from which the French had derived the chief resources +for their attacks on Gascony. The raiders boasted that Carcassonne +was larger than York, Limoux not less great than Carcassonne, and +Narbonne nearly <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg387" id= +"pg387">387</a></span>as populous as London. Over this fair region, +where wine and oil were more abundant than water, the black band of +desolation, which had already marked so many of the fairest +provinces of France, was cruelly extended.</p> + +<p>The prince kept his Christmas at Bordeaux. Even during the +winter his troops remained active. Most of the Agenais was +conquered by January, 1356, while in February the capture of +Périgueux opened up the way of invasion northwards. +Meanwhile the prince mustered his forces for a vigorous summer +campaign. While the towns on the Isle and the Lot were yielding to +his son, Edward III. was avenging the capture of Berwick by a +winter campaign in the Lothians. Before the end of January, 1356, +Berwick was once more in his hands. Thence he passed to Roxburgh, +where Edward Balliol surrendered to him all his rights over the +Scottish throne. Thenceforth styling himself no longer overlord but +King of Scotland, Edward mercilessly harried his new subjects. But +storms dispersed the English victualling ships, and Edward's men +could not live in winter on the country that they had made a +wilderness. In a few weeks they were back over the border, though +their raid was long remembered in Scottish tradition as the Burnt +Candlemas.</p> + +<p>Another breach between Charles of Navarre and his father-in-law +again opened to the English the way to Normandy. John lost patience +at Charles's renewed intrigues, and in April arrested him and his +friends at Rouen. Thereupon his brother, Philip of Navarre, rose in +revolt. With him were many of the Norman lords, including Geoffrey +of Harcourt, lord of Saint-Sauveur. The English were once more +invited to Normandy, and on June 18 Lancaster landed at La Hougue +with the double mission of aiding the Norman rebels and +establishing John of Montfort, then arrived at man's estate, in his +Breton duchy. It was the first English invasion of northern France +during the war, in which they had, as in Brittany, the co-operation +of a strong party in the land. The Navarre and Harcourt influence +at once secured them the Côtentin. Meanwhile, however, the +French were besieging the fortresses of the county of Evreux. With +the object of relieving this pressure, Lancaster, immediately after +his landing, marched into the heart of Normandy, and soon reached +Verneuil. It looked for the moment as if he were destined to +emulate the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg388" id= +"pg388">388</a></span>exploits of Edward II. in 1346. But he +abruptly turned back, leaving the county of Evreux to fall into +French hands. The permanent result of his intervention was to +reduce Normandy to a state of anarchy nearly as complete as that of +Brittany. In the autumn Lancaster at last made his way to the land +of which he had had nominal charge since the previous year. He left +Philip of Navarre as commander in Normandy, and the war was +supported from local resources. The Côtentin being in +friendly hands, Lancaster attacked the strongholds of the Blois +party, which had hitherto been exempt from the war. In October he +laid siege to Rennes and was detained before its walls until July, +1357, when he agreed to desist from the attack in return for a huge +ransom. Lancaster then established young Montfort as duke. At the +same time Charles of Blois, released from his long imprisonment, +once more reappeared in his wife's inheritance, though, as his +ransom was still but partly paid, his scrupulous honour compelled +him to abstain from personal intervention in the war. Thus Brittany +got back both her dukes.</p> + +<p>The northern operations in 1356 sink into insignificance when +compared with the exploits of the Black Prince in the south. After +the capture of Périgueux, there had been some idea of the +prince making a northward movement and joining hands with Lancaster +on the Loire. When Lancaster retired from Verneuil, however, the +Black Prince was still in the valley of the Dordogne. Even when all +was ready, attacks on the Gascon duchy compelled him to divert a +large portion of his army for the defence of his own frontiers. Not +until August 9 was he able to advance from Périgueux to +Brantôme into hostile territory. It was a month too late to +co-operate with Lancaster, and the 7,000 men, who followed his +banners, were in equipment rather prepared for a raid than for a +systematic conquest.</p> + +<p>Edward's outward march was in a generally northerly direction. +Leaving Limoges on his right, he crossed the Vienne lower down the +stream, and thence he led his troops over the Creuse at Argenton +and over the Indre at Châteauroux. When he traversed the Cher +at Vierzon, his followers rejoiced that they had at last got out of +the limits of the ancient duchy of Guienne and were invading the +actual kingdom of France. On penetrating beyond the Cher into the +melancholy flats of the Sologne, the prince encountered the first +serious resistance. He then turned <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg389" id="pg389">389</a></span>abruptly to the west, and chased +the enemy into the strong castle of Romorantin, which he captured +on September 3. There he heard that John of France, who had +gathered together a huge force, was holding the passages over the +Loire. Edward marched to meet the enemy, and on September 7 reached +the neighbourhood of Tours, where he tarried in his camp for three +days. But the few bridges were destroyed or strongly guarded, and +the men-at-arms found it quite impossible to make their way over +the broad and swift Loire. Moreover the news came that John had +crossed the river near Blois, and was hurrying southwards. +Thereupon the Black Prince turned in the same direction, seeing in +this southward march his best chance of getting to close quarters. +The French host was enormously the superior in numbers, but after +Morlaix, Mauron, and Crecy, mere numerical disparity weighed but +lightly on an English commander.</p> + +<p>For some days the armies marched in the same direction in +parallel lines, neither knowing very clearly the exact position of +the other. On September 14 Edward reached Châtelherault on +the Vienne. His troops were weary and war-worn, and his transport +inordinately swollen by spoils. He rested two days at +Châtelherault, but was again on the move on hearing that the +enemy was at Chauvigny, situated some twenty miles higher up the +Vienne. Edward at once started in pursuit, only to find that the +French had retired before him to Poitiers, eighteen miles due west +of Chauvigny. Careless of his convoy, he hurried across country in +the hope of catching the elusive enemy, but was only in time to +fight a rear-guard skirmish at a manor named La Chaboterie, on the +road from Chauvigny to Poitiers, on September, 17. That night the +English lay in a wood hard by the scene of action, suffering +terribly from want of water. Next day, Sunday, September 18, Edward +pursued the French as near as he could to Poitiers, halting in +battle array within a league of the town. A further check on his +impatience now ensued. Innocent VI.'s legate, the Cardinal +Talleyrand, brother of the Count of Périgord, who was with +the French army, crossed to the rival host with an offer of +mediation. Edward received the cardinal courteously and spent most +of the day in negotiations. But the French showed no eagerness to +bring matters to a conclusion, and as every hour reinforcements +poured into the enemy's camp the scanty patience of the English was +exhausted. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg390" id= +"pg390">390</a></span>They declared that the legate's talk about +saving the effusion of Christian blood was only a blind to gain +time, so that the French might overwhelm them. Edward broke off the +negotiations, and, retiring to a position more remote from the +enemy, passed the night quietly. Early next morning the cardinal +again sought to treat, but this time his offers were rejected. On +his withdrawal, the French attack began.</p> + +<p>The topographical details of the battle of Poitiers of September +19, 1356, cannot be determined with certainty. We only know that +the place of the encounter was called Maupertuis, which is +generally identified with a farm now called La Cardinerie, some six +miles south-east of Poitiers, and a little distance to the north of +the Benedictine abbey of Nouaille. The abbey formed the southern +limit of the field. On the west the place of combat was skirted by +the little river Miausson, which winds its way through marshes in a +deep-cut valley, girt by wooded hills. The French left their horses +at Poitiers, having resolved, perhaps on the advice of a Scottish +knight, Sir William Douglas, to fight on foot, after the English +and Scottish fashion, and as they had already fought at Mauron and +elsewhere. As at Mauron, a small band of cavalry was retained, both +for the preliminary skirmishing which then usually heralded a +battle, and in the hope of riding down some of the archers. But the +French did not fully understand the English tactics, and took no +care to combine men-at-arms with archers or crossbowmen, though +these were less important against an army weak in archers and +largely consisting of Gascons. Of the four "battles" the first, +under the Marshals Audrehem and Clermont, included the little +cavalry contingent; the second was under Charles, Duke of Normandy, +a youth of nineteen; the third under the Duke of Orleans, the +king's brother; and the rear was commanded by the king.</p> + +<p>The English army spent the night before the battle beyond the +Miausson, but in the morning the prince, fearing an ambuscade +behind the hill of Nouaillé on the east bank, abandoned his +original position and crossed the stream in order to occupy it. He +divided his forces into three "battles," led respectively by +himself, Warwick, and William Montague, since 1343 by his father's +death Earl of Salisbury. Though he found no enemy there, he +remained with his "battle" on the hill, because it commanded the +slopes to the north over on which the French were <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg391" id="pg391">391</a></span>now advancing. +His remote position threw the brunt of the fighting upon the +divisions of Warwick and Salisbury. They were stationed side by +side in advance of him on ground lower than that held by him, but +higher than that of the enemy, and beset with bushes and vineyards +which sloped down on the left towards the marshes of the Miausson. +Some distance in front of their position, a long hedge and ditch +divided the upland, on which the "battles" of Warwick and Salisbury +were stationed, from the fields in which the French were arrayed. +At its upper end, remote from the Miausson, where Salisbury's +command lay, the hedge was broken by a gap through which a farmer's +track connected the fields on each side of it. The first fighting +began when the English sent a small force of horsemen through the +gap to engage with the French cavalry beyond. While Audrehem, on +the French right, suspended his attack to watch the result, +Clermont made his way straight for the gap, hoping to take +Salisbury's division, on the upper or right-hand station, in flank. +Before he reached the gap, however, he found the hedge and the +approaches to the cart-road held in force by the English archers. +Meanwhile the mail-clad men and horses of Audrehem's cavalry had +approached dangerously near the left of the English line, where +Warwick was stationed. Their complete armour made riders and steeds +alike impervious to the English arrows, until the prince, seeing +from his hill how things were proceeding, ordered some archers to +station themselves on the marshy ground near the Miausson, in +advance of the left flank of the English army. From this position +they shot at the unprotected parts of the French horses, and drove +the little band of cavalry from the field. By that time Clermon's +attack on the gap had been defeated, and so both sections of the +first French division retired.</p> + +<p>Then came the stronger "battle" of the eldest son of the French +king. The fight grew more fierce, and for a long time the issue +remained doubtful. The English archers exhausted their arrows to +little purpose, and the dismounted French men-at-arms, offering a +less sure mark than the horsemen, forced their way to the English +ranks and fought a desperate hand-to-hand conflict with them. At +last the Duke of Normandy's followers were driven back. Thereupon a +panic seized the division commanded by the Duke of Orleans, which +fled from <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg392" id= +"pg392">392</a></span>the field without measuring swords with the +enemy. The victors themselves were in a desperate plight. Many were +wounded, and all were weary, especially the men-at-arms encased in +heavy plate mail. The flight of Orleans gave them a short respite: +but they soon had to face the assault of the rear battle of the +enemy, gallantly led by the king. "No battle," we are told, "ever +lasted so long. In former fights men knew, by the time that the +fourth or the sixth arrow had been discharged, on which side +victory was to be. But here a single archer shot with coolness a +hundred arrows, and still neither side gave way."[1] At last the +bowmen had only the arrows they snatched from the bodies of the +dead and dying, and when these were exhausted, they were reduced to +throwing stones at their foes, or to struggle in the +<i>mêlée</i>, with sword and buckler, side by side +with the men-at-arms. But the Black Prince from his hill had +watched the course of the encounter, and at the right moment, when +his friends were almost worn out, marched down, and made the fight +more even. Before joining himself in the engagement, Edward had +ordered the Captal de Buch, the best of his Gascons, to lead a +little band, under cover of the hill, round the French position and +attack the enemy in the rear. At first the Anglo-Gascon army was +discouraged, thinking that the captal had fled, but they still +fought on. Suddenly the captal and his men assaulted the French +rear. This settled the hard fought day. Surrounded on every side, +the French perished in their ranks or surrendered in despair. King +John was taken prisoner, fighting desperately to the last, and with +him was captured his youngest son Philip, the future Duke of +Burgundy, a boy of twelve, whose epithet of "the Bold" was earned +by his precocious valour in the struggle. Before nightfall the +English host had sole possession of the field, and the best fought, +best directed, and most important of the battles of the war ended +in the complete triumph of the invaders.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Eulogium Hist.</i>, iii., 225.</p> + +<p>As after Crecy, the victors were too weak to continue the +campaign. Next day they began their slow march back to their base. +On October 2 Edward reached Libourne, and a few days later +conducted the captive king into the Gascon capital. They were soon +followed by the Cardinal Talleyrand on whose insistence the prince +agreed to resume negotiations. On March <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg393" id="pg393">393</a></span>23, 1357, a truce to last +until 1359 was arranged at Bordeaux. On May 24 the prince led the +vanquished king through the streets of London.</p> + +<p>The English, weary of the burden of war, strove to use their +advantages to procure a stable peace. Though Charles of Blois was +released, he was muzzled for the future, and when John joined his +ally David Bruce in the Tower, it was the obvious game of Edward to +exact terms from his prisoners. David's spirit was broken, and he +was glad to accept a treaty sealed in October, 1357, at Berwick, by +which he was released for a ransom of 100,000 marks, to be paid by +ten yearly instalments. The task was harder for a poor country like +Scotland than the redemption of Richard I. had been for England. On +hostages being given, David was released, and Edward, without +relinquishing his own pretensions to be King of Scots, took no +steps to enforce his claim. The event showed that Edward knew his +man. The instalments of ransom could not be regularly paid, and +David never became free from his obligations. Nothing save the +tenacity of the Scottish nobles prevented him from accepting +Edward's proposals to write off the arrears of his ransom in return +for his accepting either the English king himself or his son, +Lionel of Antwerp, as heir of Scotland. This attitude brought David +into conflict with his natural heir, Robert, the Steward of +Scotland, the son of his sister Margaret. The tension between uncle +and nephew forced the Scots king to remain on friendly terms with +Edward. For the rest of the reign, Scottish history was occupied by +aristocratic feuds, by financial expedients for raising the king's +ransom, by the gradual development of the practice of entrusting +the powers of parliament to those committees of the estates +subsequently famous as the lords of the articles, by David's +matrimonial troubles after Joan's death, and by his unpopular +visits to the court of his neighbour. Warfare between the realms +there was none, save for the chronic border feuds. When David died +in 1371, the Steward of Scotland land mounted the throne as Robert +II. This first of the Stewart kings went back to the policy of the +French alliance, but was too weak to inflict serious mischief on +England.</p> + +<p>In January, 1358, preliminaries of peace were also arranged with +the captive King of France, and sent to Paris and Avignon for +ratification. Innocent VI. was overjoyed at his success, and <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg394" id="pg394">394</a></span>Frenchmen +were willing to make any sacrifices to bring back their monarch, +for immediately after Poitiers a storm of disorder burst over +France. The states general met a few weeks after the battle, and +the regent, Charles of Normandy, was helpless in their hands. This +was the time of the power of Stephen Marcel, provost of the +merchants of Paris, and of Robert Lecoq, Bishop of Laon. But the +movement in Paris was neither in the direction of parliamentary +government nor of democracy, and few men have less right to be +regarded as popular heroes than Marcel and Lecoq. The estates were +manipulated in the interests of aristocratic intrigue, and, behind +the ostensible leaders, was the sinister influence of Charles of +Navarre, who availed himself of the desolation of France to play +his own game. For a time he was the darling of the Paris mob. +Innocent VI. was deceived by his protestations of zeal for peace. +As grandson of Louis X. he aspired to the French throne, and was +anxious to prevent John's return. Edward had no good-will for a +possible rival, but it was his interest to keep up the anarchy, and +he had no scruple in backing up Charles. There was talk of Edward +becoming King of France and holding the maritime provinces, while +Charles as his vassal should be lord of Paris and the interior +districts. English mercenaries, who had lost their occupation with +the truce, enlisted themselves in the service of Navarre. Robert +Knowles, James Pipe, and other ancient captains of Edward fought +for their own hand in Normandy, and built up colossal fortunes out +of the spoils of the country. Some of these hirelings appeared in +Paris, where the citizens welcomed allies of the Navarrese, even +when they were foreign adventurers. However, Charles went so far +that a strong reaction deprived him of all power. He was able to +prevent the ratification of the preliminaries of 1358. But in that +year the death of Marcel was followed by the return of the regent +to Paris, the expulsion of the foreign mercenaries, the collapse of +the estates, and the restoration of the capital to the national +cause. The short-lived horrors wreaked by the revolted peasantry +were followed by the more enduring atrocities of the nobles who +suppressed them. Military adventurers pillaged France from end to +end, but the worst troubles ended when Charles of Navarre lost his +pre-eminence.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] An admirable account of the state of France +between 1356 and 1358 is in Denifie, <i>La Desolation des +Églises en France pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans</i>, ii., +134-316 (1899).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg395" id= +"pg395">395</a></span>When the truce of Bordeaux was on the verge +of expiration, the French king negotiated a second treaty by which +he bought off the threatened renewal of war. This was the treaty of +London, March 24, 1359, by which John yielded up to Edward in full +sovereignty the ancient empire of Henry II. Normandy, the +suzerainty of Brittany, Anjou, and Maine, Aquitaine within its +ancient limits, Calais and Ponthieu with the surrounding districts, +were the territorial concessions in return for which Edward +renounced his claim to the French throne. The vast ransom of +4,000,000 golden crowns was to be paid for John's redemption; the +chief princes of the blood were to be hostages for him, and in case +of failure to observe the terms of the treaty he was to return to +his captivity. The only provision in any sense favourable to France +was that by which Edward promised to aid John against the King of +Navarre.</p> + +<p>The treaty of London excited the liveliest anger in France. "We +had rather," declared the assembled estates, "endure the great +mischief that has afflicted us so long, than suffer the noble realm +of France thus to be diminished and defrauded."[1] Spurred up by +these patriotic manifestations, the regent rejected the treaty, and +prepared as best he could for the storm of Edward's wrath which +soon burst upon his country. Anxious to unite forces against the +national enemy, he made peace with Charles of Navarre, who, +abandoned by Edward, was delighted to be restored to his +estates.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Froissart, v., 180, ed. Luce.</p> + +<p>Edward concentrated all his efforts on a new invasion of France. +In November, 1359, he marched out of Calais with all his forces. +His four sons attended him, and there was a great muster of earls +and experienced warriors. Among the less known members of the host +was the young Londoner, Geoffrey Chaucer, a page in Lionel of +Antwerp's household. In three columns, each following a separate +route, the English made their way from Calais towards the +south-east. The French avoided a pitched battle, but hung on the +skirts of the army and slew, or captured, stragglers and foragers. +Chaucer was among those thus taken prisoner. Edward's ambition was +to take Reims, and have himself crowned there as King of France. On +December 4 he arrived at the gates of the city, and besieged it +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg396" id="pg396">396</a></span>for +six weeks. Then on January 11, 1360, the King despaired of success, +abandoned the siege, and marched southwards through Champagne +towards Burgundy. Despite the check at Reims, he was still so +formidable that in March Duke Philip of Burgundy concluded with him +the shameful treaty of Guillon, by which he purchased exemption +from invasion by an enormous ransom and a promise of +neutrality.</p> + +<p>Edward next turned towards Paris. The news that the French had +effected a successful descent on Winchelsea and behaved with +extreme brutality to the inhabitants, infuriated the English +troopers, who perpetrated a hundredfold worse deeds in the suburbs +of the French capital. It seemed as if the war was about to end +with the siege and capture of Paris. The regent, unable to meet the +English in the field, fell back in despair on negotiation. Innocent +VI. again offered his good services. John sent from his English +prison full powers to his son to make what terms he would, and on +April 3, which was Good Friday, ambassadors from each power met +under papal intervention at Longjumeau; but Edward still insisted +on the terms of the treaty of London, for which the French were not +yet prepared. On April 7 Edward began the siege of Paris by an +attack on the southern suburbs, but was so little successful that +he withdrew five days later. A terrible tempest destroyed his +provision train and devastated his army. These disasters made +Edward anxious for peace, and the negotiations, after two +interruptions, were successfully renewed at Chartres, and +facilitated by the signature of a truce for a year. The work of a +definitive treaty was pushed forward, and on May 8, preliminaries +of peace were signed between the prince of Wales and Charles of +France at the neighbouring hamlet of Brétigni, whither the +peacemakers had transferred their sittings. There were still +formalities to accomplish which took up many months. King John was +escorted in July by the Prince of Wales to Calais, and in October +he was joined by Edward III., who had returned to England about the +time that the negotiations at Brétigni were over. The peace +took its final form at Calais in October 24, 1360. Next day John +was released, and ratified the convention as a free man on French +soil. This permanent treaty is more properly styled the treaty of +Calais than the treaty of Brétigni; but the alterations +between the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg397" id= +"pg397">397</a></span>two were only significant in one particular +respect. At Calais the English agreed to omit a clause inserted at +Brétigni by which Edward renounced his claims to the French +throne, and John his claims over the allegiance of the inhabitants +of the ceded districts. As the Calais treaty of October alone had +the force of law, it was a real triumph of French diplomacy to have +suppressed so vital a feature in the definitive document.[1] Even +with this alleviation the terms were sufficiently humiliating to +France. Edward and his heirs were to receive in perpetuity, "and in +the manner in which the kings of France had held them," an ample +territory both in southern and northern France. All Aquitaine was +henceforth to be English, including Poitou, Saintonge, +Périgord, Angoumois, Limousin, Quercy, Rouergue, Agenais, +and Bigorre. The greatest feudatories of these districts, the +friendly Count of Foix as well as the hostile Count of Armagnac, +and the Breton pretender to the viscounty of Limoges, were to do +homage to Edward for all their lands within these bounds. Nor was +this all. The county of Ponthieu, including Montreuil-sur-mer, was +restored to its English lords, and added to the pale of Calais, +which was to include the whole county of Guînes, made up two +considerable northern dominions for Edward. With these cessions +were included all adjacent islands, and all islands held by the +English king at that time, so that the Channel islands were by +implication recognised as English.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] On the importance of this, see the paper of +MM. Petit-Dutaillis and P. Collier, <i>La Diplomatie +française et le Traité de Brétigny</i> in +<i>Le Moyen Age</i>, 2e serie, tome i. (1897), pp. 1-35.</p> + +<p>The ransom of John was fixed at 3,000,000 gold crowns, that is +£500,000 sterling. The vastness of this sum can be realised by +remembering that the ordinary revenue of the English crown in time +of peace did not much exceed £60,000, while the addition to +that of a sum of £150,000 involved an effort which only a +popular war could dispose Englishmen to make. Of this ransom +600,000 crowns were to be paid at once, and the rest in annual +instalments of 400,000 crowns until the whole payment was effected. +During this period the prisoners from Poitiers, several of the +king's near relatives, a long list of the noblest names in France, +and citizens of some of its wealthiest cities, were to remain as +hostages in Edward's hands. As to the Breton succession, Edward and +John engaged to do <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg398" id= +"pg398">398</a></span>their best to effect a peaceful settlement. +If they failed in attaining this, the rival claimants were to fight +it out among themselves, England and France remaining neutral. +Whichever of the two became duke was to do homage to the King of +France, and John of Montfort was, in any case, to be restored to +his county of Montfort. A similar care for Edward's friends was +shown in the article which preserved for Philip of Navarre his +hereditary domains in Normandy. Forfeitures and outlawries were to +be pardoned, and the rights of private persons to be respected. +Nevertheless Calais was to remain at Edward's entire disposal, and +the burgesses, dispossessed by him, were not to be reinstated. The +French renounced their alliance with the Scots, and the English +theirs with the Flemings. Time was allowed to carry out these +complicated stipulations, and, by way of compensating Edward for +the significant omission which has been mentioned, elaborate +provisions were made for the mutual execution at a later date of +charters of renunciation, by which Edward abandoned his claim to +the French throne and John the over-lordship of the districts +yielded to Edward. These were to be exchanged at Bruges about a +year later.</p> + +<p>England rejoiced at the conclusion of so brilliant a peace, and +laid no stress on the subtle change in the conditions which made +the treaty far less definitive in reality than in appearance. In +France the faithful flocked to the churches to give thanks for +deliverance from the long anarchy. The perfect courtesy and good +feeling which the two kings had shown to each other gilded the +concluding ceremonies with a ray of chivalry. John was released +almost at once, and allowed to retain with him in France some of +the hostages, including his valiant son Philip, the companion of +his captivity. John made Edward's peace with Louis of Flanders, and +Edward persuaded John to pardon Charles and Philip of Navarre. At +last the two weary nations looked forward to a long period of +repose.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XVIII.</h2> + +<h4>THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR FROM THE TREATY OF CALAIS TO THE TRUCE +OF BRUGES.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg399" id= +"pg399">399</a></span>It was an easier matter to conclude the +treaty of Calais than to carry it out. Troubles followed the +release of the French king and the expiration of the year during +which the two parties were to yield up the ceded territory and +effect the renunciations of their respective claims. John did his +best to keep faith in both these matters. He ordered his vassals to +submit themselves to their new lord, and appointed commissioners to +hand over the lost provinces to the agents of the English king. In +July, 1361, Sir John Chandos, Edward's lieutenant in France, +received the special mission of taking possession of the new +acquisitions in the name of his master. Chandos' reputation as a +soldier made him acceptable to the French, and being recognised by +the treaty as lord of Saint-Sauveur in the Côtentin, he was +interested in maintaining good relations between the two realms. He +began his work by taking possession of Poitiers and Poitou, but +found that many of the descendants of the greedy lords, who, more +than a hundred years before, had played off Henry III against St. +Louis, abandoned the rule of John with undisguised reluctance. It +was worse with the towns, where national sentiment was stronger. La +Rochelle held out for months, and, when its notables at last +submitted, they declared: "We will accept the English with our lips +but never with our hearts". Much patriotic feeling was manifested +in Quercy. The consuls of Cahors made their submission, weeping and +groaning. "Alas!" they declared, "how odious it is to lose our +natural lord, and to pass over to a master we know not. But it is +not we who abandon the King of France. It is he who, against our +wishes, hands us over, like orphans, to the hands of the stranger." +It was not until two years after the signing of the treaty that +Edward entered into <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg400" id= +"pg400">400</a></span>possession of the bulk of the lands granted +to him. Even then there were districts in Poitou, notably +Belleville, which never became English at all. One of the last +districts to yield was Rouergue, whose count, John of Armagnac, +only made his submission under the compulsion of irresistible +necessity.</p> + +<p>It was even more difficult to get the English out of the lands +which the treaty had assigned to the French. These districts were +largely held by companies of mercenaries, little under Edward's +control and indisposed to yield up the conquests won by their own +hands because their nominal lord had thought fit to make a treaty +with the French king. Despite the orders of Edward, the English +garrisons in the north and centre of France flatly refused to +surrender their strongholds. In Maine, Hugh Calveley took Bertrand +du Guesclin prisoner when he sought to receive the submission of +his castles, and only released him on payment of a heavy ransom. In +Normandy, Du Guesclin had to buy off James Pipe, who dominated all +the central district from the fortified abbey of Cormeilles, and to +crush John Jowel in a pitched battle near Lisieux. Even when the +castles were surrendered, the garrisons joined with each other to +establish societies of warriors that now inflicted terrible woes on +France. The exploits of these free companies hardly belong to +English history, though many of their leaders and a large +proportion of the rank and file were Englishmen. Cruel, fierce, and +uncouth, they still preserved in all military dealings the strict +discipline which had taught the English armies the way to victory. +The combination of the order of a settled host with the rapacity of +a gang of freebooters made them as irresistible as they were +destructive. Though Edward formally repudiated them, it was more +than suspected that they were secretly playing his game.</p> + +<p>Before long, this guerilla warfare became consolidated into +military operations on a large scale. Charles of Navarre once more +profited by the disorder of France to bring himself to the front. +In 1361 John had availed himself of the death of Philip of Rouvres +to treat the duchy of Burgundy as a lapsed fief, and conferred it +on his youngest son, Philip the Bold. Charles then claimed to be +the heir of Burgundy, and while he personally directed the forces +of disorder in the south, his agents united with the English +<i>condottieri</i> in Normandy. John Jowel still <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg401" id="pg401">401</a></span>held tight to +his Norman conquests, and was, by Edward's direction, fighting +openly for Charles of Navarre. The Captal de Buch, the hero of +Poitiers, hurried from Gascony to protect the Navarrese lands from +the invasion of Bertrand du Guesclin. On May 16, 1364, the little +armies of the Captal and the Breton partisan met at Cocherel on the +Eure, where Du Guesclin cleverly won the first important victory +gained by the French in the open field during the whole course of +the war. The Captal was taken prisoner, and the establishment of Du +Guesclin in some of Charles of Navarre's Norman fiefs deprived the +intriguer of his opportunities to do mischief in the north. Charles +of Navarre's career was not yet over; but henceforth his chief +field was his southern kingdom.</p> + +<p>The victorious Du Guesclin turned his attention to his native +Brittany, where the war of Blois and Montfort still went on, for +Joan of Penthièvre insisted so strongly upon her rights that +the efforts of Edward and John to end the contest had been without +result. In 1362 John de Montfort was at last entrusted with the +government of Brittany, and Du Guesclin quitted the service of +France for that of Charles of Blois, that the treaty of 1360 might +remain unbroken. But as in the early wars, the army of Blois was +mainly French, and the host of Montfort was commanded by the +Englishman, John Chandos, and largely consisted of English +men-at-arms and archers. Calveley, Knowles, and the Breton Oliver +de Clisson were among the captains of Duke John's forces.</p> + +<p>The decisive engagement took place on September 29, 1364, on the +plateau, north of Auray, which is still marked by the church of St. +Michael, erected as a thank-offering by the victor. It was another +Poitiers on a small scale. The Anglo-Breton army held a good +defensive position, facing northwards, with its back on the town of +Auray. The troops of Charles of Blois and Du Guesclin advanced to +attack them with more ardour than discipline or skill. Both sides +fought on foot. The French knights had at last learnt to meet the +storm of English arrows by strengthening their armour and by +protecting themselves by large shields. Thus, as at Poitiers, they +had little difficulty in making their way up to the enemy's ranks. +But their order was confused, and they thought of nothing but the +fierce delights of the <i>mêlée</i>. The Montfort +party showed more intelligence, and <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg402" id="pg402">402</a></span>Chandos, like the captal at +Poitiers, fell suddenly upon the flank of one of the enemy's +divisions. This settled the fight; Charles of Blois was slain, Du +Guesclin taken prisoner, and their army utterly scattered. Auray +ended the war of the Breton succession. Even Joan of +Penthièvre was at last willing to treat. In 1365 the treaty +of Guérande was signed, by which. Montfort was recognised as +John IV. of Brittany, and did homage to the French crown. Joan was +consoled by remaining in possession of the county of +Penthièvre and the viscounty of Limoges. Practically her +defeat was an English victory, and Montfort remained in his duchy +so long only as English influence prevailed. A second step towards +the pacification of the north was made when the troubles in +Brittany were ended within a few months of the destruction of the +power of Charles the Bad in Normandy.</p> + +<p>The free companies lost their chief hunting-grounds; and a +further relief came when some of them, like the White Company, +found a better market for their swords in Italy. With all their +faults, the companies opened out a career to talent such as had +seldom been found before. John Hawkwood, the leader of the White +Company, was an Essex man of the smaller landed class. He had +played but a subordinate figure beside Knowles, Calveley, Pipe, and +Jowel; but in Italy he won for himself the name of the greatest +strategist of his age. Thus, though at the cost of murder and +pillage, the English made themselves talked about all over the +western world. "In my youth," wrote Petrarch, "the Britons, whom we +call Angles or English, had the reputation of being the most timid +of the barbarians. Now they are the most warlike of peoples. They +have overturned the ancient military glory of the French by a +series of victories so numerous and unexpected that those, who were +not long since inferior to the wretched Scots, have so crushed by +fire and sword the whole realm that, on a recent journey, I could +hardly persuade myself that it was the France that I had seen in +former years."[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Epistolæ Familiares</i>, iii., Ep. 14, p. +162, ed. Fracassetti.</p> + +<p>It was to little purpose that King John laboured to redeem his +plighted word and make France what it had been before the war. +Though in November, 1361, neither he nor Edward sent commissioners +to Bruges, where, according to the treaty of <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg403" id="pg403">403</a></span>Calais, the +charters of renunciation were to be exchanged, John offered in 1362 +to carry out his promise. Edward, however, for reasons of his own, +made no response to his advances. The result was that the +renunciations were never made, and so the essential condition of +the original settlement remained unfulfilled. The matter passed +almost unnoticed at the time as a mere formality, but in later +years Edward's lack of faith brought its own punishment in giving +the French king a plausible excuse for still claiming suzerainty +over the ceded provinces. Perhaps Edward still cherished the +ambition of resuscitating his pretensions to the French crown. He +found it as hard to give up a claim as ever his grandfather had +done.</p> + +<p>John's good faith was conspicuously evinced by the efforts he +made to raise the instalments of his ransom. His payments were in +arrears: some of the hostages left in free custody by Edward's +generosity broke their parole and escaped; and among them was his +own son, Louis, Duke of Anjou. The father felt it his duty to step +into the place thus left vacant. In 1363 he returned to his English +prison, where he died in 1364, surrounded with every courtesy and +attention that Edward could lavish upon him. During the last months +of his life, England received visits from two other kings, David of +Scotland and the Lusignan lord of Cyprus, who still called himself +King of Jerusalem, and was wandering through the courts of Europe +to stir up interest in the projected crusade.</p> + +<p>Charles of Normandy then became Charles V. He was no +knight-errant like his father, and his diplomatic gifts, tact, and +patience made him much better fitted than John for outwitting his +English enemies and for restoring order to France. Slowly but +surely he grappled with the companies, and at last an opening was +found for their skill in the civil war which broke out in Castile. +Peter the Cruel, since 1350 King of Castile, had made himself +odious to many of his subjects. At last his bastard brother, Henry +of Trastamara, rose in revolt against him. Peter, however, was +capable and energetic, and not without support from certain +sections of the Castilians. Moreover, he was friendly with Charles +of Navarre, and allied with Edward III. On the other hand Henry +found powerful backing from the King of Aragon, and made an appeal +to the King of France. This gave Charles V. the chance he wanted. +He hated Peter, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg404" id= +"pg404">404</a></span>who was reputed to have murdered his own +wife, Blanche of Bourbon sister of the Queen of France, and in +1365 he agreed to give Henry assistance. Du Guesclin welded the +scattered companies into an army and led them against the Spanish +king. The pope fell in with the scheme as an indirect way of +realising his crusading ambition. When Henry had become King of +Castile, the companies would go on to attack the Moors of Granada. +English and French mercenaries flocked gladly together under Du +Guesclin's banner. Edward in vain ordered his subjects not to take +part in an invasion of the lands of his friend and cousin, Peter of +Castile. Though Chandos declined at the last moment to follow Du +Guesclin into the peninsula, Sir Hugh Calveley would not desist +from the quest of fresh adventure, even at the orders of his lord. +Professional and knightly feeling bound Calveley to Du Guesclin +more closely than their difference of nationality separated them, +so that Calveley took his part in the Castilian campaign with +perfect loyally to his ancient enemy. In December, 1365, Du +Guesclin and his followers made their way through Roussillon and +Aragon into Castile. The spring of 1366 saw Peter a fugitive in +Aquitaine, and Henry of Trastamara crowned Henry II. of Castile. +Most of the companies then went home, though Du Guesclin and +Calveley remained to support the new king's throne.</p> + +<p>The deposed tyrant went to Bordeaux, where since 1363 the Black +Prince had been resident as Prince of Aquitaine; for in 1362 Edward +had erected his new possessions into a principality and conferred +it on his eldest son, in the hope of conciliating the Gascons by +some pretence of restoring their independence. At Bordeaux Peter +persuaded the prince to restore him to his throne by force. Edward +also agreed to support Peter, and sent his third son, John of +Gaunt, to march through Brittany and Poitou with a powerful English +reinforcement to his brother's resources, while the lord of +Aquitaine assembled the whole, strength of his new principality for +the expedition. At the bidding of his lord, Calveley cheerfully +abandoned Du Guesclin, and thenceforth fought as courageously on +the one side as he had previously done on the other. Charles of +Navarre professed great desire to help forward the invaders, and +his offers of friendship opened up to the prince the easiest way +into Spain by way of the pass of Roncesvalles from Saint-<span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg405" id= +"pg405">405</a></span>Jean-Pied-de-Port to Pamplona, the capital of +Navarre. In February, 1367, the prince's army made its way in frost +and snow through the valleys famous in romance. From Pamplona two +roads diverged to Burgos, the ancient Castilian capital. The easier +way ran south-westwards through Navarrese territory to the Ebro at +Logroño, where beyond the river lay the Castilian frontier. +The more difficult route went westwards through rugged mountains +and high valleys by way of Salvatierra and Vitoria to a passage +over the upper Ebro at Miranda. The Black Prince chose the latter +route, and reached Vitoria in safely. Beyond the town King Henry's +army held a position so strong that Edward found it impossible to +dislodge him.</p> + +<p>The winter weather still held the upland valleys in its grip +when March was far advanced. Men and horses suffered terribly from +cold and hunger, and the prince, seeing that he could not long +maintain his position, boldly resolved to transfer himself to the +southern route. A flank march over snow-clad sierras brought him to +the vale of the Ebro, and, crossing the stream at Logroño, +he took up his position a few miles south-west of that town, near +the Castilian village of Navarrete. On the prince's change of front +King Henry also moved southward, crossing the Ebro a few miles +above Logroño, and then advanced to Nájera, a village +about six miles west of Navarrete, where he once more blocked the +English path. The prince, however, had the advantage of position +and could afford to wait until the Castilians attacked. On April 3 +Henry advanced over the little river Najarilla against the enemy. +The Spanish host fought after a different fashion from that +practised by both sides in the French wars. Only Du Guesclin and +the small remnant of the companies which still abode in Spain +dismounted. The mass of the Castilians remained on their horses. +Their cavalry was of two sorts: besides a large number of +men-at-arms bestriding armoured steeds, there were swarms of light +horsemen, unencumbered by heavy armour and called <i>genitours</i>, +from being mounted on the fleet Spanish steeds called jennets. The +desperate valour of Du Guesclin and his followers could not prevent +utter disaster. Henry fled in panic from the scene; Du Guesclin was +again a prisoner, and the Najarilla was reddened by the blood of +the thousands of fugitive Spaniards, for, caught as in a trap at +the narrow bridge which offered the <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg406" id="pg406">406</a></span><i>sole</i> means of retreat, they +were massacred without difficulty by the prince's troops. The +victors marched on to Burgos, and, Don Henry having fled to France, +Peter was restored with little further trouble to the Castilian +throne.</p> + +<p>The Black Prince remained in Castile all through the summer, +waiting for the rewards which Don Peter had promised him. His army +melted away through fever and dysentery, and the prince himself +contracted the beginnings of a mortal disorder. Thus the crowning +victory of his career was the last of his triumphs. Like many other +leaders of chivalry, he had not understood the limitations of his +resources, and had dissipated on this bootless Spanish campaign +means scarcely sufficient to grapple with the spirit of +disaffection already undermining his power in Aquitaine. With +shattered health and the mere skeleton of his gallant army, he made +his way back over the Pyrenees. Henceforth misfortune dogged every +step of his career.</p> + +<p>Since 1363 the constant residence of the Black Prince and his +wife, Joan of Kent, in Gascony, had been broken only by his +Castilian expedition. It was a wise policy to send the prince to +hold a permanent court in Aquitaine, such as the land had never +seen since Richard Coeur de Lion. All that affability, +magnificence, and chivalry could do to make his domination +attractive might be confidently anticipated from so brilliant and +high-minded a knight as the prince of Aquitaine. The court of +Bordeaux was as brilliant as the court of Windsor. "Never," boasted +the Chandos Herald,[1] "was such good entertainment as his; for +every day at his table he had more than four-score knights and four +times as many squires. There was found all nobleness, merriment, +freedom, and honour. His subjects loved him, for he did them much +good." The sulky magnates of the south-west, such as John of +Armagnac and Gaston Phoebus of Foix, found their bitterness +tempered by the prince's courtesy, while the boastful knights of +Gascony looked forward to a career of honourable service under the +descendant of their ancient dukes. Feastings and tournaments were +not enough to win all his subjects' hearts; and the Black Prince +strove with some energy to show that he was a ruler of men as well +as <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg407" id= +"pg407">407</a></span>the centre of a court. It is to his credit +that he cleared his inheritance from the free companies, so that +Poitou and Limousin enjoyed far more prosperity and tranquillity +than in the days of French ascendency. Such new taxation as Gascon +custom allowed was only levied after grants from the three estates. +Great pains were taken to improve the administration, the judicial +system, and the coinage. Edward saw that his best policy was to +rely upon the people of Gascony, and to look with suspicion on the +great lords. But he did not understand how limited was the +authority which tradition gave to the dukes of Aquitaine, and he +was too stiff, too pedantic, too insular, to get on really cordial +terms with his subjects. He never, like Gaston Phoebus or Richard +Coeur de Lion, threw himself into the local life, language, and +traditions of the country.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Le Prince Noir, poème du +héraut d'Armes Chandos</i>, pp. 107-108, ed. F. Michel.</p> + +<p>The Black Prince's greatest successes were with the towns, and +especially with those which had been continuously subject to +English rule. The citizens of Bordeaux, who had feared lest +Edward's claim to the French crown should involve them in more +complete subjection, were appeased by promises that they should in +any case remain subject to the English monarchy. Their liberties +were increased and their wine trade was fostered, even to the loss +of English merchants. The other towns were equally contented. +Edward relied upon them as a counterpoise to the feudal lords, and +their liberties exempted them from the extraordinary taxes by which +he strove to restore the equilibrium of his finances. The +half-independent magnates were soon convinced that their chivalrous +lord was no friend of aristocratic privilege. Edward, even when +using their services in war, carefully excluded them from the +administration. They saw with disgust the chief offices monopolised +by Englishmen. An English bishop, John Harewell of Bath, was +Edward's chancellor and confidential adviser. An English knight, +Thomas Felton, was seneschal of Aquitaine and head of the +administration. The constableship was assigned to Chandos. The +seneschalships of the several provinces were mainly in English +hands. With English notions of the rights of the supreme power, the +prince paid little attention to the franchises of either lord or +prelate. He mortally offended John of Armagnac by requiring a +direct oath of fealty from the Bishop of Rodez, who held all his +lands of Armagnac as Count of Rouergue. Clerks <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg408" id="pg408">408</a></span>of lesser degree +were outraged by the prince's attempts to hinder students from +attending the university of Toulouse.</p> + +<p>The Spanish expedition immensely increased the Black Prince's +difficulties. He exhausted his finances to equip his army, and both +on their coming and going his soldiers cruelly pillaged the +country. Edward now dismissed most of his troops and urged them to +betake themselves to France. In January, 1368, he obtained from the +estates of Aquitaine a new hearth tax of ten <i>sous</i> a hearth +for five years. The tax was freely voted and collected from the +great majority of the payers without trouble. The towns were mainly +exempt from it by reason of their liberties; and the lesser lords +were as yet not averse from English rule. But the greater +feudatories saw in the new hearth-tax a pretext for revolt. They +had no special zeal for the French monarchy, but the house of +Valois was weak and far removed from their territories. Their great +concern was the preservation of their independence, which seemed +more threatened by a resident prince than by a distant overlord at +Paris. Even before the imposition of the hearth-tax, the Count of +Armagnac entered into a secret treaty with Charles V., who promised +to increase his territories and respect his franchises, if he would +return to the French allegiance. The lord of Albret married a +sister of the French queen and followed Armagnac's lead. A little +later the Counts of Périgord and Comminges and other lords +associated themselves with this policy. Thus the rule of the Black +Prince in Aquitaine, acquiesced in by the mass of the people, was +threatened by a feudal revolt. Armagnac appealed to the parliament +of Paris against the hearth-tax. Charles V. accepted the appeal on +the ground of the non-exchange of the renunciations which should +have followed the treaty of Calais. Cited before the parliament in +January, 1369, the Black Prince replied that he would go to Paris +with helmet on head and with sixty thousand men at his back. His +father once more assumed the title of King of France, and war broke +out again.</p> + +<p>The relative positions of France and England were different from +what they had been nine years before. Edward III. was sinking into +an unhonoured old age, and the Prince of Aquitaine suffered from +dropsy, and was incapable of taking the field. Of their former +comrades some, like Walter Manny, were dead, and others too old for +much more fighting. On the other side was<span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg409" id="pg409">409</a></span> Charles V., who had tamed +Navarre and the feudal lords, had cleared the realm of the +companies, had put down faction and disorder, and had made himself +the head of a strong national party, resolved to effect the +expulsion of the foreigner. His chief military counsellors were Du +Guesclin, and Du Guesclin's old adversary in the Breton wars, +Oliver de Clisson, now the zealous servant of the king. A wonderful +outburst of French patriotism facilitated the reconquest of the +lands that had passed to English rule nine years before. Even the +tradition of military superiority availed little against commanders +who were learning by their defeats how to meet their once +invincible enemies.</p> + +<p>There was a like modification in the foreign alliances of the +two kingdoms. Dynastic changes in the Netherlands had robbed Edward +of supporters who, though costly and ineffective, had been imposing +in outward appearance. Even after the dissolution of the alliances +of the early years of the war, the temporising policy of Louis de +Male at least neutralised the influence of Flanders. During the +peace both Edward and Charles did their best to win the goodwill of +the Flemish count. Louis' relation to the two rivals was the more +important since his only child was a daughter named Margaret. In +1356, this lady, to Edward's great disgust, was promised in +marriage to Philip de Rouvre, Duke and Count of Burgundy, and Count +of Artois. The death of Philip in 1361 saved Edward from the danger +of a great state with one arm in the Burgundies and the other in +Flanders and Artois; and the irritation of Louis de Male at Charles +V.'s grant of the Burgundian duchy to his youngest son, Philip the +Bold, gave the English king a new chance of winning his favour. At +last, in 1364, Edward concluded a treaty with Flanders according to +his dearest wishes. Edmund of Langley, Earl of Cambridge, his +youngest son, was betrothed to the widowed Margaret, with Ponthieu, +Guînes, and Calais as their appanage. Great as were Edward's +sacrifices, they were worth making if a permanent union could be +established between England and Flanders, equally threatening to +France and to the lords of the Netherlands. Charles persuaded Urban +V. to refuse the necessary dispensations for the marriage. Edward +and Louis, irritated at the success of this countermove, waited +patiently and renewed their alliance.</p> + +<p>No sooner was his understanding with Armagnac completed <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg410" id="pg410">410</a></span>than +Charles strove to secure the support of northern as well as of +southern feudalism against Edward. He offered his brother, Philip +of Burgundy, to Margaret, along with the restoration of the +districts of French Flanders, which he still held. In June, 1369, +the marriage took place. Edmund of Cambridge lost his last chance +of the great heiress, and Charles V. bought off the enmity of the +Count of Flanders at the price of that union of Burgundy and +Flanders which, in the next century, was to make the descendants of +Philip and Margaret the most formidable opponents of the French +monarchy. For the moment, however, Charles gained little. Flemish +ships, indeed, fought against the English at sea, notably in +Bourgneuf Bay in 1371, but next year Louis made peace with them. +Despite his daughter's marriage, the Count of Flanders still showed +that his sympathies were with England. The other princes of the +Netherlands were much more decidedly on the French side than the +Count of Flanders. Margaret of Hainault, Queen Philippa's sister, +had, after the death of her husband the Emperor Louis of Bavaria, +in 1347 fought with her son William for the possession of her three +counties of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, to which Philippa also +had pretensions, naturally upheld by her husband. William obtained +such advantages over his mother that Margaret was obliged to invoke +the assistance of her brother-in-law. Eager to regain his influence +in the Netherlands, Edward willingly agreed to be arbiter between +Margaret and her son, and at his suggestion the disputed lands were +divided between them. William was married to Maud of Lancaster, +Duke Henry's elder daughter, and thus secured to the English +alliance. On Margaret's death William inherited all the three +counties: but Maud died, and William became insane, whereupon his +brother and heir invoked the support of the Emperor Charles IV., +and was duly established in his fiefs. The claims of Philippa were +ignored, and the Lancaster marriage with the lord of Holland, like +the projected union of Edmund with the heiress of Flanders, failed +to fulfil Edward's hopes.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Edward had to face the constant hostility of the +emperor. Wenceslaus of Luxemburg, brother of Charles IV., had +married the daughter and heiress of John III of Brabant, with the +result of solidly establishing the house of Luxemburg in the +strongest of the duchies of the Low Countries. With the Luxemburger +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg411" id="pg411">411</a></span>as +with the Bavarian, Edward's relations were unfriendly. Two only of +the Low German lords, the dukes of Gelderland and Jülich, were +willing to take his pay. Early in the war they were assailed by the +Luxemburgers, and the contest occupied all their energies. Thus +Edward re-entered the struggle against France with no help save +that of his own subjects. Urban V. died at Avignon in 1370, and his +successor, Gregory XI., was as little friendly to English claims in +France as his predecessors had been. Pope, emperor, and the +Netherlandish princes, were all either French or neutral. And in +1369 Peter of Castile lost his throne, and soon afterwards perished +at his brother's hands. Henry of Trastamara, henceforth King of +Castile, became the firm ally of the French, who had already the +support of Aragon. Even Charles the Bad thought it prudent to +declare for France.</p> + +<p>At each stage of the war the French took the initiative. The +appeal of the southern nobles was the beginning of a national +movement which, before March, 1369, was supported by more than 900 +towns, castles, and fortified places in Edward's allegiance. In +April the French invaded Ponthieu and were welcomed as deliverers +at Abbeville and the other towns of the county. John of Gaunt led +an army during the summer from Calais southwards. He marched +through Ponthieu, crossed the Somme at Blanchetaque, and ravaged +the country up to the Seine. Then he retired exhausted, having +gained no real advantage by this mere foray. Charles announced +that, as Edward had supported the free companies, he fell under the +excommunication threatened by the pope against the abettors of +these pests of society, and that the vassals of the English crown +were therefore relieved from allegiance to him. Soon afterwards he +declared that Edward had forfeited all his possessions in +France.</p> + +<p>Quercy and Rouergue, which had submitted last, were the first +districts of Aquitaine to revolt. Cahors declared for France as +soon as the Black Prince was cited to Paris. By the end of 1369 all +Quercy had acknowledged Charles V., and John of Armagnac ruled +Rouergue as his vassal. It was the same in the Garonne valley, +where towns which had no quarrel with English rule, were swept away +by the strong tide of national feeling that surged round their +walls. A systematic attack was made upon the English power in +Aquitaine. Charles V. fitted out new armies in which the townsmen +and the country-folk <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg412" id= +"pg412">412</a></span>fought side by side with the nobility. Two of +his brothers, John, Duke of Berri, and Louis, Duke of Anjou, +prepared to assail the intruders, Berri in the central uplands, +Anjou in the Garonne valley. It was not enough to recover what was +lost. Aggression must be met by aggression, and the Duke of +Burgundy, Charles' third brother, equipped a fleet in Norman ports, +either to invade England or at least to cut off the Black Prince +from his base. Portsmouth was burnt, before England had made any +effort to defend her shores.</p> + +<p>The English were strangely inactive. The Black Prince lay sick +at Cognac, and of his subordinates Chandos, now seneschal of +Poitou, alone showed vigour. Chandos, finding the lords of Poitou +much more loyal to the English connexion than those of the south, +was able to take the aggressive by invading Anjou. He was, however, +soon recalled to protect Poitou, and on January 1, 1370, was +mortally wounded at the bridge of Lussac. James Audley had already +died of disease in another Poitevin town. While England was losing +her best soldiers, Du Guesclin began a fresh series of raids in the +Garonne valley. Soon the banner of the lilies waved within a few +leagues of Bordeaux, and ancient towns of the English obedience, +like Bazas and Bergerac, fell into the enemy's hands. With the +capture of Périgueux, the Limousin was isolated from Gascon +succour. In August the Duke of Berri appeared before the walls of +the <i>cité,</i> or episcopal quarter, of Limoges, and the +bishop promptly handed it over to him.</p> + +<p>Disasters at last stirred up the English to action. In 1370 John +of Gaunt was sent with one army to Gascony and Sir Robert Knowles +with another to Calais. The Black Prince, though unable to ride, +was eager to command. It was arranged that while Lancaster led one +force from Bordeaux to Limoges, Edward should accompany another +that marched from Cognac towards the same destination. To resist +this combination Du Guesclin strove to combine the separate armies +of the Dukes of Anjou and Berri. However, he failed to prevent the +junction of Lancaster and Edward, and their advance to Limoges. On +September 19, the anniversary of Poitiers, the city of Limoges +opened its gates after a five days' siege. The English took a +terrible revenge. Not a house in the <i>cité</i> was spared, +and the cathedral rose over a mass of ruins. The whole population +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg413" id="pg413">413</a></span>was +put to the sword, the Black Prince in his litter watching grimly +the execution of his orders. A few gentlemen alone were saved for +the sake of their ransoms. Among them was the brother of Pope +Gregory XI., who not unnaturally became a warm friend of the +patriotic party. The sack of Limoges was the last exploit of the +Black Prince. Early in 1371, he returned to England, partly because +of his state of health, and partly because he had no money to pay +his soldiers. It is not unlikely that he was already on bad terms +with John of Gaunt, who had necessarily taken the chief share in +the campaign and was nominated his successor. Too late, efforts +were made to conciliate the Gascons; in 1370 a supreme court was +set up at Saintes to save the necessity of appeals to London which +had become as onerous as the ancient frequency of resort to the +parliament of Paris; and the hearth-tax, the ostensible cause of +the rising, was formally renounced.</p> + +<p>Sir Robert Knowles's expedition of 1370 was as futile as that of +Lancaster. He advanced from Calais into the heart of northern +France. Taught by long experience the danger of joining battle, the +French allowed him to wander where he would, plundering and +ravaging the country. Roughly following the line of march of Edward +III. in 1360, the English advanced through Artois and Vermandois to +Laon and Reims, and thence southwards through Champagne. Then +striking northwards from the Burgundian border, they appeared, at +the end of September, before the southern suburbs of Paris. To +dissipate the alarm felt at the presence of the English, Du +Guesclin was summoned from the south and made constable of France. +Before his arrival Knowles had moved on westwards 'towards the +Beauce, intending to reach his own estates in Brittany for winter +quarters. But his young captains got out of control. Led by a +Gloucestershire knight, Sir John Minsterworth, "ready in hand but +deceitful and perverse in mind," a considerable section of the +troops refused to follow the old "tomb-robber" to Brittany, and +determined to spend the winter where they were, under +Minsterworth's leadership. Knowles would not give place to his +subordinate, and made his way to Brittany with the part of his army +which was still faithful to him. No sooner was he well started than +Du Guesclin, after a march of ninety miles in three days, fell upon +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg414" id="pg414">414</a></span>his +rearguard at Pontvallain in southern Maine and overwhelmed it on +December 4, 1370. Knowles managed to reach Brittany with the bulk +of his forces, and Minsterworth, the real cause of the disaster, +ventured to go to England and denounce his leader as a traitor. He +was forced to flee to France, where he openly joined the enemy. +Seven years later he was captured and executed.</p> + +<p>Minsterworth was not the only traitor. In the earlier part of +the war, there had fought on the English side a grand-nephew of the +last independent Prince of Wales, Sir Owen ap Thomas ap Rhodri,[1] +whose grandfather, Rhodri or Roderick, the youngest brother of the +princes Llewelyn and David, had after the ruin of his house lived +obscurely as a small Cheshire and Gloucestershire landlord. In 1365 +Owen was in France, engaged, no doubt, in one of the free +companies, and on his father's death he returned to defend his +inheritance from the claims of the Charltons of Powys. Having +succeeded in this, he returned to France, and nothing more is heard +of him until after the renewal of the war. In 1370 he appeared as a +strenuous partisan of the French. Mindful of his ancestry he posed +as the lawful Prince of Wales, and established communications with +his countrymen, both in France and in Wales. Anxious to stir up +discord in Edward's realm, the French king gladly upheld his +claims. A gallant knight and an impulsive, energetic partisan, Sir +Owen of Wales soon won a place of his own in the history of his +time. In Gwynedd he was celebrated as Owain <i>Lawgoch,</i> Owen of +the Red Hand. Conspiracies in his favour were ruthlessly stamped +out, and a halo of legend and poetry soon encircled his name. In +France Charles entrusted him and another Welshman, named John Wynn, +with the equipment of a fleet at Rouen with which the champion was +to descend on the principality and excite arising. Bad weather +caused the complete destruction of the expedition of the Welsh +pretender. Two years later, however, another fleet was fitted out +on his behalf, and in June, 1372, Owen took possession of +Guernsey.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] The place of Owen of Wales in history was for +the first time clearly shown by Mr. Edward Owen in <i>Y +Cymmrodor,</i> 1899-1900, pp. 1-105.</p> + +<p>At that time the fortune of war was strongly in favour of +France, though the initial successes of Charles V. were damped by +the doubtful results of the petty struggles which filled the year +1371. During that year Du Guesclin, the soul of the French <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg415" id="pg415">415</a></span>attack, +ejected the English from many places in Normandy and Poitou. On the +other hand, the English won the hard fought battle over a Flemish +fleet in Bourgneuf Bay, which has already been mentioned. They also +showed some power of recovery in Aquitaine, where their recapture +of Figeac in upper Quercy gave them a base for renewing their +attacks on Rouergue. On the whole then, the year left matters much +as they had been.</p> + +<p>The occupation of Guernsey by Owen of Wales was the beginning of +a new series of French victories. Up to that time the northern +coastlands of Aquitaine, lower Poitou, Saintonge, and Angoumois had +remained almost entirely under their English lords. In the hope of +resisting attack, the English projected the invasion of France both +from Calais and from Guienne. To carry out the latter plan John +Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, was despatched with a fleet and army +from England, with a commission to succeed John of Gaunt as the +king's lieutenant in Aquitaine. The Franco-Spanish alliance then +began to bear its fruits. Henry of Trastamara equipped a strong +Spanish fleet to meet the invaders in the Bay of Biscay. On June +23, 1372, the two fleets fought an action off La Rochelle. The +light Spanish galleys out-manoeuvred the heavy English ships, laden +deep in the water with stores and filled with troops and horses. +The Spaniards set on fire some of the English transports, which +became unmanageable owing to the fright of the horses embarked upon +them. The English fought valiantly, and night fell before the +battle was decided. Next day, the Spaniards attacked again, and won +a complete victory. The English fleet was destroyed, and Pembroke +was taken a prisoner to Santander.</p> + +<p>The news of Pembroke's defeat encouraged the French to attempt +the conquest of Poitou. Du Guesclin invaded the county from the +north in co-operation with the Spaniards at sea, Owen of Wales +abandoned the siege of Cornet castle, in Guernsey, which still held +out against him, and hurried to join the Spaniards. At Santander he +met the captive Pembroke, and bitterly reproached the marcher earl +with the part his house had taken in driving the Welsh from their +lands. In August Owen and the Spaniards were lying off La Rochelle. +Sir Thomas Percy, seneschal of Poitou, and the Captal de Buch were +with a considerable force at Soubise, near the mouth of the +Charente. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg416" id= +"pg416">416</a></span>Owen ascended the river and fell unexpectedly +on the English at night. The English were utterly defeated and both +leaders were taken prisoners, Thomas Percy, the future ally of Owen +Glendower, being captured by one of Sir Owen's Welsh followers. +Meanwhile, Du Guesclin, after receiving the surrender of Poitiers +on August 7, pressed forward to the coast and was soon in touch +with Owen and the Spaniards. On the same September day +Angoulême and La Rochelle opened their gates to the French. +In the course of the same month all the other towns of the district +declared for the winning side. The nobles of Poitou were still to +some extent English in sympathy, and a considerable band of them +and their followers took refuge in Thouars. On December 1 this last +stronghold of Poitevin feudalism surrendered. The tidings of +disaster roused the old English king to his final martial effort. A +fleet was raised and sailed from Sandwich, having on board the +king, the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Lancaster, and many other +magnates. Contrary winds kept the vessels near the English coast, +and the vast sums lavished on the equipment of the expedition were +wasted. In despair the Black Prince surrendered to his father his +principality of Aquitaine. When the king begged the commons for a +further war subsidy, he was told that the navy had been ruined by +his harsh impressment of seamen, and his refusal to give them pay +when detained in port waiting for orders. When the command of the +sea passed to the French and their Spanish allies, all hope of +retaining Aquitaine was lost.</p> + +<p>The final stages in the ruin of the English power in France need +not detain us long. Despite his successes, Du Guesclin persevered +in his policy of wearing down the English by delays and by avoiding +pitched battles. He turned his attention to Brittany, where Duke +John, in difficulties with his subjects, had invoked the aid of an +English army. Thereupon the Breton barons called the French king to +take possession of the duchy, whose lord was betraying it to the +foreigner. The old party struggle was at an end: Celtic Brittany +joined hands with French Brittany. Before the end of 1373, Duke +John was a fugitive, and only a few castles with English garrisons +upheld his cause. Of these Brest was the most important, and +despite the Spaniards and Owen of Wales, the English were still +strong enough at sea to retain possession of the place.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg417" id= +"pg417">417</a></span>In July, 1373, John of Gaunt marched out of +Calais with one of the strongest armies with which an English +invader had ever entered France. Pursuing a general south-easterly +direction, the English pitilessly devastated Artois, Picardy, and +Champagne. Du Guesclin hastened back from Brittany to command the +army engaged in watching Lancaster. He still continued his +defensive tactics, but gave the enemy little rest. Lancaster was no +match for so able a general as the Breton constable. At the end of +September he moved from Troyes to Sens, and thence pushed into +Burgundy. Then he turned westwards through the Nivernais and the +Bourbonnais, and led his army through the uplands of Auvergne. By +the end of the year he had traversed the Limousin, and made his way +to Bordeaux. Half his army had perished of hunger, cold, and in +petty warfare. The horses had suffered worse than the men, and the +baggage train was almost destroyed. Without fighting a battle Du +Guesclin had put the enemy out of action. Experience now showed how +useless were the prolonged plundering raids which ten years before +had filled all France with terror.</p> + +<p>Even in Gascony Lancaster could not hold his own. After +declining battle with the Duke of Anjou, he returned to England, +leaving Sir Thomas Felton as seneschal. The enemy had penetrated to +the very heart of the old English district. La Réole opened +its gates to them; Saint-Sever, the seat of the Gascon high court, +followed its example, By 1374 the English duchy was reduced to the +coast lands around Bayonne and Bordeaux. That year the French laid +siege to Chandos's castle of Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte. The siege +was as long and as elaborately organised as the great siege of +Calais. A ring of <i>bastilles</i> was erected round the doomed +town, and cannon discharged huge balls of stone against its +ramparts. After nearly a year's siege the garrison agreed to +surrender on condition of a heavy payment. With the fall of the old +home of the Harcourts the English power in Normandy perished. There +was still, it is true, the influence of Charles of Navarre; but +that desperate intriguer had compromised himself so much with both +parties that no confidence could be placed in him.</p> + +<p>The misfortunes of the English inclined them to listen to +proposals of peace. Though the papacy was more frankly on the +French side than ever, it had not lost its ancient solicitude <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg418" id="pg418">418</a></span>to put an +end to the war. With that object Gregory XI, though eager to return +to Rome, tarried in the Rhone valley. Two of his legates appeared +in Champagne at the time of John of Gaunt's abortive expedition. +From that moment offers of peace were constantly pressed on both +sides. Lancaster was at Calais, and Anjou was not far off at +Saint-Omer, when definite proposals were exchanged. Before long it +was found more convenient that the envoys should meet face to face, +and for this reason the two dukes accepted the hospitality of Louis +de Male, and held personal interviews at Bruges. More than once the +negotiations broke down altogether. At no time was there much hope +of a permanent peace. The English insisted on the terms of 1360, +and the French demanded the cession of Calais and the release of +the unpaid ransom of King John. However, on June 27, 1375, a truce +for a year was signed at Bruges, which was further extended until +June, 1377, just long enough to allow the old king to end his days +in peace. France had once more to wrestle with the companies set +free by the truce, so that England could still enjoy possession of +Calais, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Brest, and the other scanty remnants of +the cessions of the treaty of Calais. Satisfied at putting an end +to the war, Gregory XI betook himself to Rome. Thus the truce +outlasted the Babylonish captivity of the papacy as well as the +life of Edward III.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER XIX.</h2> + +<h4>ENGLAND DURING THE LATTER YEARS OF EDWARD III.</h4> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg419" id= +"pg419">419</a></span>Never was Edward's glory so high as in the +years immediately succeeding the treaty of Calais. The unspeakable +misery of France heightened his magnificence by the strength of the +contrast. At eight-and-forty he retained the vigour and energy of +his younger days, though surrounded by a band of grown-up sons. In +1362 the king celebrated his jubilee, or his fiftieth birthday, +amidst feasts of unexampled splendour. Not less magnificent were +the festivities that attended the visits of the three kings, of +France, Cyprus, and Scotland, in 1364.</p> + +<p>Of the glories of these years we have detailed accounts from an +eye-witness a writer competent, above all other men of his time, to +set down in courtly and happy phrase the wonders that delighted his +eyes. In 1361, John Froissart, an adventurous young clerk from +Valenciennes, sought out a career for himself in the household of +his countrywoman, Queen Philippa, bearing with him as his +credentials a draft of a verse chronicle which was his first +attempt at historical composition. He came to England at the right +moment. The older generation of historians had laid down their pens +towards the conclusion of the great war, and had left no worthy +successors. The new-comer was soon to surpass them, not in +precision and sobriety, but in wealth of detail, in literary charm, +and in genial appreciation of the externals of his age. He recorded +with an eye-witness's precision of colour, though with utter +indifference to exactness, the tournaments and fetes, the banquets +and the <i>largesses</i> of the noble lords and ladies of the most +brilliant court in Christendom. He celebrated the courtesy of the +knightly class, their devotion to their word of honour, the +liberality with which captive foreigners was allowed to share in +their sports and pleasures, and the implicit loyalty with which +nearly all the many captive <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg420" +id="pg420">420</a></span>knights repaid the trust placed on their +word. To him Edward was the most glorious of kings, and Philippa, +his patroness, the most beautiful, liberal, pious, and charitable +of queens. For nine years he enjoyed the queen's bounty, and +described with loyal partiality the exploits of English knights. +With the death of his patroness and the beginning of England's +misfortunes, the light-minded adventurer sought another master in +the French-loving Wenceslaus of Brabant. The first edition of his +chronicle, compiled when under the spell of the English court, +contrasts strongly with the second version written at Brussels at +the instigation of the Luxemburg duke of Brabant.</p> + +<p>Even Froissart saw that all was not well in England. The common +people seemed to him proud, cruel, disloyal, and suspicious. Their +delight was in battle and slaughter, and they hated the foreigner +with a fierce hatred which had no counterpart in the cosmopolitan +knightly class. They were the terror of their lords and delighted +in keeping their kings under restraint. The Londoners were the most +mighty of the English and could do more than all the rest of +England. Other writers tell the same tale. The same fierce +patriotism that Froissart notes glows through the rude battle songs +in which Lawrence Minot sang the early victories of Edward from +Halidon Hill to the taking of Guînes, and inspired Geoffrey +le Baker to repeat with absolute confidence every malicious story +which gossip told to the discredit of the French king and his +people. It was under the influence of this spirit that the steps +were taken, which we have already recorded, to extend the use of +English, notably in the law courts. Yet the old bilingual habit +clave long to the English. Despite the statute of 1362, the lawyers +continued to employ the French tongue, until it crystallised into +the jargon of the later <i>Year Books</i> or of Littleton's +<i>Tenures</i>. Under Edward III, however, French remained the +living speech of many Englishmen. John Gower wrote in French the +earliest of his long poems. But he is a thorough Englishman for all +that. He writes in French, but, as he says, he writes for +England.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] "O gentile Engleterre, a toi j'escrits," +<i>Mirour de l'Omme,</i> in John Gower's <i>Works,</i> i., 378, ed. +G.C. MaCaulay, to whom belongs the credit of recovering this long +lost work.</p> + +<p>It was characteristic of the patriotic movement of the reign of +Edward III, that a new courtly literature in the English <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg421" id="pg421">421</a></span>language +rivalled the French vernacular literature which as yet had by no +means ceased to produce fruit. The new type begins with the +anonymous poems, "Sir Gawain and the Green Knight," and the +"Pearl". While Froissart was the chief literary figure at the +English court during the ten years after the treaty of Calais, his +place was occupied in the concluding decade of the reign by +Geoffrey Chaucer, the first great poet of the English literary +revival. The son of a substantial London vintner, Chaucer spent his +youth as a page in the household of Lionel of Antwerp, from which +he was transferred to the service of Edward himself. He took part +in more than one of Edward's French campaigns, and served in +diplomatic missions to Italy, Flanders, and elsewhere. His early +poems reflect the modes and metres of the current French tradition +in an English dress, and only reach sustained importance in his +lament on the death of the Duchess Blanche of Lancaster, written +about 1370. It is significant that the favourite poet of the king's +declining years was no clerk but a layman, and that the Tuscan +mission of 1373, which perhaps first introduced him to the +treasures of Italian poetry, was undertaken in the king's service. +Thorough Englishman as Chaucer was, he had his eyes open to every +movement of European culture. His higher and later style begins +with his study of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. Though he wrote +for Englishmen in their own tongue, his fame was celebrated by the +French poet, Eustace Deschamps, as the "great translator" who had +sown the flowers of French poesy in the realm of Aeneas and Brut +the Trojan. His broad geniality stood in strong contrast to the +savage patriotism of Minot. In becoming national, English +vernacular art did not become insular. Chaucer wrote in the tongue +of the southern midlands, the region wherein were situated his +native London, the two universities, the habitual residences of the +court, the chief seats of parliaments and councils, and the most +frequented marts of commerce. For the first time a standard English +language came into being, largely displacing for literary purposes +the local dialects which had hitherto been the natural vehicles of +writing in their respective districts. The Yorkshireman, Wycliffe, +the westcountryman, Langland, adopted before the end of the reign +the tongue of the capital for their literary language in preference +to the speech of their native shires. The language of the extreme +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg422" id= +"pg422">422</a></span>south, the descendant of the tongue of the +West Saxon court, became the dialect of peasants and artisans. That +a continuous life was reserved for the idiom of the north country, +was due to its becoming the speech of a free Scotland, the language +in which Barbour, Archdeacon of Aberdeen, commemorated for the +court of the first Stewart king the exploits of Robert Bruce and +the Scottish war of independence. The unity of England thus found +another notable expression in the oneness of the popular speech. +And the evolution of the northern dialect into the "Scottish" of a +separate kingdom showed that, if England were united, +English-speaking Britain remained divided.</p> + +<p>Other arts indicate the same tendency. Even in the thirteenth +century English Gothic architecture differentiated itself pretty +completely from its models in the Isle de France. The early +fourteenth century, the age of the so-called "decorated style," +suggests in some ways a falling back to the French types, though +the prosperity of England and the desolation of France make the +English examples of fourteenth century building the more numerous +and splendid. The occasional tendency of the later "flowing" +decorated towards "flamboyant" forms, to be seen in some of the +churches of Northamptonshire, marks the culminating point of this +fresh approximation of French and English architecture. But the +division between the two countries brought about by war was +illustrated before the end of the reign in the growth of the most +local of our medieval architectural types, that "perpendicular" +style which is so strikingly different from the "flamboyant" art of +the neighbouring kingdom. This specially English style begins early +in the reign of Edward III, when the cult of the murdered Edward of +Carnarvon gave to the monks of St. Peter's, Gloucester, the means +to recast the massive columns and gloomy arcades of the eastern +portions of their romanesque abbey church after the lighter and +brighter patterns in which Gloucester set the fashion to all +southern Britain. In the buildings of the later years of Edward's +reign the old "flowing decorated" and the newer and stiffer +"perpendicular" grew up side by side. If the two seem almost +combined in the church of Edington, in Wiltshire, the foundation +dedicated in 1361 for his native village by Edward's chancellor, +Bishop Edington of Winchester, the triumph of the perpendicular is +assured in the new choir which Archbishop <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg423" id="pg423">423</a></span>Thoresby began for York +Minster, and in the reconstruction of the Norman cathedral of +Winchester begun by Bishop Edington, and completed when his greater +successor, William of Wykeham, carried out in a more drastic way +the device already adopted at Gloucester of recasing the ancient +structure so as to suit modern tastes. The full triumph of the new +style is apparent in Wykeham's twin foundations at Winchester and +Oxford. The separation of feeling between England and Scotland is +now seen in architecture as well as in language. When the +perpendicular fashion was carrying all before it in the southern +realm, the Scottish builders erected their churches after the +flamboyant type of their French allies. Thus while the twelfth and +thirteenth century structures of the northern and southern kingdoms +are practically indistinguishable, the differences between the two +nations, which had arisen from the Edwardian policy of conquest, +expressed themselves ultimately in the striking contrast between +the flamboyant of Melrose or St. Giles' and the perpendicular of +Winchester or Windsor.</p> + +<p>English patriotism, which had asserted itself in the literature +and art of the people long before it dominated courtly circles, +continued to express itself in more popular forms than even those +of the poems of Chaucer. The older fashions of instructing the +people were still in vogue in the early part of Edward's reign. +Richard Rolle, the hermit of Hampole, whose <i>Prick</i> of +<i>Conscience</i> and vernacular paraphrases of the Bible +illustrate the older didactic literature, was carried off in his +Yorkshire cell in the year of the Black Death. The cycles of +miracle plays, which edified and amused the townsfolk of Chester +and York, crystallised into a permanent shape early in this reign, +and were set forth with ever-increasing elaborateness by an age +bent on pageantry and amusement. The vernacular sermons and popular +manuals of devotion increased in numbers and copiousness. In this +the time of the Black Death is, as in other aspects of our story, a +deep dividing line.</p> + +<p>The note of increasing strain and stress is fully expressed in +the earlier forms of <i>The Vision of Piers Plowman,</i> which were +composed before the death of Edward III. Its author, William +Langland, a clerk in minor orders, debarred by marriage from a +clerical career, came from the Mortimer estates in the march of +Wales: but his life was mainly spent in London, and he wrote <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg424" id="pg424">424</a></span>in the +tongue of the city of his adoption. The first form of the poem is +dated 1362, the year of the second visitation of the Black Death, +while the troubles of the end of the reign perhaps inspired the +fuller edition which saw the light in 1377. It is a commonplace to +contrast the gloomy pictures drawn by Langland with the highly +coloured pictures of contemporary society for which Chaucer was +gathering his materials. Yet this contrast may be pressed too far. +Though Langland had a keen eye to those miseries of the poor which +are always with us, the impression of the time gathered from his +writings is not so much one of material suffering, as of social +unrest and discontent. The poor ploughman, who cannot get meat, +still has his cheese, curds, and cream, his loaf of beans and bran, +his leeks and cabbage, his cow, calf, and cart mare.[1] The very +beggar demanded "bread of clean wheat" and "beer of the best and +brownest," while the landless labourer despised "night-old +cabbage," "penny-ale," and bacon, and asked for fresh meat and fish +freshly fried.[2] There is plenty of rough comfort and coarse +enjoyment in the England through which "Long Will" stalked moodily, +idle, hopeless, and in himself exemplifying many of the evils which +he condemned. The England of Langland is bitter, discontented, and +sullen. It is the popular answer to the class prejudice and +reckless greed of the lords and gentry. Langland's own attitude +towards the more comfortable classes is much that of the +self-assertive and mutinous Londoner whom Froissart looked upon +with such bitter prejudice. He boasts that he was loath to do +reverence to lords and ladies, or to those clad in furs with +pendants of silver, and refuses to greet "sergeants" with a "God +save you". Every class of society is flagellated in his scathing +criticisms. He is no revolutionist with a new gospel of reform, +but, though content to accept the old traditions, he is the +ruthless denouncer of abuses, and is thoroughly filled with the +spirit which, four years after the second recension of his book, +found expression in the Peasants Revolt of 1381. With all the +archaism of his diction and metre, Langland, even more than +Chaucer, reflects the modernity of his age.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Vision of Piers Plowman,</i> i.,220, ed. +Skeat.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] <i>Ibid.,</i> i., 222.</p> + +<p>Even the universities were growing more national, for the war +prevented Oxford students from seeking, after their English <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg425" id= +"pg425">425</a></span>graduation, a wider career at Paris. William +of Ockham, the last of the great English schoolmen that won fame in +the European rather than in the English world, died about 1349 in +the service of the Bavarian emperor. In the same year the plague +swept away Thomas Bradwardine, the "profound doctor," at the moment +of his elevation to the throne of Canterbury. Bradwardine, though a +scholar of universal reputation, won his fame at Oxford without the +supplementary course at Paris, and lived all his career in his +native land. As an English university career became more +self-sufficient, Oxford became the school of the politician and the +man of affairs as much as of the pure student. The new tendency is +illustrated by the careers of the brothers Stratford, both Oxford +scholars, yet famous not for their writings but for lives devoted +to the service of the State, though rewarded by the highest offices +of the Church. His conspicuous position as a teacher of scholastic +philosophy first brought John Wycliffe into academic prominence. +But he soon won a wider fame as a preacher in London, an adviser of +the court, an opponent of the "possessioner" monks, and of the +forsworn friars, who, deserting apostolic poverty, vied with the +monks in covetousness. His attacks on practical abuses in the +Church marked him out as a politician as well as a philosopher. His +earlier career ended in 1374, the year in which he first became the +king's ambassador, not long after proceeding to the degree of +doctor of divinity.[1] His later struggles must be considered in +the light of the political history of the concluding episodes of +Edward's reign. In a few years we shall find the Oxford champion +abandoning the Latin language of universal culture, and appealing +to the people in homely English. With Wycliffe's entry upon his +wider career, it is hardly too much to say that Oxford ceased to be +merely a part of the cosmopolitan training ground of the schoolmen, +and became in some fashion a national institution. Cambridge, too +young and obscure in earlier ages to have rivalled Oxford, first +began to enjoy an increasing reputation.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] This was before Dec. 26, 1373. See Twemlow in +<i>Engl. Hist. Review</i>, xv, (1900), 529-530.</p> + +<p>Hitherto culture had been not only cosmopolitan but clerical. +Every university student and nearly every professional man was a +clerk. But education was becoming possible for laymen, and <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg426" id="pg426">426</a></span>there were +already lay professions outside the clerical caste. The wide +cultivation and the vigorous literary output of laymen of letters +like Chaucer and Cower are sufficient evidence of this. But the +best proof is the complete differentiation of the common lawyers +from the clergy. The inns of court of London became virtually a +legal university, where highly trained men studied a juristic +system, which was not the less purely English in spirit because its +practitioners used the French tongue as their technical instrument. +There were no longer lawyers in England who, like Bracton, strove +to base the law of the land on the forms and methods of Roman +jurisprudence. There were no longer kings, like Edward I., with +Italian trained civilians at their court ready to translate the law +of England into imperialist forms. The canonist still studied at +Oxford or Cambridge, but his career was increasingly clerical, and +the Church, unlike the State, was unable to nationalise itself, +though the whole career of Wycliffe and the strenuous efforts of +the kings and statesmen who passed the statutes of Provisors and +Praemunire, showed that some of the English clergy, and many of the +English laity, were willing to make the effort. English law, in +divorcing itself from the universities and the clergy, became +national as well as lay. There were no longer any Weylands who +concealed their clerical beginnings, and hid away the subdeacon +under the married knight and justice, the founder of a landowning +family. The lawyers of Edward's reign were frankly laymen, marrying +and giving in marriage, establishing new families that became as +noble as any of the decaying baronial houses, and yet cherishing a +corporate ideal and common spirit as lively and real as those of +any monastery or clerical association.</p> + +<p>In enumerating the many convergent tendencies which worked +together in strengthening the national life, we must not forget the +growing importance of commerce. Merchant princes like the Poles +could rival the financial operations of Lombard or Tuscan, and +climb into the baronial class. The proud and mutinous temper of the +Londoners was largely due to their ever-increasing wealth. We are +on the threshold of the careers of commercial magnates, like the +Philpots and the Whittingtons. Even when Edward III. was still on +the throne, a London mayor of no special note, John Pyel, could set +up in his native Northamptonshire village of Irthlingborough a +college and church of remarkable <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg427" id="pg427">427</a></span>stateliness and dignity. The +growth of the wool trade, and its gradual transfer to English +hands, the development of the staple system, the rise of an English +seaman class that knew all the havens of Europe, the beginnings of +the English cloth manufacture, all indicate that English commerce +was not only becoming more extensive, but was gradually +emancipating itself from dependence on the foreigner. Thus before +the end of Edward's reign England was an intensely national state, +proudly conscious of itself, and haughtily contemptuous of the +foreigner, with its own language, literature, style in art, law, +universities, and even the beginnings of a movement towards the +nationalisation of the Church. The cosmopolitanism of the earlier +Middle Ages was everywhere on the wane. A modern nation had arisen +out of the old world-state and world-spirit. In the England of +Edward III., Chaucer, and Wycliffe, we have reached the +consummation of the movement whose first beginnings we have traced +in the early storms of the reign of Henry III. It is in the +development of this tendency that the period from 1216 to 1377 +possesses such unity as it has.</p> + +<p>During the years of peace after the treaty of Calais, Edward +III. completed the scheme for the establishment of his family begun +with the grant of Aquitaine to the Black Prince. The state of the +king's finances made it impossible for him to provide for numerous +sons and daughters from the royal exchequer, and the system of +appanages had seldom been popular or successful in England. Edward +found an easier way of endowing his offspring by politic marriages +that transferred to his sons the endowments and dignities of the +great houses, which, in spite of lavish creations of new earldoms, +were steadily dying out in the male line. Some of his daughters in +the same way were married into baronial families whose attachment +to the throne would, it was believed, be strengthened by +intermarriage with the king's kin; while others, wedded to foreign +princes, helped to widen the circle of continental alliances on +which he never ceased to build large hopes. Collateral branches of +the royal family were pressed into the same system, which was so +systematically ordered that it has passed for a new departure in +English history. This is, however, hardly the case. <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg428" id="pg428">428</a></span>Many previous +kings, notably Edward I., carried out a policy based upon similar +lines, and only less conspicuous by reason of the smaller number of +children that they had to provide for. The descendants of Henry +III. and Edward I. in no wise kept true to the monarchical +tradition, but rather gave distinction to the baronial opposition +by ennobling it with royal alliances. But the martial and vigorous +policy of Edward III. had at least the effect of reducing to +inactivity the tradition of constitutional opposition which had +been the common characteristic of successive generations of the +royal house of Lancaster, the chief collateral branch of the royal +family. Subsequent history will show that the Edwardian family +settlement was as unsuccessful as that of his grandfather. The +alliances which Edward built up brought neither solidarity to the +royal house, nor strength to the crown, nor union to the baronage. +But the working out of this, as of so many of the new developments +of the later part of Edward's reign, can only be seen after his +death.</p> + +<p>Edward's eldest son became, as we have seen, Duke of Cornwall, +Prince of Wales, and Earl of Chester even before he received +Aquitaine. He was the first of the continuous line of English +princes of Wales, for Edward III. never bore that title. The Black +Prince's marriage with his cousin, Joan of Kent, was a love-match, +and the estates of his bride were scarcely an important +consideration to the lord of Wales and Cheshire. Yet the only child +of the unlucky Edmund of Woodstock was no mean heiress, bringing +with her the estates of her father's earldom of Kent, besides the +inheritance of her mother's family, the Wakes of Liddell and +Lincolnshire. The estates and earldom afterwards passed to Joan's +son by a former husband, and the Holland earls of Kent formed a +minor family connexion which closely supported the throne of +Richard of Bordeaux. Though their paternal inheritance was that of +Lancashire squires, the Hollands won a leading place in the history +of the next generation.</p> + +<p>Edward III.'s second son, William of Hatfield, died in infancy. +For his third son, Lionel of Antwerp, when still in his childhood, +Edward found the greatest heiress of her time, Elizabeth, the only +daughter of William de Burgh, the sixth lord of Connaught and third +Earl of Ulster, the representative of one of the chief Anglo-Norman +houses in Ireland. Even before his marriage, Lionel was made Earl +of Ulster, a title sunk after <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg429" +id="pg429">429</a></span>1362 in the novel dignity of the duchy of +Clarence. This title was chosen because Elizabeth de Burgh was a +grand-daughter of Elizabeth of Clare, the sister of the last Clare +Earl of Gloucester, and a share of the Gloucester inheritance +passed through her to the young duke. His marriage gave Lionel a +special relation to Ireland, where, however, his two lordships of +Ulster and Connaught were largely in the hands of the native septs, +and where the royal authority had never won back the ground lost +during the vigorous onslaught of Edward Bruce on the English power. +In 1342 the estates of Ireland forwarded to Edward a long statement +of the shortcomings of the English administration of the island.[1] +No effective steps were taken to remedy those evils until, in 1361, +Edward III. sent Lionel as governor to Ireland, declaring "that our +Irish dominions have been reduced to such utter devastation and +ruin that they may be totally lost, if our subjects there are not +immediately succoured". Lionel's most famous achievement was the +statute of Kilkenny. This law prohibited the intermixture of the +Anglo-Normans in Ireland with the native Irish, which was rapidly +undermining the basis of English rule and confounding Celts and +Normans in a nation, ever divided indeed against itself, but united +against the English. Lionel wearied of a task beyond his strength. +His wife's early death lessened the ties which bound him to her +land, and he went back to England declaring that he would never +return to Ireland if he could help it. His succession as governor +by a Fitzgerald showed that the plan of ruling Ireland through +England was abandoned by Edward III. in favour of the cheaper but +fatal policy of concealing the weakness of the English power by +combining it with the strength of the strongest of the Anglo-Norman +houses. Under this faulty system, the statute of Kilkenny became +inoperative almost from its enactment.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Cal. of Close, Rolls, 1341-43, pp. 508-16.</p> + +<p>The widowed Duke of Clarence made a second great marriage. The +Visconti, tyrants of Milan, were willing to pay heavily for the +privilege of intermarriage with the great reigning families of +Europe, and neither Edward III. nor the French king could resist +the temptation of alliance with a family that was able to endow its +daughters so richly. Accordingly, the Duke of Clarence became in +1368 the husband of Violante <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg430" +id="pg430">430</a></span>Visconti, the daughter of Galeazzo, lord +of Pavia, and the niece of Bernabò, signor of Milan, the +bitter foe of the Avignon papacy. Five months later, Lionel was +carried away by a sudden sickness, and thus the Visconti marriage +brought little fruit to England. Lionel's only child, Philippa, the +offspring of his first marriage, was married, just before her +father's death, to Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, great-grandson +of the traitor earl beheaded in 1330. Lionel's death added to the +vast inheritance of the Mortimers and Joinvilles the lands and +claims of Ulster and Clarence, and so Edward III.'s magnanimity in +reviving the earldom of March after the disgrace of 1330 was +rewarded by the devolution of its estates to his grand-daughter's +child. The Earl of March was invested with a new political +importance, for his wife was the nearest representative of Edward +III, save for the dying Black Prince and his sickly son. The fierce +blood and broad estates of the great marcher family continued to +give importance to Philippa's descendants; and finally the house of +Mortimer mounted the throne in the person of Edward IV.</p> + +<p>The estates of Lancaster were annexed to the reigning branch of +the royal house by the marriage in 1359 of John of Gaunt, Edward's +third surviving son, with Blanche of Lancaster, the heiress of Duke +Henry, who became, after her sister Maud's death, the sole +inheritor of the duchy of Lancaster. In 1362 John, who had hitherto +been Earl of Richmond, yielded up this dignity to the younger John +of Montfort, its rightful heir, and was created Duke of Lancaster +at the same time that Lionel was made Duke of Clarence. Ten years +after her marriage Blanche died, leaving John a son, Henry of +Derby, the future Henry IV., whose wedding, after his grandfather's +death, to one of the Bohun co-heiresses brought part of the estates +of another great house within the grasp of Edward III.'s +descendants. Moreover, the other Bohun co-heiress became in 1376 +the wife of Thomas of Woodstock, the youngest of Edward's sons, the +Gloucester of the next reign. The three Bohun earldoms of Hereford, +Essex, and Northampton were thus absorbed by the old king's +children and grandchildren. John of Gaunt, like Lionel, lost his +wife early and sought a second bride abroad. In 1372 he married +Constance of Castile, a natural daughter of the deceased Peter the +Cruel. Henceforth he was summoned to parliament as King of Castile +and Leon as well as Duke of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg431" +id="pg431">431</a></span>Lancaster, though it was not until the +next reign that he took any actual steps to assert his claim.</p> + +<p>John's next younger brother, Edmund of Langley, Earl of +Cambridge in 1368? married Isabella, Constance of Castile's younger +sister. He was the future Duke of York, and as the only one of +Edward III.'s sons who did not marry an English heiress, was the +most scantily endowed of them all. The union of his descendants +with those of Lionel of Clarence gave the house of York a +territorial importance which was, as we have seen, mainly derived +from the Mortimer inheritance. Thus the two lines of descendants of +Edward III. which had most future significance were those which +represented through heiresses the rival houses of Lancaster and +March. The history of the next century shows that the rivalry was +only made more formidable by the connexion of both these lines with +the royal family. In this, the most striking triumph of the +Edwardian policy, is also the most signal indication of its +failure. From it arose the factions of York and Lancaster.</p> + +<p>The legislation of the years of peace, from 1360 to 1369, is +largely anti-papal and economic, and is so intimately connected +with the laws of the preceding period that it has been dealt with +in an earlier chapter. But however anti-papal, and therefore +anti-clerical, some of Edward's laws were, his government was still +mainly controlled by great ecclesiastical statesmen. Simon Langham, +though a Benedictine monk, had as chancellor demanded in 1366 the +opinion of the estates as to the unlawfulness of the Roman tribute, +and the clerical estate, if it did not help forward the anti-Roman +legislation, was content to stand aside, and let it take effect +without protest. Shortly after taking part in the movement against +papal tribute, Langham was removed from the see of Ely to that of +Canterbury in succession to Islip. His conversion into a purely +monastic college of his predecessor's mixed foundation for seculars +and regulars in Canterbury Hall, Oxford, showed a bias which might +have been expected in a former abbot of Westminster, while his +willingness to follow in the footsteps of Kilwardby, and exchange +his archbishopric for the dignity of a cardinal and residence at +Avignon showed that he was a papalist as well as an English <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg432" id="pg432">432</a></span>patriot. +His successor as primate, appointed in 1369 by papal provision, was +William Whittlesea, a nephew of Archbishop Islip, whose weak health +and colourless character made of little account his five years' +tenure of the metropolitical dignity. With Canterbury in such +feeble hands, the leadership in the Church and primacy in the +councils of the crown passed to stronger men: such as John +Thoresby, Archbishop of York till 1373; Thomas Brantingham, +treasurer from 1369 to 1371, and Bishop of Exeter from 1370 to +1394; and above all to Edward's old servant, William of Wykeham, +chancellor from 1367 to 1371, and Bishop of Winchester, in +succession to Edington, from 1367 until 1404. Wykeham was a +strenuous and hard-working servant of the crown, a vigorous and +careful ruler of his diocese, a mighty pluralist, a magnificent +builder, and the most bountiful and original of all the pious +founders of his age. "Everything," says Froissart, "was done +through him and without him nothing was done."[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Froissart, <i>Chroniques</i>, ed. Luce, viii., +101.</p> + +<p>The year of the breach of the treaty of Calais was also marked +by the third great visitation of the Black Death, and the death of +Queen Philippa. Parliament cordially welcomed the resumption by +Edward of the title of King of France, and made liberal subsidies +for the prosecution of the campaign. Disappointment was all the +more bitter when each campaign ended in disaster, and in the +parliament of February, 1371, the storm burst. The circumstances of +the ministerial crisis of 1341 were almost exactly renewed. As on +the previous occasion, the state was in the hands of great +ecclesiastics, whose conservative methods were thought inadequate +for circumstances so perilous. John Hastings, second Earl of +Pembroke of his house, a gallant young warrior and the intended +son-in-law of the king, made himself the spokesman of the +anti-clerical courtiers, probably with the good-will of the king. +At Pembroke's instigation the earls, barons, and commons drew up a +petition that, "inasmuch as the government of the realm has long +been in the hands of the men of Holy Church, who in no case can be +brought to account for their acts, whereby great mischief has +happened in times past and may happen in times to come, may it +therefore please the king that laymen of his own realm be elected +to replace them, and that none but laymen henceforth be chancellor, +treasurer, barons of the exchequer, clerk of privy <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg433" id="pg433">433</a></span>seal, or other +great officers of the realm ".[1] Edward fell in with this request. +Wykeham quitted the chancery, and Brantingham the treasury. Of +their lay successors the new chancellor, Sir Robert Thorpe, +chief-justice of the court of common pleas, was a close friend of +the Earl of Pembroke, while the new treasurer, Sir Richard le +Scrope of Bolton, a Yorkshire warrior, represented the interests of +John of Gaunt, whose long absences abroad did not prevent his +ultimately becoming a strong supporter of the lay policy. A subsidy +of £50,000 and a statute that no new tax should be laid on +wool without parliamentary assent concluded the work of this +parliament.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Rot. Pad.</i>, ii., 304.</p> + +<p>The lay ministers did not prove as efficient as their clerical +predecessors. Want of acquaintance with administrative routine led +them to assess the parliamentary grant so badly that an irregular +reassembling of part of the estates was necessary, when it was +found that the ministers had ludicrously over-estimated the number +of parishes in England among which the grant of £50,000 had +been equally divided. Meanwhile the French war was proceeding worse +than before. Thorpe died in 1372, and another lay chief-justice, +Sir John Knyvett, succeeded him in the chancery. Pembroke, as we +have seen, was taken prisoner to Santander within a few weeks of +Thorpe's death. Fresh taxation was made necessary by every fresh +defeat, and the clergy, who looked upon the misfortunes of the +anti-clerical earl as God's punishment for his enmity to Holy +Church, had their revenge against their lawyer supplanters, for the +parliament of 1372 petitioned that lawyers, who used their position +in parliament to advance their clients' affairs, should not be +eligible for election as knights of the shire. Next year, the +discontent of the estates came to a head after the failure of John +of Gaunt's march from Calais to Bordeaux. The commons, by that time +definitely organised as an independent house, answered the demand +for fresh supplies by requesting the lords to appoint a committee +of their number to confer with them on the state of the realm. The +composition of the committee was not one that favoured the existing +administration, and, guided by men like William of Wykeham, it made +only a limited and conditional grant, which was strictly +appropriated to the payment of the expenses of the war. The +anti-clerical party was still strong <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg434" id="pg434">434</a></span>enough to send up denunciations of +papal assumptions, and the anxiety to adjust the relations between +the papacy and the crown led to some abortive negotiations with the +legates of Gregory XI at Bruges in 1374, which were mainly +memorable for the appearance of John Wycliffe as one of the royal +commissioners. Disgust at the attitude of the commons may well have +postponed the next parliament for nearly three years. But the truce +of Bruges made frequent parliaments less necessary.</p> + +<p>The truce brought John of Gaunt back to England, and the rivalry +between him and his elder brother, which had begun during their +last joint campaigns in France, crystallised into definite parties +the discordant tendencies that had been well marked since the +crisis of 1371. The old king was a mere pawn in the game. His +health had been broken by the debauchery and frivolity to which he +had abandoned himself after the death of Queen Philippa. He was now +entirely under the influence of Alice Perrers, a Hertfordshire +squire's daughter, whose venality, greed, and shamelessness made +her the fit tool for the self-seeking ring of courtiers. John of +Gaunt sought her support as the best means of withdrawing the old +king from the influence of the Prince of Wales, and the lay +ministers were glad to maintain themselves in their tottering power +by means of such powerful allies. Prominent among their party were +courtier nobles—such as the chamberlain, Lord Latimer, and +the steward of the household, Lord Neville of Raby,—and rich +London financiers, chief among whom was Richard Lyons, men who made +exorbitant profits out of the necessities of the administration. +Faction sought to appear more respectable by professions of zeal +for reform. The cry against papal encroachments was extended to a +denunciation of the wealth and power of the clergy. John Wycliffe +was called from his Oxford classrooms to expound the close +connexion between dominion and grace, and to teach from London +pulpits that the ungodly bishop or priest has no right to the +temporal possessions given him on trust for the discharge of his +high mission.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Until recently all historians have dated the +beginning of Wycliffe's political career from 1366, but J. Loserth +has proved that 1374, the date of the last demand for the Roman +tribute, to be the right year. See his <i>Studien zur +Kirchen-politik Englands im 14ten Jahrhundert</i>, in +<i>Sitzungsberichte der Académie der Wissenschaften in +Wien</i>, philos. histor. classe, cxxxvi., 1897, and, more briefly, +in <i>Engl. Hist. Review, xi.</i> (1896), 319-328.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg435" id="pg435">435</a></span>A +vigorous opposition to the dominant faction was formed. At its head +was the Black Prince. Hardly less important and much more active +than the dying hero of Poitiers was Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, +the husband of Philippa of Clarence, and the father of the little +Roger Mortimer whom nothing but the uncertain lives of the Prince +of Wales and the sickly Richard of Bordeaux separated from the +English throne. Hereditary antagonism accentuated incompatibility +of personal interests. The ancient feuds of the houses of Mortimer +and Lancaster still lived on in the hostility of their +representatives. The understanding between the Prince of Wales and +the Earl of March seems to have been complete. They had as their +most powerful supporters the outraged dignitaries of the Church, +who saw themselves kept out of office and threatened in their +temporalities by the dominant faction. William of Wykeham, who had +been the guardian of the Earl of March during his long minority, +was the most experienced and wary of the clerical opposition to the +lawyers and courtiers of the Lancaster faction. He had an eager and +enthusiastic backer in the young and high-born Bishop of London, +William Courtenay, the son of the Earl of Devon, and through his +mother, Margaret Bohun, a great-grandson of Edward I. Office and +descent combined to make Bishop Courtenay the custodian of the +constitutional tradition, which was equally strong among the great +baronial houses of ancient descent and such highly placed +ecclesiastics as were zealous for the nation as well as for their +order. His support was the more necessary since Simon of Sudbury, +who in 1375 succeeded Whittlesea on the throne of St. Augustine, +was a weak and time-serving politician.</p> + +<p>The storm, which had long been brewing, burst at last in the +parliament of April, 1376. Of the acts of this memorable assembly, +famous as the Good Parliament, and of the other concluding troubles +of the reign we are fortunate in possessing not only copious +official records, but a minute and highly dramatic account from the +pen of a St. Alban's monk, who, alone of the monastic chroniclers +of his age, represented the spirit which, in the days of Matthew +Paris, made the great Hertfordshire abbey so famous a school of +historiography.[1]</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Chron. Angliæ</i>, 1328-88, ed. E.M. +Thompson (Rolls Ser.). Compare Mr. S. Armitage-Smith's <i>John of +Gaunt</i> for an unfavourable estimate of its value.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg436" id= +"pg436">436</a></span>The Good Parliament showed from the beginning +a strong animosity against the courtiers. The time was not yet come +when the commons could take the initiative, or supply leaders from +its own ranks, and even among the commons capacity was unequally +divided. Authority and influence were exclusively with the knights +of the shire, and the citizens and burgesses were content to allow +the country gentry to speak and act in their name. The knights of +the shire demanded that, in accordance with the precedent of 1373, +a committee of magnates should be associated with them in +determining the policy to be adopted. The lords spiritual and +temporal were as eager as the knights to attack the government, and +a committee, of which the leading spirits included the Earl of +March and the Bishop of London, supplied the element of direction +and initiation in which the commons were lacking. The resolution +which prevailed was shown by the estates agreeing to make no grant +until grievances had been redressed, and by the choice of Sir Peter +de la Mare as spokesman of the commons before the king. Sir Peter +was elected, we are told, because he possessed abundant wisdom and +eloquence, and enough boldness to say what was in his mind, +regardless of the good-will of the great. Perhaps a further and +more weighty reason was that he was steward of the Earl of March. +He was the first person to hold an office indistinguishable in all +essentials from that of the later Speaker. Under his guidance the +commons worked out an elaborate policy of revenge and reform. The +contempt with which John of Gaunt and the courtiers had at first +regarded their action, gave place to fear. The duke found it +prudent to stand aside, while a clean sweep of the administration +was made.</p> + +<p>Charges were brought against the leading ministers of state, +after a fashion in which the constitutional historian sees the +beginnings of the process of the removal of great offenders by +impeachment. Lord Latimer was the first victim. He had appropriated +the king's money to his own uses; he had shown remissness and +treachery during the last campaign in Brittany; he had taken +bribes; he was, in a word, "useless to king and kingdom". His fate +was promptly shared by Lyons, the London merchant, the accomplice +of his frauds, who had availed himself of his court influence to +make a "corner" in nearly all imported articles, to the +impoverishment of the common people and the <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg437" id="pg437">437</a></span>disorganisation +of trade. Lord Neville, whose eager partisanship of Latimer had led +him to insult Sir Peter de la Mare, was threatened with similar +proceedings. Even Alice Perrers was attacked, though, says the +chronicler, the natural affection of Englishmen for their king was +so great that they were slow to molest the lady whom the king +loved. However, Alice's unblushing interference with the course of +justice, her appearance in the courts at Westminster, sitting on +the judges' bench, clamouring for the condemnation of her enemies +and the acquittal of her friends, roused the knights of the shire +to action. An ordinance against women being allowed to practise in +the law courts was made the pretext for her removal from court, and +Alice, fearful that worse might happen, took oath that she would +have no further dealings with the king. Meantime Latimer and Lyons +were condemned to forfeiture and imprisonment.</p> + +<p>In the midst of these proceedings the knights lost their +strongest support by the death of the Black Prince on June 8. John +of Gaunt at once went down to the house of commons, and boldly +suggested that the English should follow the example of the French +and allow no woman to become heiress of the kingdom. This was a +direct assertion of his own claims to stand next to the throne +after Richard of Bordeaux, and before Roger Mortimer. Alarmed at +the blow thus levelled against their chief remaining champion, the +knights courageously held to their position. "The king," said they, +"though old is still healthy, and may outlive us all. Moreover he +has an heir in the ten-year-old prince Richard. While these are +alive there is no need to discuss the question of the succession." +They completed the drawing up of the long list of petitions, whose +grudging and partial acceptance by the crown made the roll of the +parliament of 1376 memorable as asserting principles, if not as +vindicating practical ends. They forced Lancaster to agree to a +council of twelve peers nominated in parliament to act as a +standing committee of advisers, without which the king might do +nothing of any importance. After this revival of the methods of the +Mad Parliament and the lords ordainers, the Good Parliament +separated on July 6. It had sat longer than any previous parliament +of which there is record. It had persevered to the end in the teeth +of discouragements of all kinds, and, even after his brother's +death, Duke John dared not lift up his hand against it so long as +the session continued.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg438" id= +"pg438">438</a></span>When the estates separated Lancaster threw +off the mask. The king, sunk in extreme dotage, was entirely in the +hands of his unscrupulous son. The old man was kept quiet by the +return of Alice Perrers to court. She had sworn on the rood never +to see the king again, but the prelates were "like dumb dogs unable +to bark" against her; and no effort was made to prosecute her for +perjury. Latimer and Lyons returned from their luxurious +imprisonment in the Tower to their places at court. The duke +roundly declared that the late parliament was no parliament at all. +No statute was based upon its petitions, the council of twelve was +rudely dissolved, and Sir Peter de la Mare was imprisoned in +Nottingham castle. William of Wykeham was deprived of his +temporalities, and the rumour spread that his disgrace was due to +his possession of a state secret, revealed to him by the dying +queen Philippa, that John of Gaunt was no true son of the royal +pair but a changeling. So timid was the disgraced bishop that he +vied with the weak primate in his subserviency to Alice. The Earl +of March, who was marshal of England, was ordered to inspect the +fortresses beyond sea, whereupon, fearing a plot to assassinate +him, he resigned his office, "preferring," says a friend, "to lose +his marshal's staff rather than his life". The powerful +north-country lord, Henry Percy, who had hitherto acted with the +opposition, was bribed by the office of marshal to join the +Lancastrian party.</p> + +<p>Grave difficulties still beset the government, and in January, +1377, John of Gaunt had to face another parliament. Every +precaution was taken to pack the commons with his partisans. Of the +knights of the shire of the Good Parliament only eight were members +of its successor,[1] while in the place of the imprisoned De la +Mare, Sir Thomas Hungerford, steward of the Duke of Lancaster, was +chosen Speaker, on this occasion by that very name. A packed +committee of lords was assigned to advise the commons. In these +circumstances it was not difficult to procure the reversal of the +acts against Alice Perrers and Latimer, and the grant of a poll tax +of a groat a head. The only measure of conciliation was a general +pardon, a pretext for which was found in the jubilee of the king's +accession. From this William of Wykeham was expressly excepted.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] <i>Return of Members of Parliament</i>, pt. +i., 193-97; <i>Chron. Angliæ</i>, p. 112, understates the +case.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg439" id= +"pg439">439</a></span>The convocation of Canterbury proved less +accommodating than the parliament. Under the able leadership of +Bishop Courtenay, it took up the cause of the Bishop of Winchester, +refused to join in a grant of money until he had taken his place in +convocation, and, triumphing at last over the time-serving of +Sudbury and the hesitation of Wykeham himself, persuaded the bishop +to join their deliberations. Lancaster met the opposition of +convocation by calling to his aid the Oxford doctor whom the clergy +had already begun to look upon as the enemy of the privileges of +their order. Wycliffe was not as yet under suspicion of direct +dogmatic heresy. He had not yet clothed himself in the armour of +his Balliol predecessor, Fitzralph, to wage war against the +mendicant orders. But he had already formulated his theory that +dominion was founded on grace, had declared that the pope had no +right to excommunicate any one, or if he had that any simple priest +could absolve the culprit from his sentence, and he had shown a +hatred so bitter of clerical worldliness and clerical property that +he was looked upon as the special enemy of the great land-holding +prelates and of the "possessioner" monks, whose lands, he +maintained, could be resumed by the representatives of the donors +at their will. The strenuous advocate for reducing the clergy to +apostolic poverty was not likely to find favour among the prelates. +Wycliffe's only clerical supporters at this stage were the +mendicant friars, from whose characteristic opinions as regards +"evangelical poverty" he never at any time swerved.[1] He was, +however, eloquent and zealous, and he had a following. Fear either +of Wycliffe or of his mendicant allies forced the bishops to take +decisive action. Even Sudbury awoke, "as from deep sleep".[2] The +duke's dangerous supporter was summoned to answer before the +bishops at St. Paul's.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] Shirley (preface to <i>Fasciculi +Zizaniorum,</i> Rolls Ser., p. xxvi.) thought that Wycliffe was +"the sworn foe of the mendicants" in 1377, and E.M. Thompson's +emphatic words repudiating the contrary statement of the St. +Alban's writer, <i>Chron. Anglice,</i> p. liii., illustrate the +view prevalent in England in 1874. Lechler's <i>Wiclif und die +Vorgeschichte der Reformation,</i> published in 1873 proves that it +was not until Wycliffe denied the doctrine of transubstantiation in +1379 or 1380 that the friars deserted him.</p> + +<p class="three">[2] <i>Chron. Anglice</i>, p. 117.</p> + +<p>On February 19, Wycliffe appeared in Courtenay's cathedral. Four +mendicant doctors of divinity, chosen by Lancaster, came <span +class="pagenum"><a name="pg440" id="pg440">440</a></span>with him +to defend him against the "possessioners," while the Duke of +Lancaster himself, and Henry Percy, the new marshal, also +accompanied him to overawe the bishops by their authority. The +court was to be held in the lady chapel at the east end of the +cathedral, and Wycliffe and his friends found some difficulty in +making their way through the dense crowd that filled the spacious +nave and aisles. Percy, irritated at the pressure of the throng, +began to force it back in virtue of his office. Courtenay ordered +that the marshal should exercise no authority in his cathedral. +Thereupon Percy in a rage declared that he would act as marshal in +the church, whether the bishop liked it or not. When the lady +chapel was reached, there was further disputing as to whether +Wycliffe should sit or stand, and Lancaster taunted Courtenay for +trusting overmuch to the greatness of his family. When the bishop +replied with equal spirit, John muttered: "I would liefer drag him +out of his church by the hair of his head than put up with such +insolence". The words were overheard, and the Londoners, who hated +the duke, broke into open riot at this insult to their bishop. It +was rumoured that the duke had come to St. Paul's, hot from an +attack on the liberties of the city that very morning in +parliament. The court broke up in wild confusion, and the riot +spread from church to city. Next day Percy's house was pillaged, +and John's palace of the Savoy attacked. The duke and the marshal +were forced to seek the protection of their opponent, the Princess +of Wales, at Kennington. The followers of Lancaster could only +escape rough treatment by hiding away their lord's badges. The +citizens cried that the Bishop of Winchester and Peter de la Mare +should have a fair trial. At last the personal authority of Bishop +Courtenay restored his unruly flock to order. The old king +performed his last public act by soothing the spokesmen of the +citizens with the pleasant words and easy grace of which he still +was master. The Princess of Wales used her influence for peace, and +matters were smoothed over.</p> + +<p>At some risk of personal humiliation, Lancaster secured a +substantial triumph. Convocation followed the lead of parliament +and gave an ample subsidy. William of Wykeham purchased the +restoration of his temporalities by an unworthy deference to Alice +Perrers. Wycliffe remained powerful, flattered, and consulted, +though his enemies had already drawn <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg441" id="pg441">441</a></span>up secret articles against him, +which they had forwarded to the papal <i>curia</i>. Perhaps in the +rapidly declining health of the king all parties saw that their +real interest lay in the postponement of a crisis.</p> + +<p>In June Edward lay on his deathbed at Sheen. To the last his +talk was all of hawking and hunting, and his mistress carefully +kept from him all knowledge of his desperate condition. When he +sank into his last lethargy, his courtiers deserted him, and Alice +Perrers took to flight after robbing him of the very rings on his +fingers. A simple priest, brought to the bedside by pity, performed +for the half-conscious king the last offices of religion. Edward +was just able to kiss the cross and murmur "Jesus have mercy". On +June 21, 1377, he breathed his last.</p> + +<p>With Edward's death we break off a narrative whose course is but +half run. John of Gaunt's rule was not over; Wycliffe was advancing +from discontent to revolt; Chaucer was yet to rise for a higher +flight; Langland had not yet put his complaint into its permanent +form; the French war was renewed almost on the day of Edward's +death; popular irritation against bad government, and social and +economic repression were still preparing for the revolt of 1381. +With all its defects the age of Edward is preeminently a strong +age. Greedy, self-seeking, rough, and violent it may be; its +passions and rivalries combined to make futile the exercise of its +strength; it sounded the revolutionary note of all abrupt ages of +transition, and it ends in disaster and demoralisation at home and +abroad. But government is not everything, and least of all in the +Middle Ages when what was then thought vigorous government appears +miserably weak to modern notions. The strong rule decayed with the +failure of the king's personal vigour. The ministers of Edward's +dotage could not hold France nor even keep England quiet. England +had grown impatient of the rule of a despot, though she was not yet +able to govern herself after a constitutional fashion. It is in the +incompatibility of the political ideals of royal authority and +constitutional control, not less than in the want of purpose of her +ruler and in the factions of her nobles that the explanation of the +period must be sought. The age of Edward III. has been +alternatively decried and exalted. Both verdicts are true, but +neither contains the whole truth. The explanation of both is to be +found in the annals of a later age.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg443" id= +"pg443">443</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>APPENDIX.</h2> + +<h4>ON AUTHORITIES.</h4> + +<h4>(1216-1377.)</h4> + +<p>Our two main sources of knowledge for medieval history are +records and chronicles. Chronicles are more accessible, easier to +study, more continuous, readable, and coloured than records can +generally be. Yet the record far excels the chronicle in scope, +authority, and objectivity, and a prime characteristic of modern +research is the increasing reliance on the record rather than the +chronicle as the sounder basis of historical investigation. The +medieval archives of England, now mainly collected in the Public +Record Office, are unrivalled by those of any other country. From +the accession of Henry III. several of the more important classes +of records have become copious and continuous, while in the course +of the reign nearly all the chief groups of documents have made a +beginning. The whole of the period 1216 to 1377 can therefore be +well studied in them.</p> + +<p>A large proportion of our archives is taken up with common +forms, technicalities, and petty detail. It will never be either +possible or desirable to print the mass of them <i>in extenso</i>, +and most of the efforts made to render them accessible have taken +the form of calendars, catalogues, and inventories. Such attempts +began with the costly and unsatisfactory labours of the Record +Commission (dissolved in 1836); and in recent years the work has +again been taken up and pursued on better lines. The folio volumes +of the Record Commission only remain so far of value as they have +not been superseded by the more scholarly octavo calendars which +are now being issued under the direction of the deputy-keeper of +the records. These latter are all accompanied by copious indices +which, though not always to be trusted implicitly, immensely +facilitate the use of them. The records were preserved by the +various royal courts. Of special importance for the political +historian are the records of the Chancery and Exchequer.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg444" id= +"pg444">444</a></span>Prominent among the Chancery records are the +PATENT ROLLS, strips of parchment sewn together continuously for +each regnal year, whereon are inscribed copies of the letters +patent of the sovereign, so called because they were sent out open, +with the great seal pendent. Beginning in 1200, they present a +continuous series throughout all our period, except for 23 and 24 +Henry III. The publication of the complete Latin text of the +<i>Patent Rolls of Henry III.</i> is now in progress, and two +volumes have been issued, including respectively the years +1216-1225 and 1225-1232. From the accession of Edward I. onwards +the bulk of the rolls renders the method of a calendar in English +more desirable. The <i>Calendars of the Patent Rolls</i> are now +complete from 1272 to 1324 and from 1327 to 1348 (Edward I., 4 +vols.; Edward II., 4 vols.; Edward III., 7 vols.). For the years +not thus yet dealt with the unsatisfactory <i>Calendarium Rotulorum +Patentium</i> (1802, fol.) may still sometimes be of service.</p> + +<p>The letters close, or sealed letters addressed to individuals, +usually of inferior public interest to the letters patent are +preserved in the CLOSE ROLLS, compiled in the same fashion as the +Patent Rolls. The whole extant rolls from 1204 to 1227 are printed +in <i>Rotuli Literarum Clausarum</i> (2 vols. fol., 1833 and 1844, +Rec. corn.), and it is proposed to continue the integral +publication of the text for the rest of Henry III.'s reign on the +same plan as that of the Patent Rolls. One volume of this +continuation, 1227-1231 (8vo, 1902), has been issued. For the +subsequent periods a calendar in English is being prepared similar +in type to the <i>Calendar of Patent Rolls</i>. The periods at +present covered by the <i>Calendar of Close Rolls</i> (1892-1905) +are, Edward I., 1272-1296 (3 vols.): Edward II., the whole of the +reign (4 vols.), and Edward III., 1327-1349 (8 vols.).</p> + +<p>A third series of records preserved by the Chancery officials is +the ROLLS OF PARLIAMENT, including the petitions, pleas, and other +parliamentary proceedings. None of these are extant before 1278, +and the series for the succeeding century is often interrupted. +Many of them are printed in the first two folios (vol. i., Edward +I. and II.; vol. ii., Edward III.) of <i>Rotuli Parliamentorum</i> +(1767-1777). A copious index volume was issued in 1832. A specimen +of what may still be looked for is to be found in Professor +Maitland's edition of one of the earliest rolls of parliament in +<i>Memoranda de Parliamento</i> (1305) (Rolls series, 1893) with an +admirable introduction. For the reigns of Edward I. and II. the +deficiencies of the published rolls are supplemented by SIR F. +PALGRAVE'S <i>Parliamentary Writs and Writs of Military Service</i> +(vol. i., 1827, Edward I.; vol. ii., 1834, Edward II., fol., Rec. +Corn.) with alphabetical digests and indices.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg445" id= +"pg445">445</a></span>Formal grants under the great seal called +<i>Charters</i>, characterised by a "salutation" clause, the names +of attesting witnesses, and, under Henry III. after 1227, by the +final formula <i>data per manum nostram apud</i>, etc., and +implying normally the presence of the king, are contained in the +CHARTER ROLLS, extant from the reign of John onwards. They are +roughly analysed in the <i>Calendarium Rotulorum Chartarum</i> +(1803, Rec. Com.); and the <i>Rotuli Chartarum</i> (fol., 1837, +Rec. Corn.) contains the rolls <i>in extenso</i> up to 1216, Vol. +i., 1226-1257, of an English <i>Calendar of Charter Rolls</i>, +printing some of the documents in full, was published in 1903.</p> + +<p>The documents formerly known as ESCHEAT ROLLS, or INQUISITIONES +POST MORTEM, are concerned with the inquiries made by the Crown on +the death of every landholder as to the extent and character of his +holding. Some of the information contained in these inquests was +made accessible in the <i>Calendarium Inquisitionum sive +Eschætarum</i> (vol. i., Henry III., Edward I. and II., 1806; vol. +ii., Edward III., 1808, fol., Rec. Corn.). The errors and omissions +of these volumes were partially remedied for the reigns of Henry +III. and Edward I. by C. ROBERTS'S <i>Calendarium Genealogicum</i> +(2 vols. 8vo, 1865). A scholarly guide to all this class of +documents has been begun in the new <i>Calendar of Inquisitions +Post Mortem and other Analogous Documents</i>, of which vol. i. +(Henry III.) was issued in 1904. The first volume of a separate +list of the analogous inquisitions <i>Ad pod damnum</i> is also +announced.</p> + +<p>Of the FINE ROLLS containing the records of fines[1] made with +the Crown for licence to alienate, exemption from service, +wardships, pardons, etc., those of Henry III. have been made +accessible in C. ROBERTS'S <i>Excerpta e Rotulis Finium</i>, +1216-1272 (1835-36, 8vo). Other rolls such as the LIBERATE ROLLS +have not yet been published for the reigns here treated.</p> + +<p class="three">[1] A <i>fine</i> in this technical sense is an +agreement arrived at by a money transaction.</p> + +<p>Of special or local rolls, preserved in the Chancery, the most +important for our period are the GASCON ROLLS. The earlier +documents called by this name are not exclusively concerned with +the affairs of Gascony; they are miscellaneous documents enrolled +for convenience in common parchments by reason of the presence of +the king in his Aquitanian dominions. Of these are F. MICHEL'S +<i>Roles Gascons</i>, vol. i., published in the French government +series of <i>Documents Inédits sur l'Histoire de France</i> +(1885), including a "fragmentum rotuli Vasconiæ," 1242-1243, and +"patentes littere facte in Wasconia," 1253-1254, years in which +Henry III. was actually in Gascony. This publication was resumed in +1896 by M. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg446" id= +"pg446">446</a></span>CHARLES BÉMONT'S +<i>Supplément</i> to Michel's imperfect volume, containing +innumerable corrections, an index, introduction, and some +additional rolls of 1254 and 1259-1260. The later of these, the +roll of Edward's delegated administration, is the first exclusively +devoted to the concerns of Gascony. "Gascon Rolls" in this later +sense begin with Edward I.'s accession, and M. Bémont has +undertaken their publication for the whole of Edward's reign from +photographs of the records supplied by the English to the French +government. In 1900 vol. ii. of the <i>Roles Gascons,</i> +containing the years 1273-1290, was issued. Other classes of +Chancery Rolls accessible in print are <i>Rotuli Scotiæ,</i> +1291-1516 (2 vols., 1814-1819, Rec. Corn.), and <i>Rotuli +Walliæ</i>, 5-9 Edward I., privately printed by Sir Thomas +Phillipps (1865). Among isolated Chancery records the <i>Rotuli +Hundredorum</i> (Rec. Corn., 2 vols. fol., 1812-1818), containing +the very important inquests made by Edward I.'s commissioners into +the franchises of the barons, may specially be noticed here.</p> + +<p>Of not less importance than the Chancery records are those +handed down from the Court of Exchequer. The most famous of these, +the PIPE ROLLS, which, unlike the Chancery Enrolments, were "filed" +or sewn skin by skin, are decreasingly important from the +thirteenth century onwards as compared with their value for the +twelfth. For this reason the Pipe Roll Society, founded in 1883, +only undertook their publication up to 1200. Fragments of Pipe +Rolls for our period can be seen in print in various local +histories and transactions, as e.g., "Pipe Rolls of Northumberland" +up to 1272 in HODGSON-HINDE'S History of Northumberland, pt. iii., +vol. iii., and 1273-1284, ed. Dickson (Newcastle, 1854-60), and of +Notts and Derby (translated extracts) in YEATMAN's <i>History of +Derby</i> (1886). The only gap in our series is for Henry III. Of +other Exchequer records we may mention: (i) the ORIGINALIA ROLLS, +containing the estreats or documents from the Chancery informing +the Exchequer of moneys due to it, beginning in 20 Henry III., a +summary of which is published in <i>Rotulorum Originalium</i> in +Curia <i>Scaccarii Abbreviatio,</i> 20 Henry III,-51 Edward III (2 +vols. fol., Rec. Corn., 1805-1810); (2) the MEMORANDA ROLLS, +containing records of charges upon the Exchequer, etc., are +complete for this period. They were kept by the king's and the +treasurer's remembrancer, and are illustrated in print by extracts +from the Memoranda Rolls, 1297, in <i>Transactions of the Royal +Hist. Soc.,</i> new series, iii., 281-291(1886), and by the roll of +3 Henry III. in COOPER'S <i>Proceedings of the Record +Commissioners</i> (1833); (3) MINISTERS ACCOUNTS, i.e., accounts of +royal bailiffs, etc., for royal manors, etc., not included in the +sheriffs' accounts, beginning with <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg447" id="pg447">447</a></span>Edward I., of which a list is +given in the <i>P.R.O. Lists and Indexes</i>, Nos. v. and viii.; +(4) of the PELL RECORDS, recording issues and payments, samples +given in DEVON'S <i>Issues of the Exchequer</i> (Rec. Corn., 8vo, +1837), DEVON'S <i>Issue Roll of Thomas of Brantingham in</i> 1370 +(Rec. Corn., 8vo, 1835). The pells of receipt were entered on the +(5) RECEIPT ROLLS, specimens of which, along with the corresponding +issues, are to be found in SIR JAMES RAMSAY'S abstracts of issue +and receipt rolls for certain years of Edward III. in the +<i>Antiquary</i>(1880-1888); (6) SUBSIDY ROLLS of various types, +illustrated by <i>Nonarum Inquisitiones tempore Edwardi ZZZ.</i> +(Rec. Corn., 1807), the record of a subsidy of a ninth collected by +Edward III. in 1340-1341; (7) WARDROBE and HOUSEHOLD ACCOUNTS +containing for the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries information +on national as well as private royal finance; specimens in print +include the important <i>Liber Quotidianus Contra-rotulatoris +Garderobæ</i>, 28 <i>Ed. I.</i>(1299-1300), (1787, Soc. +Antiq.).</p> + +<p>From the Exchequer records come also the following: (1) <i>Testa +de Neville sive Liber Feodorum temp. Hen. ZZZ. et Edw. I.</i> (Rec. +Corn., fol., +1807), a miscellaneous and ill-digested but valuable +collection of thirteenth century inquisitions; (2) <i>Nomina +Villarum, g</i> Ed. II., published in PALGRAVE'S <i>Parl. +Writs</i>, ii., iii., 301-416; (3) <i>Kirkby's Quest, a</i> survey +made by Bishop Kirkby, the treasurer, in 1284-85, of which the +Yorkshire portion has been printed by the Surtees Soc., ea. Skaife +(1867), and other portions elsewhere; (4) <i>Taxatio Ecclesiastica +Angliæ et Walliæ</i>, 1291 (Rec. Corn., 1802), the taxation of +benefices by Nicholas IV. by which assessments of papal and +ecclesiastical taxes were long made. A very useful compilation, +recently undertaken under the direction of the deputy-keeper, is +<i>Inquisitions and Assessments relating to Feudal Aids</i>, +1284-1431, of which three volumes, dealing in alphabetical order +with the shires from Bedford to Norfolk, are published Cheshire and +Durham are entirely omitted and Lancashire very scantily dealt with +as exceptional jurisdictions. The work is based upon the various +lay records enumerated above and other analogous inquests. Ancient +compilations of miscellaneous documents by officials of the +Exchequer are exemplified in <i>Liber Niger Scaccarii</i> (ed. +Hearne, 2 vols., 1774), and in the <i>Red Book of the Exchequer</i> +(ed. H. Hall, 3 vols., Rolls ser., 1896).</p> + +<p>The records of the common law courts, the King's Bench and the +Court of Common Pleas, are of less direct historical value than +those of the Chancery and the Exchequer. Extraordinarily bulky, +they require a good deal of sifting to sort the wheat from the +chaff. As yet a very small proportion of them has been printed, and +few have <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg448" id= +"pg448">448</a></span>even been calendared. A brief index of them +has been compiled in the useful <i>List of Plea Rolls</i> (1894, +<i>P.R.O. Lists and Indexes</i>, No. iv.). Of the various types of +these records the FEET OF FINES have been largely used by the +topographer and genealogist, and the feet of fines for many +counties during this period have been calendared, summarised, +excerpted, and printed, wholly or in part, by local archaeological +societies, as for example, W. FARRER'S <i>Lancashire Final Concords +till 1307</i> (Rec. Soc. for Lancashire and Cheshire, 1899), and +many others. The PLEA ROLLS are of wider importance. For the days +of Henry III. <i>Placita Coram Rege</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, of the King's +Bench) and the <i>Placita de Banco</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, of the Common +Pleas in later phrase) are classified as <i>Rotuli Curiæ +Regis</i>, while the rolls of the local eyres for the same period +are called <i>Assize Rolls</i>. Separate series for each court +begin with Edward I. Specimens of most of these types have been +printed. <i>Placitorum Abbreviatio Ric. I.—Edw. II.</i> (Rec. +Com., fol., 1811) is a careless seventeenth century abstract. +<i>Placita de Quo Warranto</i>, Edward I. to Edward III. (Rec. +Com., fol., 1818), is a record of local eyres of particular +importance for the reign of Edward I. as the corollary of the +Hundred Rolls and the attack on the local franchises. HUNTER'S +<i>Rotuli Selecti</i> (Rec. Com., 1834) contains pleas of the reign +of Henry III. A typical year's pleadings of the King's Bench for +1297 is given in full in PHILLIMORE's <i>Placita coram rege</i>, 25 +Edward I. (1898, British Rec. Soc.). Selections from the +proceedings of the commission appointed by Edward I. in 1289 to +hear complaints against judges and officials will shortly be +published by Miss Hilda Johnstone and myself for the Royal +Historical Society. Of special importance are the plea rolls issued +by the Selden Society, which include for our period F.W. MAITLAND'S +<i>Select Pleas of the Crown</i>, 1200-1225; BAILDON'S <i>Select +Chancery Pleas</i>, 1364-1471; J.M. RIGG'S <i>Select Pleas of the +Jewish Exchequer</i>; and G.J. TURNER'S <i>Select Pleas of the +Forest</i>; all have translations and introductions, of which those +of Professor Maitland are of exceptional value.</p> + +<p>To these types must be added the records of the local courts, +now largely also in the Public Record Office, though vast numbers +of court rolls and manorial documents are still in private hands, +and among the archives of ecclesiastical and secular corporations. +The Selden Society has done excellent work in publishing such +muniments; as in particular, MAITLAND'S <i>Select Pleas in Manorial +Courts</i>, vol. i., Henry III. and Edward I., illustrating the +social and legal life of a medieval village; MAITLAND and BAILDON'S +<i>Court Baron</i>; HUNTER' s <i>Leet Jurisdiction of Norwich</i>; +C. GROSS's <i>Select Cases from the Coroners' Rolls</i>, 1265-1413. +The records of the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg449" id= +"pg449">449</a></span>Bishopric of Durham, the County Palatine of +Chester, the Principality of Wales, and the Duchy of Lancaster are +deposited in the Public Record Office, and calendars and lists +scattered over the <i>Deputy-Keeper of the Records' Reports</i> +throw some light on their contents. Unluckily these records of +franchise are incompletely preserved and often in bad condition. +The best preserved for our period are the Durham records, described +in LAPSLEY'S County <i>Palatine of Durham</i>, pp. 327-337 (Harvard +Historical Studies); some of the most important are printed in +<i>Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense</i>, ed. Hardy (Rolls Series, 4 +vols.), which is also an Episcopal register. Welsh records may be +illustrated by the <i>Record of Carnarvon</i> (Rec. Corn., fol., +1838). Academic records are illustrated by the Oxford <i>Munimenta +Academica</i> (ed. Anstey), Rolls Series. Municipal records are +very numerous and important; full particulars as to them can be +found in C. Gross's <i>Bibliography of British Municipal +History</i> (Harvard Hist. Studies). Admirably edited examples of +our wealth of municipal records for this period are to be found in +<i>Records of the Borough of Nottingham</i> (ed. W.H. Stevenson), +vol. i. (1882); <i>Records of the Borough of Leicester</i> (ed. +Mary Bateson), vols. i. and ii. (1899 and 1901); and <i>Munimenta +Gildhallæ Londoniensis</i> (ed. H.T. Riley), Rolls Series. The +<i>Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission</i> afford much +information as to every type of document in private or local +custody. Ireland and Scotland have archives of their own; but there +are no systematic records in the Register House at Edinburgh before +the War of Independence. Among the enterprises now abandoned of the +Public Record Office were <i>Calendars of Documents relating to +Scotland and Ireland</i>. The Scottish series covers all this +period (vols. i.-iv.), the Irish was stopped at 1307. They are +derived, by a rather arbitrary selection, from various classes of +English records, but contain much valuable material. JOSEPH +STEVENSON'S <i>Documents illustrating the History of Scotland</i> +(1286-1306) (Scot. Rec. Publications, 1870), and PALGRAVE'S +Documents <i>and Records illustrating the History of Scotland</i> +(Rec. Corn., 1837), are useful for the reign of Edward I. as are +for limited periods of it the <i>Wallace Papers</i> (Maitland Club, +1841) and <i>Scotland in 1298</i> (ed. Gough, 1888).</p> + +<p>A new class of records begins in the thirteenth century with +BISHOPS' REGISTERS. These, so far as they survive, are preserved in +the diocesan registries. Of printed registers for this period the +most important is MARTIN'S <i>Registrum Epistolarum J. Peckham</i> +(3 vols., Rolls Series, 1882-1886), the earliest surviving +Canterbury register. Other registers printed or calendared are +HINGESTON-RANDOLPH'S <i>Exeter Registers</i>, 1257-1291, 1307-1326, +and 1327-1369 (5 vols., 1889, etc.); <span class="pagenum"><a name= +"pg450" id="pg450">450</a></span>excerpts, particularly from the +York registers, in RAINE'S <i>Letters from the Northern +Registers,</i> Rolls Series; the two oldest York <i>Registers</i> +of ARCHBISHOPS WALTER GREY (1215-1255) and WALTER GIFFARD +(1266-1279), both in Surtees Society; the Wells <i>Registers</i> of +BPS. DROKENSFORD, 1309-1329, and RALPH OF SHREWSBURY, 1329-1363 +(Somerset Record Society); the Worcester <i>Register</i> of BP. +GIFFARD, 1268-1302 (Worcester Historical Society); the Winchester +<i>Registers</i> of BISHOPS SANDALE and RIGAUD, 1316-1323, and +WYKEHAM, 1366-1404 (Hampshire Record Society). A society called the +Canterbury and York Society has recently been started to set forth +episcopal registers systematically in print. It has begun to +publish the earliest Lincoln <i>Register</i> extant, that of Hugh +of Wells, bishop of Lincoln, 1209-1235, whose <i>Liber Antiquus de +Ordinatione Vicariorum</i> was printed in 1888. Analogous documents +are LUARD'S <i>Rob. Grosseteste Epistola</i> (Roll Series, 1861), +and the like.</p> + +<p>Monastic CARTULARIES are less important for general history in +this than in previous periods; large masses of monastic records of +this age have survived, not a tithe of which is to be found in +DUGDALE'S <i>Monasticon</i>. Some monastic records illustrate the +domestic economy or religious life of the house as KIRK'S +<i>Accounts of the Obedientiaries of Abingdon,</i> 1322-1479 +(Camden Soc.); J.W. CLARK's <i>Observances in use at Barnwell +Priory,</i> 1295-1296(1897), and the like.</p> + +<p>For this period by far the most important series of foreign +records is the magnificent collections of the papacy. A summary of +many of these is to be found in BLISS, JOHNSON, and TWEMLOW's +<i>Calendars of Papal Registers illustrating the History of Great +Britain and Ireland; Papal Letters</i> (vols. i.-iv., 1198-1404), +and <i>Petitions to the Pope</i> (vol. i., 1342-1419), of special +importance for the fourteenth century. These useful calendars, +however, do not always dispense us from consulting the grand series +of papal records published or analysed under the care of the French +School of Rome, which has not yet sufficiently been studied in this +country. This enterprise is divided into two sections. In the first +the <i>Registers from Gregory IX. to Benedict XI.</i> are in course +of publication; in the second the letters of the Avignon popes +relating to France are printed or analysed. Portions of the letters +of John XXII, Benedict XII, and Clement VI, are already issued. +PRESSUTI has published one volume of the <i>Registers of Honorius +III</i> (1888). From the Vatican archives also comes THEINER'S +<i>Vetera Monumenta Hib. et Scot. Historiam illustrantia</i> +(1864), beginning in 1216.</p> + +<p>Extracts from various archives are found in such collections as +RYMER's <i>Foedera</i> of which the Record Commission's edition in +folio <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg451" id= +"pg451">451</a></span>reaches just beyond the end of this period; +WILKINS'S <i>Concilia</i> (1737), containing many extracts from +episcopal registers and canons of councils; HADDAN and STUBBS'S +<i>Councils</i>, vol. i. (for the thirteenth century Welsh Church); +CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC'S <i>Lettres des Rois et des Reines +d'Angleterre</i> (2 vols., 1847, <i>Doc. Inédits</i>); +STUBBS'S <i>Select Charters</i> (Henry III. and Edward I.), and +BÉMONT'S excellent <i>Chartes des Libertés +anglaises</i> in the <i>Collection de Textes pour l'Étude et +l'Enseignement de l'Histoire</i>. Equally useful is COSNEAU'S +<i>Grands Traités de la Guerre de Cent Ans</i> also in the +same <i>Collection de Textes</i>. The <i>Statutes of the Realm</i> +(vol. i., fol., 1810) contains the text of the laws and of the +great charters of this period.</p> + +<p>Chronicles, with all their deficiencies, must ever be largely +used as sources of continuous historical narrative. For the +thirteenth century our chief reliance must still be placed upon the +annals drawn up in various monasteries, some based upon little more +than gossip or hearsay, others showing real efforts to acquire +authentic information. The greatest centre of historical +composition in thirteenth-century England was the Abbey of St. +Alban's, whose chronicles form so important a series that they may +appropriately be considered as a whole, before the other +chroniclers are dealt with in approximately chronological order. +The fame of St. Alban's as a school of history had its origin in +the order of Abbot Simon (d. 1183) that the house should always +appoint a special historiographer. The first of these whose work is +now extant is ROGER OF WENDOVER (d. 1236), whose <i>Flores +Historiarum</i> (ed. H.O. Coxe, Engl. Hist. Soc., 1842, or ed. +Hewlett, Rolls Series, 1886-89—this latter edition is +unscholarly) becomes original in 1216 and remains a chief source, +copious and interesting, if not always precise, until 1235. On +Wendover's death, MATTHEW PARIS, who took the monastic habit in +1217, became the official St. Alban's chronicler. His great work, +the <i>Chronica Majora</i>, is, up to 1235, little more than an +expansion and embellishment of Wendover. He re-edited Wendover's +work with a patriotic and anti-curialist bias quite alien to the +spirit of the earlier writer, whose version should preferably be +followed. Paris's book is a first-hand source from 1235 to 1259. +The narrative of the years 1254-1259 is considerably later in +composition to the history of the period 1235-1253, since on +reaching 1253 Paris devoted himself to an abridgment of what he had +already written, called the <i>Historia Minor</i>. On completing +this he resumed his earlier book, and carried it on to the eve of +his death in 1259, though he did not live to complete its final +revision; that was the work of another monk who added a picture of +his death-bed. The <i>Chronica Majora</i> has been excellently +edited by <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg452" id= +"pg452">452</a></span>Dr. H.R. Luard in seven volumes for the Rolls +Series, with elaborate introductions tracing the literary history +of the work and a magnificent index. The <i>Historia Minor</i> has +been published in three volumes by Sir F. Madden in the Rolls +Series. Paris also wrote the lives of the abbots of his house up to +1255, a work not now extant, and the basis of the later <i>Gesta +Abbatum S. Albani</i>, compiled by Thomas Walsingham (d. 1422?) and +likewise issued in the Rolls Series. The thirteenth century +biographies have some original value. Paris's <i>Life</i> of +<i>Stephen Langton</i> is printed in LIEBERMANN'S <i>Ungedruckte +Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen</i> (1870).</p> + +<p>Paris, perhaps the greatest historian of the Middle Ages, has +literary skill, a vivid though prolix style, a keen eye for the +picturesque, bold and independent judgment, wonderful breadth and +range, and an insatiable curiosity. He was a man of the world, a +courtier and a scholar; he took immense pains to collect his facts +from documents and eye-witnesses, and had great advantages in this +respect through the intimate relations between his house and the +court. Henry III himself contributed many items of information to +him. His details are extraordinarily full, and he tells us almost +as much about continental affairs as about those of his own +country. He wrote with too flowing a pen to be careful about +precision, and had too much love of the picturesque to resist the +temptation of embellishing a good story. His narrative of +continental transactions is in particular extremely inexact. But +the chief cause of his offending also gives special value to his +work; he was a man of strong views and his sympathies and +prejudices colour every line he wrote. His standpoint is that of a +patriotic Englishman, indignant at the alien invasions, at the +misgovernment of the king, the greed of the curialists and the +Poitevins, and with a professional bias against the mendicants. His +writings make his age live.</p> + +<p>The falling off in the St. Alban's work of the next generation +is characteristic of the decay of colour and detail which makes the +chroniclers of the age of Edward I. inferior to those of his +father's reign. The years after 1259 were briefly chronicled by +uninspired continuators of Matthew Paris, and the reputation of St. +Alban's as a school of history led to the frequent transference of +their annals to other religious houses, where they were written up +by local pens. This led to the dissemination of the series of +jejune compilations which in the ages of Edward I. and II. were +widely spread under the name of <i>Flores Historiarum</i>. Dr. +Luard has published a critical edition of these <i>Flores</i> in +three volumes of the Rolls Series, which range from the creation to +1326, with an introduction determining <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg453" id="pg453">453</a></span>their complicated relations +to each other. They are of no real value before 1259, and for the +next sixty-seven years are only important by reason of the defects +of our other sources. No unity or colour can be expected in books +handed from house to house and kept up to date by jottings by +different hands. The ascription of these <i>Flores</i> to a +conjectural Matthew of Westminster by earlier editors is +groundless. Dr. C. Horstmann, <i>Nova Legenda Anglie</i>, i., pp. +xlix. <i>seq.</i>(1901), maintains that John of Tynemouth's +<i>Historia Aurea</i>, still in manuscript, is the official St. +Alban's history from 1327 to 1377.</p> + +<p>In the reign of Edward I. the credit of the school of St. +Alban's was revived to some extent by WILLIAM RISHANGER, who made +his profession in 1271 and died early in the reign of Edward II. To +him is assigned a chronicle ranging from 1259 to 1306 published by +H.T. Riley in the volume <i>Willelmi Rishanger et Anonymorum +Chronica et Annales</i> (Rolls Series). Rishanger's authorship of +the portion 1259-1272 is more probable than that of the section +1272-1306, which, not compiled before 1327, is almost certainly by +another hand, and the attribution of even the earlier section to +Rishanger is doubted by so competent an authority as M. +Bémont. The compilation is frigid and unequal. Of the +miscellaneous contents of Mr. Riley's volume, the short <i>Gesta +Edwardi I.</i> (pp. 411-423), of no great value, is clearly +Rishanger's work. We may also ascribe to Rishanger the <i>Narratio +de Bellis apud Lewes et Evesham</i> (ed. Halliwell, Camden Soc., +1840), which tells the story of the Barons' Wars with vigour, +detail, and insight. Written by a true inheritor of the prejudices +of Matthew Paris, this chronicle is a eulogy of Montfort. It was +put together not before 1312.</p> + +<p>Another volume of <i>Chroniclers of St. Alban's</i> was edited +by Mr. Riley for the Rolls Series in 1860. Three of its chronicles +concern our period. These are: (1) <i>Opus Chronicorum</i>, +1259-1296, a source of "Rishanger's" chronicle; (2) J. DE +TROKELOWE'S <i>Annales</i>, 1307-1322; (3) H. DE BLANEFORDE'S +<i>Chronica</i> (1323). These last two are important for Edward +II.'s reign. After these works, historical writing further declined +at St. Alban's. At the end of our period, however, another true +disciple of Matthew Paris was found in the St. Alban's monk who +added to a jejune compilation for the years 1328 to 1370 a vivid +and personal narrative of the years 1376-1388, our chief source for +the history of the last year of Edward III.'s reign. In his bitter +prejudice against John of Gaunt and his clerical allies, such as +Wychffe and the mendicants, the monk is so outspoken that his book +was suppressed, and most manuscripts leave out the more offensive +passages. It has been edited by Sir E. Maunde <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg454" id="pg454">454</a></span>Thompson as +<i>Chronicon Angliæ</i>, 1328-1388 (Rolls Series). Before that its +contents, like that of other St. Alban's annals, were partially +known through the fifteenth century compilation under the name of a +St. Alban's monk, THOMAS OF WALSINGHAM, whose <i>Historia +Anglicana</i> (2 vols., Rolls Series, ed. Riley) is not an +authority for our period.</p> + +<p>For the early years of Henry III. we have besides Wendover's +<i>Flores</i>: (i) The CANON OF BARNWELL'S continuation of Howden +published in STUBBS'S <i>Memoriale Fratris Walteri de Coventria</i> +(Rolls Series), written in 1227 and copious for the years +1216-1225. (2) RALPH OF COGGESHALL's <i>Chronicon Anglicanum</i> +(ed. Stevenson, Rolls Series), ending at 1227 and important for its +last twelve years. (3) The <i>Histoire des Ducs de Normandie et des +Rois d'Angleterre</i>, which, published by F. Michel in 1840 (Soc. +de l'histoire de France), was first appreciated at its full value +by M. Petit-Dutaillis in the <i>Revue Historique</i>. tome 2 +(1892). (4) The <i>Chronique de l'Anonyme de Béthune</i> +printed in 1904 in vol. xxiv. of the <i>Recueil des Historiens de +la France</i>. (5) A French rhyming chronicle, the <i>Histoire de +Guillaume le Maréchal</i>, discovered and edited by P. Meyer +for the Soc. de l'histoire de France. Written by a minstrel of the +younger Marshal from materials supplied by the regent's favourite +squire, it is, though poetry and panegyric, an important source for +Marshal's regency.</p> + +<p>St. Alban's was not the only religious house that concerned +itself with the production of chronicles. Other <i>Annales +Monastici</i> have been edited in five volumes (Rolls Series, vol. +v. is the index) by Dr. Luard. They are of special importance for +the reign of Henry III. In vol. i. the meagre annals of the +Glamorganshire abbey of Margam only extend to 1232. The <i>Annals +of Tewkesbury</i> are useful from 1200 to 1263, and specially for +the history of the Clares, the patrons of that house. The Annals of +Burton-upon-Trent illustrate the years 1211 to 1261 with somewhat +intermittent light, and are of unique value for the period of the +Provisions of Oxford, containing many official documents. Vol. ii. +includes the <i>Annals</i> of <i>Winchester</i> and +<i>Waverley</i>. The former, extending to 1277, though mainly +concerned with local affairs are useful for certain parts of the +reign of Henry III., and particularly for the years 1267-1277. The +annals of the Cistercian house of Waverley, near Farnham, go down +to 1291. From 1259 to 1266 the narrative is contemporary and +valuable; from 1266 to 1275, and partly from 1275 to 1277 it is +borrowed from the Winchester Annals; from 1277 to its abrupt end it +is again of importance. The <i>Annals of Bermondsey</i> in vol. +iii. are a fifteenth century compilation. The <i>Annals</i> of the +Austin <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg455" id= +"pg455">455</a></span>canons of <i>Dunstable</i> are of great +value, especially from the year 1201, when they become original, +down to 1242. This section is written by RICHARD DE MORINS, prior +of Dunstable from 1202 to 1242. After his death the annals become +more local, though they give a clear narrative of the puzzling +period 1258-1267. They stop in 1297. The chief contents of vol. iv, +are the parallel <i>Annals of Oseney</i> and the <i>Chronicle</i> +of THOMAS WYKES, a canon of that house, who took the religious +habit in 1282. To 1258 the two histories are very similar, that of +Wykes being slightly fuller. They then remain distinct until 1278, +and again from 1280 to 1284 and 1285-1289. In the latter year Wykes +stops, while Oseney goes on with independent value until 1293, and +as a useless compilation till 1346. Wykes is of unique interest for +the Barons' Wars, as he is the only competent chronicler who takes +the royalist side. The Oseney writer, much less full and +interesting, represents the ordinary baronial standpoint. Wykes is +occasionally useful for the first years of Edward I.; after 1288 +his importance becomes small. The <i>Annals of Worcester</i> are +largely a compilation from the Winchester Annals and the +<i>Flores</i>; the local insertions have some value for the period +1216-1258, and more for the latter part of the reign of Edward I., +at whose death they end.</p> + +<p>Other monastic chronicles of the thirteenth century, of small +importance, enumerated by Dr. Luard (<i>Ann. Mon.</i>, iv., liii.) +are not yet printed in full. Extracts from many are given in +PERTZ'S <i>Monumenta Germaniæ Hist. Scriptores</i>, vols. xxvii. +and xxviii. The <i>Annales Cestrienses</i> (to 1297) have been +edited by R.C. Christie (Record Soc. of Lancashire and Cheshire); +EDMUND OF HADENHAM'S <i>Chronicle</i> (down to 1307) is given in +part in WHARTON'S <i>Anglia Sacra</i>, and M. Bémont +publishes in an appendix to his <i>Simon de Montfort</i> (pp. +373-380) a valuable fragment of a <i>Chronicle</i> of <i>Battle +Abbey</i> on the Barons' Wars, 1258-1265. For the latter part of +that period we have some useful notices in HENRY OF SILEGRAVE's +brief <i>Chronicle</i> (ed. Hook, Caxton Soc., 1849), whose close +relationship to the <i>Battle Chronicle</i> M. Bémont has +first indicated. To these may be added the <i>Annals of Stanley +Abbey</i> (1202-1271) in vol. ii. of <i>Chronicles of Stephen, +Henry II. and Richard I.</i> (ed. Hewlett, Rolls Series, 1885), and +the <i>Chronicle</i> of the Bury monk, JOHN OF TAXSTER or TAYSTER, +which becomes copious from the middle of the thirteenth century and +ends in 1265; it was partly printed in 1849 by Benjamin Thorpe as a +continuation of Florence of Worcester (English Historical Society), +and the years 1258-1262 are best read in Luard's edition of +Bartholomew Cotton (Rolls Series). Taxster's work became the basis +of several later compilations of the eastern counties, including: +<span class="pagenum"><a name="pg456" id="pg456">456</a></span>(i) +JOHN OF EVERSDEN, another Bury monk, independent from 1265 to 1301, +also printed without his name by Thorpe, up to 1295, as a further +continuation of Florence. (2) JOHN OF OXNEAD, a monk of St. +Benet's, Hulme, a reputed continuator of Taxster and Eversden up to +1280, who adds a good deal of his own for the years 1280-1293, +edited somewhat carelessly by Sir Henry Ellis as <i>Chronica J. de +Oxenedes</i> (Rolls Series). (3) BARTHOLOMEW COTTON, a monk of +Norwich, whose <i>Historia Anglicana</i>, original from 1291 to +1298, and specially important from 1285 to 1291, is edited by Luard +(Rolls Series). Some thirteenth and early fourteenth century Bury +chronicles are also in <i>Memorials</i> of <i>St. Edmund's +Abbey</i>, ed. T. Arnold (vols. ii. and iii., Rolls Series). The +<i>Chronicon de Mailros</i> (Bannatyne Club), from the Cistercian +abbey of Melrose, goes to 1270; though utterly untrustworthy, it +may be noticed as almost the only Scottish chronicle before the war +of independence, and as containing a curious record of the miracles +of Simon de Montfort.</p> + +<p>Among the historians of Edward I.'s reign is WALTER OF +HEMINGBURGH, Canon of Guisborough in Cleveland (ed. H.C. Hamilton, +2 vols., Engl. Hist. Soc.). His account of Henry III.'s reign is +worthless, but from 1272 to 1312 his work is of great value, though +never precise and full of gaps. It contains many documents and is +remarkable for its stirring battle pictures. Hemingburgh probably +laid down his pen when the narrative ceases early in the reign of +Edward II. Another writer, identified by Horstmann with John of +Tynemouth, carries the story from 1326 to 1346.</p> + +<p>In striking contrast to the flowing periods of Hemingburgh is +the well-written and chronologically digested <i>Annals</i> of the +Dominican friar NICHOLAS TREVET or TRIVET, the son of a judge of +Henry III.'s reign (ed. Hog, Engl. Hist. Soc.). Beginning in 1138, +his work assumes independent value for the latter years of Henry +III. and is of first-rate importance for the reign of Edward I., at +whose death it concludes, though Trevet was certainly alive in +1324. It was largely used by the later St. Alban's chroniclers.</p> + +<p>Franciscan historiography begins earlier than Dominican with the +remarkable tract of THOMAS OF ECCLESTON, written about 1260, <i>De +Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Anglia</i>, published with other +Minorite documents (including Adam Marsh's letters) in BREWER'S +<i>Monumenta Franciscana</i> (Rolls Series, continued in a second +volume by R. Hewlett). The first important Franciscan chronicle, +called the <i>Chronicon de Lanercost</i> (ed. J. Stevenson, +Bannatyne Club, 2 vols.), really comes from the Minorite convent of +Carlisle. It covers the years 1201 to 1346. The early part is +derived from the valueless chronicle of <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg457" id="pg457">457</a></span>Melrose, and its incoherent +cult of the memory of Montfort does not save it from the grossest +errors in dealing with his history. It becomes important for +northern affairs from Edward I. onwards, giving full details with a +strong anti-Scottish bias. Another north-country chronicle is Sir +T. GREY'S <i>Scalacronica</i> (ed. Stevenson, Maitland Club, 1836), +useful for the Scottish wars and for Edward III.'s reign up to +1362.</p> + +<p>A sign of the times is the beginning of civic chronicles. The +London series alone is important for English history. It begins +with the <i>Liber de Antiquis Legibus</i>, or <i>Chronica Majorum +et Vicecomitum Londoniarum</i> (1188-1274, ed. T. Stapleton, Camden +Soc.). The work of ARNOLD FITZTHEDMAR, alderman of the German +merchants in London, it is copious for the years 1236 to 1274, and +is, with Wykes, the only chronicle of the Barons' Wars written with +a royalist bias. Fourteenth century civic chronicles, based upon +<i>Flores Historiarum</i>, and continued independently, form the +main contents of the two volumes of <i>Chronicles of the Reigns of +Edward I. and II.</i> (ed. by Dr. Stubbs for the Rolls Series). +These are: (1) <i>Annales Londonienses</i>, perhaps written by +ANDREW HORN, chamberlain of London, and compiler of the <i>Liber +Horn</i>; they have much general value for the period 1301 to 1316, +and deal more narrowly with London history from 1316 to 1330, when +they conclude. (2) <i>Annales Paulini</i>, 1307-1341, compiled by +one of the clergy of St. Paul's, but not by Adam Murimuth. These +take up Dr. Stubbs's first volume. The second contains: (1) JOHN OF +LONDON'S <i>Commendatio Lamentabilis in Transitu magni Regis +Edwardi quarti</i>, a funeral eulogy containing the most elaborate +contemporary analysis of Edward's character. (2) The CANON OF +BRIDLINGTON'S <i>Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon</i>, with a +continuation down to the death of Edward III., of little value +after 1339. It has frequent reference to the vaticinations of the +local prophet, John of Bridlington, and was not put in its present +shape before 1377. Its first part is based on earlier sources, and +it is, for lack of better, a prime authority for north-country +history and Anglo-Scottish relations; the continuation contains the +best account of Edward Balliol's attempts on the Scottish throne. +(3) <i>Vita Edwardi II.</i>, from 1307 to 1325, attributed by +Hearne on slight grounds to a MONK OF MALMESBURY, with many notices +of the history of Gloucestershire and Bristol, of which the famous +rising is described at length. The writer is the most human of the +annalists of the reign, prolix, self-conscious, moralising, and +somewhat incoherent. He is the most outspoken of all the fourteenth +century critics of the Roman curia, and has more insight than most +of his contemporaries.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg458" id= +"pg458">458</a></span>The following are of primary importance for +the early years of Edward III.; it is significant that they are +nearly all secular, not monastic, in origin. (1) <i>Continuatio +Chronicorum</i>, 1303-1347, by ADAM MURIMUTH, a canon of St. Paul's +much employed by Edward III. (ed. E.M. Thompson in Rolls Series), a +mere continuation of the <i>Flores</i> until 1325, thence enlarged +from personal sources, but still meagre until 1337, when it becomes +a first-rate authority to 1346. Murimuth's adoption of Michaelmas +day as the beginning of the year has often confused those who have +imitated him. Chief among these is (2) GEOFFREY LE BAKER of +Swinbrooke, an Oxfordshire man, and like Murimuth, a secular clerk, +whose <i>Chronicon</i> (ed. E.M. Thompson), beginning in 1303 on +the basis of Murimuth, has independent value after 1324, and is +noteworthy for its touching details of Edward II.'s fall and death. +It ends in 1356 with an excellent account of the battle of +Poitiers. The early part of Baker's chronicle, widely circulated as +<i>Vita et Mors Edwardi II.</i>, was previously assigned to Sir +Thomas de la Moor, and was so edited by Stubbs, but Sir E.M. +Thompson showed clearly that this Oxfordshire knight was Baker's +patron and not the writer of a chronicle. With many defects, Baker +can tell a story picturesquely. (3) ROBERT OF AVESBURY, a canon +lawyer, wrote <i>De mirabilibus Gestis Edwardi III.</i>, of special +importance for the war from 1339 to 1356, and containing many state +documents. It is edited by E.M. Thompson in the same volume as +Murimuth. (4) HENRY KNIGHTON, Canon of Leicester, wrote a +<i>Chronicle</i> about 1366 which is valuable for the period +1336-1366 and includes the best contemporary account of the Black +Death. The latest edition by Lumby in the Rolls Series is not a +scholarly work. (5) <i>Eulogium Historiarum</i> (ed. Haydon, Rolls +Series) is contemporary and valuable for 1356-1366 only. There is a +great dearth of English chronicles for the latter years of Edward +III. The signal exception is the important St. Alban's <i>Chronicon +Angliæ</i> already mentioned.</p> + +<p>In the age of Edward III. the <i>Flores Historiarum</i> were +superseded by the <i>Polychronicon</i> (often called the "Brute" +after WACE'S <i>Brut d'Angleterre</i>), the voluminous compilation +(to 1352) of RANDOLPH HIGDEN, a monk of Chester (edited by +Babington and Lumby, Rolls Series). ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER, PETER +LANGTOFT, and ROBERT MANNYNG have been referred to elsewhere. The +first is of some original value for the Barons' Wars and Edward I., +while Langtoft, a Yorkshire canon specially interested in the +Scottish wars, is a contemporary for all Edward I.'s reign. Among +rhyming chronicles, French in tongue but English in origin, may be +mentioned <i>Le <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg459" id= +"pg459">459</a></span>Siège de Carlaverock</i>, 1300 (ed. +Nicolas, 1828), of value for heraldry, and CHANDOS HERALD'S +<i>Prince Noir</i> (ed. H.O. Coxe, whose edition was pillaged by F. +Michel for his more accessible version of 1883). <i>L'Histoire de +Foulques Fitz Warin</i> (d. 1260?), a picturesque marcher hero, a +prose romance of the end of the thirteenth century, can be read in +Stevenson's edition of COGGESHALL (Rolls Series), or Englished by +A. Kemp-Welch (1904).</p> + +<p>No contemporary Scottish chronicles of importance deal with the +War of Independence, though fairly full Scottish versions of it +exist in later books. The earliest of these is the <i>Bruce</i> of +JOHN BARBOUR, Archdeacon of Aberdeen. Written in 1375 at the +instigation of Robert II., Barbour's spirited verses are inspired +by patriotic rather than historic motives. His details are minute, +but impossible to control by other sources, and he is more valuable +as the epic poet of Scottish liberty than as an historical +authority. He is edited by Skeat (Early English Text Soc.), +Jamieson, and Innes. The earliest prose Scottish chronicle, that of +JOHN FORDUN, who died about 1384 (ed. Skene, in <i>Historians of +Scotland</i>), is of value for the fourteenth century. ANDREW +WYNTONN'S <i>Originale</i>, a metrical history written in the +fifteenth century, has next to no authority until the end of this +period (ed. Laing, in <i>Historians of Scotland</i>), BLIND HARRY'S +<i>Wallace</i>, written in 1488, is romance not history.</p> + +<p>Wales is more fortunate than Scotland in preserving contemporary +thirteenth century annals, of which a Latin chronicle, <i>Annales +Cambriæ</i>, extending to 1288, and a Welsh one, <i>Brut y +Tywysogion</i> (i.e., <i>Chronicle of the Princes</i>), down to +1278, are edited by J. Williams in the Rolls Series, the latter +with an English translation. A more critical version of the Welsh +text of the <i>Brut</i> is that of J. RHYS and J.G. EVANS' <i>Red +Book of Hergest</i>, vol. ii. (1890).</p> + +<p>The close relations between England and France for the whole of +this period render the French chronicles by far the most important +of foreign sources for English history. They are enumerated in +detail by Auguste Molinier in vols. iii. (up to 1328) and iv. +(after 1328) of the first part of <i>Les Sources de l'Histoire de +France (Manuels de Bibliographie historique</i>). The chief French +chronicles of the period 1226-1328 are collected in vols. xx.-xxiv. +of the <i>Recueil des Historiens de la France</i> begun by Dom +Bouquet. Some of them are of special importance for English +history. For Anglo-Netherlandish relations under Edward I. see +<i>Annales Gandenses</i> (1296-1310), "la chronique la plus +remarquable de la fin du xiiie siècle," the French +<i>Chronique Artésienne</i> (1295-1304), and the +<i>Chronique Tournaisienne</i> (1296-1314), all edited by F. +Funck-Brentano in the already mentioned <i>Collection <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg460" id="pg460">460</a></span>de Textes</i>. +For the Hundred Years' War the French chroniclers are +indispensable, especially for military history. The most famous of +these writers, JEAN FROISSART, has been characterised in my text +(p. 419). He can best be studied in Luce and Raynouart's excellent +edition for the Soc. de l'Histoire de France (tomes i.-viii., +1869-1888) which completes the story up to Edward III.'s death. +Luce's careful "sommaire et commentaire critique" often affords +means of checking Froissart by other sources. The magnificent +volumes of indexes of Kervyn de Lettenhove's complete edition +(vols. XX.-XXV.) are still of immense use, though his text and +comments are inferior to those of Luce, Froissart's spirit may well +be caught in Lord Berners's racy English translation (Tudor +Translations), or in G.C. Macaulay's useful abridgment. The three +redactions of Froissart's first book (from 1327 to 1373-1377), +which is all that concerns our period, have been clearly +distinguished by Luce. (1) The first edition, written about 1373, +at the request of Count Robert of Namur, is inspired by an English +bias. Up to 1360 it is largely derived from the chronicle of JEAN +LE BEL, Canon of St. Lambert of Liège; after that date it is +original. (2) The second edition, only represented by two MSS., of +which one is incomplete, is a modification of the first with a +French bias. The earlier part is more independent of Jean le Bel. +(3) The third edition, preserved in a single MS., ends with the +death of Philip VI in 1350, and, written after 1400, is even more +hostile to England than the second. The best edition of Jean le Bel +is by Polain for the Académie royale de Belgique.</p> + +<p>A few of the more important French chronicles after 1328 may be +mentioned shortly. (1) <i>Grands Chroniques de France</i> (ed. +Paulin Paris). Original from 1350 to 1377, a work of first-rate +importance, where, if truth is altered, it is altered deliberately +from political motives. (2) JEAN DE VENETTE, 1340-1368, written +with a popular bias, and partly favourable to Charles of Navarre +(edited as a supplement to Géraud's edition of Guillaume de +Nangis, ii., 178-378, Soc. de l'Hist. de France). (3) <i>Chronique +Normande du xiv'e siècle</i>, 1337-1372 (ed. Molinier, Soc. +de l'Hist. de France, 1882), exact and very important for the wars +1337 to 1372. (4) <i>Chronique des quatre premiers Valois</i> (Soc. +de l'Hist. de France). (5) CUVELIER'S poetical <i>Vie de Bertrand +du Guesclin</i> (2 vols., <i>Doc. inédits</i>). Further +details can be found in Molinier's bibliography. Netherlandish +sources for the Hundred Years' War are summarised in PIRENNE'S +<i>Bibliographie de l'Histoire de Belgique</i> (1895). Of special +importance is JAN VAN KLERK'S <i>Van den Derden Edewaert Rym +Kronyk</i>. (1840), useful for 1337-1341, and written with an +English bias.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg461" id= +"pg461">461</a></span>The unofficial legal literature of the +thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is of exceptional variety and +value. Many lawyers' treatises throw light on matters far beyond +legal technicalities. HENRY OF BRACTON or BRATTON'S <i>De Legibus +et Consuetudinibus Angliæ</i> illustrates the union of English and +Roman juridical ideas characteristic of the age of Henry III. It +has been edited badly by Sir T. Twiss in six volumes (Rolls +Series), and some portions well by Professor Maitland in his +<i>Select passages from Bracton and Azo</i> (Selden Soc.). +Maitland's <i>Bracton's Note Book</i> includes extracts from plea +rolls seemingly made by Bracton. Bracton's book on the laws was +translated, condensed, and rearranged by a writer of the next +generation called Britton. It may be studied in a modern edition in +NICHOLLS'S <i>Britton on the laws of England</i>, while +<i>Fleta</i>, an almost contemporary Latin law book, must be read +in Selden's seventeenth century edition. Another thirteenth century +law-book, <i>Le Mirroir des Justices</i>, has been edited by +Maitland and W.J. Whittaker for the Selden Society. From Edward +I.'s time onwards unofficial reports of trials called YEAR BOOKS, +written in French, become valuable for their vividness and detail, +and for the light which they throw on the more technical records of +the plea rolls. Many of them are printed in unsatisfactory +seventeenth century editions, but the Year Books of five of Edward +I.'s regnal years, between 1292 to 1307, together with the Year +Book of 11-12 Edward III., are accessible in A.J. Horwood's +editions in the Rolls Series. L.O. Pike has also edited in the +Rolls Series the <i>Year books of Edward III.</i> from 1338 to +1345, and Maitland's <i>Year books of Edward II.</i> for the Selden +Society are the first two instalments of a scheme for publishing +the Year Books of the reign. Besides their legal value, the Year +Books are an almost unworked mine for social and economic, and +often even political and ecclesiastical, history.</p> + +<p>Of literary aids to history T. WRIGHT'S <i>Political Songs</i> +(Camden Soc.) illustrate this period to the reign of Edward II. One +of Wright's pieces has been more elaborately edited in C.L. +KINGSFORD'S Song of <i>Lewes</i> (1890), and C. Hardwick published +a <i>Poem on the Times OF Edward II.</i> for the Percy Soc. (1849). +With Edward III. such literature becomes copious. Of special +importance are T. Wright's <i>Political POEMS and SONGS FROM the +accession of Edward III.</i>, vol. i. (Rolls Series, 1859), J. +Hall's <i>Poems of</i> LAURENCE MINOT, Skeat's editions of CHAUCER +and LANGLAND, and G.C. Macaulay's edition of GOWER. The Latin works +of Wycliffe, published by the Wycliffe Society, mainly belong to +the succeeding period, but <i>De Dominio Divino</i> and <i>De +Civili Dominio</i>, as well as some tracts <span class="pagenum"><a +name="pg462" id="pg462">462</a></span>printed in the appendix to +LEWIS'S <i>Life of Wiclif</i> and in Shirley's edition of +<i>Fasciculi Zizanioram</i> (Rolls Series), were written before +1377.</p> + +<p>Of modern works treating of this period, many monographs, +dealing with particular points, have been mentioned in notes in the +course of the narrative. Of general guides to the period the best +by far are Stubbs and Pauli. STUBBS'S <i>Constitutional History</i> +(vol. ii.) is as valuable for the chapters summarising the +political history as for the more strictly constitutional matter. +R. PAULI'S <i>Geschichte von England</i>, iii., 489-896, and iv., +1-505, 716-741, remains, after half a century, the fullest and most +satisfactory working up in detail of these reigns, though the great +additions to our material make parts of it a somewhat unsafe guide. +It can be supplemented for particular aspects of history by the +following: For legal history, POLLOCK and MAITLAND'S <i>History of +English Law before the time of Edward I.</i>, especially vol. i., +book i. (chapters iv.-vi.), and book ii.; and most of vol. ii.; to +which should be added the prefaces by Prof. Maitland and others to +the volumes of the Selden Society. MAITLAND'S <i>Roman Canon Law in +the Church of England</i> (1898) is also of great importance. For +economic history, W.J. ASHLEY'S <i>Economic History</i>, parts i. +and ii.; W. CUNNINGHAM's <i>Growth of English Industry and +Commerce, Early and Middle Ages</i>; VINOGRADOFF'S <i>Villainage in +England</i>, S. DOWELL'S <i>History of Taxation</i> (2nd edition), +H. HALL'S <i>Customs Revenue of England</i>, and, as a collection +of materials, J.E. THOROLD ROGERS' <i>History of Agriculture and +Prices</i>, vols. i. and ii. For ecclesiastical history, W.R.W. +STEPHENS'S <i>History of the English Church, 1066-1272</i>; W.W. +CAPES'S <i>History of the English Church in the Fourteenth and +Fifteenth Centuries</i>, and F. MAKOWER'S <i>The Constitutional +History and Constitution of the Church of England</i> (translated +from the German). For academic history, DENIFLE'S <i>Entstehung der +Universitäten des Mittelalters bis 1400</i>, especially pp. +1-40, 237-251 (Oxford) and pp. 367-376 (Cambridge), +HAURÉAU'S <i>Histoire de la Philosophie scholastique</i> and +RASHDALL'S <i>Universities of the Middle Ages</i>, i., 1-74, and +ii., part ii. (Oxford and Cambridge). For military history, +KÖHLER'S <i>Entwickelung des Kriegswesens in der +Ritterzeit</i>, OMAN'S <i>History of the Art of War in the Middle +Ages</i>, CLARK'S <i>Mediæval Military Architecture</i>, and +(above all) J.E. MORRIS'S <i>Welsh Wars of Edward I</i>. For naval +history, NICOLAS'S <i>History of the Royal Navy</i>, and C. DE LA +RONCIÈRE'S <i>Histoire de la Marine Française</i>. +For particular reigns the following may be found useful: For Henry +III., PETIT-DUTAILLIS'S <i>Étude sur Louis VIII.</i>, +GASQUET'S <i>Henry III. and the Church</i> (1905), BÉMONT'S +<i>Simon de <span class="pagenum"><a name="pg463" id= +"pg463">463</a></span>Montfort</i>, PROTHERO'S <i>Simon de +Montfort</i>, and BLAAUW'S <i>Barons' Wars</i> (2nd ed., 1871). For +the reign of Edward I., SEELEY's <i>Life and Reign of Edward I.</i> +(1872), my <i>Edward I.</i>; GOUGH'S <i>Itinerary of Edward I.</i>, +MAXWELL'S <i>Robert the Bruce</i> (Heroes of the Nations), and +MORRIS'S above-mentioned <i>Welsh Wars of Edward I.</i> For some +aspects of Edward II.'s reign, STUBBS'S prefaces to <i>Chronicles +of Edward I. and Edward II.</i> are of special value. For Edward +III.'s reign, BARNES's <i>History of Edward III.</i> (1688) is not +quite superseded by LONGMAN'S <i>Life and Times of Edward III.</i> +(2 vols., 1869), and MACKINNON'S <i>History of Edward III.</i> +(1900). For the Hundred Years' War, E. DÉPREZ'S +<i>Préliminaires de la Guerre de Cent Ans</i> (1328-1342) +(Bibl. de l'Ecole française de Rome, 1902) for diplomatic +history, and DENIFLE's <i>Désolation des Églises et +Monastères de la France pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans</i> +(ii., part i., 1899) for the best general survey of the war to +1380. See also LUCE'S <i>La Jeunesse de Bertrand de Guesclin and La +France pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans</i>, and (for Brittany) A. DE +LA BORDERIE'S <i>Histoire de Brétagne</i> (1899). The end of +Edward III.'s reign is illustrated by S. ARMITAGE SMITH'S <i>John +of Gaunt</i> (1904), J. LECHLER'S <i>Wiclif und die Vorgeschichte +der Reformation</i> (2 vols., 1873), also translated, not very +adequately, <i>Wycliffe and His English Precursors</i> (1878 and +1881), F.D. MATTHEW'S introduction to <i>Wyclif's English Works</i> +(Early English Text Society), and R.L. POOLE'S <i>Illustrations of +the History of Mediæval Thought</i> (1884), and <i>Wycliffe</i> +(1889). G.M. TREVELYAN's <i>England in the Age of Wycliffe</i> +(1899) is interesting but not always very scholarly.</p> + +<p>Some account of the general foreign history of the period can be +found in LAVISSE and RAMBAUD'S <i>Histoire +générale</i> (tomes ii. and iii.), LOSERTH'S +<i>Geschichte des späteren Mittelalters</i> (good +bibliographies), and, briefly, in my <i>Papacy and Empire</i> (up +to 1273), and LODGE'S <i>Close of the Middle Ages</i> (after 1273). +For French history of the period LAVISSE'S <i>Histoire de +France</i> (iii., pt. i., 1137-1226, by A. LUCHAIRE; iii., pt. ii., +1226-1328, by C.V. LANGLOIS, and iv., pt. i., 1328-1422, by A. +COVILLE) cover the whole of the period. More detailed works are, +PETIT-DUTAILLIS'S <i>Louis VIII.</i>, E. BERGER'S <i>Blanche de +Castile</i>, WALLON'S <i>Louis IX.</i>, BOUTARIC'S <i>Saint Louis +et Alfonse de Poitiers</i>, C.V. LANGLOIS'S <i>Philippe le +Hardi</i>, BOUTARIC'S <i>France sous Philippe le Bel</i>, +LEHUGEUR'S <i>Philippe le Long</i>, PETIT'S <i>Charles de +Valois</i>, FOURNIER'S <i>Royaume d'Arles et de Vienne</i>, L. +DELISLE'S <i>Hist. de Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte</i>, and (for the +south) the new edition of DE VIC and VAISSÈTE's <i>Hist. +générale de Languedoc</i>. Much recent work has been +done by French scholars towards the reconstruction <span class= +"pagenum"><a name="pg464" id="pg464">464</a></span>of the external +history of England during the whole of our period. For the Low +Countries, PIRENNE'S <i>Hist. de Belgique</i>, ii., ASHLEY'S +<i>James and Philip van Artevelde</i>, and VANDER KINDERE'S <i>Le +Siècle des Arteveldt</i>. PAULI is good for the relations of +England and Germany.</p> + +<p>Maps illustrating the period are to be found in POOLE'S +<i>Oxford Historical Atlas</i>, LONGNON'S <i>Atlas historique de la +France</i>, and SPRUNER-MENKE'S <i>Historischer Hand-Atlas</i>; +special maps of Edward I.'s Scottish expeditions in GOUGH'S +<i>Itinerary of Edward I.</i>, of Edward III.'s and the Black +Prince's campaigns in THOMPSON'S <i>Chronicon Galfridi le +Baker</i>, and KERVYN'S <i>Froissart</i>, of John of Gaunt's in +ARMITAGE-SMITH's <i>John of Gaunt</i>, and of Wales in the +thirteenth century in <i>Owens College Historical Essays</i>. VIDAL +DE LA BLACHE'S <i>Tableau de la Géographie de la France</i> +(LAVISSE, <i>Hist. de France</i>, i., pt. i.) is instructive for +the physical features of the campaigns of the Hundred Years' +War.</p> + +<p>Further details as to English authorities, ancient and modern, +can be found in GROSS'S excellent Sources <i>and Literature of +English History</i> (1900). The <i>Monumenta Germaniæ +Historica</i>, <i>Scriptores</i>, vols. xxvii., xxviii., consist of +excerpts from English writers of the twelfth and thirteenth +centuries; the introductions (in Latin) by Pauli and Liebermann +contain noteworthy estimates of the works from which the extracts +are taken.</p> + +<p>NOTE TO PAGES 390-92.</p> + +<p>My reasons for my account of the battle of Poitiers demand +longer explanation than can be given in a footnote. Like most +modern writers, I have based my narrative on the <i>Chronicle</i> +of Geoffrey le Baker as expounded by Sir E.M. Thompson, though I +agree with Professor Oman in holding that Baker's "ampla +profundaque vallis et mariscus, torrente quodam irriguus," must be +the valley of the Miausson. I also, however, agree with Father +Denifle in not setting great store on Chandos Herald, though I +would not reject him altogether, as all prudent writers must reject +Froissart. My conjectural account of the movements of the armies is +an attempt to combine Baker with what may be true in the Herald. I +hope elsewhere to be able to justify my narrative at length.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="pg465" id= +"pg465">465</a></span> +</p> +<h3>INDEX.</h3> + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="2" style= +"width: 80%;"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#A">A</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#B">B</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#C">C</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#D">D</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#E">E</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#F">F</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#G">G</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#H">H</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#I">I</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#J">J</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#K">K</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#L">L</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#M">M</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#N">N</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#O">O</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#P">P</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#Q">Q</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#R">R</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#S">S</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#T">T</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#U">U</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#V">V</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#W">W</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#Y">Y</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#Z">Z</a></td> +<td class="cell_center"><a href="#TOP">TOP</a></td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Aachen, <a href="#pg080">80</a>.<a name="A" id="A" /></li> + +<li>Abbeville, <a href="#pg145">145</a>, <a href= +"#pg361">361-364</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Aberconway Abbey, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>Aberdeen, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg225">225</a></li> + +<li>Aberdeen, John Barbour, Archdeacon of. See Barbour, John.</li> + +<li>Abergavenny, town, castle and lordship, <a href= +"#pg047">47</a>, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a href= +"#pg174">174</a>, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Abergavenny, Lords of. See Hastings.</li> + +<li>Aberystwyth, <a href="#pg161">161</a>.</li> + +<li>Abingdon, <a href="#pg057">57-59</a>.</li> + +<li>Abingdon, Edmund of. See Rich, Edmund.</li> + +<li>Acre. <a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg184">184</a></li> + +<li>Acre, Joan of. See Joan.</li> + +<li>Acton Burnell, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>Adolf of Nassau, King of the Romans, <a href= +"#pg191">191</a>.</li> + +<li>Adour, the river. <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a href= +"#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg386">386</a>.</li> + +<li>Agen, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a +href="#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Agenais, the, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg140">140</a>, <a href="#pg296">296</a>, <a href= +"#pg297">297</a>, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, <a href= +"#pg387">387</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>.</li> + +<li>Agnelius of Pisa, <a href="#pg050">50</a>, <a href= +"#pg085">85</a>, <a href="#pg087">87</a>.</li> + +<li>Aigueblanche, Peter of, Bishop of Hereford, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg063">63</a>, <a href= +"#pg078">78</a>.</li> + +<li>Aiguillon, <a href="#pg358">358</a>, <a href= +"#pg367">367</a>.</li> + +<li>Albemarle, William of Fors, Earl of, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a +href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href="#pg024">24-26</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Albemarle and Devon, Isabella of Fors, Countess of, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>.</li> + +<li>Albigenses, the, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href= +"#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, +<a href="#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Albert the Great, <a href="#pg090">90</a>.</li> + +<li>Albret, Lord of, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href= +"#pg212">212</a>, <a href="#pg325">325</a>, <a href= +"#pg357">357</a>.</li> + +<li>Aldgate, <a href="#pg375">375</a>.</li> + +<li>Alencon, Count of, <a href="#pg328">328</a>.</li> + +<li>Alexander II., King-of Scots, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, <a href= +"#pg023">23</a>, <a href="#pg058">58</a>, <a href= +"#pg067">67</a>.</li> + +<li>Alexander III., King of Scots, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a +href="#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg181">181</a>.</li> + +<li>Alexander, son of Alexander III of Scotland, <a href= +"#pg177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Alexander IV., Pope, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href= +"#pg079">79</a>, <a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href= +"#pg108">108-110</a>, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a href= +"#pg177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Alexander of Hales, See Hales.</li> + +<li>Alfonso X., King of Castile, <a href="#pg072">72</a>, <a href= +"#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg080">80</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, +<a href="#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>, <a href="#pg171">171</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>.</li> + +<li>Alfonse of France, Count of Poitiers, <a href="#pg034">34</a>, +<a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href= +"#pg071">71</a>, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg106">106</a>, <a href="#pg140">140</a>.</li> + +<li>Alice, Countess of Lancaster, <a href="#pg224">224</a>, <a +href="#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Alice of Lusignan, <a href="#pg099">99</a>.</li> + +<li>Aliens, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a +href="#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg100">100</a>-103, <a href= +"#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href= +"#pg176">176</a>.</li> + +<li>Almaine, Henry of. See Henry of Almaine.</li> + +<li>"Almaines, The," <a href="#pg335">335</a>.</li> + +<li>Almond, the river, <a href="#pg213">213</a>.</li> + +<li>Alnwick Castle, <a href="#pg131">131</a>.</li> + +<li>Alton Castle, <a href="#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Amadeus III., Count of Savoy, <a href="#pg054">54</a>.</li> + +<li>Amesbury, <a href="#pg184">184</a>.</li> + +<li>Amice, mother of the elder Simon de Montfort, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Amiens, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a +href="#pg187">187</a>, <a href="#pg222">222</a>, <a href= +"#pg295">295</a>, <a href="#pg328">328</a>, <a href= +"#pg361">361</a>; + +<ul> +<li>cathedral, <a href="#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, +<a href="#pg295">295</a>;</li> + +<li>mise of, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg295">295</a>;</li> + +<li>treaty of (1279), <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg295">295</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Amory, Roger of, <a href="#pg273">273</a>, <a href= +"#pg274">274</a>, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>-281, <a href="#pg284">284</a>, <a href= +"#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Anagni, <a href="#pg200">200</a>, <a href= +"#pg222">222</a>.</li> + +<li>Andrew, St., <a href="#pg219">219</a>.</li> + +<li>Anne of Brittany, <a href="#pg178">178</a>.</li> + +<li>Angers, <a href="#pg035">35</a>.</li> + +<li>Anglesey, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a +href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Anglia, East, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Angoulême, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>.</li> + +<li>Angoulême, Isabella, Countess of. See Isabella, Queen of +England.</li> + +<li>Angoumois, <a href="#pg081">81</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>, +<a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Anjou, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a +href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg146">146</a>, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg170">170</a>, <a href="#pg200">200</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Anjou, Charles of. See Charles.</li> + +<li>Anjou, Louis, Duke of. See Louis.</li> + +<li>Annandale, <a href="#pg180">180</a>, <a href="#pg194">194</a>, +<a href="#pg196">196</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a>.</li> + +<li>Antrim, <a href="#pg234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Antwerp, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg335">335</a>, <a +href="#pg343">343</a>, <a href="#pg345">345</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Apulia, <a href="#pg079">79</a>.</li> + +<li>Aquinas, St. Thomas, <a href="#pg090">90</a>, <a href= +"#pg092">92</a>.</li> + +<li>Aquitaine, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a +href="#pg063">63</a>, <a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href= +"#pg069">69</a>, <a href="#pg072">72-74</a>, <a href= +"#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href= +"#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg140">140</a>, <a href= +"#pg141">141</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg165">165</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>, <a href="#pg297">297</a>, <a href= +"#pg298">298</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg327">327-329</a>, <a href="#pg357">357</a>, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>, <a href="#pg406">406</a>, <a href= +"#pg407">407</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>, <a href= +"#pg427">427</a>, See also Gascony.</li> + +<li>Aquitaine, Dukes of. See under the Kings of England.</li> + +<li>Aquitaine, Edward, Prince of. See Edward the Black Prince.</li> + +<li>Aquitaine, Eleanor of, <a href="#pg064">64</a>.</li> + +<li>Aragon, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href="#pg169">169-172</a>, +<a href="#pg200">200</a>, <a href="#pg403">403</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Aragon, James, King of. See James.</li> + +<li>Aragon, Peter, King of. See Peter.</li> + +<li>Archers; + +<ul> +<li>English, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>, <a +href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href= +"#pg261">261</a>, <a href="#pg285">285</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>, <a href="#pg320">320</a>, <a href= +"#pg363">363-365</a>, <a href="#pg369">369</a>, <a href= +"#pg390">390-392</a>, <a href="#pg401">401</a>.</li> + +<li>Welsh, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href="#pg214">214</a>, <a +href="#pg269">269</a>.</li> + +<li>Scottish, <a href="#pg214">214</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Architecture; + +<ul> +<li>gothic, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a +href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>, <a href= +"#pg422">422</a>, <a href="#pg423">423</a>, <a href= +"#pg427">427</a>.</li> + +<li>ecclesiastical, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a href= +"#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>domestic, <a href="#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>military, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>"decorated" style, <a href="#pg422">422</a>.</li> + +<li>"flamboyant", <a href="#pg422">422</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>"perpendicular", <a href="#pg304">304</a>, <a href= +"#pg422">422</a>, <a href="#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Norman, <a href="#pg304">304</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>French, <a href="#pg422">422</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Arden, forest of, <a href="#pg252">252</a>.</li> + +<li>Argenton, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Aristotle, <a href="#pg089">89-92</a>.</li> + +<li>Armagh, Archbishop of. See Fitzralph, Richard.</li> + +<li>Armagnac, Counts of, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href= +"#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, <a href= +"#pg386">386</a>, <a href="#pg407">407</a>.</li> + +<li>Armagnac, John, Count of, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, <a href= +"#pg386">386</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>, <a href= +"#pg400">400</a>, <a href="#pg406">406</a>, <a href= +"#pg407">407</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Arnold, T., his edition of <i>Memorials of St. Edmund's +Abbey</i>, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Art, <a href="#pg082">82</a>, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a href="#pg427">427</a>, +<i>See</i> also Architecture.</li> + +<li>Artevelde, James van, <a href="#pg342">342</a>, <a href= +"#pg343">343</a>, <a href="#pg345">345-349</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>.</li> + +<li>Arthur I., Count of Brittany, <a href="#pg179">179</a>.</li> + +<li>Arthur II., Duke of Brittany, <a href="#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Arthur, King, <a href="#pg313">313</a>.</li> + +<li>Arthurian Legend, the, <a href="#pg094">94</a>.</li> + +<li>Articuli super cartas, <a href="#pg218">218</a>, <a href= +"#pg219">219</a>.</li> + +<li>Artois, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg196">196</a>, <a +href="#pg330">330</a>, <a href="#pg343">343</a>, <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Artois, Robert of. See Robert.</li> + +<li>Arundel, the Countess of. <a href="#pg042">42</a>.</li> + +<li>Arundel, Edmund Fitzalan, Earl of, <a href="#pg239">239</a>, <a +href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href= +"#pg259">259</a>, <a href="#pg273">273</a>, <a href= +"#pg274">274</a>, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href= +"#pg283">283</a>, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>, <a href="#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Arundel, Richard Fitzalan, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg362">362</a>.</li> + +<li>Arvon, <a href="#pg162">162</a>.</li> + +<li>Ashley, W.J.; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Economic History</i>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>his <i>James and Philip van Artevelde</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Assisi, <a href="#pg084">84</a>.</li> + +<li>Athenry, battle of, <a href="#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Athis, treaty of, <a href="#pg313">313</a>.</li> + +<li>Athol, David of Strathbolgie, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg316">316</a>, <a href="#pg322">322</a>.</li> + +<li>Auberoche, battle of, <a href="#pg357">357</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>.</li> + +<li>Aubigny, Philip of, <a href="#pg032">32</a>.</li> + +<li>Aude, the river, <a href="#pg386">386</a>.</li> + +<li>Audley, Hugh of, <a href="#pg279">279</a>, <a href= +"#pg280">280</a>, <a href="#pg286">286</a>.</li> + +<li>Audley, Earl of Gloucester. See Gloucester.</li> + +<li>Audley, James (1258), <a href="#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Audley, James (d. 1369), <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Audleys of Shropshire, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Audrehem, Marshal, <a href="#pg390">390</a>, <a href= +"#pg391">391</a>.</li> + +<li>Aumâle, Counts of, <a href="#pg020">20</a>. See also +Albemarle.</li> + +<li>Auray, <a href="#pg401">401</a>; + +<ul> +<li>battle of, <a href="#pg401">401</a>, <a href= +"#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Church of St. Michael, <a href="#pg401">401</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Ausculta, Fili</i>, bull, <a href="#pg221">221</a>.</li> + +<li>Austin Canons of Lanercost, <a href="#pg234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Austin Friars, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Austria, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a +href="#pg054">54</a>.</li> + +<li>Austria, Duke of, <a href="#pg044">44</a>.</li> + +<li>Auvergne, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Auvergne, Counts of, <a href="#pg033">33</a>.</li> + +<li>Auvézère, the river, <a href= +"#pg357">357</a>.</li> + +<li>Avalon, Hugh of. See Hugh, St.</li> + +<li>Avesbury, Robert of, chronicler, <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Avesnes, <a href="#pg340">340</a>; + +<ul> +<li>house of, <a href="#pg332">332</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Avesnes, William of. See William, Count of Hainault.</li> + +<li>Avignon; + +<ul> +<li>the papal court at, <a href="#pg229">229</a>, <a href= +"#pg241">241</a>, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a href= +"#pg330">330</a>, <a href="#pg333">333</a>, <a href= +"#pg337">337</a>, <a href="#pg355">355</a>, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>, <a href="#pg372">372</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>, <a href="#pg378">378</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href= +"#pg386">386</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>.</li> + +<li>records of Popes of, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Avon, the river, <a href="#pg127">127</a>.</li> + +<li>Axholme, <a href="#pg129">129</a>.</li> + +<li>Ayermine, William, Bishop of Norwich, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, +<a href="#pg296">296</a>, <a href="#pg298">298</a>.</li> + +<li>Aymer of Valence, Bishop of Winchester, <a href= +"#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, +<a href="#pg108">108</a>, <a href="#pg109">109</a>.</li> + +<li>Aymer of Valence, Earl of Pembroke. See Pembroke.</li> + +<li>Ayr, <a href="#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg235">235</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>"Babylonish Captivity, the," <a href="#pg229">229</a>, <a href= +"#pg418">418</a>.<a name="B" id="B" /></li> + +<li>Bacon, Roger, <a href="#pg091">91</a>, <a href= +"#pg092">92</a>.</li> + +<li>Bacon, Robert, <a href="#pg046">46</a>.</li> + +<li>Badenoch, John Comyn, lord of, <a href="#pg180">180</a>, See +Comyn.</li> + +<li>Badlesmere, Bartholomew, Lord, <a href="#pg268">268</a>, <a +href="#pg273">273</a>, <a href="#pg277">277</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg286">286</a>, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a href= +"#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Badlesmere, Lady, <a href="#pg282">282</a>, <a href= +"#pg283">283</a>.</li> + +<li>Baker, Geoffrey le, <i>Chronicle</i> of, <a href= +"#pg420">420</a>, <a href="#pg458">458</a>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>"Balance of Power," the, <a href="#pg138">138</a>.</li> + +<li>Baldock (town), <a href="#pg299">299</a>.</li> + +<li>Baldock, Ralph, chancellor and bishop of London, <a href= +"#pg238">238</a>.</li> + +<li>Baldock, Robert, chancellor, <a href="#pg292">292</a>, <a href= +"#pg293">293</a>, <a href="#pg298">298</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>.</li> + +<li>Baldwin, Count of Flanders, Latin Emperor of the East, <a href= +"#pg033">33</a>.</li> + +<li>Ball, John, <a href="#pg376">376</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>.</li> + +<li>Balliol College, Oxford, <a href="#pg376">376</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>, <a href="#pg439">439</a>.</li> + +<li>Balliol, Edward, eldest son of King John of Scotland, <a href= +"#pg194">194</a>, <a href="#pg315">315</a>, <a href= +"#pg317">317</a>-324.</li> + +<li>Balliol, John (d. 1269), <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Balliol, John, lord of Barnard Castle, and of Galloway, son of +the above, <a href="#pg179">179</a>, <a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a +href="#pg183">183</a>. See also John, King of Scots.</li> + +<li>Balsham, Hugh, Bishop of Ely, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Barnburgh Castle, <a href="#pg247">247</a>.</li> + +<li>Bampton in the Bush, <a href="#pg250">250</a>.</li> + +<li>Banaster, Adam, <a href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href= +"#pg268">268</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>.</li> + +<li>Banbury, <a href="#pg250">250</a>.</li> + +<li>Banff, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href="#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>Bankers; + +<ul> +<li>foreign, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href= +"#pg248">248</a>.</li> + +<li>Jewish, <a href="#pg160">160</a>, <a href= +"#pg176">176</a>.</li> + +<li>Italian, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a href="#pg237">237</a>, <a +href="#pg240">240</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bannatyne club, publications of the, <a href="#pg455">455</a>, +<a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Bannock, the river, <a href="#pg261">261</a>.</li> + +<li>Bannockburn, battle of, <a href="#pg260">260</a>-264, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a href= +"#pg272">272</a>, <a href="#pg274">274</a>, <a href= +"#pg277">277</a>, <a href="#pg279">279</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>-320, <a href="#pg346">346</a>, <a href= +"#pg363">363</a>, <a href="#pg364">364</a>.</li> + +<li>Bar, Joan of. See Joan.</li> + +<li>Bar, Count of, <a href="#pg192">192</a>.</li> + +<li>Barbavera, <a href="#pg345">345</a>, <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>.</li> + +<li>Barbezieux, <a href="#pg064">64</a>.</li> + +<li>Barbour, John, <i>Bruce</i>, <a href="#pg422">422</a>, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Bardi, the, <a href="#pg356">356</a>.</li> + +<li>Bardolf, William, <a href="#pg100">100</a>.</li> + +<li>Barfleur, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Bargate, the, Lincoln, <a href="#pg010">10</a>.</li> + +<li>Barnard Castle, <a href="#pg179">179</a>, <a href= +"#pg316">316</a>.</li> + +<li>Barnes's <i>History of Edward III</i>., <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Barnwell, <a href="#pg299">299</a>.</li> + +<li>Barnwell, Canon of, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href= +"#pg016">16</a>, <a href="#pg021">21</a>, <a href= +"#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>Barons' war, the, <a href="#pg133">133</a>-135, <a href= +"#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href= +"#pg237">237</a>, <a href="#pg452">452</a>, <a href= +"#pg454">454</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>, <a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Barres, William des, <a href="#pg011">11</a>.</li> + +<li>Basset, Gilbert, <a href="#pg046">46</a>, <a href= +"#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li style="list-style: none"><i>Bastides</i>, <a href= +"#pg165">165</a>, <a href="#pg171">171</a>, <a href= +"#pg295">295</a>, <a href="#pg296">296</a>.</li> + +<li style="list-style: none"><i>Bastilles</i>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Bath, <a href="#pg407">407</a>.</li> + +<li>Bath and Wells, Bishop of. See Burnell, Robert; Drokensford; +Shrewsbury, Ralph of, and Harewell, John.</li> + +<li>Battle Abbey, chronicle of, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Battles of —— + +<ul> +<li>Athenry, <a href="#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Auberoche, <a href="#pg358">358</a>.</li> + +<li>Auray, <a href="#pg401">401</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Ayr, <a href="#pg235">235</a>.</li> + +<li>Bannockburn, <a href="#pg260">260</a>-263.</li> + +<li>Boroughbridge, <a href="#pg285">285</a>-287.</li> + +<li>Bourgneuf Bay, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Cassel, <a href="#pg327">327</a>.</li> + +<li>Chalon, <a href="#pg140">140</a>.</li> + +<li>Chesterfield, <a href="#pg130">130</a>.</li> + +<li>Cocherel, <a href="#pg401">401</a>.</li> + +<li>Corte Nuova, <a href="#pg061">61</a>.</li> + +<li>Courtrai, <a href="#pg221">221</a>, <a href="#pg222">222</a>, +<a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Crecy, <a href="#pg362">362</a>-364.</li> + +<li>Dupplin Moor, <a href="#pg317">317</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Dunbar, <a href="#pg197">197</a>.</li> + +<li>Dundalk, <a href="#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Evesham, <a href="#pg127">127</a>, <a href= +"#pg128">128</a>.</li> + +<li>Falkirk, <a href="#pg213">213</a>-215.</li> + +<li>Halidon Hill, <a href="#pg319">319</a>, <a href= +"#pg320">320</a>.</li> + +<li>La Rochelle, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Lewes, <a href="#pg116">116</a>, <a href="#pg117">117</a>.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, <a href="#pg010">10</a>, <a href="#pg011">11</a>.</li> + +<li>Lisieux, <a href="#pg400">400</a>.</li> + +<li>Madog's Field, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Maes Madog, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Mauron, <a href="#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Methven, <a href="#pg234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Morgarten, <a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Morlaix, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Myton, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href="#pg277">277</a>.</li> + +<li>Najera, <a href="#pg405">405</a>, <a href= +"#pg406">406</a>.</li> + +<li>Neville's Cross, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Orewyn Bridge, <a href="#pg163">163</a>, <a href= +"#pg164">164</a>.</li> + +<li>Poitiers, <a href="#pg389">389</a>-392.</li> + +<li>Pontvallain, <a href="#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>Sandwich, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a href= +"#pg012">12</a>.</li> + +<li>Sluys, <a href="#pg346">346</a>, <a href="#pg347">347</a>.</li> + +<li>Stirling Bridge, <a href="#pg207">207</a>, <a href= +"#pg208">208</a>.</li> + +<li>The Thirty, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Winchelsea, <a href="#pg384">384</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bayonne, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg071">71</a>, <a +href="#pg186">186</a>, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg196">196</a>, <a href="#pg297">297</a>, <a href= +"#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg357">357</a>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Bazas, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href="#pg071">71</a>, <a +href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg386">386</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Béarn, <a href="#pg141">141</a>, <a href= +"#pg171">171</a>, <a href="#pg325">325</a>.</li> + +<li>Béarn, Gaston, Viscount of. See Gaston.</li> + +<li>Beatrice, daughter of Henry III. and wife of John II. of +Brittany, <a href="#pg107">107</a>, <a href="#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Beatrice, sister of Amadeus III., Count of Savoy, wife of +Raymond Berengar IV., Count of Provence, <a href= +"#pg054">54</a>.</li> + +<li>Beaucaire, <a href="#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Beauce, the, <a href="#pg413">413</a>.</li> + +<li>Beauchamp, Thomas. See Warwick, Earl of.</li> + +<li>Beauchamp, William. See Warwick, Earl of. Beauchamps of +Warwick, the, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Beaumanoir, commandant at Josselin, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, +<a href="#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Beaumaris Castle, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Beaumont, Henry de, <a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a href= +"#pg252">252</a>, <a href="#pg264">264</a>, <a href= +"#pg316">316</a>, <a href="#pg320">320</a>, <a href= +"#pg322">322</a>.</li> + +<li>Beaumont, Louis de, Bishop of Durham, <a href="#pg290">290</a>, +<a href="#pg316">316</a>.</li> + +<li>Beaumont, Robert of, Earl of Leicester. See Leicester.</li> + +<li>Beaumonts, the, <a href="#pg252">252</a>.</li> + +<li>Beauvais, <a href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Becket, Archbishop, St. Thomas, <a href="#pg016">16</a>, <a +href="#pg060">60</a>, <a href="#pg350">350</a>.</li> + +<li>Bedale, <a href="#pg182">182</a>.</li> + +<li>Bedford, Castle of, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, <a href= +"#pg026">26</a>, <a href="#pg032">32</a>; + +<ul> +<li>scutage of, <a href="#pg026">26</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bedfordshire, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Bégard, Abbey of, <a href="#pg368">368</a>.</li> + +<li>Beghards, the, <a href="#pg376">376</a>.</li> + +<li>Beguines, the, <a href="#pg376">376</a>.</li> + +<li>Behuchet, Nicholas, <a href="#pg345">345</a>-347.</li> + +<li>Bek, Anthony, Bishop of Durham, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, <a +href="#pg185">185</a>, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href= +"#pg213">213</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a>, <a href= +"#pg219">219</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>, <a href= +"#pg230">230</a>, <a href="#pg232">232</a>, <a href= +"#pg238">238</a>, <a href="#pg245">245</a>.</li> + +<li>Bek, Thomas, Bishop of St. David's, <a href= +"#pg185">185</a>.</li> + +<li>Belleville, <a href="#pg400">400</a>.</li> + +<li>Bembro, Robert, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Bémont, Charles, <a href="#pg064">64</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Rôles Gascons</i>, <a href="#pg445">445</a>, <a +href="#pg446">446</a>.</li> + +<li>his <i>Chartes des libertés anglaises</i>, <a href= +"#pg208">208</a>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>his Simon <i>de Montfort</i>, <a href="#pg455">455</a>, <a +href="#pg462">462</a>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bénauge, <a href="#pg073">73</a>.</li> + +<li>Béne, Amaury of, <a href="#pg090">90</a>.</li> + +<li>Benedict XI., Pope, <a href="#pg228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>Benedict XII, Pope, <a href="#pg329">329</a>, <a href= +"#pg330">330</a>, <a href="#pg333">333</a>, <a href= +"#pg334">334</a>, <a href="#pg336">336</a>, <a href= +"#pg348">348</a>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Bengeworth, near Evesham, <a href="#pg127">127</a>.</li> + +<li>Bentley, Sir Walter, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Bere Castle, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Bereford, Sir Simon, <a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a href= +"#pg309">309</a>.</li> + +<li>Berg, Count of, <a href="#pg332">332</a>.</li> + +<li>Berger's <i>Blanche de Castile</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Bergerac, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href="#pg357">357</a>, <a +href="#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Berkeley Castle, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg303">303</a>.</li> + +<li>Berkeleys, the, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Berkhampstead, siege of, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Berkshire, <a href="#pg059">59</a>.</li> + +<li>Berkstead, Stephen, Bishop of Chichester, <a href= +"#pg119">119</a>.</li> + +<li>Bermingham, John of. See Louth, Earl of.</li> + +<li>Bernabò, Visconti, Lord of Milan, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Berners, Lord, translator of Froissart, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Berri, John, Duke of, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Bertrand, Cardinal, <a href="#pg330">330</a>, <a href= +"#pg336">336</a>, <a href="#pg339">339</a>. See Montfavence.</li> + +<li>Berwick, <a href="#pg182">182</a>, <a href="#pg194">194</a>, <a +href="#pg196">196</a>, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg207">207</a>, <a href= +"#pg212">212</a>, <a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg247">247</a>, <a href= +"#pg258">258</a>, <a href="#pg259">259</a>, <a href= +"#pg261">261</a>, <a href="#pg264">264</a>, <a href= +"#pg273">273</a>, <a href="#pg275">275</a>-277, <a href= +"#pg289">289</a>, <a href="#pg319">319</a>, <a href= +"#pg321">321</a>, <a href="#pg386">386</a>, <a href= +"#pg393">393</a>.</li> + +<li>Béthune, <a href="#pg343">343</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Chronique de l'Anonyme de</i> <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bibliographies, historical, <a href="#pg459">459</a>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Bidassoa, the, <a href="#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Bigod, the house of, <a href="#pg278">278</a>.</li> + +<li>Bigod, Hugh, justiciar, <a href="#pg100">100</a>, <a href= +"#pg102">102</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href= +"#pg109">109</a>.</li> + +<li>Bigod, Roger, earl marshal and Earl of Norfolk. See Norfolk, +Earl of.</li> + +<li>Bigorre, county of. <a href="#pg071">71</a>, <a href= +"#pg080">80</a>, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href= +"#pg294">294</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>.</li> + +<li>Biscay, Bay of, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Blaauw's <i>Barons' Wars</i>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Black Prince, the. See Edward, Prince of Wales and +Aquitaine.</li> + +<li>Black death, the, <a href="#pg370">370</a>-376, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>, <a href="#pg424">424</a>, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>, <a href="#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Blacklow Hill, <a href="#pg251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Blanche of Artois, Queen of Navarre, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, +<a href="#pg246">246</a>.</li> + +<li>Blanche of Bourbon, wife of Peter the Great of Castile, <a +href="#pg404">404</a>.</li> + +<li>Blanche of Castile, Queen of Louis VIII. and regent of France, +<a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a href= +"#pg034">34</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href= +"#pg080">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Blanche, Duchess of Lancaster, <a href="#pg421">421</a>, <a +href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Blanche taque, the, in estuary of Somme, <a href= +"#pg361">361</a>, <a href="#pg362">362</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Blaneforde's <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href="#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>Blankenberghe, <a href="#pg344">344</a>, <a href= +"#pg346">346</a>.</li> + +<li>Blavet, the river, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Blaye, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a +href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href="#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Bliss' <i>Calendars of Papal Registers</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Blois, <a href="#pg388">388</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Blois, Charles of. See Charles.</li> + +<li>Blois, Theobald, Count of, <a href="#pg011">11</a>.</li> + +<li>Blount, Sir Thos, <a href="#pg302">302</a>.</li> + +<li>Blundeville, Randolph of, Earl of Chester. See Chester, +Randolph, Earl of.</li> + +<li>Boccaccio, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li>Bohemia, <a href="#pg054">54</a>.</li> + +<li>Bohemia, Ottocar, King of, <a href="#pg080">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Bohun, Humphrey, Earl of Hereford. See Hereford.</li> + +<li>Bohun, Humphrey of Brecon, son of the Earl of Hereford, <a +href="#pg115">115</a>.</li> + +<li>Bohun, Margaret, <a href="#pg435">435</a>.</li> + +<li>Bohun, William, Earl of Northampton. See Northampton.</li> + +<li>Bohuns, the, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Bollers, house of, <a href="#pg024">24</a>.</li> + +<li>Bologna, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href="#pg089">89</a>.</li> + +<li>Bolton, <a href="#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Bonhommes, order of, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Boniface VIII., Pope, <a href="#pg172">172</a>, <a href= +"#pg195">195</a>, <a href="#pg200">200</a>, <a href= +"#pg203">203</a>, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href= +"#pg217">217</a>, <a href="#pg219">219</a>-223, <a href= +"#pg228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>Boniface of Savoy, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg060">60</a>, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href="#pg066">66</a>, +<a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg128">128</a>, <a href= +"#pg135">135</a>, <a href="#pg139">139</a>.</li> + +<li>Bordeaux, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a +href="#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>-74, <a href="#pg077">77</a>, <a href= +"#pg146">146</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a href= +"#pg171">171</a>, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg193">193</a>, <a href="#pg196">196</a>, <a href= +"#pg222">222</a>, <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href= +"#pg296">296</a>, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg385">385</a>-387, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>, <a href="#pg406">406</a>, <a href= +"#pg407">407</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>; + +<ul> +<li>truce of, <a href="#pg395">395</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bordeaux, Bertrand de Goth, Archbishop of. See Clement V.</li> + +<li>Bordelais, the, <a href="#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Borderie's <i>Histoire de Brétagne</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Boroughbridge, <a href="#pg275">275</a>, <a href= +"#pg286">286</a>, <a href="#pg290">290</a>. battle of, <a href= +"#pg285">285</a>-287, <a href="#pg319">319</a>.</li> + +<li>Boroughs; growth of, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, <a href= +"#pg195">195</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>-427; representation of, +<a href="#pg139">139</a>.</li> + +<li>Bothwell Castle, <a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Boulogne, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg121">121</a>, <a +href="#pg239">239</a>.</li> + +<li>Bouquet, Dom, his <i>Recueil des Historiens de la France</i>, +<a href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Bourbon, Blanche of. See Blanche.</li> + +<li>Bourbonnais, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Bourchier, Sir Robert, <a href="#pg349">349</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Bourg</i>, of Limoges, the, <a href="#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Bourg, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href="#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Bourgneuf, Bay of, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Bourne, <a href="#pg095">95</a>.</li> + +<li>Boutaric's <i>St. Louis et Alfonse de Poitiers</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>France sous Philippe le Bel</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bouvines, battle of, <a href="#pg011">11</a>.</li> + +<li>Brabant, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a +href="#pg331">331</a>, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg335">335</a>, <a href="#pg336">336</a>, <a href= +"#pg340">340</a>, <a href="#pg348">348</a>.</li> + +<li>Brabant, Dukes of. See John II., John III., and +Wenceslaus.</li> + +<li>Brabant, Mary of. See Mary, Queen of France.</li> + +<li>Brabazon, Roger de, chief justice after 1295, <a href= +"#pg181">181</a>.</li> + +<li>Bracton, Henry of, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg148">148</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his book <i>De Legibus</i>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>his Note Book, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bradwardine, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li>Brandenburg, <a href="#pg080">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Brandenburg, Elector of, <a href="#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Brantingham, Thomas, treasurer, Bishop of Exeter, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>, <a href="#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Brantôme, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Braose, house of, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href= +"#pg280">280</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Braose, William de, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href= +"#pg038">38</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his daughter, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href= +"#pg038">38</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bratton, Henry. See Bracton.</li> + +<li>Braybrook, Henry de, <a href="#pg025">25</a>.</li> + +<li>Bréauté, Falkes de, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a +href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg010">10</a>, <a href="#pg014">14</a>, +<a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href= +"#pg024">24</a>-27, <a href="#pg043">43</a>, <a href= +"#pg044">44</a>.</li> + +<li>Brechin, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href= +"#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>Brecon, <a href="#pg172">172</a>-174, <a href="#pg189">189</a>, +<a href="#pg190">190</a>, <a href="#pg252">252</a>, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Bren, Llewelyn. See Llewelyn.</li> + +<li>Brentwood, <a href="#pg045">45</a>, <a href= +"#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Bremen, <a href="#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>Brest, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>, <a +href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Brétagne bretonnante, La</i>, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Brétigni, treaty of, <a href="#pg396">396</a>-398. See +also Calais, treaty of.</li> + +<li>Bretons. See Brittany.</li> + +<li>Brewer's <i>Monumenta Franciscana</i>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Bridgnorth, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, <a href= +"#pg284">284</a>.</li> + +<li>Bridlington, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Bridlington, Canon of, his <i>Gesta Edwardi de +Carnarvon</i>.</li> + +<li>Bridlington, John of, <a href="#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Brie, <a href="#pg060">60</a>.</li> + +<li>Brigham, treaty of, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, <a href= +"#pg181">181</a>.</li> + +<li>Bristol, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, <a +href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg168">168</a>, <a href= +"#pg241">241</a>, <a href="#pg268">268</a>, <a href= +"#pg273">273</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>; + +<ul> +<li>council meets at, <a href="#pg004">4</a>.</li> + +<li>confirmation of the Great Charter at, <a href= +"#pg005">5</a>.</li> + +<li>castle of, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg268">268</a>.</li> + +<li>channel, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>disturbances at, <a href="#pg268">268</a>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Brittany, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a +href="#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg041">41</a>, <a href= +"#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, +<a href="#pg179">179</a>, <a href="#pg186">186</a>, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>, <a href="#pg353">353</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>, <a href="#pg357">357</a>, <a href= +"#pg381">381</a>-383, <a href="#pg386">386</a>-388, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a> <a href="#pg401">401</a>-404, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>-417, <a href="#pg436">436</a>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Celtic, <a href="#pg416">416</a>.</li> + +<li>French, <a href="#pg416">416</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Brittany, Counts, afterwards Dukes, of. See Arthur I., Arthur +II., John II., John III., John IV., John V., Peter Mauclerc.</li> + +<li>Brittany, Constance of, wife of Randolph of Chester. See +Constance of Brittany.</li> + +<li>Brittany, John of, Earl of Richmond. See John of Brittany, Earl +of Richmond.</li> + +<li>Britton, lawyer, <a href="#pg094">94</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his treatise <i>On the Laws of England</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bromfield, <a href="#pg162">162</a>.</li> + +<li>Brotherton, Thomas of, Earl of Norfolk. See Thomas of +Brotherton.</li> + +<li>Bruce, David. See David II., King of Scots.</li> + +<li>Bruce, Edward, "King of Ireland.", <a href="#pg257">257</a>, <a +href="#pg269">269</a>-272, <a href="#pg280">280</a>, <a href= +"#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Bruce, Elizabeth, Queen of Scots. See Elizabeth.</li> + +<li>Bruce, Joan, Queen of Scots. See Joan.</li> + +<li>Bruce, Robert, Lord of Annandale, + +<ul> +<li>claimant to the Scots throne (d.1295), <a href= +"#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg180">180</a>-184, <a href= +"#pg194">194</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Bruce, Robert, Earl of Carrick, son of the above (d. 1304), <a +href="#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg194">194</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a>.</li> + +<li>Bruce, Robert, Earl of Carrick, son of the above, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a>, <a href= +"#pg227">227</a>, <a href="#pg232">232</a>, <a href= +"#pg233">233</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also Robert, King of Scots.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Bruce</i>, John Barbour's, <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Bruges, <a href="#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a +href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg327">327</a>, <a href= +"#pg343">343</a>, <a href="#pg344">344</a>, <a href= +"#pg346">346</a>, <a href="#pg398">398</a>, <a href= +"#pg402">402</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>, <a href= +"#pg434">434</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the Matins of. <a href="#pg221">221</a>.</li> + +<li>truce of (1375), <a href="#pg418">418</a>, <a href= +"#pg434">434</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Brussels, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg339">339</a>, +<a href="#pg341">341</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>.</li> + +<li>Brut, the Trojan, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Brut d'Angleterre</i>, Wace's, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a +href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Brut y Tywysogion</i>, <a href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Buch, Captal de, <a href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href= +"#pg392">392</a>, 40l, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Buchan, Comyn, John, Earl of, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a +href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg257">257</a>, <a href= +"#pg316">316</a>.</li> + +<li>Buchan, Henry de Beaumont, Earl of, <a href="#pg316">316</a>, +<a href="#pg320">320</a>, <a href="#pg322">322</a>; + +<ul> +<li>See also Beaumont, Henry de.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Builth, town and castle, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href= +"#pg038">38</a>, <a href="#pg163">163</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Buironfosse, <a href="#pg340">340</a>, <a href= +"#pg341">341</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href= +"#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Bulgaria, <a href="#pg033">33</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgh, the family of, <a href="#pg269">269</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgh, Elizabeth de, wife of Robert, King of Scots; + +<ul> +<li>See Elizabeth, Queen of Scots.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Burgh, Elizabeth de, wife of Lionel of Clarence, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>, <a href="#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgh, Hubert de, Earl of Kent, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a +href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href="#pg009">9</a>, <a href= +"#pg011">11</a>-13, <a href="#pg017">17</a>17-47, <a href= +"#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg053">53</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgh, Richard de, Earl of Ulster. See Ulster.</li> + +<li>Burgh, Richard de, Lord of Connaught, <a href= +"#pg048">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgh, William de, Lord of Connaught and Earl of Ulster, <a +href="#pg428">428</a>. See Ulster.</li> + +<li>Burgh-on-Sands, <a href="#pg235">235</a>.</li> + +<li>Burghersh, Bartholomew, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href= +"#pg282">282</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg285">285</a>, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a href= +"#pg314">314</a>, <a href="#pg332">332</a>-334, <a href= +"#pg349">349</a>, <a href="#pg350">350</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgos, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg405">405</a>, <a +href="#pg406">406</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgundy, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a +href="#pg140">140</a>, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg396">396</a>, <a href="#pg400">400</a>, <a href= +"#pg401">401</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Burgundy, Duke of. See Philip the Bold and Philip de +Rouvres.</li> + +<li>Burnell, Robert, Chancellor, and Bishop of Bath and Wells, <a +href="#pg139">139</a>, <a href="#pg143">143</a>, <a href= +"#pg147">147</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a href= +"#pg184">184</a>, <a href="#pg185">185</a>.</li> + +<li>Burton-on-Trent, <a href="#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Bury, Richard of, Bishop of Durham, <a href= +"#pg310">310</a>.</li> + +<li>Bury St. Edmunds, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg199">199</a>-201, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Busses, Spanish, <a href="#pg384">384</a>.</li> + +<li>Butler, Edmund, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a href= +"#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Butler of Ireland, James, the, <a href="#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Byland Abbey, <a href="#pg289">289</a>, <a href= +"#pg290">290</a>.</li> + +<li>Bytham Castle, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href= +"#pg021">21</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Cader Idris, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.<a name="C" id= +"C" /></li> + +<li>Cadzand, island of, <a href="#pg334">334</a>, <a href= +"#pg346">346</a>.</li> + +<li>Caen, <a href="#pg360">360</a>; + +<ul> +<li>abbeys of, <a href="#pg360">360</a>,</li> + +<li>church of St. Peter at, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Caerlaverock. See Carlaverock.</li> + +<li>Caerleon, Morgan of, <a href="#pg015">15</a>.</li> + +<li>Caerphilly Castle, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg281">281</a>, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Cahors, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg399">399</a>, <a +href="#pg411">411</a>; + +<ul> +<li>bishopric of, <a href="#pg140">140</a>.</li> + +<li>See Quercy.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Calais, <a href="#pg012">12</a>, <a href="#pg365">365</a>-369, +<a href="#pg380">380</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>-386, <a href="#pg395">395</a>, <a href= +"#pg398">398</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>-413, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>-419, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>; + +<ul> +<li>treaty of, <a href="#pg396">396</a>-398, <a href= +"#pg402">402</a>, <a href="#pg403">403</a>, <a href= +"#pg419">419</a>, <a href="#pg421">421</a>, <a href= +"#pg427">427</a>, <a href="#pg432">432</a>.</li> + +<li>See also Brétigni.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Calendar of Close Rolls</i>, <a href="#pg444">444</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Calendar of Charter Rolls</i>, <a href="#pg445">445</a>. +Calendars of <i>Documents relating to Scotland and Ireland</i>, <a +href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Calendar of Inquisitions Post-mortem and other analogous +documents</i>, <a href="#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Calendars of Papal Registers</i>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Calendar of the Patent Rolls</i>, <a href= +"#pg444">444</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Calendarium Genealogicum</i>, C. Roberts', <a href= +"#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Calendarium Inquisitionum sive Eschætarum</i>, <a href= +"#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Calendarium Rotulorum Cartarum</i>, <a href= +"#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li>Calveley, Sir Hugh, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>, <a href="#pg400">400</a>-402, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>.</li> + +<li>Cambrai, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg339">339</a>.</li> + +<li>Cambrésis, the, <a href="#pg339">339</a>.</li> + +<li>Cambridge, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a +href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href="#pg182">182</a>; + +<ul> +<li>university of, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href= +"#pg083">83</a>, <a href="#pg093">93</a>, <a href="#pg375">375</a>, +<a href="#pg425">425</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cambridge, Edmund of Langley, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg431">431</a>. See Edmund.</li> + +<li>Camville, Nichola de, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href= +"#pg009">9</a>.</li> + +<li>"Candlemas, The Burnt," <a href="#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li>Canfranc, treaty of, <a href="#pg171">171</a>.</li> + +<li>Canons, Austin, annals by, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> + +<li>Canterbury,; <a href="#pg007">7</a>; + +<ul> +<li>cathedral, <a href="#pg012">12</a>, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, <a +href="#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg350">350</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href= +"#pg230">230</a>, <a href="#pg440">440</a>; <a href= +"#pg286">286</a>: <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a href= +"#pg439">439</a>;</li> + +<li>hall, Oxford, <a href="#pg431">431</a>;</li> + +<li>register, <a href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Canterbury, Archbishops of. + +<ul> +<li>See Langton, Stephen;</li> + +<li>Grand, Richard le;</li> + +<li>Neville, Ralph, and Blunt, John (archbishops elect);</li> + +<li>Rich, Edmund;</li> + +<li>Boniface of Savoy;</li> + +<li>Kilwardby, Robert;</li> + +<li>Peckham, John;</li> + +<li>Winchelsea, Robert;</li> + +<li>Cobham, Thomas (archbishop elect);</li> + +<li>Reynolds, Walter;</li> + +<li>Meopham, Simon;</li> + +<li>Stratford, John;</li> + +<li>Bradwardine, Thomas;</li> + +<li>Islip, Simon;</li> + +<li>Langham, Simon;</li> + +<li>Whittlesea, William, and Sudbury, Simon.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cantilupe, St. Thomas of, chancellor and Bishop of Hereford, <a +href="#pg093">93</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>, <a href= +"#pg129">129</a>.</li> + +<li>Cantilupe, Walter of, Bishop of Worcester, <a href= +"#pg066">66</a>, <a href="#pg081">81</a>, <a href="#pg121">121</a>, +<a href="#pg126">126</a>.</li> + +<li>Cantilupes, the, <a href="#pg001">1</a>.</li> + +<li>Cantreds, the four, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href= +"#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg133">133</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>, <a href="#pg168">168</a>. See also +Perveddwlad.</li> + +<li>Caours, Raoul de, <a href="#pg382">382</a>.</li> + +<li>Capes's, W. W., <i>History of the English Church</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Capetians, the, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href= +"#pg034">34</a>, <a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, +<a href="#pg294">294</a>, <a href="#pg325">325</a>, <a href= +"#pg326">326</a>, <a href="#pg330">330</a>.</li> + +<li>Captal de Buch, the. See Buch.</li> + +<li>Captivity, the Babylonish, of the Papacy, <a href= +"#pg229">229</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Carcassonne, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg386">386</a>, +<a href="#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li>Cardiff Castle, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg281">281</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Cardigan and Cardiganshire, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, <a href= +"#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, +<a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg168">168</a>, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Cardinerie, La, <a href="#pg391">391</a>.</li> + +<li>Carlaverock, castle, <a href="#pg218">218</a>, <a href= +"#pg220">220</a>; + +<ul> +<li>chronicle of the <i>siege</i> of, <a href="#pg458">458</a>, <a +href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Carentan, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Carhaix, <a href="#pg368">368</a>.</li> + +<li>Carlisle, town and castle, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href= +"#pg015">15</a>, <a href="#pg196">196</a>, <a href= +"#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href= +"#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg218">218</a>, <a href= +"#pg234">234</a>, <a href="#pg237">237</a>, 25%, <a href= +"#pg275">275</a>, <a href="#pg284">284</a>, <a href= +"#pg289">289</a>, <a href="#pg290">290</a>, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>; + +<ul> +<li>parliament Of 1307 at, <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href= +"#pg231">231</a>, <a href="#pg234">234</a>;</li> + +<li>Statute Of, <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>, +<a href="#pg377">377</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Carlisle, Andrew Harclay, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg287">287</a>.</li> + +<li>Carmarthen, town and castle, and Carmarthenshire, <a href= +"#pg015">15</a>, <a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, +<a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg162">162</a>, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg168">168</a>, <a href="#pg189">189</a>; + +<ul> +<li>justice of, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg168">168</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Carmelites, the, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Carnarvon, town and castle, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Carnarvon, Edward of. See Edward.</li> + +<li>Carnarvonshire, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Carrick, Earl of. See Bruce, Robert.</li> + +<li>Carrickfergus, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, 27l.</li> + +<li><i>Carta menatoria</i>, <a href="#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>Cartmel, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Cartularies, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Cassel, battle of, <a href="#pg327">327</a>.</li> + +<li>Cassingham (Kensham), William of, <a href= +"#pg007">7-9</a>.</li> + +<li>Castile, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, <a +href="#pg235">235</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>, <a href="#pg405">405</a>, <a href= +"#pg406">406</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Castile, Alfonso, King of. See Alfonso.</li> + +<li>Castile, Blanche of. See Blanche.</li> + +<li>Castile, Constance of, <a href="#pg430">430</a>. See +Constance.</li> + +<li>Castile, Eleanor of. See Eleanor.</li> + +<li>Castile, Ferdinand the Saint, King of. See Ferdinand.</li> + +<li>Castile, Henry of Trastamara, King of. See Henry.</li> + +<li>Castile, Isabella of. See Isabella.</li> + +<li>Castile, Peter the Cruel, King Of. See Peter.</li> + +<li>Castile, John, King of Leon and Duke Lancaster, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>. See John of Gaunt.</li> + +<li>Castle of; + +<ul> +<li>Aberconway or Conway, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>, <a href="#pg195">195</a>.</li> + +<li>Abergavenny, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Aberyswyth, <a href="#pg160">160</a>, <a href= +"#pg161">161</a>.</li> + +<li>Alnwick, <a href="#pg131">131</a>.</li> + +<li>Alton, <a href="#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Bamburgh, <a href="#pg247">247</a>.</li> + +<li>Barnard, <a href="#pg179">179</a>.</li> + +<li>Beaumaris, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Bedford, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, <a href="#pg026">26</a>.</li> + +<li>Bere, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Berkeley, <a href="#pg284">284</a>.</li> + +<li>Berwick, <a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a href="#pg275">275</a>, <a +href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Bothwell, <a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Bristol,<a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg265">265</a>.</li> + +<li>Builth, <a href="#pg163">163</a></li> + +<li>Bytham, <a href="#pg020">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Caen, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Caerphilly, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>.</li> + +<li>Cardiff, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Carlaverock, <a href="#pg218">218</a>.</li> + +<li>Carmarthen, <a href="#pg160">160</a>.</li> + +<li>Carnarvon, <a href="#pg189">189</a>, <a href= +"#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Castleton, Liddesdale, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Chepstow, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Christchurch, <a href="#pg224">224</a>.</li> + +<li>Clare, <a href="#pg115">115</a>.</li> + +<li>Colchester, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Conway. See Aberconway.</li> + +<li>Conisborough, <a href="#pg149">149</a>, <a href= +"#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Corfe, <a href="#pg303">303</a>, <a href="#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Cornet, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Criccieth, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Dolwyddelen, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Dover, <a href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href="#pg009">9</a>, <a href= +"#pg010">10</a>, <a href="#pg109">109</a>, <a href= +"#pg129">129</a>, <a href="#pg252">252</a>, <a href= +"#pg288">288</a>.</li> + +<li>Drysllwyn, <a href="#pg158">158</a>, <a href= +"#pg160">160</a>.</li> + +<li>Dublin, <a href="#pg271">271</a>, <a href= +"#pg272">272</a>.</li> + +<li>Dumfries, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Dunbar, <a href="#pg197">197</a>.</li> + +<li>Dynevor, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg168">168</a>.</li> + +<li>Edinburgh, <a href="#pg218">218</a>, <a href="#pg321">321</a>, +<a href="#pg323">323</a>.</li> + +<li>Flint, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Fotheringhay, <a href="#pg021">21</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, <a href="#pg125">125</a>.</li> + +<li>Grosmont, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg357">357</a>.</li> + +<li>Harlech, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Hawarden, <a href="#pg161">161</a>.</li> + +<li>Hedingham, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Josselin, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Kenilworth, <a href="#pg126">126</a>, <a href="#pg127">127</a>, +<a href="#pg130">130</a>, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Kilkenny, <a href="#pg049">49</a>.</li> + +<li>Kidwelly, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Knaresborough, <a href="#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Leeds (Kent), <a href="#pg282">282</a>, <a href= +"#pg283">283</a>.</li> + +<li>Limoges, <a href="#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, <a href="#pg009">9</a>, <a href="#pg011">11</a>.</li> + +<li>London. See Tower of London, the.</li> + +<li>Maud's, <a href="#pg038">38</a>.</li> + +<li>Monmouth, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg048">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Montgomery, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href= +"#pg040">40</a>.</li> + +<li>Mount Sorrel, <a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>Newcastle-upon-Tyne, <a href="#pg183">183</a>.</li> + +<li>Norham, <a href="#pg181">181</a>.</li> + +<li>Norwich, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Nottingham, <a href="#pg308">308</a>, <a href= +"#pg438">438</a>.</li> + +<li>Orford, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Peebles, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Pevensey, <a href="#pg117">117</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>, +<a href="#pg126">126</a>.</li> + +<li>Pontefract, <a href="#pg264">264</a>, <a href= +"#pg286">286</a>.</li> + +<li>Powys, <a href="#pg267">267</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhuddlan, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, +<a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Rising, <a href="#pg309">309</a>.</li> + +<li>Rochester, <a href="#pg114">114</a>.</li> + +<li>Rockingham, <a href="#pg020">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Romorantin, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Rose, <a href="#pg258">258</a>.</li> + +<li>Roxburgh, <a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a href= +"#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, <a href="#pg399">399</a>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Scarborough, <a href="#pg250">250</a>, <a href= +"#pg251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Skelton, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Skenfrith, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Stirling, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href="#pg217">217</a>, +<a href="#pg225">225</a>, <a href="#pg258">258</a>-260, <a href= +"#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Swansea, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Tickhill, <a href="#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Tintagel, <a href="#pg249">249</a>.</li> + +<li>Tunbridge, <a href="#pg039">39</a>.</li> + +<li>Tutbury, <a href="#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Usk, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href="#pg279">279</a>.</li> + +<li>Wallingford, <a href="#pg239">239</a>, <a href= +"#pg249">249</a>, <a href="#pg250">250</a>.</li> + +<li>Wark, <a href="#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Warwick, <a href="#pg251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Whitecastle, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Wigmore, <a href="#pg125">125</a>.</li> + +<li>Windsor, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a +href="#pg310">310</a>, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>.</li> + +<li>Wolvesey (Winchester), <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href= +"#pg102">102</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Castles, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a +href="#pg025">25</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg119">119</a>. + +<ul> +<li>royal, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg100">100</a>, <a +href="#pg109">109</a>.</li> + +<li>adulterine, <a href="#pg014">14</a>, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, +<a href="#pg018">18</a>.</li> + +<li>Welsh, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>.</li> + +<li>of South Wales, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Edward I.'s, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg165">165</a>, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>concentric, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Scottish, <a href="#pg181">181</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Castleton Castle, Liddesdale, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Castor, Church of St., Coblenz, <a href="#pg335">335</a>.</li> + +<li>Castorplatz, the, Coblenz, <a href="#pg335">335</a>.</li> + +<li>Caversham, <a href="#pg015">15</a>.</li> + +<li>Celestine V., Pope, <a href="#pg199">199</a>, <a href= +"#pg200">200</a>.</li> + +<li>Celts, Irish, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a href= +"#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Celts of Scotland, the, <a href="#pg263">263</a>.</li> + +<li>Chaboterie, la, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Chalon, little battle of, <a href="#pg140">140</a>.</li> + +<li>Champagne, Blanche of Artois, Queen of Navarre and Countess of. +See Blanche.</li> + +<li>Champagne, Edmund, Count of, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, <a href= +"#pg187">187</a>. See also Edmund of Lancaster. Champagne, Henry, +Count of. See Henry.</li> + +<li>Champagne, Joan of. See Joan.</li> + +<li>Champagne, Theobald IV., Count of. See Theobald.</li> + +<li>Champagne, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a +href="#pg144">144</a>, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href= +"#pg187">187</a>, <a href="#pg246">246</a>, <a href= +"#pg294">294</a>, <a href="#pg396">396</a>, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>, <a href= +"#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Champollion-Figeac's Lettres des rots d'Angleterre, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Chancellor, office of, <a href="#pg053">53</a>, <a href= +"#pg064">64</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, <a href= +"#pg120">120</a>.</li> + +<li>Chancery courts, for Wales, <a href="#pg166">166</a>; + +<ul> +<li>records, <a href="#pg446">446</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Chandos, Sir John, <a href="#pg399">399</a>, <a href= +"#pg401">401</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>, <a href="#pg407">407</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Chandos Herald, <a href="#pg266">266</a>, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Channel, the Bristol, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the English, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href="#pg297">297</a>, +<a href="#pg330">330</a>, <a href="#pg333">333</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Channel Islands, the, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a href= +"#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg345">345</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg414">414</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Charente, the river, <a href="#pg063">63</a>, <a href= +"#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a href= +"#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Charing, <a href="#pg350">350</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles IV., the Emperor, <a href="#pg364">364</a>, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles IV., the Fair, King of France, <a href= +"#pg295">295</a>-298, <a href="#pg324">324</a>-326.</li> + +<li>Charles V., King of France, <a href="#pg403">403</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>, <a href="#pg408">408</a>-412, <a href= +"#pg414">414</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles of Anjou, younger brother of Louis IX., Count of +Provence and Charles I., King of Sicily, <a href="#pg064">64</a>, +<a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>, <a href= +"#pg139">139</a>, <a href="#pg143">143</a>, <a href= +"#pg144">144</a>, <a href="#pg169">169</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles the Bad, Count of Evreux and King of Navarre, <a href= +"#pg385">385</a>-387, <a href="#pg394">394</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg398">398</a>, <a href= +"#pg400">400</a>-404, <a href="#pg411">411</a>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>, <a href="#pg460">460</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles of Blois, claimant to Duchy of Brittany, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>-354, <a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href= +"#pg368">368</a>, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>, <a href="#pg388">388</a>, <a href= +"#pg393">393</a>, <a href="#pg401">401</a>, <a href= +"#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles of La Cerda, <a href="#pg384">384</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles of Moravia, King of the Romans, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>; + +<ul> +<li>See Charles IV., the Emperor.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Charles, Duke of Normandy, <a href="#pg390">390</a>, <a href= +"#pg391">391</a>, <a href="#pg394">394</a>, <a href= +"#pg396">396</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also Charles V., King of France.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Charles of Salerno, afterwards Charles II. of Sicily, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>, <a href="#pg171">171</a>.</li> + +<li>Charles, Count ofValois, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg296">296</a>, <a href="#pg297">297</a>, <a href= +"#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg325">325</a>.</li> + +<li>Charlemagne, <a href="#pg326">326</a>.</li> + +<li>Charlton, Tohn, lord of Powys, <a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a +href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Charltons of Powys, the, <a href="#pg306">306</a>, <a href= +"#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>Charter, the Great, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href= +"#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg101">101</a>, +<a href="#pg115">115</a>, <a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg203">203</a>, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href= +"#pg244">244</a>, <a href="#pg247">247</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the forest, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, +<a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>;</li> + +<li>Rolls, the, <a href="#pg445">445</a>, see Rolls.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Charterhouse, the London, <a href="#pg375">375</a>.</li> + +<li>Charters, confirmations of the, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a +href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href= +"#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg029">29</a>, <a href="#pg040">40</a>, +<a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg205">205</a>, <a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a href= +"#pg209">209</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href= +"#pg219">219</a>; + +<ul> +<li>of London. <a href="#pg134">134</a>:</li> + +<li><i>Carta Mercatoria</i>, <a href="#pg225">225</a>;</li> + +<li>as sources for history, <a href="#pg444">444</a>, <a href= +"#pg445">445</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Chartley, <a href="#pg130">130</a>.</li> + +<li>Chartres, <a href="#pg396">396</a>.</li> + +<li>Chateauneuf, <a href="#pg358">358</a>.</li> + +<li>Chateauroux, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Chatelherault, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Chaucer, Geoffrey, <a href="#pg310">310</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg421">421</a>-424, <a href= +"#pg426">426</a>, <a href="#pg427">427</a>, <a href= +"#pg441">441</a>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Chauvigny, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Chaworth, Payne of, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Cheapside, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Chepstow, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Cher, the river, <a href="#pg388">388</a>, <a href= +"#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Cherbourg, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href= +"#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Cheshire, <a href="#pg074">74</a>-76, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, +<a href="#pg132">132</a>, <a href="#pg224">224</a>, <a href= +"#pg278">278</a>, <a href="#pg428">428</a>, <a href= +"#pg447">447</a>; + +<ul> +<li>palatine earldom of, <a href="#pg014">14</a>, <a href= +"#pg024">24</a>;</li> + +<li>palatine courts of, <a href="#pg167">167</a>;</li> + +<li>records of county palatine of, <a href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Chester, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg242">242</a>, <a +href="#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Chester, Edward, Earl of. See Edward I., Edward II. and Edward +III.</li> + +<li>Chester, John de Lacy, Constable of. See Lacy.</li> + +<li>Chester, John the Scot, Exl of, <a href="#pg042">42</a>, <a +href="#pg046">46</a>, <a href="#pg179">179</a>. See also +Huntingdon.</li> + +<li>Chester, Simon de Montbrt, Earl of. See Leicester.</li> + +<li>Chester, Randolph Blundeville, Earl of, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, +<a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href= +"#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg010">10</a>, <a +href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg017">17</a>, <a href= +"#pg021">21</a>, <a href="#pg022">22</a>, <a href= +"#pg024">24</a>-26, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href= +"#pg035">35</a>, <a href="#pg041">41</a> <a href="#pg042">42</a>, +<a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href="#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>Chesterfield, battle of, <a href="#pg130">130</a>.</li> + +<li>Chichester,<a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>Chichester, Bishops of. See Berkstead, Stephen; Neville, Ralth, +and Stratford, Robert.</li> + +<li>Chilham, barony of, Kenf, <a href="#pg316">316</a>.</li> + +<li>Chilterns, the, <a href="#pg129">129</a>.</li> + +<li>Chinon, <a href="#pg063">63</a>.</li> + +<li>Chirk, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Chirk, Roger Mortimer of. See Mortimer, Roger, of Chirk.</li> + +<li>Christchurch Castle, <a href="#pg222">222</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Christopher, The</i>, <a href="#pg335">335</a>, <a href= +"#pg345">345</a>, <a href="#pg346">346</a>.</li> + +<li>Chroniclers, the, <a href="#pg093">93</a>-95, <a href= +"#pg419">419</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>.</li> + +<li>Chronicles as sources of history, <a href="#pg443">443</a>, <a +href="#pg451">451</a>-460.</li> + +<li>Cinque Ports, the, I, <a href="#pg007">7</a>, <a href= +"#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>-115, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, <a href= +"#pg129">129</a>, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg186">186</a>, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href= +"#pg252">252</a>, <a href="#pg282">282</a>.</li> + +<li>Cirencester, <a href="#pg284">284</a>.</li> + +<li>Cistercian, nuns of Eastminster, <a href="#pg310">310</a>; + +<ul> +<li>monks of Whalley, <a href="#pg316">316</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cistercians, the, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a href= +"#pg060">60</a>, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, +<a href="#pg375">375</a>, <a href="#pg376">376</a>.</li> + +<li>Clare Castle, <a href="#pg115">115</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the house of, <a href="#pg133">133</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Clare, Eleanor de, <a href="#pg278">278</a>. See Despenser +Eleanor de.</li> + +<li>Clare, Elizabeth of, <a href="#pg279">279</a>, <a href= +"#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Clare, Gilbert of, Earl of Gloucester. See Gloucester.</li> + +<li>Clare, Margaret of, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>.</li> + +<li>Clare, Richard of, Earl of Gloucester. See Gloucester.</li> + +<li>Clarence, Duchy of, <a href="#pg429">429</a>. See Lionel of +Antwerp.</li> + +<li>Clarendon, <a href="#pg178">178</a>.</li> + +<li>Clares, the poor, <a href="#pg309">309</a>.</li> + +<li>Clark's, G. T., <i>Mediæval Military Architecture</i>, <a +href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Clark's, J. W., Observances <i>in</i> use <i>at Barnwell +Priory</i>, <a href="#pg150">150</a>.</li> + +<li>Clement IV., Pope, <a href="#pg092">92</a>, <a href= +"#pg121">121</a>, <a href="#pg135">135</a>.</li> + +<li>Clement V., Pope, <a href="#pg229">229</a>-231, <a href= +"#pg233">233</a>, <a href="#pg234">234</a>, <a href= +"#pg241">241</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>-256.</li> + +<li>Clement VI., Pope, <a href="#pg348">348</a>, <a href= +"#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Clergy, taxation of the, <a href="#pg195">195</a>, <a href= +"#pg219">219</a>, <a href="#pg230">230</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Clericis laicos</i>, the bull, <a href="#pg200">200</a>, <a +href="#pg201">201</a>, <a href="#pg203">203</a>, <a href= +"#pg208">208</a>, <a href="#pg222">222</a>, <a href= +"#pg223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Clerkenwell, <a href="#pg108">108</a>.</li> + +<li>Clermont, Marshal, <a href="#pg390">390</a>, <a href= +"#pg391">391</a>.</li> + +<li>Cleves, Count Of, <a href="#pg332">332</a>.</li> + +<li>Clifford, Robert, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href= +"#pg250">250</a>.</li> + +<li>Clifford, Roger, <a href="#pg285">285</a>, <a href= +"#pg286">286</a>. Cliffords, the, <a href="#pg001">1</a>.</li> + +<li>Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon. See Huntingdon.</li> + +<li>Clisson, Oliver de, <a href="#pg401">401</a>.</li> + +<li>Cloth, manufacture of English, <a href="#pg427">427</a>.</li> + +<li>Clydesdale, <a href="#pg205">205</a>.</li> + +<li>Clwyd, the river, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href= +"#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Clun, <a href="#pg167">167</a>, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Cobham, Thomas of, Archbishop elect of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg256">256</a>.</li> + +<li>Coblenz, <a href="#pg335">335</a>, <a href= +"#pg336">336</a>.</li> + +<li>Cocherel, battle of, <a href="#pg401">401</a>.</li> + +<li>Cog Thomas, the, <a href="#pg384">384</a>.</li> + +<li>Coggeshall's <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>, <a +href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Cognac, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Coinage, <a href="#pg175">175</a>.</li> + +<li>Colchester, Castle of, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Coldstream, <a href="#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Colleges, growth of, <a href="#pg093">93</a>, <a href= +"#pg375">375</a>, <a href="#pg376">376</a>.</li> + +<li>Cologne, <a href="#pg092">92</a>, <a href= +"#pg335">335</a>.</li> + +<li>Cologne, Archbishop of, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href= +"#pg080">80</a>, <a href="#pg335">335</a>.</li> + +<li>Colons, faction of the, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a href= +"#pg074">74</a>.</li> + +<li>Commerce under Edward III., <a href="#pg311">311</a>, <a href= +"#pg427">427</a>.</li> + +<li>Comminges, Counts of, <a href="#pg073">73</a>.</li> + +<li>Commons, house of, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, <a href= +"#pg243">243</a>.</li> + +<li>Companies, the free, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>, <a href="#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>Company, the White, <a href="#pg403">403</a>.</li> + +<li>Compiègne, <a href="#pg328">328</a>.</li> + +<li>Compostella, <a href="#pg201">201</a>, <a href= +"#pg259">259</a>.</li> + +<li>Comyn, John, the elder, lord of Badenoch, <a href= +"#pg180">180</a>, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>.</li> + +<li>Comyn, John, of Badenoch, the younger, or the Red, regent of +Scotland, <a href="#pg217">217</a>, <a href="#pg225">225</a>, <a +href="#pg226">226</a>, <a href="#pg233">233</a>, <a href= +"#pg257">257</a>, <a href="#pg263">263</a>.</li> + +<li>Comyn, John, of Buchan. See Buchan, Earl of.</li> + +<li>Confirmation of the charters, <a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a +href="#pg209">209</a>. See Charters.</li> + +<li>Conisborough Castle, <a href="#pg149">149</a>, <a href= +"#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Connaught, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href="#pg046">46</a>, <a +href="#pg271">271</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>.</li> + +<li>Connaught, Phelim O'Connor, King of, <a href="#pg271">271</a>, +<a href="#pg272">272</a>.</li> + +<li>Connaught, King of, <a href="#pg037">37</a>.</li> + +<li>Conrad, son of Frederick II., <a href="#pg078">78</a>.</li> + +<li>Conservators of the Peace, <a href="#pg119">119</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Consilium ordinarium</i>, the, <a href="#pg029">29</a>.</li> + +<li>Constable, office of, <a href="#pg202">202</a>, <a href= +"#pg204">204</a>, <a href="#pg209">209</a>.</li> + +<li>Constance of Brittany, <a href="#pg036">36</a>.</li> + +<li>Constance of Castile, daughter of Peter the Cruel, wife of +John, Duke of Lancaster, <a href="#pg430">430</a>, <a href= +"#pg431">431</a>,</li> + +<li>Convocation, <a href="#pg440">440</a>.</li> + +<li>Conway, the river, <a href="#pg068">68</a>, <a href= +"#pg077">77</a>, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg162">162</a>, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Corfe Castle, <a href="#pg303">303</a>, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Cormeilles, Abbey of, <a href="#pg400">400</a>.</li> + +<li>Cornet Castle, <a href="#pg415">415</a>,</li> + +<li>Cornouailles, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Cornwall, <a href="#pg241">241</a>; + +<ul> +<li>earldom of, <a href="#pg224">224</a>, <a href="#pg242">242</a>, +<a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a href="#pg278">278</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cornwall, Dunstanville, Earls of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>.</li> + +<li style="list-style: none">See Dunstanville.</li> + +<li>Cornwall, Edmund, Earl of. See Edmund.</li> + +<li>Cornwall, Edward, Duke of. See Edward, the Black Prince.</li> + +<li>Cornwall, John of Eltham, Earl of. See John.</li> + +<li>Cornwall, Peter GavestOn, Earl of. See Gaveston.</li> + +<li>Cornwall, Richard, Earl of. See Richard.</li> + +<li>Corte Nuova, battle of, <a href="#pg061">61</a>.</li> + +<li>Cosneau's <i>Grands Traités de la Guerre de Cent +Ans</i>, <a href="#pg451">451</a>.</li> + +<li>Côtentin, the, <a href="#pg359">359</a>, <a href= +"#pg387">387</a>, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Cotton, Bartholomew's <i>Historia Anglicana</i>, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Coucy, Enguerrand de, <a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>Councils, General, at Lyons, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, <a href= +"#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Court of King's Bench, records of, <a href="#pg447">447</a>, <a +href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>Court of Common Pleas, records of, <a href= +"#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Court of the County, IOI, <a href="#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Courts of Chancery and Exchequer in Wales, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Courtenay, House of, Earls of Devon, <a href= +"#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Courtenay, William, Bishop of London, <a href="#pg435">435</a>, +<a href="#pg439">439</a>.</li> + +<li>Courtrai, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg330">330</a>; + +<ul> +<li>battle of, <a href="#pg221">221</a>, <a href="#pg222">222</a>, +<a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Coventry, Roger Northburgh, Bishops of. See Northburgh, +Roger.</li> + +<li>Coville's <i>Histoire</i> de <i>France</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Craven, <a href="#pg275">275</a>. Crécy, battle of, <a +href="#pg190">190</a>, <a href="#pg313">313</a>, <a href= +"#pg362">362</a>-366, <a href="#pg383">383</a>, <a href= +"#pg385">385</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>, <a href= +"#pg392">392</a>.</li> + +<li>Crécy-en-Ponthieu, <a href="#pg362">362</a>.</li> + +<li>Cree, the river, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Cressingham, Hugh, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg205">205</a>, <a href="#pg207">207</a>.</li> + +<li>Creuse, the river, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Criccieth Castle, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Crockart, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Crossbowmen, Genoese, <a href="#pg363">363</a>, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>.</li> + +<li>Crotoy, Le, <a href="#pg367">367</a>. Crusades, the, <a href= +"#pg011">11</a>, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg027">27</a>, +<a href="#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href= +"#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg058">58</a>, +<a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href="#pg069">69</a>, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg088">88</a>, +<a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg139">139</a>, <a href= +"#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href= +"#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a href= +"#pg184">184</a>, <a href="#pg232">232</a>, <a href= +"#pg234">234</a>, <a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>, <a href="#pg330">330</a>, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>.</li> + +<li>Crutched friars, the, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Cumberland, <a href="#pg258">258</a>, <a href="#pg285">285</a>, +<a href="#pg290">290</a>, <a href="#pg319">319</a>. Cunningham's, +W., <i>Growth of English Industry,</i> <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Curzon, Robert, <a href="#pg089">89</a>, go.</li> + +<li>Customs, <a href="#pg244">244</a>. "Custom, the Great and +Ancient," <a href="#pg147">147</a>; "the New and Small," <a href= +"#pg225">225</a>. Cuvelier's <i>Vie de Bertrand de Guesclin, <a +href="#pg460">460</a>.</i></li> + +<li>Cymry, the, <a href="#pg188">188</a>. See also Wales.</li> + +<li>Cyprus, <a href="#pg419">419</a>.</li> + +<li>Cyprus, Lusignan kings of, <a href="#pg403">403</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Dagworth, Sir Thomas, <a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href= +"#pg368">368</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>, <a href= +"#pg382">382</a>.<a name="D" id="D" /></li> + +<li>Damietta, Crusade of, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href= +"#pg019">19</a>.</li> + +<li>Damietta, Archbishop of. See Roches; + +<ul> +<li>Peter des, <a href="#pg020">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Damme, <a href="#pg211">211</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Dampierre, Guy, Count of Flanders. See Guy.</li> + +<li>Dancaster, John, <a href="#pg384">384</a>.</li> + +<li>Dante, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li>Darlington, John of, Archbishop of Dublin, <a href= +"#pg099">99</a>.</li> + +<li>David I., King of Scots, <a href="#pg228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>David II., son of Robert Bruce, King of Scots, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg315">315</a>, <a href= +"#pg320">320</a>, <a href="#pg323">323</a>, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>, <a href="#pg365">365</a>, <a href= +"#pg368">368</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>.</li> + +<li>David I., an Llewelyn, Prince of Wales, <a href= +"#pg068">68</a>, <a href="#pg075">75</a>.</li> + +<li>David II., ap Griffith, Prince of Wales, <a href= +"#pg075">75</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>, <a href= +"#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a href= +"#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>David, Earl of Huntingdon. See Huntingdon.</li> + +<li>David of Strathbolgie, Earl of Athol. See Athol.</li> + +<li>Dax, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Dean, Forest of, <a href="#pg124">124</a>.</li> + +<li>"Decorated" style of architecture, 96</li> + +<li>Deddington, <a href="#pg250">250</a>, <a href="#pg251">251</a>, +<a href="#pg272">272</a>.</li> + +<li>Deganwy, Castle of, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg077">77</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>.</li> + +<li>Delisle's <i>Histoire de Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte,</i> <a +href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Denbigh, town, lordship and castle of, <a href= +"#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Denifle's <i>Désolation des Eglises de France</i>, etc., +<a href="#pg463">463</a>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Entstehung der Universitäten</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Déprez's <i>Préliminaires de la Guerre de Cent +Ans, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</i></li> + +<li>Derby, Henry of Grosmont, Earl of, <a href="#pg314">314</a>. +See also Lancaster.</li> + +<li>Derby, Robert Ferrars, Earl of, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a +href="#pg123">123</a>, <a href="#pg130">130</a>.</li> + +<li>Derby, Thomas, Earl of Lancaster and. See Lancaster.</li> + +<li>Derby, William of Ferrars, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg001">1</a>.</li> + +<li style="list-style: none"><a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href= +"#pg042">42</a>.</li> + +<li>Deschamps, Eustace, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li>Despenser, Eleanor de, wife of Hugh le Despenser, the younger, +<a href="#pg278">278</a>, <a href="#pg392">392</a>.</li> + +<li>Despenser, Hugh, justiciar, <a href="#pg100">100</a>, <a href= +"#pg109">109</a>, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>, <a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href= +"#pg120">120</a>, <a href="#pg128">128</a>.</li> + +<li>Despenser, Hugh, the elder, Earl of Winchester, son of the +justiciar, <a href="#pg241">241</a>, <a href="#pg265">265</a>, <a +href="#pg274">274</a>, <a href="#pg277">277</a>-300, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Despenser, Hugh, the younger, Lord of Glamorgan, son of the +foregoing, <a href="#pg266">266</a>, <a href="#pg277">277</a>-301, +<a href="#pg306">306</a>, <a href="#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Devizes, Castle of, <a href="#pg045">45</a>, <a href= +"#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Devon, earldom of, Falkes de Bréauté as warden +of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Devon, Courtenays, earls of, <a href="#pg314">314</a>, <a href= +"#pg435">435</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Dictum de Kenilworth</i>, the, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a +href="#pg132">132</a>.</li> + +<li>Dinan, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href="#pg382">382</a>.</li> + +<li>Disafforestments, <a href="#pg217">217</a>-2l9.</li> + +<li>Diserth, Castle of, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg111">111</a>.</li> + +<li>Disinherited, the (after Evesham), <a href= +"#pg128">128</a>-132; + +<ul> +<li>the, Scotch, <a href="#pg315">315</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>, <a href="#pg321">321</a>, <a href= +"#pg323">323</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Disseisin</i>, novel, <a href="#pg025">25</a>.</li> + +<li>Dolwyddelen Castle, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Dominic, St., <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg085">85</a>.</li> + +<li>Dominicans, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, +<a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href="#pg091">91</a>, <a href= +"#pg251">251</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>.</li> + +<li>Don, the river. <a href="#pg198">198</a>.</li> + +<li>Donaldbane, brother of Malcolm Canmore.</li> + +<li>Dordogne, the river, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href= +"#pg069">69</a>, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, +<a href="#pg357">357</a>, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Dordrecht, <a href="#pg299">299</a>.</li> + +<li>Dorking, <a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>Dorsetshire, <a href="#pg233">233</a>.</li> + +<li>Douai, <a href="#pg343">343</a>.</li> + +<li>Douglas, Sir Archibald, <a href="#pg319">319</a>, <a href= +"#pg320">320</a>.</li> + +<li>Douglas, Sir James, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href= +"#pg277">277</a>, <a href="#pg305">305</a>.</li> + +<li>Douglas, Sir William, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>.</li> + +<li>Douglas, Sir William (at Poitiers), <a href= +"#pg390">390</a>.</li> + +<li>Dover, town and castle, <a href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href= +"#pg008">8</a>, g, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a href= +"#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg040">40</a>, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, +<a href="#pg109">109</a>, <a href="#pg129">129</a>, <a href= +"#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg172">172</a>, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>-194, <a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a href= +"#pg252">252</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>; + +<ul> +<li>straits of, <a href="#pg386">386</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Dovey the river, <a href="#pg075">75</a>.</li> + +<li>Dowell's, S., <i>History of Taxation</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Downs, the north, <a href="#pg116">116</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the south, <a href="#pg116">116</a>,</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Drokensford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Dublin, <a href="#pg269">269</a>, <a href="#pg271">271</a>; +Castle of, <a href="#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Dublin, Archbishop of. See Hotham, William of, Archbishop of, +<a href="#pg211">211</a>.</li> + +<li>Dubois, Peter, <a href="#pg232">232</a>.</li> + +<li>Dugdale's <i>Monasticon</i>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Dumfries, <a href="#pg233">233</a>, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, +<a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Dunbar, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg261">261</a>; +battle of, <a href="#pg187">187</a>.</li> + +<li>Dunfermline, <a href="#pg225">225</a>, <a href= +"#pg271">271</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>, <a href= +"#pg278">278</a>, <a href="#pg317">317</a>.</li> + +<li>Dunkeld, Bishop of, <a href="#pg318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Duns Scotus, <a href="#pg091">91</a>, <a href= +"#pg092">92</a>.</li> + +<li>Dunstable, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>.</li> + +<li>Dunstanville, house of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>.</li> + +<li>Dupplin Moor, <a href="#pg317">317</a>. battle of, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>-322.</li> + +<li>Durham, <a href="#pg275">275</a>, <a href="#pg365">365</a>, <a +href="#pg447">447</a>; + +<ul> +<li>bishopric of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, +<a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>;</li> + +<li>records of, <a href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Durham, Bishops of. + +<ul> +<li>See Bek, Anthony;</li> + +<li>Beaumont, Louis de;</li> + +<li>and Bury, Richard of.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Dynevor Castle, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg168">168</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Earn, the river, <a href="#pg317">317</a>.<a name="E" id= +"E" /></li> + +<li>Eastminster, the, London, <a href="#pg310">310</a>.</li> + +<li>Eastry, Henry of, prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg199">199</a>.</li> + +<li>Ebro, the river, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>Eccleston, William of, his <i>De adventu fratrum minorum</i>, +<a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Edinburgh, town and castle, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href= +"#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a href= +"#pg225">225</a>. <a href="#pg258">258</a>, <a href= +"#pg321">321</a>, <a href="#pg323">323</a>.</li> + +<li>Edington, church of, <a href="#pg422">422</a>.</li> + +<li>Edington, William of, Bishop of Winchester, <a href= +"#pg422">422</a>, <a href="#pg423">423</a>, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>.</li> + +<li>Edmund of Almaine, Earl of Cornwall, son of Richard of +Cornwall, <a href="#pg168">168</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a +href="#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg224">224</a>.</li> + +<li>Edmund, Earl of Lancaster, Leicester and Derby, some time +titular King of Sicily, son of Henry III., <a href="#pg078">78</a>, +<a href="#pg079">79</a>, <a href="#pg129">129</a>, <a href= +"#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>-146, <a href= +"#pg187">187</a>, <a href="#pg188">188</a>, <a href= +"#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Edmund of Langley, son of Edward III., Earl of Cambridge, +afterward Duke of York, <a href="#pg400">400</a>, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>.</li> + +<li>Edmund of Woodstock, son of Edward I., Earl of Kent, <a href= +"#pg278">278</a>, <a href="#pg296">296</a>, <a href= +"#pg298">298</a>, <a href="#pg302">302</a>, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>-309, <a href="#pg428">428</a>.</li> + +<li>Edmund (Rich). St. See Rich, Edmund.</li> + +<li>Edmund, St., of East Anglia, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, <a href= +"#pg053">53</a>.</li> + +<li>Edward the Confessor, saint and king, <a href="#pg053">53</a>, +<a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg240">240</a>. translation of, <a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a +href="#pg135">135</a>.</li> + +<li>Edward I., <a href="#pg136">136</a>-235, <a href= +"#pg243">243</a>, <a href="#pg247">247</a>, <a href= +"#pg262">262</a>, <a href="#pg263">263</a>, <a href= +"#pg277">277</a>, <a href="#pg278">278</a>, <a href= +"#pg294">294</a>, <a href="#pg311">311</a>, <a href= +"#pg315">315</a>, <a href="#pg321">321</a>, <a href= +"#pg322">322</a>, <a href="#pg344">344</a>, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>, <a href="#pg430">430</a>, <a href= +"#pg435">435</a>; + +<ul> +<li>authorities for reign of, <a href="#pg444">444</a>, <a href= +"#pg446">446</a>, <a href="#pg448">448</a>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>-457, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Edward II., <a href="#pg236">236</a>-304, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>-308, <a href="#pg315">315</a>, <a href= +"#pg317">317</a>, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg422">422</a>; + +<ul> +<li>sources for the reign of, <a href="#pg444">444</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Edward III., <a href="#pg229">229</a>, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>-441; + +<ul> +<li>sources for the reign of, <a href="#pg444">444</a>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>, <a href="#pg457">457</a>-460.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Edward, son of Henry III., <a href="#pg071">71</a>, <a href= +"#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg087">87</a>, +<a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a href= +"#pg099">99</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>103, <a href="#pg107">107</a>, <a href= +"#pg108">108</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>, <a href= +"#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href= +"#pg122">122</a>-135. See also Edward I.</li> + +<li>Edward of Carnarvon, Prince of Wales, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, +<a href="#pg179">179</a>, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href= +"#pg204">204</a>, <a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a href= +"#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href= +"#pg220">220</a>-222, <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href= +"#pg232">232</a>, <a href="#pg234">234</a>. See also Edward +II.</li> + +<li>Edward of Windsor, Duke of Aquitaine, <a href="#pg253">253</a>, +<a href="#pg297">297</a>-299.</li> + +<li>Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitaine, called the Black +Prince, <a href="#pg308">308</a>, <a href="#pg314">314</a>, <a +href="#pg335">335</a>, <a href="#pg340">340</a>, <a href= +"#pg359">359</a>, <a href="#pg364">364</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>-393, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg396">396</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>-409, <a href="#pg411">411</a>-413, <a href= +"#pg416">416</a>, <a href="#pg427">427</a>, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>, <a href="#pg430">430</a>, <a href= +"#pg434">434</a>-437.</li> + +<li>Education, <a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href="#pg425">425</a>, +<a href="#pg426">426</a>; + +<ul> +<li>of clergy, <a href="#pg168">168</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Elbeuf, <a href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Egypt, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg074">74</a>.</li> + +<li>Elderslie, <a href="#pg205">205</a>.</li> + +<li>Eleanor of Aquitaine, Queen of Henry II., <a href= +"#pg011">11</a>, <a href="#pg064">64</a>.</li> + +<li>Eleanor of Castile, Queen of Edward I., <a href= +"#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg145">145</a>, <a href= +"#pg165">165</a>, <a href="#pg110">110</a>, <a href= +"#pg184">184</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href= +"#pg316">316</a>.</li> + +<li>Eleanor, second daughter of Raymond Berenger IV., Count of +Provence, Queen of Henry III., <a href="#pg054">54</a>, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg077">77</a>, +<a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg113">113</a>, <a href= +"#pg115">115</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>, <a href= +"#pg128">128</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>.</li> + +<li>Eleanor, younger sister of Henry III., married (1) William +Marshal, (2) Simon de Montfort, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a href= +"#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, <a href="#pg059">59</a>, +<a href="#pg105">105</a>.</li> + +<li>Elgin, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href="#pg225">225</a>, <a +href="#pg332">332</a>.</li> + +<li>Elizabeth, daughter of Edward I., Countess of Holland, +afterwards of Hereford, <a href="#pg223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Elizabeth de Burgh, queen of Robert (Bruce), King of Scots, <a +href="#pg234">234</a>, <a href="#pg265">265</a>, <a href= +"#pg270">270</a>.</li> + +<li>Ellis, Sir Henry, ed. of <i>Chronica I. De Oxenedes</i>, <a +href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Eland, William, <a href="#pg308">308</a>.</li> + +<li>Ely, bishopric of, isle of.</li> + +<li>Ely, Bishops of. + +<ul> +<li>See Marsh, Adam;</li> + +<li>Balsham, Hugh;</li> + +<li>Langham, Simon;</li> + +<li>Hotham, John.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Eltham, <a href="#pg328">328</a>.</li> + +<li>Eltham, John of. See John.</li> + +<li>Englefield, <a href="#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>English language, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>. + +<ul> +<li>in law courts, <a href="#pg380">380</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Eric, King of Norway, <a href="#pg348">348</a>, <a href= +"#pg349">349</a>.</li> + +<li>Escheats, <a href="#pg223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Esplechin, treaty of, <a href="#pg348">348</a>, <a href= +"#pg349">349</a>.</li> + +<li>Essex, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg045">45</a>, <a +href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>. earldom of, <a +href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Essex, Countess of. See Isabella of Gloucester.</li> + +<li>Estates, the three, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a href= +"#pg066">66</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>, <a href="#pg436">436</a>, <a href= +"#pg437">437</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Etsi de statu</i>, bull, <a href="#pg203">203</a>.</li> + +<li>Etaples, <a href="#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Ettrick forest, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Eu, Count of, constable of France, <a href="#pg360">360</a>, <a +href="#pg368">368</a>.</li> + +<li>Eure, the river, <a href="#pg401">401</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Eulogium Historiarum,</i> <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Eustace the Monk, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a href= +"#pg012">12</a>.</li> + +<li>Evans, J.G., his edition of the <i>Red Book of Hergest</i>. <a +href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Eversden, John of, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Evesham, battle of, <a href="#pg127">127</a>-129, <a href= +"#pg132">132</a>, <a href="#pg277">277</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Abbey, <a href="#pg128">128</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Evreux, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href="#pg388">388</a>, <a +href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Evreux, Counts of. + +<ul> +<li>See Charles the Bad, King of Navarre;</li> + +<li>Philip the Bold.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Evreux, Louis, Count of. See Louis.</li> + +<li>Exchequer courts for Wales, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Exchequer records, <a href="#pg446">446</a>, <a href= +"#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Exeter, Bishops of. + +<ul> +<li>See Brantingham, Thomas;</li> + +<li>Stapledon, Walter.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Exeter College, Oxford, <a href="#pg292">292</a>.</li> + +<li>Exports, <a href="#pg143">143</a>.</li> + +<li>Eynsham, Walter of, <a href="#pg038">38</a>.</li> + +<li>Eyville, John d'. <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg132">132</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Fair of Lincoln, the. See Lincoln, battle of.<a name="F" id= +"F" /></li> + +<li>Falkirk, <a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a href="#pg221">221</a>; + +<ul> +<li>battle of, <a href="#pg213">213</a>-215, <a href= +"#pg217">217</a>, <a href="#pg276">276</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Famine, of 1316, the, <a href="#pg266">266</a>; + +<ul> +<li>of wool, in Flanders, <a href="#pg342">342</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Farnham, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg009">9</a>, <a +href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> + +<li>Farrer's, W., <i>Lancashire Final Concords</i>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>Faucigny, <a href="#pg056">56</a>.</li> + +<li>Fecamp, <a href="#pg027">27</a>.</li> + +<li>Fecamp, Peter Roger, Abbot of. See Clement VI.</li> + +<li><i>Feet of Fines</i>, <a href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>Felton, Sir Thomas, Seneschal of Aquitaine, <a href= +"#pg407">407</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Ferdinand of Portugal, Count of Flanders, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Ferdinand III. the Saint, King of Cast&, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg145">145</a>.</li> + +<li>Ferrars, house of, <a href="#pg246">246</a>.</li> + +<li>Ferrars, Robert of, Earl of Derby. See Derby.</li> + +<li>Ferrars, William of, Earl of Derby. See Derby.</li> + +<li>Fife, <a href="#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg317">317</a>.</li> + +<li>Fife, Earl of, <a href="#pg317">317</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Fifteen, the Council of, <a href="#pg100">100</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg107">107</a>, <a href="#pg109">109</a>.</li> + +<li>Figeac, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Firstfruits, <a href="#pg230">230</a>.</li> + +<li>Fitzalan, Edmund, and Richard, Earls of Arundel. See +Arundel.</li> + +<li>Fitzalan of Bedale, Brian, <a href="#pg182">182</a>.</li> + +<li>Fitzalans, the, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>FitzAthulf, Constantine, sheriff of London, <a href= +"#pg022">22</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>.</li> + +<li>FitzGeoffrey, John, <a href="#pg100">100</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Fitzgerald, governor of Ireland, <a href="#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Fitzgerald, Maurice, justiciar of Ireland, <a href= +"#pg048">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Fitzgeralds, the, <a href="#pg269">269</a>, <a href= +"#pg270">270</a>.</li> + +<li>Fitzralph, Richard, Archbishop of Armagh, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>, <a href="#pg439">439</a>.</li> + +<li>Fitzthedmar, Arnold, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>FitzWalter, Robert, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg007">7</a>, g, <a href="#pg013">13</a>.</li> + +<li>Flemings, the. See Flanders.</li> + +<li><i>Fleta</i>, law-book, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Fletching, <a href="#pg115">115</a>.</li> + +<li>Flint, county of, <a href="#pg167">167</a>; + +<ul> +<li>town and castle of, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>, <a href="#pg189">189</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Flodden, battle of, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Florence, <a href="#pg237">237</a>.</li> + +<li>Florence, count of Holland, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Florence of Worcester, Continuators of the <i>Chronicle</i> of, +<a href="#pg455">455</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Flores Historiarum</i>, Roger of Wendover's, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>, <a href="#pg451">451</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Flores Historiarum</i> (fourteenth century), <a href= +"#pg452">452</a>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>, <a href="#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Flagellants, the, <a href="#pg376">376</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>.</li> + +<li>Flamangrie, La, <a href="#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Flanders, county of, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg142">142</a>, <a href= +"#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg204">204</a>-206, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href= +"#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href= +"#pg221">221</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href= +"#pg262">262</a>, <a href="#pg327">327</a>, <a href= +"#pg331">331</a>, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg339">339</a>, <a href="#pg341">341</a>-344, <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>-349, <a href="#pg353">353</a>, <a href= +"#pg365">365</a>, <a href="#pg367">367</a>-369, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg398">398</a>, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>, <a href= +"#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li>Flanders, counts of. + +<ul> +<li>See Ferdinand of Portugal,</li> + +<li>Guy of Dampierre,</li> + +<li>Louis of Male,</li> + +<li>Louis of Nevers,</li> + +<li>Robert of Bethune</li> + +<li>and Thomas of Savoy.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Flanders, Joan, Countess of. See Joan.</li> + +<li>Flanders, Margaret of. See Margaret.</li> + +<li><i>Foedera</i>, Rymer's, <a href="#pg450">450</a>, <a href= +"#pg451">451</a>.</li> + +<li>Foix, <a href="#pg329">329</a>.</li> + +<li>Foix, Count of, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href= +"#pg325">325</a>.</li> + +<li>Foix, Gaston Phoebus, Count of, <a href="#pg397">397</a>, <a +href="#pg406">406</a>, <a href="#pg407">407</a>.</li> + +<li>Fontenelles, Cistercian Abbey of, <a href= +"#pg348">348</a>.</li> + +<li>Fontevraud, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a href= +"#pg074">74</a>.</li> + +<li>Fordun, John, his <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Forests, charter of the, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href= +"#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg126">126</a>. + +<ul> +<li>perambulation of the, <a href="#pg218">218</a>;</li> + +<li>enlargement of the, <a href="#pg247">247</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Fors, William of, Earl of Albemarle. See Albemarle.</li> + +<li>Fors, Isabella of. See Albemarle, Countess of.</li> + +<li>Forth, the, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg207">207</a>, +<a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a href="#pg225">225</a>, <a href= +"#pg227">227</a>, <a href="#pg245">245</a>, <a href= +"#pg261">261</a>, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Fotheringhay, Castle of, <a href="#pg021">21</a>.</li> + +<li>Foulquois, Guy, Cardinal-bishop of Sabina. See Clement IV.</li> + +<li>Fountains Abbey, <a href="#pg021">21</a>.</li> + +<li>Fournier, James, <a href="#pg329">329</a>. See Benedict +XII.</li> + +<li>Fournier's <i>Royaume d'Arles</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>France, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a +href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href="#pg027">27</a>, <a href= +"#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg069">69</a>, +<a href="#pg077">77</a>, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href= +"#pg092">92</a>, <a href="#pg096">96</a>-98, <a href= +"#pg104">104</a>-108, <a href="#pg120">120</a>, <a href= +"#pg121">121</a>, <a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a href= +"#pg138">138</a>, <a href="#pg140">140</a>-147, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>-172, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href= +"#pg176">176</a>, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, <a href= +"#pg184">184</a>, <a href="#pg186">186</a>-190, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>-196, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href= +"#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>, <a href="#pg252">252</a>, <a href= +"#pg253">253</a>-256, <a href="#pg263">263</a>, <a href= +"#pg293">293</a>-298, <a href="#pg304">304</a>, <a href= +"#pg311">311</a>, <a href="#pg313">313</a>-316, <a href= +"#pg320">320</a>, <a href="#pg323">323</a>-368, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>, <a href="#pg374">374</a>, <a href= +"#pg375">375</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>-418; + +<ul> +<li>records of, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>chronicles of, <a href="#pg459">459</a>, <a href= +"#pg460">460</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>France, King of, Edward III. takes title of, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>.</li> + +<li>France, Kings of. + +<ul> +<li>See Philip Augustus,</li> + +<li>Louis VIII.,</li> + +<li>Louis IX.,</li> + +<li>Philip III.,</li> + +<li>Philip IV.,</li> + +<li>Louis X.,</li> + +<li>Philip V.,</li> + +<li>Charles IV.,</li> + +<li>Philip VI.,</li> + +<li>John and Charles V.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Francis, St., of Assisi, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href= +"#pg203">203</a>.</li> + +<li>Franciscans, the, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg085">85</a>, <a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href="#pg091">91</a>, +<a href="#pg117">117</a>, <a href="#pg379">379</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the spiritual, <a href="#pg374">374</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Franks, the Salian, <a href="#pg326">326</a>.</li> + +<li>Frankton, Stephen of, <a href="#pg164">164</a>.</li> + +<li>Frascati, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Fraser, William, Bishop of St. Andrews, <a href= +"#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Frederick II., the emperor, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href= +"#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg055">55</a>, +<a href="#pg058">58</a>, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href= +"#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg066">66</a>, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, +<a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href= +"#pg146">146</a>, <a href="#pg169">169</a>.</li> + +<li>French language, the, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, +<a href="#pg181">181</a>.</li> + +<li>Frescobaldi, the, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a href= +"#pg237">237</a>, <a href="#pg248">248</a>.</li> + +<li>Freynet, Gilbert of. See Gilbert.</li> + +<li>Friars, the, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, go, <a href= +"#pg091">91</a>, <a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the four orders of; <a href="#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>See Austin or hermits of order of St. Augustine, <a href= +"#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Bonhommes, <a href="#pg086">86</a>;</li> + +<li>Carmelite or White, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Crutched, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Dominicans;</li> + +<li>Francisans, <a href="#pg084">84</a>-88;</li> + +<li>— of the Penance of Jesus Christ or</li> + +<li>— of the Sack, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Trinitarians or Maturins, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Froissart, John, <a href="#pg310">310</a>, <a href= +"#pg311">311</a>, <a href="#pg313">313</a>, <a href= +"#pg346">346</a>, <a href="#pg347">347</a>, <a href= +"#pg353">353</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href= +"#pg371">371</a>, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg419">419</a>-421, <a href="#pg424">424</a>, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>, <a href="#pg460">460</a>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Froissart, <i>Chroniques</i>, ed. Luce, <a href= +"#pg460">460</a>; + +<ul> +<li>ed. Kervyn, <a href="#pg460">460</a>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Fronsac, Viscount of, <a href="#pg071">71</a>.</li> + +<li>Funck-Brentano's, F., editions of the <i>Chronique +Artésienne</i> and <i>Annales Gandenses</i>, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Furness, <a href="#pg268">268</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Gabaston, <a href="#pg236">236</a>.<a name="G" id="G" /></li> + +<li>Gaetano, Benedict. See Boniface VIII.</li> + +<li>Galeazzo Visconti, Lord of Pavia, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Galloway, <a href="#pg179">179</a>, <a href="#pg227">227</a>, +<a href="#pg316">316</a>, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Garonne, the river, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href= +"#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg296">296</a>, +<a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg358">358</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Garter, Order of the, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>.</li> + +<li>Gascony, <a href="#pg027">27</a>, <a href="#pg030">30</a>-36, +<a href="#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>-65, <a href= +"#pg069">69</a>-74, <a href="#pg080">80</a>, <a href= +"#pg081">81</a>, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href= +"#pg104">104</a>-107, <a href="#pg138">138</a>, <a href= +"#pg140">140</a>-142, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, <a href= +"#pg145">145</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg168">168</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>-172, <a href= +"#pg176">176</a>, <a href="#pg177">177</a>, <a href= +"#pg186">186</a>-189, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg195">195</a>, <a href= +"#pg202">202</a>, <a href="#pg210">210</a>-212, <a href= +"#pg216">216</a>, <a href="#pg217">217</a>, <a href= +"#pg221">221</a>, <a href="#pg222">222</a>, <a href= +"#pg229">229</a>, <a href="#pg234">234</a>, <a href= +"#pg237">237</a>, <a href="#pg240">240</a>, <a href= +"#pg241">241</a>, <a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a href= +"#pg257">257</a>, <a href="#pg294">294</a>-298, <a href= +"#pg303">303</a>, <a href="#pg304">304</a>, <a href= +"#pg317">317</a>, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg325">325</a>, <a href="#pg327">327</a>, <a href= +"#pg333">333</a>, <a href="#pg334">334</a>, <a href= +"#pg336">336</a>, <a href="#pg337">337</a>, <a href= +"#pg357">357</a>-359, <a href="#pg381">381</a>, <a href= +"#pg384">384</a>-392, <a href="#pg399">399</a>-401, <a href= +"#pg406">406</a>-408, <a href="#pg411">411</a>-415, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>, <a href="#pg446">446</a>. See also +Aquitaine.</li> + +<li>Gaston, Viscount of Béarn, <a href="#pg070">70</a>-73, +<a href="#pg141">141</a>, <a href="#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Gaveston, Peter, Earl of Cornwall, <a href= +"#pg236">236</a>-255, <a href="#pg277">277</a>-279, <a href= +"#pg282">282</a>, <a href="#pg286">286</a>, <a href= +"#pg288">288</a>.</li> + +<li>Gelderland, Duke of, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Genitours</i>, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>Genoa, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Genoese, the, <a href="#pg347">347</a>; + +<ul> +<li>crossbowmen, <a href="#pg363">363</a>, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Geraldines of Leinster, the, <a href="#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Germany, <a href="#pg078">78</a>-80, <a href="#pg092">92</a>, +<a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href="#pg169">169</a>, <a href= +"#pg335">335</a>, <a href="#pg340">340</a>, <a href= +"#pg369">369</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg374">374</a>.</li> + +<li>Ghent, <a href="#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg205">205</a>, <a +href="#pg208">208</a>, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href= +"#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg342">342</a>-344> <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>, <a href="#pg349">349</a>.</li> + +<li>Ghent, Gilbert of, g. See Lincoln, Earls of.</li> + +<li>Giffard, Walter, Archbishop of York, <a href="#pg139">139</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his register, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Giffords, the, <a href="#pg267">267</a>.</li> + +<li>Gilbert of Freynet, <a href="#pg084">84</a>.</li> + +<li>Gilsland, <a href="#pg277">277</a>.</li> + +<li>Gironde, the river, <a href="#pg063">63</a>, <a href= +"#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Glamorgan, lordship of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href= +"#pg047">47</a>, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>, <a href="#pg168">168</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg174">174</a>, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href= +"#pg223">223</a>, <a href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>, <a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a href= +"#pg291">291</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Glamorgan, Lords of. See Gloucester, Earls of.</li> + +<li>Glasgow, Robert Wishart, Bishop of. See Wishart.</li> + +<li>Glendower, Owen, <a href="#pg416">416</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, <a href="#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a +href="#pg019">19</a>, <a href="#pg046">46</a>-48, <a href= +"#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg068">68</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, +<a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg114">114</a>, <a href= +"#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg124">124</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg264">264</a>, <a href= +"#pg268">268</a>, <a href="#pg284">284</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>; + +<ul> +<li>St. Peter's Church, <a href="#pg303">303</a>, <a href= +"#pg304">304</a>, <a href="#pg422">422</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>;</li> + +<li>statute of, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg149">149</a>;</li> + +<li>earldom of, <a href="#pg040">40</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, +<a href="#pg110">110</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>, <a href= +"#pg223">223</a>, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href= +"#pg278">278</a>, <a href="#pg279">279</a>, <a href= +"#pg429">429</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Richard of Clare, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg100">100</a>, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href= +"#pg107">107</a>, <a href="#pg108">108</a>, <a href= +"#pg112">112</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Earl of, Gilbert of Clare, son of the above, <a +href="#pg223">223</a>, <a href="#pg236">236</a>, <a href= +"#pg238">238</a>-242; <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href= +"#pg252">252</a>, <a href="#pg253">253</a>, <a href= +"#pg259">259</a>, <a href="#pg261">261</a>, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg269">269</a>, <a href= +"#pg270">270</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Earl of, Gilbert of Clare, son of the above, <a +href="#pg110">110</a>, <a href="#pg115">115</a>-117, <a href= +"#pg120">120</a>, <a href="#pg123">123</a>-128, <a href= +"#pg130">130</a>-132, <a href="#pg139">139</a>, <a href= +"#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>, <a href="#pg168">168</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>-174, <a href="#pg184">184</a>, <a href= +"#pg188">188</a>, <a href="#pg189">189</a>, <a href= +"#pg202">202</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Ralph of Monthermer, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>, <a href="#pg235">235</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Audley, Earl of, <a href="#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Thomas of Woodstock, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>. See Thomas.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Isabella, Countess of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a +href="#pg013">13</a>. See Isabella, queen of King John.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, Robert of, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href= +"#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucestershire, <a href="#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Gomez, Peter, Cardinal, <a href="#pg330">330</a>, <a href= +"#pg336">336</a>, <a href="#pg339">339</a>.</li> + +<li>Gordon, Adam, <a href="#pg129">129</a>.</li> + +<li>Gothic architecture, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg096">96</a>, <a href="#pg097">97</a>. See Architecture.</li> + +<li>Gough's <i>Itinerary of Edward I</i>., <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Gower, <a href="#pg279">279</a>, <a href="#pg280">280</a>, <a +href="#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Gower, John, <a href="#pg420">420</a>, <a href= +"#pg426">426</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his works, <a href="#pg460">460</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Grampians, the, <a href="#pg245">245</a>.</li> + +<li>Granada, <a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>.</li> + +<li>Grand, Richard le, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg038">38</a>, <a href="#pg039">39</a>, <a href="#pg041">41</a> +<a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg050">50</a>.</li> + +<li>Grandisons, the, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Greek, study of, <a href="#pg091">91</a>.</li> + +<li>Greenfield, William, Archbishop of York, <a href= +"#pg255">255</a>.</li> + +<li>Gregory IX., Pope, <a href="#pg028">28</a>, <a href= +"#pg038">38</a>, <a href="#pg039">39</a>, <a href="#pg050">50</a>, +<a href="#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg057">57</a>, <a href= +"#pg058">58</a>, <a href="#pg060">60</a>.</li> + +<li>Gregory X., Pope, <a href="#pg139">139</a>, <a href= +"#pg142">142</a>, <a href="#pg143">143</a>.</li> + +<li>Gregory XI, Pope, <a href="#pg411">411</a>, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>, <a href= +"#pg434">434</a>.</li> + +<li>Grey, Reginald, <a href="#pg162">162</a>.</li> + +<li>Grey, Richard of, <a href="#pg100">100</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Grey's Sir T., <i>Scalachronica</i>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Grey, Walter, Archbishop of York, <a href="#pg002">2</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his register, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Griffith ap Gwenwynwyn, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>.</li> + +<li>Griffith ap Llewelyn, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a href= +"#pg067">67</a>, <a href="#pg068">68</a>, <a href= +"#pg075">75</a>.</li> + +<li>Griffith of Welshpool, <a href="#pg267">267</a>.</li> + +<li>Grosmont, castle of, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Grosmont, Henry of, Earl of Derby. See Derby and +Lancaster.</li> + +<li>Gross's, C., <i>Select Cases from the Coroners' Rolls</i>, <a +href="#pg448">448</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Bibliography of British Municipal History</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>his <i>Sources of English History</i>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Grosseteste, Robert, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href= +"#pg058">58</a>, <a href="#pg066">66</a>, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, +<a href="#pg081">81</a>, <a href="#pg087">87</a>, <a href= +"#pg090">90</a>-94; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Epistoae</i>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Gualo the legate, <a href="#pg002">2-5</a>, <a href= +"#pg010">10</a>, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a href= +"#pg013">13</a>-15, <a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href= +"#pg290">290</a>.</li> + +<li>Guérande, treaty of, <a href="#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Guernsey, <a href="#pg414">414</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>. +See also Channel Islands.</li> + +<li>Guesclin, Bertrand du, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>, <a href="#pg400">400</a>-402, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>, <a href="#pg405">405</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Guienne, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg327">327</a>, <a +href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>. See also Aquitaine and Gascony.</li> + +<li>Guillon, treaty of, <a href="#pg396">396</a>.</li> + +<li>Guînes, <a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href= +"#pg384">384</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>.</li> + +<li>Guînes, Baldwin of, <a href="#pg048">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Guînes, Count of, <a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>Gurney, Thomas, <a href="#pg303">303</a>.</li> + +<li>Guy of Brittany, Count of Penthièvre, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Guy of Dampierre, Count of Flanders, <a href="#pg143">143</a>, +<a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href= +"#pg202">202</a>, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href= +"#pg211">211</a>.</li> + +<li>Guy of Lusignan, Lord of Cognac, <a href="#pg065">65</a>.</li> + +<li>Gwent, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, <a href="#pg039">39</a>, <a +href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>.</li> + +<li>Gwenwynwyn, house of, <a href="#pg248">248</a>.</li> + +<li>Gwynedd, <a href="#pg012">12</a>, <a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a +href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg077">77</a>, <a href= +"#pg111">111</a>, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg162">162</a>, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>, <a href="#pg189">189</a>, <a href= +"#pg190">190</a>, <a href="#pg414">414</a>. See also Wales, +North.</li> + +<li>Gwynedd, house of, <a href="#pg075">75</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Haddan and Stubbs'<i>Councils</i>, <a href="#pg451">451</a>.<a +name="H" id="H" /></li> + +<li>Haddington, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Hadenham's, Edmund of, <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Haggerston, <a href="#pg247">247</a>.</li> + +<li>Hainault, <a href="#pg298">298</a>, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, +<a href="#pg317">317</a>, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Hainault, Counts of. See John and William.</li> + +<li>Hainault, Countess of, Abbess of Fontenelles, <a href= +"#pg348">348</a>.</li> + +<li>Hainault, Philippa of. See Philippa Queen.</li> + +<li>Hales, Alexander of, <a href="#pg089">89</a>-92.</li> + +<li>Halidon Hill, battle of, <a href="#pg319">319</a>, <a href= +"#pg321">321</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href= +"#pg363">363</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>.</li> + +<li>Halifax, John of, <a href="#pg089">89</a>.</li> + +<li>Hall's, H., <i>Customs Revenue</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Hall's, J, ed. of Minot's <i>Poems</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Hamilton, H.C., ed. of Walter of Hemingburgh, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Hampole, <a href="#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Hampshire, <a href="#pg043">43</a>, <a href= +"#pg333">333</a>.</li> + +<li>Hapsburg, house of, <a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Hapsburg, Rudolf of. See Rudolf.</li> + +<li>Harby, <a href="#pg184">184</a>.</li> + +<li>Harclay, Andrew, governor of Carlisle. See Carlisle, Earl +of.</li> + +<li>Harcourt, Geoffrey of, <a href="#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li>Harcourts, the, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Hardy, <i>Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Harewell, John, Bishop of Bath, <a href="#pg407">407</a>.</li> + +<li>Harlech Castle, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Harry's, Blind, <i>Wallace</i>, <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Hastings, battle of, <a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Hastings, John, first Earl of Pembroke. See Pembroke.</li> + +<li>Hastings, John, second Earl of Pembroke. See Pembroke.</li> + +<li>Hastingses of Abergavenny, the, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Hathern, <a href="#pg274">274</a>.</li> + +<li>Hauréau's <i>Histoire de la philosophie +scholastique</i>, <a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Haverfordwest, <a href="#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Hawarden, <a href="#pg161">161</a>.</li> + +<li>Hawkwood, John, <a href="#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Hay, <a href="#pg125">125</a>.</li> + +<li>Haydon's ed. of <i>Eulogium Historiarum</i>, <a href= +"#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Hearne, <a href="#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Hebrew, study of, <a href="#pg091">91</a>.</li> + +<li>Hebrews, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a +href="#pg176">176</a>. See also Jews.</li> + +<li>Hedingham Castle, <a href="#pg006">6</a>.</li> + +<li>Hengham, Justice, <a href="#pg173">173</a>.</li> + +<li>Henley, Walter of, <a href="#pg094">94</a>.</li> + +<li>Hemingburgh, Walter of, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg186">186</a>, <a href="#pg196">196</a>, <a href= +"#pg255">255</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Hennebont, <a href="#pg353">353</a>. <a href="#pg354">354</a>, +<a href="#pg356">356</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry I., King of England, <a href="#pg278">278</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry II., <a href="#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg014">14</a>, <a +href="#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg074">74</a>, <a href= +"#pg089">89</a>, <a href="#pg395">395</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry III., <a href="#pg001">1-135</a>, <a href= +"#pg137">137</a>, <a href="#pg147">147</a>, <a href= +"#pg175">175</a>, <a href="#pg231">231</a>, <a href= +"#pg237">237</a>, <a href="#pg246">246</a>, <a href= +"#pg254">254</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>, <a href= +"#pg399">399</a>, <a href="#pg427">427</a>, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>, <a href="#pg444">444</a>, <a href= +"#pg451">451</a>; + +<ul> +<li>chroniclers for the reign of, <a href= +"#pg451">451</a>-455.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Henry VIII., <a href="#pg167">167</a>, <a href= +"#pg171">171</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry, King of the Romans, son of Frederick II., <a href= +"#pg033">33</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry II. of Navarre, <a href="#pg144">144</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry II. of Trastarnara, King of Castile, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>-406, <a href="#pg411">411</a>, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry, Earl of Derby, afterwards King Henry IV., <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Henry of Lancaster, younger son of Earl Edmund, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg268">268</a>, <a href= +"#pg276">276</a>, <a href="#pg280">280</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Earl of Leicester, <a href="#pg291">291</a>-293, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>-303;</li> + +<li>Earl of Lancaster, <a href="#pg303">303</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>-308, <a href="#pg314">314</a>, <a href= +"#pg357">357</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Henry of Grosmont, Earl of Derby, then Earl afterwards Duke of +Lancaster, <a href="#pg314">314</a>, <a href="#pg357">357</a>-359, +<a href="#pg383">383</a>-388, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>, <a href="#pg413">413</a>, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Hereford, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg124">124</a>, +<a href="#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href= +"#pg265">265</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>; + +<ul> +<li>earldom of, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Hereford, Bishops of. + +<ul> +<li>See Aigueblanche, Peter of;</li> + +<li>Cantilupe, St. Thomas of;</li> + +<li>Orleton, Adam. Hereford, Humphrey Bohun, Earl of, gg, <a href= +"#pg100">100</a>, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href= +"#pg110">110</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Hereford, Humphrey Bohun, grandson of above, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg174">174</a>, <a href= +"#pg188">188</a>, <a href="#pg189">189</a>, <a href= +"#pg202">202</a>, <a href="#pg204">204</a>, <a href= +"#pg213">213</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a>, <a href= +"#pg216">216</a>.</li> + +<li>Hereford, Humphrey Bohun, son of above, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg223">223</a>, <a href="#pg224">224</a>, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg249">249</a>, <a href="#pg251">251</a>-253, <a href= +"#pg259">259</a>, <a href="#pg264">264</a>, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a href= +"#pg274">274</a>, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href= +"#pg280">280</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>-286, <a href= +"#pg291">291</a>.</li> + +<li>Herefordshire, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a href= +"#pg434">434</a>.</li> + +<li>Heretics, Albigensian, <a href="#pg033">33</a>.</li> + +<li>Hertford, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg309">309</a>.</li> + +<li>Hesdin, <a href="#pg386">386</a>.</li> + +<li>Hewlett's editions of <i>Chronicles,</i> <a href= +"#pg451">451</a>, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Hexham, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>. +Hexhamshire, <a href="#pg223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Higden's, Randolph, <i>Polychronicon,</i> <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Highlands, the, <a href="#pg227">227</a>, <a href= +"#pg228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>Hingeston-Randelph's <i>Exeter Registers</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>History, study of, <a href="#pg093">93</a>, <a href= +"#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>.</li> + +<li>Hohenstaufen, the, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href= +"#pg079">79</a>.</li> + +<li>Holderness, ruled by Counts of Aumale <a href= +"#pg020">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Holland, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a +href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Holland, Florence, Count of, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Hollands, Earls of Kent, <a href="#pg428">428</a>.</li> + +<li>Holy Land, the, <a href="#pg232">232</a>, <a href= +"#pg234">234</a>. See Palestine and Crusades.</li> + +<li>Holywood, John of, <a href="#pg089">89</a>. See also +Halifax.</li> + +<li>Honorius III, Pope, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href= +"#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, +<a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg027">27</a>. <a href= +"#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a href= +"#pg033">33</a>.</li> + +<li>Honorius IV., Pope, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a href= +"#pg171">171</a>.</li> + +<li>Hood, Robin, <a href="#pg042">42</a>.</li> + +<li>Horn, Andrew, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Horstmann, Dr., his <i>Legmda Anglie</i>,</li> + +<li><a href="#pg453">453</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Horwood's, A.J., editions of <i>Year Books</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Hospitallers, the, <a href="#pg255">255</a>.</li> + +<li>Hotham, John, Bishop of Ely, <a href="#pg305">305</a>.</li> + +<li>Hotham, William of, Archbishop of Dublin, <a href= +"#pg211">211</a>.</li> + +<li>Hougue, La, <a href="#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li>Hoveden, or Howden, Roger of, <a href="#pg093">93</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his continuator, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Howlett's ed. of <i>Momimenta Franciscana</i>, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Howel the Good, <a href="#pg160">160</a>.</li> + +<li>Huelgas, las, monastery of, <a href="#pg073">73</a>.</li> + +<li>Hugh, Choir of St., at Lincoln, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.</li> + +<li>Hlugh of Avalon, Bishop of Lincoln, St., <a href= +"#pg019">19</a>, Little a. Hugh of Lincoln, <a href= +"#pg175">175</a>.</li> + +<li>Hugh X., of Lusignan, <a href="#pg065">65</a>. See also +Lusignan.</li> + +<li>Hugh XI. of Lusignan, <a href="#pg065">65</a>. See also +Lusignan.</li> + +<li>Hull, <a href="#pg349">349</a>, <a href="#pg356">356</a>.</li> + +<li>Hulme, a. Benet's, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Humanism, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Humber, the, I, <a href="#pg317">317</a>. <i>Hundred Rolls</i>, +the, <a href="#pg149">149</a>, <a href="#pg446">446</a>.</li> + +<li>Hungary, Primate of, visits Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg019">19</a>.</li> + +<li>Hungerford, Sir Thomas, <a href="#pg438">438</a>.</li> + +<li>Hunter's <i>Leet Jurisdiction of Norwich</i>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Rotuli Selecti</i>, <a href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Huntingdon, David, Earl of, <a href="#pg179">179</a>, <a href= +"#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Huntingdon, Honour of, <a href="#pg022">22</a>.</li> + +<li>Huntingdon, Earl of, John the Scot, <a href= +"#pg022">22</a>.</li> + +<li>Huntingdon, Clinton, Earl Of, <a href="#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Husbandry, Walter of Henley's treatise on, <a href= +"#pg094">94</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><i>Imperium</i>, the, <a href="#pg092">92</a>.<a name="I" id= +"I" /></li> + +<li>Immunities, baronial, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg149">149</a>.</li> + +<li>Indre, the river, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Ingham, Sir Oliver, <a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a href= +"#pg309">309</a>.</li> + +<li>Infantry; + +<ul> +<li>English, <a href="#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg285">285</a>, <a +href="#pg320">320</a>, <a href="#pg362">362</a>, <a href= +"#pg363">363</a>, <a href="#pg390">390</a>.</li> + +<li>French, <a href="#pg383">383</a>, <a href= +"#pg390">390</a>.</li> + +<li>Irish, <a href="#pg269">269</a>.</li> + +<li>Scotch, <a href="#pg207">207</a>, <a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a +href="#pg214">214</a>, <a href="#pg260">260</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>, <a href="#pg320">320</a>.</li> + +<li>Welsh, <a href="#pg126">126</a>-128, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, +<a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>-214, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Innocent III., Pope, <a href="#pg002">2</a>-5, <a href= +"#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg039">39</a>.</li> + +<li>Innocent IV., Pope, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href= +"#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg066">66</a>, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, +<a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Innocent VI., Pope, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href= +"#pg389">389</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg394">394</a>, <a href="#pg396">396</a>.</li> + +<li>Inquisition, the, in England, <a href="#pg255">255</a>, <a +href="#pg256">256</a>; + +<ul> +<li>in the Netherlands, <a href="#pg376">376</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Interregnum, the Great, <a href="#pg143">143</a>. Inverness, <a +href="#pg322">322</a>.</li> + +<li>Iolande, daughter of Peter Mauclerc, Count of Brittany, <a +href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg034">34</a>.</li> + +<li>Ireland, <a href="#pg016">16</a>, <a href="#pg029">29</a>, <a +href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href= +"#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg071">71</a>, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, +<a href="#pg180">180</a>, <a href="#pg188">188</a>, <a href= +"#pg204">204</a>, <a href="#pg235">235</a>, <a href= +"#pg241">241</a>-243, <a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a href= +"#pg254">254</a>, <a href="#pg263">263</a>, <a href= +"#pg269">269</a>-272, <a href="#pg278">278</a>, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>, <a href="#pg309">309</a>, <a href= +"#pg316">316</a>, <a href="#pg371">371</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>, <a href="#pg428">428</a>, <a href= +"#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Ireland, the Butler of, made Earl of Ormonde. See Ormonde.</li> + +<li>Irthlingborough, Northamptonshire, <a href= +"#pg427">427</a>.</li> + +<li>Irvine, <a href="#pg206">206</a>.</li> + +<li>Isabella of Castile, daughter of Peter the Cruel, wife of +Edmund, Earl of Cambridge, <a href="#pg431">431</a>.</li> + +<li>Isabella Marshal, wife of Richard of Cornwall. See +Marshal.</li> + +<li>Isabella of Angouleme, Queen of John, and wife of Hugh of +Lusignan, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a +href="#pg064">64</a>.</li> + +<li>Isabella of France, Queen of Edward II., <a href= +"#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href= +"#pg230">230</a>, <a href="#pg239">239</a>, <a href= +"#pg246">246</a>, <a href="#pg253">253</a>, <a href= +"#pg276">276</a>, <a href="#pg282">282</a>, <a href= +"#pg283">283</a>, <a href="#pg292">292</a>, <a href= +"#pg297">297</a>-309, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg325">325</a>, <a href="#pg327">327</a>.</li> + +<li>Isabella of Gloucester, divorced wife of John, wife of Hubert +de Burgh, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href= +"#pg023">23</a>.</li> + +<li>Isabella, sister of Henry III., queen of Frederick II, <a href= +"#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href= +"#pg073">73</a>.</li> + +<li>Isabella, younger sister of Alexander II., wife of Roger Bigod, +Earl of Norfolk, <a href="#pg023">23</a>.</li> + +<li>Islands, the Channel. See Channel Islands, the.</li> + +<li>Isleworth, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>.</li> + +<li>Isle, the river, <a href="#pg357">357</a>, <a href= +"#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li>Isle de France, the, <a href="#pg422">422</a>.</li> + +<li>Isle Saint-Jean, Caen, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Islip, Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg312">312</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>.</li> + +<li>Italy, <a href="#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a +href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href= +"#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg139">139</a>, <a href= +"#pg229">229</a>, <a href="#pg355">355</a>, <a href= +"#pg369">369</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg402">402</a>, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>James, King of Sicily, son of Peter of Aragon, <a href= +"#pg171">171</a>, <a href="#pg172">172</a>; afterwards James II. of +Aragon, <a href="#pg192">192</a>.<a name="J" id="J" /></li> + +<li>Jaudy, the river, <a href="#pg368">368</a>.</li> + +<li>Jedburgh, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Jerusalem, Latin kingdom of, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>.</li> + +<li>Jerusalem, Patriarch of, <a href="#pg230">230</a>. See Bek, +Antony.</li> + +<li>Jews, in England, the, <a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href= +"#pg077">77</a>, <a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, +<a href="#pg131">131</a>; + +<ul> +<li>expulsion of the, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href= +"#pg176">176</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Joan of Champagne, Queen of Philip the Fair, <a href= +"#pg146">146</a>, <a href="#pg187">187</a>, <a href= +"#pg246">246</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan of Ponthieu, Queen of Ferdinand the Saint, <a href= +"#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href= +"#pg145">145</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan of the Tower, sister of Edward III., Queen of David Bruce, +<a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan, sister of Henry III., Queen of Alexander II. of Scotland, +<a href="#pg023">23</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan, Countess of Flanders, wife of Thomas of Savoy, <a href= +"#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan, Countess of Kent, Princess of Wales, wife of Edward the +Black Prince, <a href="#pg406">406</a>, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan, daughter of Edward III., <a href="#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan, eldest daughter of Charles of Valois, <a href= +"#pg194">194</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan of Acre, daughter of Edward I. and Countess of Gloucester, +<a href="#pg173">173</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>, <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan of Bar, grand-daughter of Edward I., <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan of Flanders, Countess of Penthievre, wife of Charles of +Blois, <a href="#pg353">353</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>, <a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href= +"#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan of Toulouse, daughter of Raymond of Toulouse, wife of +Alfonso of Poitiers <a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href= +"#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg106">106</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan, Princess of North Wales, wife of Llewelyn ap Iorwerth, <a +href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href= +"#pg023">23</a>, <a href="#pg038">38</a>.</li> + +<li>Joan, sister of Richard I., grandmother of Joan of Poitiers, <a +href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg126">126</a>.</li> + +<li>John, King, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href="#pg005">5</a>, <a +href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href= +"#pg014">14</a>, <a href="#pg017">17</a>, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, +<a href="#pg027">27</a>-31, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href= +"#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg046">46</a>, <a href="#pg052">52</a>, +<a href="#pg101">101</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href= +"#pg115">115</a>, <a href="#pg209">209</a>, <a href= +"#pg254">254</a>.</li> + +<li>John, King of Bohemia, <a href="#pg335">335</a>, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>.</li> + +<li>John, King of France, <a href="#pg358">358</a>, <a href= +"#pg378">378</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>, <a href= +"#pg386">386</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>, <a href= +"#pg392">392</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>-<a href="#pg400">400</a>, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>John (Balliol), King of Scots, <a href="#pg177">177</a>, <a +href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href="#pg194">194</a>, <a href= +"#pg196">196</a>, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href= +"#pg208">208</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href= +"#pg232">232</a>, <a href="#pg233">233</a>, <a href= +"#pg257">257</a>, <a href="#pg323">323</a>.</li> + +<li>John XXII., Pope, <a href="#pg089">89</a>, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>, <a href="#pg379">379</a>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>John, Duke of Berri, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>John II., Duke of Brabant, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href= +"#pg210">210</a>.</li> + +<li>John III., Duke of Brabant, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg336">336</a>, <a href="#pg340">340</a>, <a href= +"#pg348">348</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>John II., Duke of Brittany, <a href="#pg107">107</a>, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>John III., Duke of Brittany, <a href="#pg352">352</a>, <a href= +"#pg353">353</a>.</li> + +<li>John IV., Duke of Brittany (Montfort), <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>, <a href="#pg357">357</a>.</li> + +<li>John V., Duke of Brittany (Montfort), <a href="#pg357">357</a>, +<a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href="#pg368">368</a>, <a href= +"#pg381">381</a>, <a href="#pg387">387</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg398">398</a>, <a href= +"#pg401">401</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg416">416</a>, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>John, Duke of Normandy, <a href="#pg345">345</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also John, King of France.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>John of Avesnes, Count of Hainault, <a href= +"#pg210">210</a>.</li> + +<li>John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, son of John II., Duke of +Brittany, and nephew of Edward I., <a href="#pg179">179</a>, <a +href="#pg188">188</a>, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg227">227</a>, <a href="#pg228">228</a>, <a href= +"#pg232">232</a>, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>John of Eltham, son of Edward II., Earl of Cornwall, <a href= +"#pg300">300</a>, <a href="#pg307">307</a>, <a href= +"#pg320">320</a>.</li> + +<li>John of Gaunt, son of Edward III., Duke of Lancaster, <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>, <a href="#pg404">404</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>-413, <a href="#pg415">415</a>-418, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>, <a href= +"#pg434">434</a>, <a href="#pg436">436</a>-441, <a href= +"#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>John of Hainault, brother of William II. of Hainault, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg363">363</a>.</li> + +<li>John of Montfort, Earl of Richmond, <a href="#pg430">430</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See John V., Duke of Brittany.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>John of Montfort, half-brother of John III. of Brittany, <a +href="#pg352">352</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See John IV., Duke of Brittany.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>John the Scot, Earl of Chester. See Chester.</li> + +<li>Joinville, Joan of, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Joinvilles, the, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Joinville's <i>History of St. Louis</i>, <a href= +"#pg016">16</a>.</li> + +<li>Josselin Castle, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Jowel, John, <a href="#pg400">400</a>-402.</li> + +<li>Judges, the, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, +<a href="#pg046">46</a>, <a href="#pg172">172</a>.</li> + +<li>Jülich, Dukes of, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg335">335</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Jurisprudence, Anglo-Norman, <a href="#pg184">184</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Roman, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a +href="#pg337">337</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Justiciar, office of, <a href="#pg052">52</a>, <a href= +"#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, <a href= +"#pg109">109</a>, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>.</li> + +<li>Justiciars. + +<ul> +<li>See Burgh, Hubert de;</li> + +<li>Marshal, William;</li> + +<li>Roches, Peter des;</li> + +<li>Segrave, Stephen.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Justiciars of Ireland. + +<ul> +<li>See Marsh, Geoffrey,</li> + +<li>and Fitzgerald, Maurice.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Justiciars of Scotland. + +<ul> +<li>See Ormesby, William.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Keighley, Henry of, knight of the shire for Lancashire, <a +href="#pg219">219</a>.<a name="K" id="K" /></li> + +<li>Kelso, <a href="#pg178">178</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Kenilworth, Dictum de</i>, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a +href="#pg132">132</a>.</li> + +<li>Kenilworth Castle, <a href="#pg126">126</a>, <a href= +"#pg127">127</a>, <a href="#pg129">129</a>-132, <a href= +"#pg251">251</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>-333.</li> + +<li>Kennington, <a href="#pg440">440</a>.</li> + +<li>Kensham, <a href="#pg007">7</a>.</li> + +<li>Kent, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a href="#pg114">114</a>, <a +href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg316">316</a>; + +<ul> +<li>earldom of, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Kent, Earl of, Hubert de Burgh. See Burgh.</li> + +<li>Kent, Edmund of Woodstock, Earl of. See Edmund.</li> + +<li>Kerry (Wales), <a href="#pg041">41</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Vale of, <a href="#pg037">37</a>;</li> + +<li>scutage of, <a href="#pg040">40</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Kervyn de Lettenhove's edition of <i>Froissart</i>, <a href= +"#pg460">460</a>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Kesteven, South, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href= +"#pg021">21</a>.</li> + +<li>Kidwelly, castle and lordship, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a +href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Kildare, Curragh of, <a href="#pg049">49</a>.</li> + +<li>Kildare, Earl of, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Kilkenny, Castle, <a href="#pg049">49</a>; + +<ul> +<li>statute of, <a href="#pg429">429</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Kilwardby, Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg150">150</a>, <a href= +"#pg431">431</a>.</li> + +<li>Kinghorn, <a href="#pg317">317</a>.</li> + +<li>Kingsford's, C.L., Song of <i>Lewes</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Kingston-on-Thames, <a href="#pg012">12</a>, <a href= +"#pg283">283</a>.</li> + +<li>Kinloss, <a href="#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>Kintyre, <a href="#pg234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Kirk's <i>Accounts of the Obedientiaries of Abingdon</i>, <a +href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Kirkby, John, treasurer of Edward I and Bishop of Ely, <a href= +"#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg184">184</a>, <a href= +"#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Kirkby's <i>Quest</i>, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Kirkcudbright, stewartry of, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Kirkliston, <a href="#pg213">213</a>.</li> + +<li>Klerk, Jan van, his <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href="#pg347">347</a>, +<a href="#pg460">460</a>.</li> + +<li>Knaresborough, castle and town, <a href="#pg250">250</a>, <a +href="#pg273">273</a>, <a href="#pg275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>Knighton's, Henry, <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href="#pg328">328</a>, +<a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Knights, of the Shire, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href= +"#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, <a href= +"#pg139">139</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg195">195</a>, <a href="#pg436">436</a>-438; + +<ul> +<li>Templars, <a href="#pg254">254</a>-257;</li> + +<li>of St. John, <a href="#pg255">255</a>;</li> + +<li>of the Garter, <a href="#pg380">380</a>, <a href= +"#pg381">381</a>;</li> + +<li>of the Star, <a href="#pg381">381</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Knowles, Sir Robert, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>, <a href="#pg394">394</a>, <a href= +"#pg401">401</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>-414</li> + +<li>Knyvett, Sir John, <a href="#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Köhler's <i>Entwickelung des Kriegswesens in der +Ritterzeit</i>, <a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Labourers, Statute of, <a href="#pg373">373</a>.<a name="L" id= +"L" /></li> + +<li>Lacy, Alice, Countess of Lancaster, <a href="#pg224">224</a>, +<a href="#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Lacy, Henry, Earl of Lincoln. See Lincoln.</li> + +<li>Lacy, Hugh de, Earl of Ulster. See Ulster.</li> + +<li>Lacy, John de, Constable of Chester. <a href="#pg042">42</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also Lincoln, Earls of.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lacy, the house of, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href= +"#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg049">49</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>; + + +<ul> +<li>the house of, in Meath, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lagny, Abbot of, <a href="#pg255">255</a>.</li> + +<li>Lalinde, <a href="#pg357">357</a>.</li> + +<li>Lamberton, Bishop of St. Andrews, <a href= +"#pg232">232</a>-234.</li> + +<li>Lambeth, treaty of, <a href="#pg012">12</a>.</li> + +<li>Lancashire, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg219">219</a>, +<a href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg268">268</a>, <a href= +"#pg275">275</a>, <a href="#pg342">342</a>, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>, <a href="#pg371">371</a>, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Lancaster, Alice, Countess of. See Alice.</li> + +<li>Lancaster, Blanche, Duchess of. See Blanche.</li> + +<li>Lancaster, Edmund, Earl of. See Edmund.</li> + +<li>Lancaster, Henry, Earl of. See Henry.</li> + +<li>Lancaster, Henry of Grosmont, Earl and Duke of. See Henry.</li> + +<li>Lancaster, honour of, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg014">14</a>; + +<ul> +<li>town, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>house of, <a href="#pg314">314</a>, <a href="#pg351">351</a>, +<a href="#pg352">352</a>, <a href="#pg396">396</a>, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>, <a href= +"#pg435">435</a>, <a href="#pg438">438</a>.</li> + +<li>records of Duchy of, <a href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lancaster, John of Gaunt, Duke of. See John.</li> + +<li>Lanercost, <a href="#pg234">234</a>; + +<ul> +<li>chronicle of, <a href="#pg456">456</a>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Langham, Simon, Chancellor and Archbishop of Canterbury, <a +href="#pg431">431</a>.</li> + +<li>Langland, William, <a href="#pg372">372</a>, <a href= +"#pg421">421</a>, <a href="#pg423">423</a>, <a href= +"#pg424">424</a>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Langley, <a href="#pg254">254</a>.</li> + +<li>Langley, Geoffrey of, <a href="#pg076">76</a>.</li> + +<li>Langlois, Charles V., his <i>Philippe le Hardi</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Histoire de France</i>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Langon, <a href="#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Langtoft's, Peter, <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, +<a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Langton, John, Bishop of Chichester, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, +<a href="#pg244">244</a>.</li> + +<li>Langton, Simon, Archdeacon of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg011">11</a>, <a href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg050">50</a>, +<a href="#pg085">85</a>.</li> + +<li style="list-style: none">Langton, Stephen, Archbishop of +Canterbury, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg012">12</a>, <a +href="#pg015">15</a>, <a href="#pg017">17</a>-20, <a href= +"#pg024">24</a>-27, <a href="#pg041">41</a> <a href= +"#pg050">50</a>, <a href="#pg060">60</a>, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, +<a href="#pg087">87</a>, <a href="#pg089">89</a>.</li> + +<li>Langton, Walter, Bishop of Lichfield, <a href="#pg185">185</a>, +<a href="#pg219">219</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>, <a href= +"#pg232">232</a>, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg240">240</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>, <a href= +"#pg265">265</a>.</li> + +<li>Language; + +<ul> +<li>English, <a href="#pg094">94</a>-96, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, +<a href="#pg380">380</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>-423, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>, <a href="#pg427">427</a>.</li> + +<li>French, <a href="#pg082">82</a>, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a +href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a href= +"#pg237">237</a>, <a href="#pg347">347</a>, <a href= +"#pg420">420</a>, <a href="#pg421">421</a>, <a href= +"#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li>German, <a href="#pg347">347</a>.</li> + +<li>Latin, <a href="#pg082">82</a>, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a +href="#pg093">93</a>, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg237">237</a>, <a href= +"#pg310">310</a>, <a href="#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li>Scottish, <a href="#pg422">422</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Languedoc, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, +<a href="#pg386">386</a>.</li> + +<li>Laon, <a href="#pg413">413</a>.</li> + +<li>Laon, Robert Lecoq, Bishop of, <a href="#pg394">394</a>.</li> + +<li>Laonnais, the, <a href="#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Lapsley's County <i>Palatine of Durham</i>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>Latimer, Lord, Chamberlain, <a href="#pg434">434</a>, <a href= +"#pg436">436</a>-438.</li> + +<li>Latin-language, <a href="#pg082">82</a>, <a href= +"#pg083">83</a>, <a href="#pg093">93</a>-95, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg310">310</a>, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li>Lavisse and Rambaud's <i>Histoire Générale</i>, +<a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Lavisse's <i>Histoire de France</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Law, study of English, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>; + +<ul> +<li>literature of, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg095">95</a>;</li> + +<li>the Salic, <a href="#pg326">326</a>;</li> + +<li>English, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Laws, Celtic, of Highlanders and Strathclyde Welsh, <a href= +"#pg228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>Lawyers, Italian, <a href="#pg426">426</a>; + +<ul> +<li>English, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Layamon's English version of Wace's <i>Brut</i>, <a href= +"#pg095">95</a>.</li> + +<li>Lechler's <i>Wycliffe</i>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Lecoq, Robert, Bishop of Laon, <a href="#pg394">394</a>.</li> + +<li>Leeds Castle (Kent), <a href="#pg282">282</a>-284.</li> + +<li>Leek, treaty of, <a href="#pg274">274</a>, <a href= +"#pg275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>Lehugeur's <i>Philippe le Long</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Leicester, <a href="#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg119">119</a>, +<a href="#pg277">277</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>, <a href= +"#pg302">302</a>, <a href="#pg307">307</a>, <a href= +"#pg360">360</a>; + +<ul> +<li>earldom of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a +href="#pg129">129</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Leicester, Abbot of, <a href="#pg311">311</a>.</li> + +<li>Leicester, Countess of. See Eleanor.</li> + +<li>Leicester, Henry, Earl of, <a href="#pg299">299</a>. See Henry, +Earl of Lancaster.</li> + +<li>Leicester, Robert Beaumont, Earl of, <a href="#pg055">55</a>, +<a href="#pg056">56</a>.</li> + +<li>Leicester, Simon de Montfort, Earl of, <a href="#pg055">55</a>, +<a href="#pg056">56</a>, <a href="#pg059">59</a>, <a href= +"#pg066">66</a>, <a href="#pg070">70</a>-73, <a href= +"#pg077">77</a>, <a href="#pg080">80</a>, <a href="#pg081">81</a>, +<a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href="#pg087">87</a>, <a href= +"#pg092">92</a>, <a href="#pg097">97</a>-134, <a href= +"#pg136">136</a>, <a href="#pg137">137</a>, <a href= +"#pg265">265</a>, <a href="#pg453">453</a>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Leicester, Simon de Montfort, the elder, Count of Toulouse and +titular Earl of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Leicester, Thomas, Earl of. See Thomas, Earl of Lancaster.</li> + +<li>Leicestershire, g, <a href="#pg114">114</a>.</li> + +<li>Leinster, <a href="#pg037">37</a>.</li> + +<li>Leon, <a href="#pg352">352</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Leon, <a href="#pg431">431</a>.</li> + +<li>L'Estrange, Roger, <a href="#pg164">164</a>.</li> + +<li>Levant, the, <a href="#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Lewes, <a href="#pg007">7</a>, <a href="#pg115">115</a>-118, <a +href="#pg120">120</a>, <a href="#pg127">127</a>, <a href= +"#pg132">132</a>, <a href="#pg137">137</a>; + +<ul> +<li>battle of, <a href="#pg115">115</a>-118, <a href= +"#pg248">248</a>;</li> + +<li>mise of, <a href="#pg119">119</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lewis' <i>Life of Wiclif</i>, <a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Libellus Famosus</i>, Edward III.'s, <a href= +"#pg350">350</a>.</li> + +<li>Libourne, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg357">357</a>, +<a href="#pg392">392</a>.</li> + +<li>Lichfield, Bishops of. + +<ul> +<li>See Langton, Walter;</li> + +<li>Northburgh, Roger.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Liddesdale, <a href="#pg365">365</a>. See also Liddell.</li> + +<li>Liddell, <a href="#pg428">428</a>.</li> + +<li>Liebermann, Dr., works by, <a href="#pg452">452</a>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Liege, William, Bishop of. See William.</li> + +<li>Liege, <a href="#pg057">57</a>, <a href="#pg139">139</a>.</li> + +<li>Lille, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href="#pg343">343</a>, <a +href="#pg344">344</a>.</li> + +<li>Limburg, <a href="#pg332">332</a>.</li> + +<li>Limerick, <a href="#pg049">49</a>, <a href= +"#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Limoges, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a +href="#pg140">140</a>-142, <a href="#pg388">388</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>; + +<ul> +<li>sack of, <a href="#pg412">412</a>, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Limousin, <a href="#pg106">106</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>, +<a href="#pg407">407</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a +href="#pg010">10-12</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href= +"#pg096">96</a>, <a href="#pg184">184</a>, <a href= +"#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg226">226</a>, <a href= +"#pg229">229</a>, <a href="#pg360">360</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Castle, <a href="#pg009">9-11</a>.</li> + +<li>battle of, <a href="#pg010">10</a>-12.</li> + +<li>Cathedral, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.</li> + +<li>parliament of (1301), <a href="#pg218">218</a>, <a href= +"#pg220">220</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>, <a href= +"#pg229">229</a>.</li> + +<li>parliament at (1316), <a href="#pg265">265</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lincoln, Bishops of. + +<ul> +<li>See Wells, Hugh of;</li> + +<li>Hugh, St., of Avalon;</li> + +<li>Grosse-teste, Robert;</li> + +<li>Burghersh, Henry.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lincoln, Richard le Grand, Chancellor of. See Canterbury.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, Gilbert of Ghent, Earl of, g.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, Henry Lacy, Earl of, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a +href="#pg185">185</a>, <a href="#pg188">188</a>, <a href= +"#pg196">196</a>, <a href="#pg214">214</a>, <a href= +"#pg229">229</a>, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>, <a href="#pg241">241</a>, <a href= +"#pg242">242</a>, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, John de Lacy, Earl of, <a href="#pg045">45</a>, <a +href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, Randolph de Blundeville, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg014">14</a>. See also Chester.</li> + +<li>Lincoln, Thomas of Lancaster, Earl of. See Thomas, Earl of +Lancaster.</li> + +<li>Lincolnshire, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Linlithgow, <a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a href="#pg221">221</a>, +<a href="#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Lionel of Antwerp, son of Edward III., Duke of Clarence and +Earl of Ulster, <a href="#pg359">359</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, +<a href="#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg421">421</a>, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>-431.</li> + +<li>Lisieux, <a href="#pg361">361</a>; + +<ul> +<li>battle near, <a href="#pg400">400</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Literature in the thirteenth century, <a href="#pg082">82</a>, +<a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href="#pg093">93</a>-96; + +<ul> +<li>French, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>;</li> + +<li>English, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Literature in the fourteenth century; + +<ul> +<li>English, <a href="#pg420">420</a>-423, <a href= +"#pg427">427</a>;</li> + +<li>French, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Littleton's <i>Tenures</i>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>.</li> + +<li>Llandaff, Bishop of, <a href="#pg174">174</a>.</li> + +<li>Llandilo, <a href="#pg162">162</a>.</li> + +<li>Llewelyn ap Griffith, Prince of Wales, <a href= +"#pg075">75</a>-77, <a href="#pg098">98</a>, <a href= +"#pg104">104</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>, <a href= +"#pg114">114</a>, <a href="#pg115">115</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg126">126</a>, <a href= +"#pg132">132</a>-134, <a href="#pg161">161-169</a>, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>, <a href="#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>Llewelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of North Wales, <a href= +"#pg001">1</a>, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, +<a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg026">26</a>, <a href= +"#pg029">29</a>, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href="#pg038">38</a>, +<a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg046">46</a>-48, <a href= +"#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg057">57</a>, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, +<a href="#pg068">68</a>, <a href="#pg075">75</a>.</li> + +<li>Llewelyn Bren, <a href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href= +"#pg268">268</a>.</li> + +<li>Lleyn, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Lloughor, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Lochmaben Castle, <a href="#pg194">194</a>, <a href= +"#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg290">290</a>.</li> + +<li>Lodge's <i>Close of the Middle Ages</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Logrono, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>Loire, the river, <a href="#pg034">34</a>, <a href= +"#pg388">388</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Lombards, <a href="#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>Lombardy, + +<ul> +<li>cities of, <a href="#pg139">139</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>London, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href="#pg008">8-11</a>, <a +href="#pg013">13</a>, <a href="#pg026">26</a>, <a href= +"#pg041">41</a> <a href="#pg045">45</a>, <a href="#pg057">57</a>, +<a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href= +"#pg097">97</a>, <a href="#pg108">108</a>, <a href= +"#pg112">112</a>-114, <a href="#pg116">116</a>, <a href= +"#pg117">117</a>, <a href="#pg121">121</a>, <a href= +"#pg126">126</a>, <a href="#pg128">128</a>, <a href= +"#pg129">129</a>, <a href="#pg132">132</a>, <a href= +"#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href= +"#pg194">194</a>. <a href="#pg199">199</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg207">207</a>, <a href= +"#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href= +"#pg226">226</a>, <a href="#pg243">243</a>-245, <a href= +"#pg247">247</a>, <a href="#pg252">252</a>, <a href= +"#pg255">255</a>, <a href="#pg256">256</a>, <a href= +"#pg281">281</a>, <a href="#pg282">282</a>, <a href= +"#pg292">292</a>, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg308">308</a>, <a href= +"#pg309">309</a>, <a href="#pg311">311</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>, <a href="#pg360">360</a>, <a href= +"#pg368">368</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg375">375</a>, <a href="#pg376">376</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg396">396</a>. <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>, <a href= +"#pg421">421</a>, <a href="#pg423">423</a>, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>-427. <a href="#pg440">440</a>, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>London, Bishops of, <a href="#pg119">119</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See Sainte-Mere-Eglise, William of;</li> + +<li>Basset, Fulk;</li> + +<li>Baldock, Ralph;</li> + +<li>Courtenay, William.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>London, Mayors of. + +<ul> +<li>See Serlo;</li> + +<li>Waleys, Henry le,</li> + +<li>and Pyel, John.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>London, Sheriffs of. + +<ul> +<li>See FitzAthulf, Constantine.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>London, treaty of, <a href="#pg395">395</a>-397.</li> + +<li>Longjumeau, <a href="#pg396">396</a>.</li> + +<li>Longman's <i>Life and Times of Edward III.</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Longnon's <i>Atlas historique de la France</i>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Longsword, William, Earl of Salisbury. See Salisbury.</li> + +<li>Lorraine, <a href="#pg296">296</a>.</li> + +<li>Loserth's <i>Geschichte des spateren Mittelalters</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Lot, the river, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li>Lothians, the, <a href="#pg225">225</a>, <a href= +"#pg227">227</a>, <a href="#pg263">263</a>, <a href= +"#pg289">289</a>, <a href="#pg321">321</a>, <a href= +"#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li>Loughborough, <a href="#pg274">274</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis, Count of Evreux, <a href="#pg252">252</a>, <a href= +"#pg253">253</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis, Duke of Anjou, brother of Charles V. of France. <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis of Bavaria, the Emperor, <a href="#pg329">329</a>, <a +href="#pg333">333</a>, <a href="#pg341">341</a>, <a href= +"#pg349">349</a>, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>, <a href="#pg379">379</a>, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis of France, afterwards Louis VIII., <a href= +"#pg001">1-16</a>, <a href="#pg022">22</a>, <a href= +"#pg027">27</a>, <a href="#pg029">29</a>-34, <a href= +"#pg246">246</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis IX. (St. Louis), King of France, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, +<a href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href="#pg016">16</a>, <a href= +"#pg034">34</a>, <a href="#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, +<a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href="#pg069">69</a>, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>-74, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>-107, <a href= +"#pg112">112</a>, <a href="#pg113">113</a>, <a href= +"#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a href= +"#pg135">135</a>, <a href="#pg140">140</a>, <a href= +"#pg142">142</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>, <a href="#pg399">399</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis X., King of France, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg325">325</a>, <a href="#pg386">386</a>, <a href= +"#pg394">394</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis of Male, Count of Flanders, <a href="#pg364">364</a>, <a +href="#pg369">369</a>, <a href="#pg398">398</a>, <a href= +"#pg409">409</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Louis of Nevers, Count of Flanders, <a href="#pg327">327</a>, +<a href="#pg331">331</a>, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg334">334</a>, <a href="#pg336">336</a>, <a href= +"#pg341">341</a>-343, <a href="#pg353">353</a>, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>.</li> + +<li>Louth, <a href="#pg306">306</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Earldom of, <a href="#pg278">278</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Louth, John of Bermingham, Earl of, <a href="#pg272">272</a>, +<a href="#pg278">278</a>.</li> + +<li>Louvain, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg350">350</a>.</li> + +<li>Luard, Dr. H. R., his <i>Roberti Grosse-teste Epistolæ</i>, <a +href="#pg449">449</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his editions of <i>Annales Monastici</i>, <a href= +"#pg454">454</a>, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>B. Cotton, <a href="#pg456">456</a>, and <i>Flores +Historiarum</i>, <a href="#pg452">452</a>-453.</li> + +<li>and Matthew Paris' <i>Chronica Majora</i>, <a href= +"#pg452">452</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Luce's <i>Jeunesse de Betrand du Guesclin</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>La France pendant la Guerre de Cent An</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Luce and Raynouart's edition of Froissart's <i>Chronicle</i>, +<a href="#pg460">460</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Lucy</i>, Anthony, <a href="#pg290">290</a>.</li> + +<li>Ludlow, <a href="#pg125">125</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Lundy Island, <a href="#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Lusignan, Alice of, gg.</li> + +<li>Lusignan, Aymer of. See Valence, Aymer de.</li> + +<li>Lusignan, Guy of, <a href="#pg117">117</a>, <a href= +"#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Lusignan, House of, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href= +"#pg063">63</a>, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, +<a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href="#pg108">108</a>.</li> + +<li>Lusignan, Hugh X. of, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href= +"#pg032">32</a>, <a href="#pg034">34</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, +<a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href="#pg065">65</a>.</li> + +<li>Lusignan, Hugh XI. of, <a href="#pg065">65</a>.</li> + +<li>Lusignan (town), <a href="#pg358">358</a>, <a href= +"#pg403">403</a>.</li> + +<li>Lusignan, William of. See Valence, William of.</li> + +<li>Lussac, bridge of, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Luxemburg, house of, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>.</li> + +<li>Lyons, Richard, <a href="#pg434">434</a>, <a href= +"#pg436">436</a>-438.</li> + +<li>Lyons, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg229">229</a>.</li> + +<li>Lyons, Council at (1245), <a href="#pg067">67</a>, <a href= +"#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Lyons, Council at (1274), <a href="#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Lyrics, English, <a href="#pg095">95</a>.</li> + +<li>Lys, the river, <a href="#pg211">211</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Macaulay's, G. C., edition of Gower's <i>Works</i>, <a href= +"#pg420">420</a>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.<a name="M" id= +"M" /></li> + +<li>Mackinnon's <i>History of Edward III.</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Macon, league of, <a href="#pg145">145</a>, <a href= +"#pg146">146</a>.</li> + +<li>Madden's, Sir F., edition of Matthew Paris' <i>Historia +Minor</i>, <a href="#pg451">451</a>.</li> + +<li>Madog ap Llewelyn, <a href="#pg189">189</a>, <a href= +"#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Maelgwn, <a href="#pg189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Maenan, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>Maes Madog, battle of, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Maidstone, <a href="#pg282">282</a>.</li> + +<li>Maine, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg395">395</a>, <a +href="#pg400">400</a>, <a href="#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>Mains. Elector of, <a href="#pg080">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Maitland's, F. W., <i>Memoranda de Parliamento</i>, <a href= +"#pg228">228</a>, <a href="#pg444">444</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Select Pleas in Manorial Courts</i>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Select Pleas of the Crown,</i> <a href= +"#pg148">148</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Bracton's Note Book,</i> <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Le Mirroir des Jistices,</i> <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Select Passages from Bracton, etc.</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Year Books of Edward II., <a href="#pg461">461</a> and Canon +<i>Law</i>, <a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Maitland, F. W., and Pollock, Sir F., <i>History of English +Law</i>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Makower's, F., Constitutional History of the Church of +England, <a href="#pg462">462</a>.</i></li> + +<li>Malestroit, truce of, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Malmesbury, the Monk of, <a href="#pg246">246</a>, <a href= +"#pg256">256</a>, <a href="#pg259">259</a>, <a href= +"#pg266">266</a>, <a href="#pg278">278</a>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Malmesbury, William of, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Malton, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Maltravers, John, <a href="#pg303">303</a>.</li> + +<li>Mandeville, Geoffrey de, <a href="#pg020">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Manfred, King of Sicily, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href= +"#pg079">79</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>.</li> + +<li>Mangonels, <a href="#pg026">26</a>.</li> + +<li>Manny, Sir Walter, <a href="#pg311">311</a>, <a href= +"#pg317">317</a>, <a href="#pg334">334</a>, <a href= +"#pg346">346</a>, <a href="#pg353">353</a>, <a href= +"#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg375">375</a>, <a href= +"#pg408">408</a>.</li> + +<li>Mannyng, Robert, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href= +"#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Mansura, <a href="#pg246">246</a>.</li> + +<li>Maps for period, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Mar, Donald, Earl of, <a href="#pg317">317</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Marcel, Stephen, <a href="#pg394">394</a>.</li> + +<li>March of Calais, <a href="#pg384">384</a>.</li> + +<li>March (of Scotland), Patrick, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg197">197</a>.</li> + +<li>March of Wales, the, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href= +"#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg014">14</a>, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, +<a href="#pg024">24</a>, 10l, <a href="#pg133">133</a>, <a href= +"#pg138">138</a>, <a href="#pg167">167</a>, <a href= +"#pg168">168</a>, <a href="#pg172">172</a>, <a href= +"#pg174">174</a>.</li> + +<li>March of Wales, Earl of the, <a href="#pg306">306</a>, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also Mortimer, Edmund, and Mortimer, Roger.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>March, Edmund Mortimer, Earl of (d. 1381), <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>, <a href="#pg434">434</a>, <a href= +"#pg435">435</a>.</li> + +<li>March, Roger Mortimer, first Earl of (d. 1330), <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>-309. + +<ul> +<li>See also Mortimer, Roger, of Wigmore (d. 1330).</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Marche, Counts of La, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href= +"#pg032">32</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Marche, La, <a href="#pg031">31</a>.</li> + +<li>Mare, Sir Peter de la, <a href="#pg436">436</a>, <a href= +"#pg438">438</a>, <a href="#pg440">440</a>.</li> + +<li>Margam, annals of abbey of, <a href="#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret of England, Queen of Alexander III. of Scotland, <a +href="#pg177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret of Flanders, <a href="#pg409">409</a>, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret of France, sister of Philip the Fair, and second Queen +of</li> + +<li>Edward I., <a href="#pg187">187</a>, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, +<a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a href="#pg278">278</a>, <a href= +"#pg294">294</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret of Hainault, sister of Queen Philippa, Empress of +Louis of</li> + +<li>Bavaria, <a href="#pg333">333</a>, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret of Provence, Queen of Louis IX. of France, <a href= +"#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>-146.</li> + +<li>Margaret, Queen of Eric, King of Norway, and mother of +Margaret, Queen of Scots, <a href="#pg177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret, Queen of Scots, the Maid of Norway, daughter of +Margaret and Eric of Norway, <a href="#pg177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret, sister of Alexander II. of Scotland, wife of Hubert +de Burgh, <a href="#pg023">23</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret, sister of David of Scotland, <a href= +"#pg393">393</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret, Viscountess of Limoges, <a href= +"#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Margaret, wife of Philip of Burgundy, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Mark, Count of, <a href="#pg332">332</a>.</li> + +<li>Marlborough, statute of, <a href="#pg134">134</a>.</li> + +<li>Marseilles, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Marsh, Adam, <a href="#pg081">81</a>, <a href="#pg087">87</a>, +<a href="#pg091">91</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Letters of</i> <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Marsh, Geoffrey, justiciar of Ireland, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, +<a href="#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg049">49</a>.</li> + +<li>Marshal, office of, <a href="#pg202">202</a>, <a href= +"#pg204">204</a>, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href= +"#pg209">209</a>, <a href="#pg214">214</a>, <a href= +"#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg278">278</a>, <a href= +"#pg438">438</a>, <a href="#pg440">440</a>.</li> + +<li>Marshal, house of, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href= +"#pg045">45</a>, <a href="#pg065">65</a>.</li> + +<li>Marshal, the Earls. + +<ul> +<li>See Pembroke, Earl of;</li> + +<li>Thomas of Brotherton, Earl;</li> + +<li>March, Mortimer, Edmund, Earl of March;</li> + +<li>and Percy, Henry.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Marshal, Gilbert. See Pembroke, Gilbert Marshal, Earl of.</li> + +<li>Marshal, Isabella, wife of Richard of Cornwall, <a href= +"#pg061">61</a>.</li> + +<li>Marshal, Richard. See Pembroke, Richard Marshal, Earl of.</li> + +<li>Marshal, William. See Pembroke, William Marshal, the elder, +Earl of, regent of England.</li> + +<li>Marshal, William, the younger. See Pembroke, William Marshal, +the younger, Earl of.</li> + +<li>Martin IV., Pope, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>.</li> + +<li>Martin, papal envoy, <a href="#pg066">66</a>, <a href= +"#pg067">67</a>.</li> + +<li>Martin's, C. Trice, <i>Registrum Epistolarum J. Peckham</i>, <a +href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Mary of Brabant, Queen of France, <a href= +"#pg187">187</a>.</li> + +<li>Maturins, the, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Mauclerc, Peter, Count of Brittany. See Peter.</li> + +<li>Maud, daughter of Henry, Duke of Lancaster, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Maud of Artois, wife of Otto, Count of Burgundy, <a href= +"#pg330">330</a>.</li> + +<li>Maud's Castle, <a href="#pg038">38</a>.</li> + +<li>Mauléon, Savary de, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg031">31</a>-34.</li> + +<li>Mauley, Peter de, <a href="#pg027">27</a>.</li> + +<li>Mauleys, the family of, <a href="#pg252">252</a>.</li> + +<li>Maupertuis, <a href="#pg390">390</a>.</li> + +<li>Mauron, battle of, <a href="#pg383">383</a>, <a href= +"#pg389">389</a>, <a href="#pg390">390</a>.</li> + +<li>Maxwell's <i>Robert the Bruce</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Maye, the river, <a href="#pg362">362</a>.</li> + +<li>Meath, <a href="#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a +href="#pg271">271</a>, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Meaux, treaty of, <a href="#pg034">34</a>, <a href= +"#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Mechlin, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg333">333</a>, <a +href="#pg336">336</a>.</li> + +<li>Mediterranean, the, <a href="#pg330">330</a>, <a href= +"#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Melton, William, Archbishop of York, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>.</li> + +<li>Melrose Abbey, <a href="#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Melrose, chronicle of, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Menai Straits, the, <a href="#pg163">163</a>, <a href= +"#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Mendicants, the, 5 <a href="#pg054">54</a>, <a href= +"#pg004">4</a>-88, <a href="#pg090">90</a>-94, <a href= +"#pg379">379</a>, <a href="#pg380">380</a>. <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>, <a href="#pg457">457</a>. See also Friars.</li> + +<li>Meopham, Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>, <a href="#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Mercenaries, <a href="#pg040">40</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, +<a href="#pg317">317</a>, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, <a href= +"#pg400">400</a>.</li> + +<li>Merchants; + +<ul> +<li>statute of, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>foreign, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a +href="#pg426">426</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>English, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Meredith ap Owen, <a href="#pg076">76</a>.</li> + +<li>Merioneth, <a href="#pg076">76</a>.</li> + +<li>Merionethshire, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Merlin, <a href="#pg268">268</a>.</li> + +<li>Merton, <a href="#pg045">45</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>.</li> + +<li>"Merton, Rule of,", <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Merton, Walter of, <a href="#pg089">89</a>, <a href= +"#pg093">93</a>, <a href="#pg147">147</a>.</li> + +<li>Messina, Archbishop of, <a href="#pg079">79</a>.</li> + +<li>Methven, battle of, <a href="#pg234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Metingham, John of, <a href="#pg201">201</a>.</li> + +<li>Meyer, Paul, his edition of the <i>Histoire de Guillaume +le</i></li> + +<li><i>Maréchal>/i>, <a href="#pg016">16</a>, <a href= +"#pg454">454</a>.</i></li> + +<li><i>Miausson, the river, <a href="#pg390">390</a>, <a href= +"#pg391">391</a>.</i></li> + +<li><i>Michel, Francisque, <a href="#pg445">445</a>, <a href= +"#pg446">446</a>, <a href="#pg459">459</a>.</i></li> + +<li><i>Milan, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</i></li> + +<li><i>Ministers' Accounts, <a href="#pg446">446</a>, <a href= +"#pg447">447</a>.</i></li> + +<li>Minorites, the, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg087">87</a>, <a href="#pg091">91</a>, <a href="#pg455">455</a>, +<a href="#pg456">456</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also Franciscans.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Minot, Lawrence, <a href="#pg420">420</a>, <a href= +"#pg421">421</a>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Minsterworth, Sir John, <a href="#pg413">413</a>.</li> + +<li>Miracle plays, <a href="#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Mirambeau, <a href="#pg036">36</a>.</li> + +<li>Miranda, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Mirroir des Justices, Le</i>, <a href="#pg460">460</a>.</li> + +<li>Mise of Amiens, the, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>.</li> + +<li>Mise of Lewes, the, <a href="#pg119">119</a>.</li> + +<li>Model Parliament, the. + +<ul> +<li>See Parliament.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Mohammedans, the, <a href="#pg019">19</a>.</li> + +<li>Molinier, Auguste, Sources <i>de l'histoire de France</i>, <a +href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Monasteries, <a href="#pg086">86</a>-88, <a href= +"#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg375">375</a>, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Monasticon</i>, Dugdale's, <a href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Monmouth, castle and town of, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href= +"#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Monnow, the river, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Mont Cenis, the, <a href="#pg140">140</a>.</li> + +<li>Montague, Sir William, <a href="#pg308">308</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also Salisbury, Earls of.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Montague; + +<ul> +<li>the house of, <a href="#pg267">267</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Montfavence, Bertrand of, Cardinal, <a href="#pg330">330</a>, +<a href="#pg336">336</a>, <a href="#pg339">339</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfichet, Richard of, <a href="#pg066">66</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfort l'Amaury, <a href="#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfort, county of, <a href="#pg398">398</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfort, Amaury of, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfort, the house of (Dukes of Brittany), <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also John IV. and John V., Dukes of Brittany.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Montfort, the house of (Earls of Leicester), <a href= +"#pg124">124</a>, <a href="#pg246">246</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfort, Henry of, <a href="#pg114">114</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfort, John of, the elder. See Brittany, John, Duke of.</li> + +<li>Montfort, John of, the younger. See Brittany, John, Duke +of.</li> + +<li>Montfort, Peter of, <a href="#pg100">100</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href= +"#pg128">128</a>.</li> + +<li>Montfort, Simon of, Count of Toulouse, <a href="#pg055">55</a>. + + +<ul> +<li>See also Leicester.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Montfort Simon of, Earl of Leicester. See Lester.</li> + +<li>Montfort, Simon of, the younger, son of Simon, Earl of +Leicester, <a href="#pg113">113</a>, <a href="#pg126">126</a>, <a +href="#pg127">127</a>, <a href="#pg129">129</a>.</li> + +<li>Montgomery, castle and town of, <a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a +href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href="#pg040">40</a>, <a href= +"#pg133">133</a>, <a href="#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Monthermer, Ralph of, <a href="#pg223">223</a>, <a href= +"#pg241">241</a>, <a href="#pg264">264</a>.</li> + +<li>Monthermer, Thomas of, <a href="#pg347">347</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Montjoie</i>, <a href="#pg022">22</a>.</li> + +<li>Montmorenci, Matthew of, <a href="#pg192">192</a>.</li> + +<li>Montpellier, University of, <a href="#pg386">386</a>.</li> + +<li>Montpezat, lord of, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg296">296</a>.</li> + +<li>Montreuil-sur-mer, <a href="#pg143">143</a>, <a href= +"#pg216">216</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>. + +<ul> +<li>treaty of, <a href="#pg216">216</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Montrose, <a href="#pg198">198</a>.</li> + +<li>Mont-Saint-Martin, Monastery of, <a href="#pg339">339</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Monumenta Franciscana</i>, Brewer's, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Monumenta Hist. Germanicae, Scriptores</i>, Pertz', <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Moors of Granada, <a href="#pg090">90</a>, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg401">401</a>.</li> + +<li>Moor, Sir Thomas de la, <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Moray, <a href="#pg208">208</a>.</li> + +<li>Moray, Randolph, Earl of, <a href="#pg315">315</a>-317.</li> + +<li>Moray, Sir Andrew, <a href="#pg319">319</a>.</li> + +<li>Morbihan, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Morgan of Caerleon, <a href="#pg015">15</a>.</li> + +<li>Morgan, leader of Glamorganshire rebels, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a>.</li> + +<li>Morgarten, battle of. <a href="#pg262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Morlaix, <a href="#pg352">352</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a +href="#pg363">363</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>. + +<ul> +<li>battle of, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Morley, Robert, <a href="#pg346">346</a>.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, Edmund (d. 1303), <a href="#pg163">163</a>.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, Edmund (d. 1381). See March, Edmund Mortimer, Earl +of.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, Roger, of Chirk, <a href="#pg267">267</a>, <a href= +"#pg284">284</a>, <a href="#pg286">286</a>, <a href= +"#pg293">293</a>, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, Roger, of Wigmore (d. 1282) 76 <a href= +"#pg100">100</a>,, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href= +"#pg111">111</a>, <a href="#pg125">125</a>, <a href= +"#pg128">128</a>-133, <a href="#pg139">139</a>, <a href= +"#pg163">163</a>.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, Roger, of Wigmore (d. 1330), <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg271">271</a>-274, <a href= +"#pg280">280</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg284">284</a>, <a href="#pg286">286</a>, <a href= +"#pg293">293</a>, <a href="#pg298">298</a>-303, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>-309, <a href="#pg314">314</a>. See also March, +Roger Mortimer, first Earl of.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, Roger, grandson of Roger Mortimer, first Earl of +March, <a href="#pg359">359</a>, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, Roger, son of Edmund, Earl of March, <a href= +"#pg435">435</a>, <a href="#pg437">437</a>.</li> + +<li>Mortimer, the house of, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href= +"#pg126">126</a>, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Mortmain</i>, Statute of, <a href="#pg174">174</a>.</li> + +<li>Moselle, the river, <a href="#pg335">335</a>.</li> + +<li>Mountchensi, Joan of, <a href="#pg065">65</a>.</li> + +<li>Mount Sorrel, <a href="#pg009">9</a>.</li> + +<li>Mowbray, John of (of Scotland), <a href="#pg227">227</a>.</li> + +<li>Mowbray, John of, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Murimuth, Adam, <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Myton, battle of, <a href="#pg276">276</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Najarilla, the river, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.<a name="N" id= +"N" /></li> + +<li>Nájera, battle of, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>Nantes, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a +href="#pg352">352</a>-354.</li> + +<li>Naples, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg079">79</a>.</li> + +<li>Narbonne, <a href="#pg386">386</a>, <a href= +"#pg387">387</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Nassau.</i>, Adolf of. King of the Romans. See Adolf, King +of the Romans.</li> + +<li>Navarre, Blanche of Artois, Queen of. See Blanche.</li> + +<li>Navarre, Henry III., King of. See Henry.</li> + +<li>Navarre, King of, Charles the Bad. See Charles.</li> + +<li>Navarre, Philip of. See Philip.</li> + +<li>Navarre, Theobald IV., King of. See Theobald.</li> + +<li>Navarre, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, <a +href="#pg246">246</a>, <a href="#pg401">401</a>, <a href= +"#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>Navarete, <a href="#pg405">405</a>,</li> + +<li>Navy, the English, <a href="#pg012">12</a>, <a href= +"#pg186">186</a>, <a href="#pg187">187</a>, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg344">344</a>-347, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the French, <a href="#pg121">121</a>, <a href="#pg186">186</a>, +<a href="#pg187">187</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href= +"#pg345">345</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>, <a href= +"#pg416">416</a>;</li> + +<li>the Norman, <a href="#pg347">347</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Neath Abbey, <a href="#pg301">301</a>.</li> + +<li>Netherlands, the, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>, <a href="#pg298">298</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg333">333</a>, <a href="#pg346">346</a>, <a href= +"#pg355">355</a>-357, <a href="#pg368">368</a>-370, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>, <a href="#pg458">458</a>, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Neufbourg, house of, <a href="#pg065">65</a>.</li> + +<li>Neufbourg, Henry of, Earl of Warwick. See Warwick.</li> + +<li>Nevers, Louis of. See Louis of Nevers, Count of Flanders.</li> + +<li>Nevers, the Count of, <a href="#pg007">7</a>, g.</li> + +<li>Neville of Raby, Lord, <a href="#pg434">434</a>, <a href= +"#pg436">436</a>.</li> + +<li>Neville, Ralph, Bishop of Chichester and Chancellor, <a href= +"#pg035">35</a>, <a href="#pg050">50</a>, <a href= +"#pg052">52</a>.</li> + +<li>Nevilles, the, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Neville's Cross, battle of, <a href="#pg365">365</a>, <a href= +"#pg367">367</a>.</li> + +<li>Newark, <a href="#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg010">10</a>.</li> + +<li>Newcastle-on-Tyne, <a href="#pg183">183</a>, <a href= +"#pg250">250</a>, <a href="#pg266">266</a>, <a href= +"#pg276">276</a>, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Newport-on-Usk, <a href="#pg126">126</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Nicholas IV., Pope, <a href="#pg171">171</a>, <a href= +"#pg199">199</a>, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Nicolas's <i>History of the Royal Navy</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Nine, Council of, <a href="#pg119">119</a>.</li> + +<li>Niort, <a href="#pg032">32</a>.</li> + +<li>Nivernais, the, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Norfolk, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg447">447</a>; + +<ul> +<li>earldom of, <a href="#pg224">224</a>, <a href= +"#pg278">278</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Norfolk, Roger Bigod, Earl of, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a +href="#pg066">66</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>-100, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Norfolk, Roger Bigod, Earl of, nephew of above, <a href= +"#pg202">202</a>, <a href="#pg204">204</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a href= +"#pg216">216</a>, <a href="#pg218">218</a>, <a href= +"#pg223">223</a>, <a href="#pg224">224</a>.</li> + +<li>Norfolk, Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of See Thomas.</li> + +<li>Norham Castle, <a href="#pg181">181</a>.</li> + +<li>Norman architecture, <a href="#pg304">304</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Normandy, <a href="#pg016">16</a>, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a +href="#pg035">35</a>-37, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href= +"#pg069">69</a>, <a href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, +<a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg141">141</a>, <a href= +"#pg294">294</a>, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg334">334</a>, <a href="#pg345">345</a>-347, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>, <a href="#pg358">358</a>-365, <a href= +"#pg385">385</a>-388, <a href="#pg394">394</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg400">400</a>. <a href= +"#pg401">401</a>, <a href="#pg403">403</a>, <a href= +"#pg414">414</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Normandy, Charles, Duke of, <a href="#pg403">403</a>. See +Charles.</li> + +<li>Normandy, John, Duke of, <a href="#pg353">353</a>. See John, +King of France.</li> + +<li>Normans, the, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href= +"#pg148">148</a>, <a href="#pg186">186</a>, <a href= +"#pg187">187</a>, <a href="#pg345">345</a>, <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>, <a href="#pg360">360</a>; + +<ul> +<li>in Ireland, the, <a href="#pg271">271</a>, <a href= +"#pg429">429</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Norsemen in Scotland, the, <a href="#pg263">263</a>.</li> + +<li>Northallerton, <a href="#pg375">375</a>.</li> + +<li>Northampton, <a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, +<a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href="#pg089">89</a>, <a href= +"#pg114">114</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>. <a href= +"#pg164">164</a>; + +<ul> +<li>parliaments at, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>;</li> + +<li>treaty of Brigham confirmed at, <a href="#pg178">178</a>;</li> + +<li>treaty of, <a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg315">315</a>, +<a href="#pg319">319</a>;</li> + +<li>earldom of, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Northampton, William Bohun, Earl of, <a href="#pg314">314</a>, +<a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg362">362</a>, <a href= +"#pg363">363</a>, <a href="#pg366">366</a>, <a href= +"#pg367">367</a>.</li> + +<li>Northamptonshire, <a href="#pg021">21</a>.</li> + +<li>Northburgh, Roger, Bishop of Lichfield or Coventry and +treasurer, <a href="#pg349">349</a>.</li> + +<li>Northumberland, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg234">234</a>, <a href="#pg275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>Norway, Eric, King of, <a href="#pg177">177</a>. See Eric.</li> + +<li>Norway, Margaret, the Maid of, Queen of Scotland, <a href= +"#pg177">177</a>-179. See Margaret.</li> + +<li>Norwich, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg131">131</a>.</li> + +<li>Norwich, Bishops of. See Ayermine, William, and Pandulf.</li> + +<li>Nottingham, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href="#pg114">114</a>, +<a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href="#pg308">308</a>, <a href= +"#pg438">438</a>.</li> + +<li>Nouaillé, <a href="#pg390">390</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Ochils, the, <a href="#pg317">317</a>.<a name="O" id= +"O" /></li> + +<li>Ockham, William of, <a href="#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li>O'Connor, Phelim, King of Connaught. See Connaught.</li> + +<li>Odiham, <a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>O'Donnells, the, <a href="#pg270">270</a>.</li> + +<li>Oléron, Isle of, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href= +"#pg032">32</a>.</li> + +<li>Oliver, illegitimate son of King John, g.</li> + +<li>Oloron, treaty of, <a href="#pg171">171</a>.</li> + +<li>Oman's <i>History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages</i>, <a +href="#pg462">462</a>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>O'Neils, the, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a href= +"#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Oise, the river, <a href="#pg328">328</a>, <a href= +"#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Ordainers, the Lords, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg247">247</a>-249, <a href="#pg263">263</a>, <a href= +"#pg264">264</a>, <a href="#pg274">274</a>, <a href= +"#pg277">277</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>, <a href="#pg437">437</a>.</li> + +<li>Order of the Garter, the, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>.</li> + +<li>Order of the Star, the, <a href="#pg381">381</a>.</li> + +<li>Orders, the Religious, <a href="#pg084">84</a>-88, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg377">377</a>.</li> + +<li>Orders of Friars, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg085">85</a>.</li> + +<li>Orewyn Bridge, battle of, <a href="#pg163">163</a>, <a href= +"#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Originalia</i> Rolls, the, <a href="#pg446">446</a>.</li> + +<li>Orkneys, the, <a href="#pg179">179</a>.</li> + +<li>Orleans, Duke of, <a href="#pg390">390</a>-392.</li> + +<li>Orleton, Adam, Bishop of Hereford, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a +href="#pg296">296</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>-303, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg350">350</a>.</li> + +<li>Ormonde, the Butler of Ireland, made Earl of, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Ormesby, William, justiciar, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg205">205</a>.</li> + +<li>Orne, the river, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Orvieto, <a href="#pg139">139</a>.</li> + +<li>Orwell, port and river, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href= +"#pg344">344</a>, <a href="#pg349">349</a>.</li> + +<li>Oseney Abbey, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href="#pg057">57</a>; + + +<ul> +<li><i>Annals</i> of, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Oswestry, <a href="#pg167">167</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>O'Tooles, the, <a href="#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Otto, nuncio to England, <a href="#pg027">27</a>, <a href= +"#pg028">28</a>; + +<ul> +<li>legate, <a href="#pg057">57</a>-61, <a href= +"#pg092">92</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Otto, Count of Burgundy, <a href="#pg330">330</a>.</li> + +<li>Ottobon, Cardinal, legate, <a href="#pg128">128</a>, <a href= +"#pg130">130</a>, <a href="#pg132">132</a>-134.</li> + +<li>Ottocar, King of Bohemia, <a href="#pg080">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Ouistreham, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Ouse, the river, <a href="#pg116">116</a>.</li> + +<li>Owain <i>Lawgoch. See</i> Owen of Wales.</li> + +<li>Owen of Wales, Sir Owen ap Thomas ap Rhodri, <a href= +"#pg414">414</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>.</li> + +<li>Owen the Red, son of Griffith ap Llewelyn, <a href= +"#pg075">75</a>.</li> + +<li>Owens College <i>Historical Essays</i>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Oxford, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a +href="#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg046">46</a>, <a href= +"#pg050">50</a>, <a href="#pg057">57</a>-59, <a href= +"#pg084">84</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, +<a href="#pg102">102</a>, <a href="#pg107">107</a>, <a href= +"#pg114">114</a>, <a href="#pg251">251</a>, <a href= +"#pg254">254</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg423">423</a>, <a href= +"#pg431">431</a>, <a href="#pg434">434</a>; + +<ul> +<li>University of, <a href="#pg089">89</a>-93, <a href= +"#pg120">120</a>, <a href="#pg199">199</a>, <a href= +"#pg251">251</a>, <a href="#pg375">375</a>, <a href= +"#pg376">376</a>, <a href="#pg424">424</a>-426.</li> + +<li>Balliol College, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Merton College, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>the Provisions of, <a href="#pg100">100</a>-104, <a href= +"#pg109">109</a>-113, <a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg194">194</a>, <a href= +"#pg202">202</a>.</li> + +<li>parliament at, <a href="#pg113">113</a>.</li> + +<li>Exeter College, <a href="#pg292">292</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Oxfordshire, <a href="#pg250">250</a>.</li> + +<li>Oxnead, John of, <a href="#pg456">456</a>, Pai</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Painting in Westminster Abbey, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.<a name= +"P" id="P" /></li> + +<li>Palatine, the Elector, <a href="#pg080">80</a>, <a href= +"#pg332">332</a>.</li> + +<li>Palermo, <a href="#pg079">79</a>.</li> + +<li>Palestine, <a href="#pg028">28</a>, <a href="#pg134">134</a>, +<a href="#pg135">135</a>.</li> + +<li>Palestrina, Cardinal-bishop of, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Palgrave's, Sir F.T., <i>Parliamentary Writs and Writs of +Military Service</i>, <a href="#pg444">444</a>. + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Documents illustrating the History of Scotland</i>, <a +href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pamplona, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>Pandulf, Papal Legate and Bishop of Norwich, <a href= +"#pg017">17</a>, <a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href="#pg021">21</a>, +<a href="#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg057">57</a>.</li> + +<li>Pantheism, <a href="#pg090">90</a>.</li> + +<li>Papacy, the, <a href="#pg029">29</a>, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, +<a href="#pg088">88</a>, <a href="#pg377">377</a>-379. + +<ul> +<li>See also under Popes.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Paris, <a href="#pg050">50</a>, <a href="#pg059">59</a>, <a +href="#pg069">69</a>, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg085">85</a>, <a href="#pg089">89</a>, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, +<a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg120">120</a>, <a href="#pg129">129</a>, <a href= +"#pg140">140</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a href= +"#pg187">187</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, <a href= +"#pg194">194</a>, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href= +"#pg296">296</a>-298, <a href="#pg326">326</a>, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>, <a href="#pg333">333</a>, <a href= +"#pg334">334</a>, <a href="#pg353">353</a>, <a href= +"#pg361">361</a>, <a href="#pg379">379</a>, <a href= +"#pg393">393</a>, <a href="#pg394">394</a>, <a href= +"#pg396">396</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>; + +<ul> +<li>University of, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg089">89</a>, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>College of the Sorbonne in, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Cathedral of, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.</li> + +<li>parliament of, <a href="#pg141">141</a>, <a href= +"#pg294">294</a>, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg353">353</a>, <a href="#pg413">413</a>.</li> + +<li>treaty of (1259), <a href="#pg104">104</a>-107, <a href= +"#pg140">140</a>, <a href="#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>treaty of (1303), <a href="#pg222">222</a>, <a href= +"#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>treaty of (1327), <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg325">325</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Paris, Matthew, <a href="#pg014">14</a>, <a href= +"#pg040">40</a>, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href="#pg066">66</a>, +<a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg087">87</a>, <a href= +"#pg093">93</a>, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href="#pg435">435</a>, +<a href="#pg451">451</a>-453.</li> + +<li>Parliament, of 1257, <a href="#pg079">79</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the mad (1258), of Oxford, <a href="#pg099">99</a>-101, <a +href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg243">243</a>.</li> + +<li>growth Of, <a href="#pg101">101</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, +<a href="#pg108">108</a>, <a href="#pg248">248</a>, <a href= +"#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li>at Oxford (1264), <a href="#pg113">113</a>.</li> + +<li>at Northampton (1267), <a href="#pg131">131</a>.</li> + +<li>at Bury (1267), <a href="#pg131">131</a>.</li> + +<li>of 1273, <a href="#pg139">139</a>.</li> + +<li>at Westminster (1275), <a href="#pg147">147</a>, <a href= +"#pg153">153</a>.</li> + +<li>of 1283, <a href="#pg164">164</a>.</li> + +<li>at Shrewsbury (1284), <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>at Acton Burnell (1284), <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>of 1289, <a href="#pg172">172</a>.</li> + +<li>at London (1294), <a href="#pg194">194</a>.</li> + +<li>the model(1295), <a href="#pg195">195</a>.</li> + +<li>of the perambulation (1300), <a href="#pg217">217</a>, <a href= +"#pg218">218</a>.</li> + +<li>at Lincoln (1301), <a href="#pg218">218</a>, <a href= +"#pg220">220</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>at Westminster (1305), <a href="#pg227">227</a>.</li> + +<li>of Carlisle (1307), <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href= +"#pg231">231</a>.</li> + +<li>of 1308, <a href="#pg241">241</a>.</li> + +<li>at Westminster (1309), <a href="#pg242">242</a>.</li> + +<li>at Stamford (1309), <a href="#pg242">242</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>.</li> + +<li>of London (1310), <a href="#pg243">243</a>, <a href= +"#pg244">244</a>.</li> + +<li>at London (1315), <a href="#pg265">265</a>.</li> + +<li>at Lincoln (1316), <a href="#pg265">265</a>.</li> + +<li>the Irish, <a href="#pg269">269</a>.</li> + +<li>at York (1318), <a href="#pg274">274</a>.</li> + +<li>at York (1319), <a href="#pg276">276</a>.</li> + +<li>in London (July, 1320), <a href="#pg281">281</a>, <a href= +"#pg282">282</a>.</li> + +<li>at York (May, 1322), <a href="#pg287">287</a>-289.</li> + +<li>at Westminster (January, 1327), <a href="#pg301">301</a></li> + +<li>at Salisbury (October, 1328), <a href="#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>at Northampton (1329), <a href="#pg305">305</a>.</li> + +<li>at Winchester (March, 1330), <a href="#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>prorogued to Westminster (November, 1330), <a href= +"#pg308">308</a>.</li> + +<li>of April <a href="#pg023">23</a>, 1341, <a href= +"#pg350">350</a>.</li> + +<li>of April, 1343, <a href="#pg351">351</a>, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>of 1347, <a href="#pg366">366</a>.</li> + +<li>of 1371, <a href="#pg432">432</a>, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>of 1372, <a href="#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>the Good (April, 1376), <a href="#pg435">435</a>-438.</li> + +<li>of 1377, <a href="#pg438">438</a>.</li> + +<li>of Paris, see Paris, parliament of.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Parthenai, <a href="#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Passelewe, Robert, <a href="#pg043">43</a>, <a href= +"#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Pastaureaux</i>, the, <a href="#pg071">71</a>.</li> + +<li>Patrick, Earl of March, <a href="#pg197">197</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See also March (Scotland), Earl of.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pauli's, R., <i>Geschichte von England</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Pavia, Galeazzo Visconti, Lord of, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Paynel, Fulk, <a href="#pg035">35</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Pearl</i>, the, poem of, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li>Peasants' revolt, the, <a href="#pg424">424</a>.</li> + +<li>Peasants, revolts of French, <a href="#pg394">394</a>.</li> + +<li>Peckham, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg162">162</a>, <a href="#pg163">163</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href= +"#pg184">184</a>184, <a href="#pg199">199</a>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Peebles, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Pell Records</i>, the, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Pembroke, earldom of, <a href="#pg189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Pembroke, Gilbert Marshal, Earl of, <a href="#pg051">51</a>, <a +href="#pg058">58</a>.</li> + +<li>Pembroke, Richard Marshal. Earl of, <a href="#pg045">45</a>-51, +<a href="#pg053">53</a>, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, <a href= +"#pg087">87</a>.</li> + +<li>Pembroke, William Marshal, the elder, Regent and Earl of, <a +href="#pg001">1-18</a>, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a href= +"#pg040">40</a>, <a href="#pg209">209</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>History of</i>, <a href="#pg016">16</a>, <a href= +"#pg095">95</a>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pembroke, William Marshal, the younger, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg016">16</a>, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a href="#pg024">24</a>, +<a href="#pg351">351</a>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> + +<li>Pembroke, Aymer of Valence, Earl of, <a href="#pg234">234</a>, +<a href="#pg235">235</a>, <a href="#pg240">240</a>, <a href= +"#pg244">244</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>-253, <a href= +"#pg268">268</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>-274, <a href= +"#pg276">276</a>, <a href="#pg277">277</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg288">288</a>, <a href="#pg290">290</a>, <a href= +"#pg291">291</a>, <a href="#pg306">306</a>, <a href= +"#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Pembroke. John Hastings, second Earl of that house, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>, <a href="#pg432">432</a>, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Pembroke. William of. See William of Valence.</li> + +<li>Pembrokeshire, palatine county of, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a +href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href="#pg124">124</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg265">265</a>.</li> + +<li>Penance of Jesus Christ, Friars of the, <a href= +"#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Penne, <a href="#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Penrith, <a href="#pg177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Penthièvre, county of, <a href="#pg352">352</a>-354, <a +href="#pg368">368</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Penthièvre-Tréguier, county of, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Perche, Count of, <a href="#pg008">8-10</a>.</li> + +<li>Percy, Henry, grandson of Earl Warenne, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href= +"#pg249">249</a>, <a href="#pg250">250</a>.</li> + +<li>Percy, Henry, marshal of England, <a href= +"#pg438">438</a>-440.</li> + +<li>Percy, Sir Thomas, seneschal of Poitou, <a href= +"#pg415">415</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>.</li> + +<li>Percy, the family of, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Périgord, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href= +"#pg100">100</a>, <a href="#pg358">358</a>, <a href= +"#pg384">384</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>.</li> + +<li>Périgord, Count of, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Périgueux, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg357">357</a>, <a href="#pg387">387</a>, <a href= +"#pg388">388</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>. + +<ul> +<li>bishopric of, <a href="#pg140">140</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Péronne, <a href="#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Perpendicular style in architecture, <a href= +"#pg304">304</a>.</li> + +<li>Perrers, Alice, <a href="#pg434">434</a>, <a href= +"#pg436">436</a>-438. <a href="#pg440">440</a>.</li> + +<li>Perth, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a>, <a +href="#pg225">225</a>, <a href="#pg234">234</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg258">258</a>, <a href= +"#pg317">317</a>, <a href="#pg318">318</a>, <a href= +"#pg322">322</a>.</li> + +<li>Pertz's <i>Monumenta</i>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Peruzzi, the, <a href="#pg356">356</a>.</li> + +<li>Perveddwlad, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href= +"#pg076">76</a>.</li> + +<li>Peter, Cardinal. See Gomez, Peter.</li> + +<li>Peter III., King of Aragon, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>.</li> + +<li>Peter Mauclerc, Count of Brittany, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a +href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg033">33</a>, <a href= +"#pg035">35</a>, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, +<a href="#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Peter of Aigueblanche, Bishop of Hereford, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, + +<ul> +<li>See Aigueblanche.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Peter of Gaveston. See Gaveston.</li> + +<li>Peter of Savoy, Earl of Richmond, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a +href="#pg108">108</a>.</li> + +<li>Peter of Spain, Cardinal, <a href="#pg230">230</a>.</li> + +<li>Peter Roger, Archbishop of Rouen. See Roger, Peter, and Clement +VI.</li> + +<li>Peter the Chamberlain, <a href="#pg119">119</a>.</li> + +<li>Peter the Cruel, King of Castile, <a href="#pg370">370</a>, <a +href="#pg403">403</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Peterhouse, Cambridge, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Peter's Pence, <a href="#pg378">378</a>.</li> + +<li>Petit's <i>Charles de Valois</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Petit-Dutaillis, M., <a href="#pg454">454</a>. + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Étude sur Louis VIII.</i>., <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Petrarch, Francis, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Petrariae</i>, <a href="#pg026">26</a>.</li> + +<li>Pevensey Castle, <a href="#pg117">117</a>, <a href= +"#pg120">120</a>, <a href="#pg136">136</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip II., Augustus, King of France, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, +<a href="#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href= +"#pg023">23</a>, <a href="#pg029">29</a>-31, <a href= +"#pg104">104</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip III., the Bold, King of France, <a href= +"#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg140">140</a>-146, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip IV., the Fair, King of France, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, +<a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a href="#pg186">186</a>-196, <a href= +"#pg199">199</a>-201, <a href="#pg203">203</a>, <a href= +"#pg210">210</a>-212, <a href="#pg216">216</a>-218, <a href= +"#pg221">221</a>-223, <a href="#pg229">229</a>, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>, <a href="#pg256">256</a>, <a href= +"#pg294">294</a>, <a href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href= +"#pg345">345</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip V., the Long, King of France, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, +<a href="#pg325">325</a>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip VI. of Valois, King of France, <a href="#pg311">311</a>, +<a href="#pg320">320</a>, <a href="#pg325">325</a>-348, <a href= +"#pg351">351</a>-364, <a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href= +"#pg368">368</a>, <a href="#pg460">460</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip, Count of Savoy, <a href="#pg139">139</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip, Count of Valois, <a href="#pg325">325</a>. See also +Philip VI., King of France.</li> + +<li>Philip of Navarre, <a href="#pg388">388</a>, <a href= +"#pg398">398</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip of Rouvres, Duke of Burgundy, <a href="#pg400">400</a>, +<a href="#pg409">409</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip the Bold, Count of Évreux, <a href= +"#pg385">385</a>.</li> + +<li>Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, son of John, King of France, +<a href="#pg392">392</a>, <a href="#pg398">398</a>, <a href= +"#pg400">400</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>Philippa, daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, Countess of +March, <a href="#pg430">430</a>, <a href="#pg434">434</a>.</li> + +<li>Philippa of Hainault, Queen of Edward III., <a href= +"#pg298">298</a>, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg308">308</a>, <a href= +"#pg317">317</a>, <a href="#pg331">331</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>, <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg419">419</a>, <a href="#pg420">420</a>, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>, <a href="#pg434">434</a>, <a href= +"#pg438">438</a>.</li> + +<li>Philippine, daughter of Guy of Dampierre, Count of Flanders, <a +href="#pg192">192</a>.</li> + +<li>Philpots, the, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Philobiblon,</i> the, of Richard of Bury, 3IO.</li> + +<li>Philosophy, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Picardy, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Pike, L.O., his editions of the <i>Year Books</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Pipe, James, <a href="#pg394">394</a>, <a href= +"#pg400">400</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Pipe Rolls, <a href="#pg446">446</a>.</li> + +<li>Pipton, treaty of, <a href="#pg125">125</a>, <a href= +"#pg133">133</a>.</li> + +<li>Pirenne's <i>Bibliographie de l'histoire de Belgique</i>, <a +href="#pg460">460</a>. + +<ul> +<li><i>Histoire de Belgique</i>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pisa, Agnellus of. See Agnellus.</li> + +<li>Plague, the. See Black Death.</li> + +<li>Plays, miracle, <a href="#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Plessis, John du, Earl of Warwick, <a href="#pg099">99</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See Warwick.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Ploermel, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg355">355</a>, +<a href="#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Plympton, <a href="#pg026">26</a>.</li> + +<li>Poissy, <a href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Poitevins, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a +href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg053">53</a>, <a href="#pg055">55</a>, +<a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, +<a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href="#pg107">107</a>, <a href= +"#pg115">115</a>, <a href="#pg117">117</a>, <a href= +"#pg451">451</a>.</li> + +<li>Poitiers, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a +href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>, <a href= +"#pg394">394</a>, <a href="#pg397">397</a>, <a href= +"#pg399">399</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>; + +<ul> +<li>battle of, <a href="#pg390">390</a>-392, <a href= +"#pg401">401</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>, <a href="#pg434">434</a>.</li> + +<li>sources for, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Poitiers, Alfonse of. See Alfonse.</li> + +<li>Poitou, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href="#pg025">25</a>, <a +href="#pg027">27</a>, <a href="#pg030">30</a>-32, <a href= +"#pg034">34</a>-37, <a href="#pg041">41</a> <a href= +"#pg043">43</a>, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href="#pg053">53</a>, +<a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href= +"#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg229">229</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg383">383</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, 39, <a href="#pg400">400</a>, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>, <a href="#pg407">407</a>, <a href= +"#pg412">412</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>, <a href= +"#pg416">416</a>; + +<ul> +<li>scutage of, <a href="#pg040">40</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Poitou, Count of, Richard, son of King John, Count of. See +Richard.</li> + +<li>Polain's edition of <i>Jean le Bel</i>, <a href= +"#pg460">460</a>.</li> + +<li>Pole, the house of, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li>Pole, William de la, <a href="#pg356">356</a>.</li> + +<li>Pollock, Sir P., and Maitland's <i>History of English Law</i>, +<a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Polychronicon,</i> Higden's, <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Pons, <a href="#pg064">64</a>.</li> + +<li>Pont-Sainte-Maxence, <a href="#pg328">328</a>, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>.</li> + +<li>Pontefract, <a href="#pg273">273</a>, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, +<a href="#pg281">281</a>, <a href="#pg284">284</a>-286, <a href= +"#pg292">292</a>, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a href= +"#pg304">304</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Castle, <a href="#pg264">264</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Ponthieu, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg054">54</a>, <a +href="#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>, <a href="#pg296">296</a>, <a href= +"#pg297">297</a>, <a href="#pg327">327</a>, <a href= +"#pg333">333</a>, <a href="#pg362">362</a>, <a href= +"#pg363">363</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>, <a href= +"#pg395">395</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Pontigny, <a href="#pg060">60</a>, <a href= +"#pg074">74</a>.</li> + +<li>Pontoise, <a href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Pontvallain, battle of, <a href="#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>Poole's, R.L., <i>Mediæval Thought</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Wycliffe</i>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>his <i>Oxford Historical Atlas</i>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Popes. + +<ul> +<li>See under Innocent III.,</li> + +<li>Honorius III.,</li> + +<li>Gregory IX.,</li> + +<li>Innocent IV.,</li> + +<li>Alexander IV.,</li> + +<li>Urban IV.,</li> + +<li>Clement IV.,</li> + +<li>Gregory X.,</li> + +<li>Nicholas III.,</li> + +<li>Martin IV.,</li> + +<li>Honorius IV.,</li> + +<li>Nicholas IV.,</li> + +<li>Celestine V.,</li> + +<li>Boniface VIII.,</li> + +<li>Benedict XL,</li> + +<li>Clement V.,</li> + +<li>John XXII.,</li> + +<li>Benedict XII.,</li> + +<li>Clement VI.,</li> + +<li>Urban V.,</li> + +<li>Gregory XL.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Port Blanc, <a href="#pg035">35</a>.</li> + +<li>Ports, the Cinque, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href= +"#pg007">7</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>-115, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, <a href= +"#pg129">129</a>, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg186">186</a>.</li> + +<li>Portsmouth, <a href="#pg034">34</a>-36, <a href= +"#pg063">63</a>, <a href="#pg186">186</a>, <a href= +"#pg188">188</a>, <a href="#pg189">189</a>, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg334">334</a>, <a href= +"#pg359">359</a>, <a href="#pg412">412</a>.</li> + +<li>Portugal, Ferdinand of, <a href="#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Powys, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg267">267</a>, <a +href="#pg306">306</a>, <a href="#pg414">414</a>. + +<ul> +<li>Castle, <a href="#pg267">267</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Powys, Charltons of. See Charltons.</li> + +<li><i>Praemunire</i> statute of, <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a +href="#pg378">378</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li>Preachers, Order of, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, <a href= +"#pg087">87</a>. See Dominicans.</li> + +<li>Pressuti's Registers of <i>Honorius III.</i>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Preston, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Prices, rise in, after the Black Death, <a href= +"#pg373">373</a>, <a href="#pg374">374</a>.</li> + +<li>Principality of Wales, the, <a href="#pg165">165</a>-167.</li> + +<li>Priories, the alien, <a href="#pg377">377</a>.</li> + +<li>Proclamation in English, French and Latin, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Prothero's <i>Simon de Montfort</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Provençals, <a href="#pg053">53</a>, <a href= +"#pg057">57</a>, <a href="#pg084">84</a>.</li> + +<li>Provence, <a href="#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg063">63</a>, <a +href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a href= +"#pg144">144</a>, <a href="#pg146">146</a>.</li> + +<li>Provence, Raymond Berengar IV., Count of, <a href= +"#pg054">54</a>. + +<ul> +<li>See Raymond Berengar.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Proving, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href= +"#pg171">171</a>.</li> + +<li>Provisions, papal, <a href="#pg038">38</a>, <a href= +"#pg039">39</a>, <a href="#pg058">58</a>, <a href="#pg150">150</a>, +<a href="#pg151">151</a>, <a href="#pg256">256</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>, <a href="#pg378">378</a>, <a href= +"#pg426">426</a>; + +<ul> +<li>of Oxford, the, <a href="#pg100">100</a>-104, <a href= +"#pg109">109</a>-113, <a href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg194">194</a>, <a href="#pg202">202</a>, <a href= +"#pg248">248</a>, <a href="#pg435">435</a>.</li> + +<li>of Westminster, the, <a href="#pg108">108</a>, <a href= +"#pg134">134</a>.</li> + +<li>of Worcester, <a href="#pg121">121</a>, <a href= +"#pg124">124</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Provisors, statute of, <a href="#pg377">377</a>, <a href= +"#pg378">378</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li>Public Record Office, the, <a href="#pg443">443</a>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>, <a href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Purveyance, <a href="#pg242">242</a>, <a href="#pg247">247</a>, +<a href="#pg380">380</a>.</li> + +<li>Puymirol, <a href="#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Pyel, John, mayor of London, <a href="#pg427">427</a>.</li> + +<li>Pyrenees, the, <a href="#pg069">69</a>, <a href= +"#pg141">141</a>, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href= +"#pg406">406</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Quercy, <a href="#pg106">106</a>, <a href="#pg140">140</a>, <a +href="#pg170">170</a>, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg399">399</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.<a name="Q" id= +"Q" /></li> + +<li><i>Quia Emptores</i> statute, <a href="#pg173">173</a>, <a +href="#pg185">185</a>.</li> + +<li>Quièret, Hugh, <a href="#pg345">345</a>-347</li> + +<li>Quincy, Saer de, Earl of Winchester. See Winchester.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Rageman, statute of, <a href="#pg148">148</a>.<a name="R" id= +"R" /></li> + +<li>Ragman. Roll, the, <a href="#pg198">198</a>.</li> + +<li>Rance, the river, <a href="#pg352">352</a>.</li> + +<li>Randolph, Sir Thomas, Earl of Moray, <a href= +"#pg315">315</a>.</li> + +<li>Rashdall's <i>Universities of the Middle Ages</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Rathlin Island, <a href="#pg234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Rationalism, <a href="#pg091">91</a>.</li> + +<li>Ravenspur, <a href="#pg317">317</a>.</li> + +<li>Raymond Berengar IV., Count of Provence, <a href= +"#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg063">63</a>.</li> + +<li>Raymond VII., Count of Toulouse, <a href="#pg033">33</a>-35, <a +href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg071">71</a>.</li> + +<li>Record of Carnarvon, the, <a href="#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Record Commission, the, <a href="#pg443">443</a>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Records, as sources for history, <a href="#pg443">443</a>-451; + +<ul> +<li>of Court of Chancery, <a href="#pg443">443</a>, <a href= +"#pg444">444</a>;</li> + +<li>of Court of Exchequer, <a href="#pg443">443</a>;</li> + +<li>of Common Law Courts, <a href="#pg447">447</a>;</li> + +<li>of King's Bench and Court of Common Pleas;</li> + +<li>of Scotland, <a href="#pg447">447</a>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>;</li> + +<li>Welsh, <a href="#pg449">449</a>;</li> + +<li>Papal, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Recueil des historiens de la France</i>, begun by Dom +Bouquet, <a href="#pg453">453</a>, <a href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Red Hills, the, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Redesdale, <a href="#pg197">197</a>.</li> + +<li>Redesdale, Gilbert of Umfraville, Lord of. See Umfraville.</li> + +<li>Regalis Devotionis, Bull, <a href="#pg229">229</a>.</li> + +<li>Reginald, Count of Gelderland, <a href="#pg332">332</a>.</li> + +<li>Registers, Bishops, <a href="#pg449">449</a>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Papal Calendars of, <a href="#pg449">449</a>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Reims, <a href="#pg395">395</a> <a href="#pg396">396</a>, <a +href="#pg413">413</a>.</li> + +<li>Reims, Archbishop of, <a href="#pg019">19</a>.</li> + +<li>Renaissance of the twelfth century, the, <a href= +"#pg088">88</a>.</li> + +<li>Rennes, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Réole, La, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href= +"#pg296">296</a>, <a href="#pg297">297</a>, <a href= +"#pg358">358</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Reports of Deputy-keeper of the Records</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>of Historical Manuscripts Commission</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Revolt, the peasants', <a href="#pg424">424</a>. Reynolds, +Walter, Treasurer of England and Archbishop of Canterbury <a href= +"#pg238">238</a>, <a href="#pg256">256</a>, <a href= +"#pg257">257</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>, <a href="#pg302">302</a>, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhine, the, <a href="#pg335">335</a>, <a href= +"#pg336">336</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhine, Count Palatine of the, <a href="#pg080">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhineland, the, <a href="#pg191">191</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhos, Cantred of, <a href="#pg167">167</a>, <a href= +"#pg189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhone Valley, the, <a href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhuddlan Castle, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg162">162</a>, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>, <a href="#pg167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhunoviog, Cantred of, <a href="#pg189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhys ap Howel, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhys ap Meredith, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a href= +"#pg168">168</a>, <a href="#pg172">172</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhys, J., and J.G. Evans' <i>Red Book of Hergest</i>, <a href= +"#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Rich, St. Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg050">50</a>, <a href="#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg054">54</a>, +<a href="#pg057">57</a>, <a href="#pg059">59</a>, <a href= +"#pg060">60</a>.</li> + +<li>Richard I., <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, +<a href="#pg406">406</a>, <a href="#pg407">407</a>.</li> + +<li>Richard of Bordeaux, son of the Black Prince, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>, <a href="#pg435">435</a>, <a href= +"#pg437">437</a>.</li> + +<li>Richard, son of King John, titular Count of Poitou, Earl of +Cornwall and King of the Romans, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a href= +"#pg032">32</a>-34, <a href="#pg040">40</a>, <a href= +"#pg041">41</a> <a href="#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, +<a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg066">66</a>, <a href= +"#pg067">67</a>, <a href="#pg077">77</a>, <a href="#pg080">80</a>, +<a href="#pg086">86</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href= +"#pg102">102</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href= +"#pg105">105</a>, <a href="#pg108">108</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>, <a href="#pg116">116</a>, <a href= +"#pg117">117</a>, <a href="#pg129">129</a>, <a href= +"#pg135">135</a>.</li> + +<li>Richmond, John, Earl of, <a href="#pg056">56</a>. See John of +Gaunt.</li> + +<li>Richmond, John of Brittany, Earl of. See John of Brittany.</li> + +<li>Richmond, Peter Mauclerc, Earl of, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a +href="#pg033">33</a>. See Peter, Count or Duke of Brittany.</li> + +<li>Richmond, Peter of Savoy, Earl of. See Peter of Savoy.</li> + +<li>Richmond (place), <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Richmond, Simon de Montfort, made Earl of. See Leicester, Earl +of</li> + +<li>Rievaux, <a href="#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Rigaud, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#pg450">450</a></li> + +<li>Rigaud, Eudes, Archbishop of Rouen, <a href="#pg081">81</a>, <a +href="#pg119">119</a>.</li> + +<li>Rigg's, J.M., <i>Select Pleas of the Jewish Exchequer</i>, <a +href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>Riley's, H.T., his edition of <i>Rishanger</i>, etc., <a href= +"#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>Rioms, <a href="#pg191">191</a>, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a +href="#pg210">210</a>.</li> + +<li>Ripon, <a href="#pg275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>Rishanger, William, <a href="#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>Rivaux, Peter of, treasurer, <a href="#pg043">43</a>, <a href= +"#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg046">46</a>, <a href="#pg048">48</a>, +<a href="#pg051">51</a>, <a href="#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Robert I, Bruce, King of Scots, <a href="#pg233">233</a>, <a +href="#pg235">235</a>, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg242">242</a>, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href= +"#pg257">257</a>, <a href="#pg263">263</a>, <a href= +"#pg266">266</a>, <a href="#pg269">269</a>-273, <a href= +"#pg275">275</a>, <a href="#pg276">276</a>, <a href= +"#pg284">284</a>, <a href="#pg289">289</a>-291, <a href= +"#pg304">304</a>, <a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a href= +"#pg315">315</a>, <a href="#pg316">316</a>, <a href= +"#pg320">320</a>, <a href="#pg422">422</a>. See also Bruce, +Robert.</li> + +<li>Robert II, Steward of Scotland, afterwards King Robert II., <a +href="#pg393">393</a>.</li> + +<li>Robert, Steward of Scotland, <a href="#pg323">323</a>.</li> + +<li>Robert, Count of Artois, <a href="#pg196">196</a>, <a href= +"#pg210">210</a>, <a href="#pg246">246</a>.</li> + +<li>Robert of Artois, enemy of Philip VI., <a href= +"#pg330">330</a>, <a href="#pg331">331</a>, <a href= +"#pg347">347</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>.</li> + +<li>Robert, Count of Namur, <a href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> + +<li>Roberts' <i>Calendarium Genealogicum</i>, <a href= +"#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li>Roche Derien, La, battle of, <a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href= +"#pg368">368</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>.</li> + +<li>Rochelle, La, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, +<a href="#pg399">399</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>, <a href= +"#pg416">416</a>.</li> + +<li>Rochelle, battle of La, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Roches, Peter des, Bishop of Winchester, <a href= +"#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href="#pg010">10</a>, <a +href="#pg019">19</a>, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href= +"#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg029">29</a>, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, +<a href="#pg043">43</a>, <a href="#pg045">45</a>, <a href= +"#pg050">50</a>, <a href="#pg053">53</a>, <a href="#pg084">84</a>, +<a href="#pg081">81</a>.</li> + +<li>Rochester, Castle and city, <a href="#pg014">14</a>.</li> + +<li>Rockingham Castle, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href= +"#pg021">21</a>.</li> + +<li>Rodez, Bishop of, <a href="#pg407">407</a>.</li> + +<li>Roger, Peter, <a href="#pg329">329</a>. See also Clement VI +Pope.</li> + +<li>Rogers, J.E. Thorold, <i>History of Agriculture and Prices</i>, +<a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Roles Gascons, <a href="#pg445">445</a>, <a href= +"#pg446">446</a>. See Rolls.</li> + +<li>Roll, the Ragman, <a href="#pg198">198</a>.</li> + +<li>Rolle, Richard, <a href="#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Rolls; + +<ul> +<li>the hundred, <a href="#pg149">149</a>, <a href= +"#pg446">446</a>.</li> + +<li>patent, <a href="#pg443">443</a>, <a href= +"#pg444">444</a>.</li> + +<li>the close, <a href="#pg444">444</a>.</li> + +<li>of parliament, <a href="#pg444">444</a>.</li> + +<li>series, the, <a href="#pg444">444</a>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>, <a href="#pg451">451</a>, <a href= +"#pg453">453</a>, <a href="#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>of Court of Chancery, <a href="#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li>Charter, <a href="#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Escheat</i> or <i>Inquisitiones post mortem</i>, <a href= +"#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li>fine, <a href="#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Excerpta e Rotulis Finium</i> (C. Roberts'), <a href= +"#pg445">445</a>.</li> + +<li>exchequer, <a href="#pg446">446</a>, <a href= +"#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Assize, <a href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>Coroners, <a href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Romana Mater</i>, bull, <a href="#pg203">203</a>.</li> + +<li>Romances, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg095">95</a>.</li> + +<li>Romanesque architecture, <a href="#pg422">422</a>.</li> + +<li>Romans, Adolf of Nassau, King of the, see Adolf of Nassau; + +<ul> +<li>Charles of Moravia, King of the, see Charles IV;</li> + +<li>Henry, King of the, see Henry;</li> + +<li>Rudolf of Hapsburg, King of the, see Rudolf;</li> + +<li>William of Holland, King of the, see William of Holland.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Rome, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href= +"#pg019">19</a>, <a href="#pg027">27</a>, <a href="#pg039">39</a>. +<a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a href="#pg217">217</a>, <a href= +"#pg221">221</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Romney, <a href="#pg007">7</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>Romont, <a href="#pg056">56</a>.</li> + +<li>Romorantin Castle, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Roncesvalles, Pass of, <a href="#pg404">404</a>.</li> + +<li>Roncière, de la, <i>Histoire de la Marine +Française</i>, <a href="#pg404">404</a>.</li> + +<li>Rose Castle, <a href="#pg258">258</a>.</li> + +<li>Roslin, <a href="#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>Rostein, the family of, <a href="#pg070">70</a>, <a href= +"#pg074">74</a>.</li> + +<li>Rotuli. See Rolls.</li> + +<li>Round Table at Windsor, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>.</li> + +<li>Rouen, <a href="#pg361">361</a>, <a href="#pg387">387</a>, <a +href="#pg414">414</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Archbishops of, <a href="#pg081">81</a>. See Rigaud, Eudes, +Roger, Peter.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Rouergue, <a href="#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg400">400</a>, +<a href="#pg407">407</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Counts of. See Armagnac, Count of Roussillon, <a href= +"#pg404">404</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Roxburgh, town and castle, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a href= +"#pg212">212</a>, <a href="#pg225">225</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg258">258</a>, <a href= +"#pg319">319</a>-322, <a href="#pg387">387</a>; + +<ul> +<li>treaty of, <a href="#pg320">320</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Royan, <a href="#pg063">63</a>.</li> + +<li>Rudel, Elie, lord of Bergerac, <a href="#pg032">32</a>.</li> + +<li>Rudolf of Hapsburg, King of the Romans, <a href= +"#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a>, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>.</li> + +<li>Runnymede, <a href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href="#pg209">209</a>, <a +href="#pg219">219</a>.</li> + +<li>Ruthin, <a href="#pg162">162</a>.</li> + +<li>Rye, <a href="#pg007">7</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>.</li> + +<li>Rymer's <i>Foedera</i>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>, <a href= +"#pg451">451</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Sabina, Guy Foulquois, Cardinal-bishop of, papal legate, <a +href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg121">121</a><a name="S" id= +"S" />; + +<ul> +<li>See Clement IV.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sacerdotium, the, <a href="#pg092">92</a>.</li> + +<li>Sack, Friars of the, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Sailors, English, <a href="#pg427">427</a>.</li> + +<li>Saints, English, honour paid to, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, <a +href="#pg053">53</a>.</li> + +<li>St. Albans, <a href="#pg190">190</a>; + +<ul> +<li>abbey, <a href="#pg435">435</a>;</li> + +<li>chroniclers of abbey of, <a href="#pg451">451</a>, <a href= +"#pg454">454</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>St Albans, Abbot Simon of, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>St Andrews, <a href="#pg182">182</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a>. +Bishops of. See Fraser and Lamberton.</li> + +<li>Saint-Bavon, abbey of, <a href="#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>St. Davids, Bishop of. See Bek, Thomas.</li> + +<li>Saint-Denis, <a href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Émilion, <a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href= +"#pg324">324</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Germain-en-Laye, <a href="#pg328">328</a>.</li> + +<li>St. Giles, John of, <a href="#pg091">91</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Gilles, house of, <a href="#pg064">64</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-James-de-Beuvron, <a href="#pg036">36</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Jean-d'Angely, <a href="#pg358">358</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>St. John, John of, <a href="#pg188">188</a>, <a href= +"#pg191">191</a>, <a href="#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Lo, <a href="#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Macaire, <a href="#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Mahé, <a href="#pg186">186</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Malo, <a href="#pg035">35</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Omer, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href="#pg347">347</a>, +<a href="#pg348">348</a>, <a href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Pol-de-Leon, <a href="#pg036">36</a>.</li> + +<li>St. Paul's, London, <a href="#pg057">57</a>, <a href= +"#pg199">199</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg440">440</a>; + +<ul> +<li>canons of, <a href="#pg013">13</a>.</li> + +<li>dean of, <a href="#pg188">188</a>.</li> + +<li>annalist of, <a href="#pg240">240</a>.</li> + +<li>See also London.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Saint-Quentin, <a href="#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Sardos, <a href="#pg295">295</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, <a href="#pg399">399</a>, <a href= +"#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Sever, <a href="#pg141">141</a>, <a href= +"#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Vaast-de-la-Hougue, <a href="#pg359">359</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Valery, <a href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Sainte-Mère-Eglise, William of, Bishop of London, <a +href="#pg003">3</a>.</li> + +<li>Saints, English, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, <a href= +"#pg053">53</a>.</li> + +<li>Saintes, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg063">63</a>, <a +href="#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg328">328</a>, <a href= +"#pg413">413</a>.</li> + +<li>Saintonge, <a href="#pg036">36</a>, <a href="#pg063">63</a>, <a +href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href="#pg105">105</a>, <a href= +"#pg170">170</a>, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg324">324</a>, <a href="#pg358">358</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Salerno, Charles, Prince of, <a href="#pg145">145</a>, <a href= +"#pg170">170</a>.</li> + +<li>Salic Law, the, <a href="#pg326">326</a>.</li> + +<li>Salisbury, <a href="#pg089">89</a>, <a href="#pg202">202</a>; + +<ul> +<li>cathedral, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.</li> + +<li>treaty of, <a href="#pg178">178</a>.</li> + +<li>parliaments at, <a href="#pg202">202</a>, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Salisbury, Henry, of Lacy, Earl of. See Lincoln.</li> + +<li>Salisbury, Thomas of Lancaster, Earl of. See Thomas.</li> + +<li>Salisbury, William Longsword, Earl of, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, +<a href="#pg032">32</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>.</li> + +<li>Salisbury, William Montague, Earl of; <a href="#pg314">314</a> + +<ul> +<li>See also Montague, William.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Salisbury, William Montague, Earl of (son of the above), <a +href="#pg390">390</a>, <a href="#pg391">391</a>.</li> + +<li>Salvatierra, <a href="#pg405">405</a>.</li> + +<li>Sambre, the river, <a href="#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Sanchia of Provence, second wife of Richard of Cornwall, <a +href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href="#pg063">63</a>.</li> + +<li>Sandal Castle, <a href="#pg273">273</a>.</li> + +<li>Sandale, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Sandwich, <a href="#pg009">9</a>, <a href="#pg011">11</a>, <a +href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href= +"#pg360">360</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>.</li> + +<li>Santander, <a href="#pg415">415</a>, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Satires, English, <a href="#pg095">95</a>.</li> + +<li>Savoy; <a href="#pg139">139</a> + +<ul> +<li>palace of the, <a href="#pg440">440</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Savoy, Amadeus III., Count of Savoy, <a href="#pg054">54</a>. +See Amadeus.</li> + +<li>Savoy, Boniface of, <a href="#pg066">66</a>. See Boniface.</li> + +<li>Savoy, Peter of, <a href="#pg061">61</a>, <a href= +"#pg063">63</a>. See Peter.</li> + +<li>Savoy, Philip of. See Philip.</li> + +<li>Savoy, Thomas of. See Thomas.</li> + +<li>Savoyards, the, <a href="#pg053">53</a>, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>, <a href="#pg057">57</a>, <a href="#pg082">82</a>, +<a href="#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href= +"#pg102">102</a>, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href= +"#pg145">145</a>.</li> + +<li>Saxony.</li> + +<li><i>Scalachronica</i>, Sir T. Grey's, <a href= +"#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Scarborough Castle, <a href="#pg250">250</a>, <a href= +"#pg251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Scheldt, the river, <a href="#pg335">335</a>, <a href= +"#pg346">346</a>.</li> + +<li>Schiltron of pikemen, <a href="#pg213">213</a>, <a href= +"#pg260">260</a>, <a href="#pg285">285</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Schism between eastern and western Churches, <a href= +"#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Scholasticism, <a href="#pg090">90</a>, <a href= +"#pg093">93</a>, <a href="#pg094">94</a>, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li>Science, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href="#pg093">93</a>, <a +href="#pg094">94</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Scimus Fili</i>, papal letter, <a href= +"#pg219">219</a>.</li> + +<li>Scone, <a href="#pg183">183</a>, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a +href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg233">233</a>, <a href= +"#pg318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Scotland, <a href="#pg012">12</a>, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, <a +href="#pg023">23</a>, <a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href= +"#pg054">54</a>, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, +<a href="#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href= +"#pg138">138</a>, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a href= +"#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg179">179</a>-184, <a href= +"#pg188">188</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a>, <a href= +"#pg192">192</a>-198, <a href="#pg205">205</a>-208, <a href= +"#pg217">217</a>-221, <a href="#pg223">223</a>-228, <a href= +"#pg231">231</a>-238, <a href="#pg243">243</a>-245, <a href= +"#pg249">249</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>, <a href= +"#pg257">257</a>-263, <a href="#pg275">275</a>, <a href= +"#pg284">284</a>, <a href="#pg285">285</a>, <a href= +"#pg289">289</a>-291, <a href="#pg295">295</a>, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>, <a href="#pg304">304</a>, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg309">309</a>, <a href= +"#pg310">310</a>, <a href="#pg314">314</a>-324, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>-331, <a href="#pg336">336</a>, <a href= +"#pg337">337</a>, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href= +"#pg364">364</a>, <a href="#pg365">365</a>, <a href= +"#pg371">371</a>, <a href="#pg386">386</a>, <a href= +"#pg387">387</a>, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg398">398</a>, <a href="#pg402">402</a>, <a href= +"#pg419">419</a>, <a href="#pg422">422</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Scrope, Sir Richard le, treasurer, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Sculpture, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.</li> + +<li>Scutage of Bedford, the, <a href="#pg026">26</a>; + +<ul> +<li>of Kerry, <a href="#pg040">40</a>.</li> + +<li>of Poitou, <a href="#pg040">40</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Seeley's <i>Life and Reign of Edward I.</i>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Segrave, John, <a href="#pg224">224</a>, <a href= +"#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>Segrave, Stephen, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href= +"#pg043">43</a>, <a href="#pg051">51</a>, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Seine, the river, <a href="#pg361">361</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Selby, William, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Selden Society, the, <a href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>Selkirk; <a href="#pg321">321</a>, <a href="#pg371">371</a> + +<ul> +<li>forest of, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, +<a href="#pg214">214</a>, <a href="#pg245">245</a>.</li> + +<li>See Ettrick.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sens, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Sens, William of, <a href="#pg096">96</a>.</li> + +<li>Septs, the Irish, <a href="#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Serlo, Mayor of London, <a href="#pg022">22</a>.</li> + +<li>Severn, the river, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg111">111</a>, <a href="#pg114">114</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg126">126</a>, <a href= +"#pg267">267</a>, <a href="#pg284">284</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Sheen, <a href="#pg440">440</a>.</li> + +<li>Sherburn-in-Elmet, <a href="#pg281">281</a>.</li> + +<li>Sheriffs, <a href="#pg043">43</a>, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a +href="#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg128">128</a>, <a href= +"#pg148">148</a>, <a href="#pg167">167</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>; + +<ul> +<li>for Scotland, <a href="#pg227">227</a>, <a href= +"#pg228">228</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Shire, system in Wales, <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a href= +"#pg167">167</a>; + +<ul> +<li>courts, <a href="#pg076">76</a>;</li> + +<li>knights of the, <a href="#pg103">103</a>, <a href= +"#pg119">119</a>, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, <a href= +"#pg139">139</a>, <a href="#pg164">164</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Shrewsbury, <a href="#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, +<a href="#pg284">284</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Castle of, <a href="#pg025">25</a>.</li> + +<li>treaty of, <a href="#pg133">133</a>, <a href="#pg138">138</a>. +parliament at, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Shrewsbury, Ralph of, Bishop of Bath and Wells, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Shropshire, <a href="#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg147">147</a>, +<a href="#pg167">167</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>, <a href= +"#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Sicilian Vespers, the, <a href="#pg146">146</a>.</li> + +<li>Sicily, <a href="#pg004">4</a>, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a +href="#pg079">79</a>, <a href="#pg081">81</a>, <a href= +"#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg120">120</a>, <a href= +"#pg139">139</a>, <a href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href= +"#pg169">169</a>, <a href="#pg171">171</a>, <a href= +"#pg172">172</a>.</li> + +<li>Silegrave's Henry of, <i>Chronicle</i>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Simony, <a href="#pg168">168</a>.</li> + +<li>Siward, Richard, <a href="#pg046">46</a>-48, <a href= +"#pg051">51</a>.</li> + +<li>Skeat's editions of Chaucer and Langland, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Skelton Castle, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Skenfrith, Castle of, <a href="#pg047">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Skicsea Castle, <a href="#pg020">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Sluys, <a href="#pg205">205</a>, <a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a +href="#pg344">344</a>, <a href="#pg346">346</a>-349, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>, <a href="#pg369">369</a>; &t& of, <a +href="#pg346">346</a>, <a href="#pg347">347</a>, <a href= +"#pg369">369</a>, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Smith's, S. Armitage, <i>John of Gaunt</i>, <a href= +"#pg435">435</a>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Smithfield, <a href="#pg375">375</a>.</li> + +<li>Snowdon, <a href="#pg068">68</a>, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a +href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>-164, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Soissonais, the, <a href="#pg340">340</a>.</li> + +<li>Soisy, <a href="#pg060">60</a>.</li> + +<li>Sellers, Rostand de, seneschal of Gascony, <a href= +"#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Sologne, the, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Solway, the, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Somme, the river, <a href="#pg361">361</a>, <a href= +"#pg362">362</a>, <a href="#pg367">367</a>, <a href= +"#pg397">397</a>, <a href="#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Sorbon, Robert of, <a href="#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Soubise, <a href="#pg415">415</a>.</li> + +<li>Southampton, <a href="#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Southwark, <a href="#pg022">22</a>.</li> + +<li>Spalding, Peter of, <a href="#pg275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>Spain, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg305">305</a>, <a +href="#pg404">404</a>-406, <a href="#pg415">415</a>, <a href= +"#pg416">416</a>. See also Aragon and Castile.</li> + +<li>Spain, Peter of, Cardinal. See Peter.</li> + +<li>Speaker, office of, <a href="#pg438">438</a>.</li> + +<li>Spruner-Menke's <i>Historischer Hand-Atlas</i>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Staffordshire, l3O, <a href="#pg273">273</a>, <a href= +"#pg274">274</a>.</li> + +<li>Stammoor, <a href="#pg277">277</a>.</li> + +<li>Stamford, <a href="#pg085">85</a>; + +<ul> +<li>parliaments at, <a href="#pg242">242</a>, <a href= +"#pg246">246</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>.</li> + +<li>statute of, <a href="#pg247">247</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Stanley Abbey, Chronicle of, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Staple, ordinance of the, <a href="#pg380">380</a>; + +<ul> +<li>system the, <a href="#pg427">427</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Stapledon, Walter, Bishop of Exeter, <a href="#pg292">292</a>, +<a href="#pg298">298</a>-300.</li> + +<li>Statute of —— + +<ul> +<li>Acton Burnell, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>Carlisle (1307), <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href= +"#pg231">231</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>.</li> + +<li><i>De Donis</i>, <a href="#pg153">153</a>, <a href= +"#pg154">154</a>.</li> + +<li>Gloucester, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg149">149</a>.</li> + +<li>Kilkenny, <a href="#pg429">429</a>.</li> + +<li>Marlborough, <a href="#pg134">134</a>.</li> + +<li>Merchants, <a href="#pg165">165</a>.</li> + +<li>Mortmain, <a href="#pg174">174</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Praemunire</i>, <a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href= +"#pg378">378</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li>Provisors, <a href="#pg377">377</a>, <a href="#pg378">378</a>, +<a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Quia Emptores</i>, <a href="#pg173">173</a>.</li> + +<li>Rageman, <a href="#pg148">148</a>.</li> + +<li>Stamford, <a href="#pg247">247</a>.</li> + +<li>Treasons (1352), <a href="#pg380">380</a>.</li> + +<li>Wales, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>Westminster, the first, <a href="#pg147">147</a>, <a href= +"#pg148">148</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the second, <a href="#pg153">153</a>, <a href= +"#pg154">154</a>.</li> + +<li>the third, <a href="#pg173">173</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>1341 as to election of auditors of royal officers, <a href= +"#pg350">350</a>, <a href="#pg351">351</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li style="list-style: none"><i>Statutum de Tallagio won +concedendo</i>, <a href="#pg208">208</a>.</li> + +<li>Stephen, papal collector, <a href="#pg039">39</a>.</li> + +<li>Stephen, King, <a href="#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg010">10</a>, +<a href="#pg014">14</a>, <a href="#pg020">20</a>, <a href= +"#pg101">101</a>, <a href="#pg101">101</a>.</li> + +<li>Stephens, W. R W., his <i>History of the English Church</i>, <a +href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Stevenson's, J., <i>Documents of Scotland</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Chronicon de Lanenost</i>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>;</li> + +<li>edition of <i>Coggeshall's Chronicon Anglicanum</i>, <a href= +"#pg458">458</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Stevenson's, W.H., <i>Records of Nottingham</i>, <a href= +"#pg449">449</a>.</li> + +<li>Steward, of England, Simon de Montfort, <a href= +"#pg056">56</a>; + +<ul> +<li>of Scotland, the, <a href="#pg197">197</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Stewart Kings of Scotland, <a href="#pg393">393</a>, <a href= +"#pg422">422</a>.</li> + +<li>Stirling Bridge, battle of, <a href="#pg207">207</a>, <a href= +"#pg208">208</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>.</li> + +<li>Stirling, castle and town, <a href="#pg182">182</a>, <a href= +"#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg207">207</a>, <a href= +"#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg217">217</a>, <a href= +"#pg225">225</a>, <a href="#pg258">258</a>-260, <a href= +"#pg323">323</a>.</li> + +<li>Stone, use of, in building houses, <a href= +"#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>Stratford, <a href="#pg132">132</a>.</li> + +<li>Stratford, John, chancellor, Bishop of Winchester and +Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#pg293">293</a>, <a href= +"#pg296">296</a>, <a href="#pg298">298</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg302">302</a>, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg314">314</a>, <a href= +"#pg349">349</a> <a href="#pg350">350</a>, <a href= +"#pg360">360</a>, <a href="#pg381">381</a>, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li>Stratford, Robert, Bishop of Chichester, chancellor, <a href= +"#pg314">314</a>, <a href="#pg349">349</a>, <a href= +"#pg425">425</a>.</li> + +<li>Strathearn, <a href="#pg317">317</a>.</li> + +<li>Strathspey, <a href="#pg206">206</a>.</li> + +<li>Stratton, Adam of, <a href="#pg173">173</a>.</li> + +<li>Strongbow, <a href="#pg015">15</a>.</li> + +<li>Stubbs' <i>Select Charters</i>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Councils, <a href="#pg451">451</a>;</li> + +<li>edition of Walter of Coventry,<a href="#pg453">453</a>;</li> + +<li><i>Chronicles of Edward I and Edward II.</i>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>, <a href="#pg458">458</a>, <a href= +"#pg463">463</a>;</li> + +<li><i>Constitutional History</i>, <a href="#pg462">462</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Studium</i>, the, <a href="#pg092">92</a>, <a href= +"#pg093">93</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Studium Generale</i>, <a href="#pg089">89</a>. See +University.</li> + +<li>Subinfeudation, <a href="#pg173">173</a>, <a href= +"#pg174">174</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Subsidy Rolls</i>, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Sudbury, Simon of, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg435">435</a>, <a href="#pg439">439</a>.</li> + +<li>Suffolk, <a href="#pg059">59</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>.</li> + +<li>Suffolk, Ufford, Earl of, <a href="#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Surrey, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg045">45</a>.</li> + +<li>Sussex, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href="#pg114">114</a>, <a +href="#pg333">333</a>.</li> + +<li>Swale, the river, <a href="#pg276">276</a>.</li> + +<li>Swaledale, <a href="#pg276">276</a>.</li> + +<li>Swansea, castle and town, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Swinbrooke, <a href="#pg458">458</a>.</li> + +<li>Syria, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Taillebourg, battle of, <a href="#pg063">63</a>, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>.<a name="T" id="T" /></li> + +<li><i>Tallagio non concedendo, Statutum de</i>, <a href= +"#pg208">208</a>.</li> + +<li>Talleyrand, the Cardinal, <a href="#pg389">389</a>, <a href= +"#pg392">392</a>.</li> + +<li>Tancarville, Lord of, Chamberlain of France, <a href= +"#pg360">360</a>, <a href="#pg368">368</a>.</li> + +<li>Tany, Luke de, seneschal of Gascony, <a href="#pg141">141</a>, +<a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href="#pg163">163</a>.</li> + +<li>Tarascon, Treaty of, <a href="#pg171">171</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Taxatio Ecclesiastica Angliæ et Walliæ</i>, <a href= +"#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Taxation, <a href="#pg005">5</a>, <a href="#pg027">27</a>, <a +href="#pg029">29</a>; + +<ul> +<li>papal, <a href="#pg029">29</a>, <a href="#pg039">39</a>, <a +href="#pg058">58</a>, <a href="#pg078">78</a>, <a href= +"#pg079">79</a>, <a href="#pg081">81</a>, <a href= +"#pg230">230</a>;</li> + +<li>of clergy, <a href="#pg195">195</a>, <a href= +"#pg219">219</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Taxes, on exports, <a href="#pg147">147</a>, <a href= +"#pg148">148</a>; + +<ul> +<li>on land, <a href="#pg148">148</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Taxster, John de, Chronicle of, <a href="#pg455">455</a>, <a +href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Tayster. See Taxster.</li> + +<li>Teivi, the river, <a href="#pg076">76</a>.</li> + +<li>Templars, Order of the, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, <a href= +"#pg026">26</a>, <a href="#pg253">253</a>-255; + +<ul> +<li>suppression of the, <a href="#pg254">254</a>-256.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Temple, Church of the, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, <a href= +"#pg041">41</a> <a href="#pg164">164</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the New, <a href="#pg240">240</a>, <a href= +"#pg256">256</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Temple, Knights of the. See Templars.</li> + +<li>Tertiaries, <a href="#pg087">87</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Testa de Neville</i>, the, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Thames, the, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, <a href= +"#pg349">349</a>, <a href="#pg385">385</a>.</li> + +<li>Theiner's <i>Vetera Monumenta Hib. et Scot. Historiam +Illustrantia</i>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Theobald IV, Count of Champagne and King of Navarre, <a href= +"#pg070">70</a>.</li> + +<li>Theology, <a href="#pg021">21</a>, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a +href="#pg089">89</a>, <a href="#pg090">90</a>, <a href= +"#pg091">91</a>, <a href="#pg093">93</a>, <a href= +"#pg129">129</a>.</li> + +<li>Thérouanne, <a href="#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Thiérache, the, <a href="#pg340">340</a>, <a href= +"#pg341">341</a>, <a href="#pg347">347</a>.</li> + +<li>Thirty, battle of the, <a href="#pg382">382</a>, <a href= +"#pg383">383</a>.</li> + +<li>Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, Leicester and Derby, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>, <a href="#pg240">240</a>-288, <a href= +"#pg290">290</a>, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href= +"#pg302">302</a>, <a href="#pg303">303</a>, <a href= +"#pg304">304</a>, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk, son of Edward I., <a +href="#pg278">278</a>, <a href="#pg283">283</a>, <a href= +"#pg302">302</a>.</li> + +<li>Thomas of Savoy, uncle of Eleanor of Provence, <a href= +"#pg055">55</a>.</li> + +<li>Thomas of Woodstock, Earl of Gloucester, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Thomas, St. Aquinas See Aquinas, St. Thomas.</li> + +<li>Thomas, St., of Canterbury, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, <a href= +"#pg059">59</a>, <a href="#pg060">60</a>, <a href="#pg350">350</a>; + + +<ul> +<li>translation of relics of, <a href="#pg019">19</a>. See also +Becket.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Thomas, St., of Cantilupe, <a href="#pg093">93</a>. See +Cantilupe.</li> + +<li>Thomist teaching, <a href="#pg092">92</a>. See Aquinas, St. +Thomas.</li> + +<li>Thompson's, Sir E. Maunde, <i>Chronicon Angliæ</i>, <a href= +"#pg453">453</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Chronicon Galfridi le Baker</i>, <a href="#pg458">458</a>, +<a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Thoresby, John, Archbishop of York, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>Thorpe, Benjamin, his <i>Florence of Worcester</i>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Thorpe, Sir Robert, Chancellor and Chief Justice, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Thouars, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href="#pg034">34</a>, <a +href="#pg062">62</a>, <a href="#pg416">416</a>; + +<ul> +<li>house of, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href= +"#pg035">35</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Thouars, the Viscount of, <a href="#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Tintagel Castle, <a href="#pg249">249</a>.</li> + +<li>Tickhill Castle, <a href="#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Torksey, <a href="#pg010">10</a>.</li> + +<li>Torture, <a href="#pg256">256</a>.</li> + +<li>Toulouse, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a href="#pg062">62</a>, <a +href="#pg064">64</a>, <a href="#pg384">384</a>, <a href= +"#pg386">386</a>.</li> + +<li>Toulouse, Joan, Countess of. See Joan.</li> + +<li>Toulouse, Raymond VII., Count of. See Raymond VII.</li> + +<li>Touraine, <a href="#pg030">30</a>, <a href= +"#pg105">105</a>.</li> + +<li>Tournai, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg343">343</a>, <a +href="#pg347">347</a>, <a href="#pg348">348</a>, <a href= +"#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Tournaments, <a href="#pg311">311</a>, <a href= +"#pg314">314</a>.</li> + +<li>Tours, <a href="#pg031">31</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>.</li> + +<li>Tout's <i>Edward I.</i>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Papacy and Empire</i>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Tower, of London, the, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg045">45</a>, <a href="#pg075">75</a>, <a href="#pg112">112</a>, +<a href="#pg113">113</a>. <a href="#pg132">132</a>, <a href= +"#pg293">293</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg309">309</a>, <a href="#pg349">349</a>, <a href= +"#pg355">355</a>, <a href="#pg365">365</a>, <a href= +"#pg393">393</a>, <a href="#pg438">438</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the Round, Windsor, <a href="#pg356">356</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Tower Hill, <a href="#pg310">310</a>, <a href= +"#pg375">375</a>.</li> + +<li>Towns, growth of, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href= +"#pg122">122</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Gascon, <a href="#pg106">106</a>;</li> + +<li>Welsh, <a href="#pg168">168</a>;</li> + +<li>"Staple", <a href="#pg380">380</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Towy, the river, <a href="#pg076">76</a>, <a href= +"#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg166">166</a>-168.</li> + +<li>Trade, <a href="#pg097">97</a>, <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a +href="#pg194">194</a>.</li> + +<li>Trailbaston, Ordinance of, <a href="#pg231">231</a>.</li> + +<li>Translations into English, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href= +"#pg096">96</a>.</li> + +<li>Treasons, Statute of, <a href="#pg380">380</a>.</li> + +<li>Treasurer, office of, <a href="#pg052">52</a>, <a href= +"#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>.</li> + +<li>Treaty of —— + +<ul> +<li>Aberconway, <a href="#pg159">159</a>.</li> + +<li>Amiens, <a href="#pg145">145</a>, <a href= +"#pg170">170</a>.</li> + +<li>Athis. <a href="#pg343">343</a>.</li> + +<li>Berwick, <a href="#pg393">393</a>.</li> + +<li>Bordeaux, <a href="#pg395">395</a>.</li> + +<li>Brétigni, <a href="#pg396">396</a>-398.</li> + +<li>Brigham, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, <a href= +"#pg181">181</a>.</li> + +<li>Bruges, <a href="#pg418">418</a>.</li> + +<li>Calais (1347), <a href="#pg368">368</a>, <a href= +"#pg369">369</a>; + +<ul> +<li>(1360), <a href="#pg396">396</a>-400, <a href="#pg418">418</a>, +<a href="#pg419">419</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Canfranc, l7l.</li> + +<li>Coblenz, <a href="#pg335">335</a>.</li> + +<li>Esplechin, <a href="#pg348">348</a>, <a href= +"#pg349">349</a>.</li> + +<li>Guérande, <a href="#pg402">402</a>.</li> + +<li>Guillond. <a href="#pg396">396</a>.</li> + +<li>Lambeth, <a href="#pg012">12</a>.</li> + +<li>Leek, <a href="#pg274">274</a>, <a href="#pg275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>London, <a href="#pg395">395</a>-397.</li> + +<li>Malestroit, <a href="#pg355">355</a>.</li> + +<li>Meaux, <a href="#pg062">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Montreuil, <a href="#pg216">216</a>.</li> + +<li>Newcastle, <a href="#pg321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Northampton, <a href="#pg315">315</a>, <a href= +"#pg319">319</a>.</li> + +<li>Oloron, <a href="#pg171">171</a>.</li> + +<li>Paris (1259), <a href="#pg104">104</a>-107, <a href= +"#pg140">140</a>, <a href="#pg142">142</a>; + +<ul> +<li>(1303), <a href="#pg222">222</a>, <a href= +"#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>(1327), <a href="#pg325">325</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pipton, <a href="#pg125">125</a>.</li> + +<li>Roxburgh, <a href="#pg320">320</a>.</li> + +<li>Saint-Germain, <a href="#pg328">328</a>.</li> + +<li>Salisbury, <a href="#pg178">178</a>.</li> + +<li>Shrewsbury, <a href="#pg133">133</a>, <a href= +"#pg138">138</a>.</li> + +<li>Tarascon, <a href="#pg171">171</a>, <a href= +"#pg184">184</a>.</li> + +<li>Valenciennes, <a href="#pg333">333</a>.</li> + +<li>Vincennes, <a href="#pg328">328</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Trébuchet</i>, the, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a href= +"#pg009">9</a>, <a href="#pg012">12</a>.</li> + +<li>Tréguier, <a href="#pg035">35</a>, <a href= +"#pg367">367</a>; + +<ul> +<li>County of Penthièvre-Tréguier, <a href= +"#pg352">352</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Trent, the river, <a href="#pg010">10</a>, <a href= +"#pg129">129</a>, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg206">206</a>, <a href="#pg228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>Trevelyan's, G.M., <i>England in the Age of Wycliffe</i>, <a +href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Trevet. See Trivet.</li> + +<li>Trier, <a href="#pg080">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Trim, <a href="#pg306">306</a>.</li> + +<li>Trinitarian Friars, the, <a href="#pg086">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Trivet, Nicholas, Dominican chronicler, <a href= +"#pg136">136</a>, <a href="#pg456">456</a>.</li> + +<li>Trokelowe, J. de, Annales, <a href="#pg453">453</a>.</li> + +<li>Troyes, <a href="#pg027">27</a>, <a href="#pg417">417</a>.</li> + +<li>Trussell, Sir William, <a href="#pg302">302</a>.</li> + +<li>Tunbridge, <a href="#pg039">39</a>.</li> + +<li>Tunis, <a href="#pg134">134</a>.</li> + +<li>Turner's, G. J., <i>Pleas of the Forest</i>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Select Pleas of the Forest</i>, <a href= +"#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Minority of Henry III.</i>, <a href="#pg001">1</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Turberville, Payne of, <a href="#pg267">267</a>.</li> + +<li>Turberville, Sir Thomas, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href= +"#pg193">193</a>.</li> + +<li>Turks, the, <a href="#pg184">184</a>, <a href= +"#pg329">329</a>.</li> + +<li>Tuscans, <a href="#pg097">97</a>.</li> + +<li>Tuscany, <a href="#pg421">421</a>.</li> + +<li>Tutbury Castle, <a href="#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Tweed, the river, <a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a href= +"#pg196">196</a>, <a href="#pg245">245</a>, <a href= +"#pg247">247</a>.</li> + +<li>Tweeddale, <a href="#pg225">225</a>.</li> + +<li>Twemlow's <i>Calendars of Papal Registers</i>, <a href= +"#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Twenge, Sir Robert, <a href="#pg039">39</a>, <a href= +"#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg059">59</a>.</li> + +<li>"Twenty-Four," the, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href= +"#pg100">100</a>.</li> + +<li>Twiss, Sir T.'s edition of Bracton, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>,</li> + +<li>Tyburn Elms, <a href="#pg309">309</a>.</li> + +<li>Tvnedale, <a href="#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg197">197</a>, +<a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Tynemouth, <a href="#pg250">250</a>.</li> + +<li>Tyre, Archbishop of, <a href="#pg011">11</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Ufford, Earl of Suffolk. See Suffolk.<a name="U" id="U" /></li> + +<li>Ughtred, Sir Thomas, <a href="#pg323">323</a>.</li> + +<li>Ulster, <a href="#pg037">37</a>, <a href="#pg270">270</a>, <a +href="#pg272">272</a>, <a href="#pg428">428</a>, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Ulster, Hugh de Lacy, Earl of, <a href="#pg037">37</a>.</li> + +<li>Ulster, Lionel of Clarence, Earl of, <a href="#pg428">428</a>, +<a href="#pg429">429</a>. See also Lionel.</li> + +<li>Ulster, Richard de Burgh, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg269">269</a>-272.</li> + +<li>Umfravilles, the, <a href="#pg278">278</a>.</li> + +<li>Umfraville, Gilbert of, Lord of Redesdale, <a href= +"#pg316">316</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Unam Sanctam</i> Bull, <a href="#pg222">222</a>.</li> + +<li>Union, treaty of, between England and Scotland, <a href= +"#pg178">178</a>.</li> + +<li>Universities, the, <a href="#pg083">83</a>, <a href= +"#pg088">88</a>-94, <a href="#pg375">375</a>, <a href= +"#pg421">421</a>, <a href="#pg424">424</a>-426. See also Cambridge, +Montpellier, Oxford, Paris.</li> + +<li>Urban IV., Pope, <a href="#pg110">110</a>, <a href= +"#pg113">113</a>, <a href="#pg121">121</a>.</li> + +<li>Urban V., Pope, <a href="#pg378">378</a>, <a href= +"#pg411">411</a>.</li> + +<li>Ure, the river, <a href="#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Usk Castle and town, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg279">279</a>, <a href="#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Usk, River, <a href="#pg126">126</a>, <a href="#pg280">280</a>; + + +<ul> +<li>Valley, the, <a href="#pg279">279</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Usury, <a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a href="#pg175">175</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Vaissète's <i>Histoire de Languedoc</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.<a name="V" id="V" /></li> + +<li>Vallée aux Clercs, near Crecy, <a href="#pg362">362</a>, +<a href="#pg363">363</a>.</li> + +<li>Valois, house of, <a href="#pg325">325</a>, <a href= +"#pg386">386</a>.</li> + +<li>Valois, Charles of, <a href="#pg194">194</a>. See Charles.</li> + +<li>Valence, Aymer of. See Pembroke, Aymer, Earl of, and Aymer, +Bishop of Winchester.</li> + +<li>Valence, William of, Lord of Pembroke, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, +<a href="#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg109">109</a>, <a href= +"#pg117">117</a>, <a href="#pg124">124</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg165">165</a>, <a href="#pg202">202</a>.</li> + +<li>Valence, William of Savoy, Bishop-elect of. <a href= +"#pg054">54</a>-56.</li> + +<li>Valenciennes, <a href="#pg332">332</a>-334, <a href= +"#pg419">419</a>.</li> + +<li>Vander Kindere's <i>Siècle des Artevelde</i>, <a href= +"#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Vannes, <a href="#pg354">354</a>, <a href="#pg355">355</a>, <a +href="#pg361">361</a>.</li> + +<li>Venice, <a href="#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Vercelli, Church of St. Andrew at, <a href= +"#pg015">15</a>.</li> + +<li>Vermandois, the, <a href="#pg336">336</a>, <a href= +"#pg340">340</a>, <a href="#pg413">413</a>.</li> + +<li>Verneuil, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Vescy, John de, <a href="#pg131">131</a>.</li> + +<li>Vescy, Lady, <a href="#pg248">248</a>.</li> + +<li>Vespers, the Sicilian, <a href="#pg146">146</a>.</li> + +<li>Vic, De, his <i>Histoire de Languedoc</i>, <a href= +"#pg462">462</a>.</li> + +<li>Vidal de la Blache's <i>Tableau de la Géographie de la +France</i>, <a href="#pg464">464</a>.</li> + +<li>Vienne, the river, <a href="#pg141">141</a>, <a href= +"#pg388">388</a>, <a href="#pg389">389</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Council of. <a href="#pg255">255</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Vierzon, <a href="#pg388">388</a>.</li> + +<li>Villeins, the, <a href="#pg377">377</a>.</li> + +<li>Vincennes, Convention of the Wood of, <a href= +"#pg328">328</a>.</li> + +<li>Vinogradoff's <i>Villainage in England</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Visconti, Bernabò, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Visconti, Galeazzo, <a href="#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Visconti of Milan, the, <a href="#pg429">429</a>, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li>Visconti, Violante, daughter of Galeazzo, of Pavia, <a href= +"#pg430">430</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Vision of Piers Plowman</i>, Langland's, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Viterbo, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, <a href="#pg134">134</a>, <a +href="#pg135">135</a>.</li> + +<li>Vitoria, <a href="#pg040">40</a>.</li> + +<li>Vyve-Saint-Bavon, truce of, <a href="#pg211">211</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Wadicourt, <a href="#pg362">362</a>.<a name="W" id="W" /></li> + +<li>Wace's <i>Brut</i>, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href= +"#pg457">457</a>.</li> + +<li>Wages affected by Black Death, <a href= +"#pg372">372</a>-375.</li> + +<li>Wake, Lord, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Wakes, the, of Liddell and Lincolnshire, <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>.</li> + +<li>Waleis, Henry le, Mayor of London, <a href= +"#pg142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Wales, <a href="#pg014">14</a>-16, <a href="#pg018">18</a>, <a +href="#pg024">24</a>, <a href="#pg029">29</a>, <a href= +"#pg037">37</a>, <a href="#pg038">38</a>, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, +<a href="#pg048">48</a>, <a href="#pg051">51</a>, <a href= +"#pg058">58</a>, <a href="#pg067">67</a>, <a href="#pg069">69</a>, +<a href="#pg074">74</a>-77, <a href="#pg098">98</a>, <a href= +"#pg099">99</a>, <a href="#pg101">101</a>, <a href= +"#pg102">102</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a>, <a href= +"#pg110">110</a>, <a href="#pg114">114</a>, <a href= +"#pg117">117</a>, <a href="#pg118">118</a>, <a href= +"#pg122">122</a>-128, <a href="#pg131">131</a>, <a href= +"#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg138">138</a>, <a href= +"#pg139">139</a>, <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href= +"#pg161">161-168</a>, <a href="#pg172">172</a>, <a href= +"#pg176">176</a>, <a href="#pg188">188</a>-191, <a href= +"#pg193">193</a>, <a href="#pg194">194</a>, <a href= +"#pg204">204</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>, <a href="#pg252">252</a>, <a href= +"#pg259">259</a>-263, <a href="#pg268">268</a>, <a href= +"#pg269">269</a>, <a href="#pg279">279</a>-281, <a href= +"#pg287">287</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>, <a href="#pg306">306</a>, <a href= +"#pg307">307</a>, <a href="#pg316">316</a>, <a href= +"#pg414">414</a>-416, <a href="#pg423">423</a>; + +<ul> +<li>statute of, <a href="#pg166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>records of, <a href="#pg448">448</a>.</li> + +<li>annals of, <a href="#pg459">459</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Wallace, Sir William, of Elderslie, <a href= +"#pg205">205</a>-208, <a href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href= +"#pg217">217</a>-221, <a href="#pg226">226</a>, <a href= +"#pg227">227</a>, <a href="#pg232">232</a>, <a href= +"#pg262">262</a>, <a href="#pg263">263</a>.</li> + +<li>Wallon's <i>Louis IX.</i>, <a href="#pg463">463</a>.</li> + +<li>Wallingford Castle and town, <a href="#pg239">239</a>, <a href= +"#pg242">242</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href= +"#pg250">250</a>, <a href="#pg300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>Walsingham, Thomas, <i>Gesta Abbatum S. Albani</i>, <a href= +"#pg452">452</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Historia Anglicana</i> of, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Walton, <a href="#pg299">299</a>.</li> + +<li>Wardrobe accounts, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Ware, <a href="#pg252">252</a>.</li> + +<li>Warenne, William, Earl (d. 1240), <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a +href="#pg045">45</a>.</li> + +<li>Warenne, John, Earl (d. 1304), son of above, <a href= +"#pg065">65</a>, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, +<a href="#pg114">114</a>-117, <a href="#pg120">120</a>, <a href= +"#pg124">124</a>, <a href="#pg125">125</a>, <a href= +"#pg149">149</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg197">197</a>, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg202">202</a>, <a href="#pg205">205</a>-207, <a href= +"#pg212">212</a>, <a href="#pg214">214</a>, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>.</li> + +<li>Warenne, John, Earl (d. 1347), grand-son of above, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>, <a href="#pg239">239</a>, <a href= +"#pg242">242</a>, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg245">245</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>-253, <a href= +"#pg259">259</a>, <a href="#pg272">272</a>-274, <a href= +"#pg283">283</a>, <a href="#pg291">291</a>, <a href= +"#pg299">299</a>, <a href="#pg315">315</a>.</li> + +<li>Wark, the Lord of, <a href="#pg196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Warwick Castle, <a href="#pg251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Warwick, Beauchamps of. See Beauchamps; + +<ul> +<li>Neufbourg, Earls of, <a href="#pg065">65</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Warwick, Guy of Beauchamp, Earl of, <a href="#pg241">241</a>, +<a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href= +"#pg251">251</a>, <a href="#pg259">259</a>, <a href= +"#pg272">272</a>, <a href="#pg291">291</a>.</li> + +<li>Warwick, Henry of Neufbourg, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg001">1</a>.</li> + +<li>Warwick, John du Plessis, Earl of, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, <a +href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href="#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Warwick, Thomas of Beauchamp, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg390">390</a>, <a href="#pg391">391</a>.</li> + +<li>Warwick, William Beauchamp, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Waverley, Annals of Abbey of, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> + +<li>Weald, the, <a href="#pg007">7</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a +href="#pg115">115</a>.</li> + +<li>Wear, the river, <a href="#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Wells, Hugh of, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#pg002">2</a>, <a +href="#pg003">3</a>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>Wells, Bishops of Bath and; + +<ul> +<li>See Burnell;</li> + +<li>Robert;</li> + +<li>Drokensford;</li> + +<li>Sandale.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Wenceslaus of Luxemburg, Duke of Brabant, brother of the +Emperor Charles IV., <a href="#pg410">410</a>, <a href= +"#pg420">420</a>.</li> + +<li>Wendover, Roger of, <a href="#pg021">21</a>, <a href= +"#pg022">22</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Flores Historiarum</i>, <a href="#pg451">451</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Westminster, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, <a href="#pg021">21</a>, +<a href="#pg046">46</a>, <a href="#pg054">54</a>, <a href= +"#pg071">71</a>, <a href="#pg135">135</a>, <a href= +"#pg143">143</a>, <a href="#pg147">147</a>, <a href= +"#pg161">161</a>, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href= +"#pg217">217</a>, <a href="#pg227">227</a>, <a href= +"#pg243">243</a>, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg242">242</a>, <a href="#pg301">301</a>, <a href= +"#pg308">308</a>, <a href="#pg310">310</a>, <a href= +"#pg437">437</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Abbey, <a href="#pg019">19</a>, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a +href="#pg134">134</a>, <a href="#pg135">135</a>, <a href= +"#pg184">184</a>, <a href="#pg198">198</a>, <a href= +"#pg303">303</a>.</li> + +<li>the Provisions of, <a href="#pg108">108</a>, <a href= +"#pg134">134</a>.</li> + +<li>the first statute of, <a href="#pg147">147</a>. <a href= +"#pg148">148</a>.</li> + +<li>second statute of, <a href="#pg153">153</a>, <a href= +"#pg154">154</a>.</li> + +<li>third statute of, <a href="#pg173">173</a>.</li> + +<li>Hall, <a href="#pg201">201</a>, <a href="#pg234">234</a>, <a +href="#pg253">253</a>.</li> + +<li>St. Stephen's Chapel, <a href="#pg310">310</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Westminster, Abbot of, <a href="#pg099">99</a>, <a href= +"#pg100">100</a>, <a href="#pg431">431</a>. See also Langham, +Simon.</li> + +<li>Westminster, Matthew of, imaginary chronicler, <a href= +"#pg452">452</a>.</li> + +<li>Westmoreland, <a href="#pg285">285</a>.</li> + +<li>Weyland, Sir Thomas, Chief Justice cf the Common Pleas, <a +href="#pg172">172</a>, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li>Weymouth, <a href="#pg370">370</a>.</li> + +<li>Whalley Abbey, <a href="#pg376">376</a>.</li> + +<li>Wharton's <i>Anglia Sacra</i>, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> + +<li>Whitecastle, <a href="#pg047">7</a>.</li> + +<li>White Friars, the, <a href="#pg086">86</a>. Whittaker, W.J., +his edition of <i>Le Mirroir des Justices</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>Whittingtons, the, <a href="#pg426">426</a>.</li> + +<li>Whittle sea, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg432">432</a>, <a href="#pg435">435</a>.</li> + +<li>Wicklow, <a href="#pg271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Wigford, <a href="#pg010">10</a>.</li> + +<li>Wight, Isle of, <a href="#pg006">6</a>, <a href= +"#pg224">224</a>.</li> + +<li>Wigmore, Castle, <a href="#pg125">125</a>; + +<ul> +<li>house of, <a href="#pg129">129</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Wigmore, Roger Mortimer of. See Mortimer, Roger.</li> + +<li>Wilkin of the Weald, <a href="#pg007">7-9</a>.</li> + +<li>Wilkins' <i>Concilia</i>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> + +<li>William I. of Avesnes, Count of Hainault,. Holland and Zealand. +<a href="#pg298">298</a>, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href= +"#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg333">333</a>.</li> + +<li>William II. of Avesnes, Count of Hainault, Holland and Zealand. +Son of the above, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href= +"#pg336">336</a>, <a href="#pg339">339</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>.</li> + +<li>William of Bavaria, Count of Hainault, Holland and Zealand, <a +href="#pg410">410</a>.</li> + +<li>William of Hatfield, son of Edward III., <a href= +"#pg428">428</a>.</li> + +<li>William of Holland, King of the Romans, <a href= +"#pg078">78</a>, <a href="#pg079">79</a>.</li> + +<li>William of Norwich, St., <a href="#pg175">175</a>.</li> + +<li>William of Savoy, Bishop-elect of Valence and Winchester, <a +href="#pg054">54</a>-56.</li> + +<li>William of Valence, Lord of Pembroke, <a href="#pg065">65</a>, +<a href="#pg098">98</a>, <a href="#pg109">109</a>, <a href= +"#pg117">117</a>, <a href="#pg124">124</a>, <a href= +"#pg125">125</a>, <a href="#pg162">162</a>, <a href= +"#pg165">165</a>, <a href="#pg202">202</a>.</li> + +<li>William I. the Conqueror, <a href="#pg052">52</a>, <a href= +"#pg073">73</a>, <a href="#pg345">345</a>, <a href= +"#pg360">360</a>.</li> + +<li>William the Lion, King of Scots, <a href="#pg177">177</a>, <a +href="#pg178">178</a>, <a href="#pg180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Wiltshire, <a href="#pg184">184</a>, <a href="#pg233">233</a>, +<a href="#pg422">422</a>.</li> + +<li>Winchelsea, <a href="#pg007">7</a>, <a href="#pg008">8</a>, <a +href="#pg129">129</a>, <a href="#pg205">205</a>, <a href= +"#pg384">384</a>, <a href="#pg396">396</a>; + +<ul> +<li>naval battle off, <a href="#pg384">384</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Winchelsea, Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href= +"#pg199">199</a>-204, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a href= +"#pg208">208</a>, <a href="#pg217">217</a>, <a href= +"#pg219">219</a>, <a href="#pg220">220</a>, <a href= +"#pg222">222</a>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>, <a href= +"#pg228">228</a>-232, <a href="#pg238">238</a>, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>, <a href="#pg241">241</a>, <a href= +"#pg242">242</a>, <a href="#pg244">244</a>, <a href= +"#pg249">249</a>, <a href="#pg254">254</a>-256, <a href= +"#pg265">265</a>, <a href="#pg303">303</a>.</li> + +<li>Winchester, <a href="#pg001">1</a>, <a href="#pg009">9</a>, <a +href="#pg102">102</a>, <a href="#pg109">109</a>; + +<ul> +<li>bishopric of, <a href="#pg108">108</a>.</li> + +<li>Cathedral of, <a href="#pg056">56</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>.</li> + +<li>parliament of March, 1330, at, <a href="#pg307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Annals of, <a href="#pg454">454</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Winchester, Bishops of; + +<ul> +<li>See Edington, William;</li> + +<li>Roches, Peter des;</li> + +<li>Stratford, John;</li> + +<li>Aymer of Valence;</li> + +<li>Woodlock, Henry;</li> + +<li>William of Savoy;</li> + +<li>Wykeham, William of.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Winchester, Hugh Despenser, the elder, Earl of, <a href= +"#pg287">287</a>. See Despenser.</li> + +<li>Winchester, Saer de Quincy, Earl of, <a href="#pg009">9</a>, <a +href="#pg013">13</a>.</li> + +<li>Windsor, town and castle, <a href="#pg110">110</a>, 112, <a +href="#pg249">249</a>, <a href="#pg310">310</a>, <a href= +"#pg356">356</a>, <a href="#pg406">406</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Round Table at, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg380">380</a>.</li> + +<li>Chapel, St. George's at, <a href="#pg380">380</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Wingham, Henry, <a href="#pg099">99</a>.</li> + +<li>Wishart, Robert, Bishop of Glasgow, <a href="#pg206">206</a>, +<a href="#pg227">227</a>, <a href="#pg233">233</a>, <a href= +"#pg234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Wither, WIlliam, <a href="#pg030">30</a>.</li> + +<li>Wolvesey Castle, Winchester, <a href="#pg102">102</a>, <a href= +"#pg103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Women In the law courts, <a href="#pg347">347</a>; + +<ul> +<li>French law of succession of, <a href="#pg437">437</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Woodlock, Henry, Bishop of Winchester, <a href= +"#pg239">239</a>.</li> + +<li>Woodstock, <a href="#pg075">75</a>.</li> + +<li>Wool trade <a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, +<a href="#pg369">369</a>, <a href="#pg427">427</a>, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>.</li> + +<li>Worcester, <a href="#pg001">1-3</a>, <a href="#pg015">15</a>, +<a href="#pg044">44</a>, <a href="#pg085">85</a>, <a href= +"#pg121">121</a>, <a href="#pg122">122</a>, <a href= +"#pg126">126</a>, <a href="#pg127">127</a>, <a href= +"#pg284">284</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Bishops of, see Cantilupe, Walter; Reynolds, Walter.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Worcester, Provisions of, <a href="#pg121">121</a>, <a href= +"#pg124">124</a>; + +<ul> +<li><i>Annals</i> of, <a href="#pg455">455</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Wright's, T., <i>Political Songs</i>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>; + + +<ul> +<li><i>Political Songs and Poems</i>, <a href= +"#pg461">461</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li><i>Writs, Parliamentary</i>, edited by Sir F. Palgrave, <a +href="#pg444">444</a>, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Wycliffe, John, <a href="#pg376">376</a>, <a href= +"#pg377">377</a>, 42l, <a href="#pg425">425</a>, <a href= +"#pg427">427</a>, <a href="#pg434">434</a>, <a href= +"#pg439">439</a>-441, <a href="#pg453">453</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his writings, <a href="#pg461">461</a>-463.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Wye, the river, <a href="#pg047">47</a>, <a href= +"#pg076">76</a>, <a href="#pg111">111</a>, <a href= +"#pg126">126</a>, <a href="#pg163">163</a>, <a href= +"#pg280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Wykeham, William of, Bishop of Winchester, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>, <a href="#pg432">432</a>, <a href= +"#pg433">433</a>, <a href="#pg435">435</a>, <a href= +"#pg438">438</a>-440; + +<ul> +<li>his <i>Register</i>, <a href="#pg450">450</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Wykes, Thomas, <i>Chronicle of</i>, <a href= +"#pg455">455</a>.</li> + +<li>Wynn, John, <a href="#pg414">414</a>.</li> + +<li>Wyntoun, Andrew, <i>Originale</i> by, <a href= +"#pg459">459</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Yale, <a href="#pg162">162</a>.<a name="Y" id="Y" /></li> + +<li>Yarmouth, <a href="#pg192">192</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a>, +<a href="#pg210">210</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Year Books</i>, the, <a href="#pg095">95</a>, <a href= +"#pg420">420</a>, <a href="#pg461">461</a>.</li> + +<li>York, <a href="#pg023">23</a>, <a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a +href="#pg212">212</a>, <a href="#pg226">226</a>, <a href= +"#pg249">249</a>, <a href="#pg250">250</a>, <a href= +"#pg255">255</a>, <a href="#pg264">264</a>, <a href= +"#pg276">276</a>, <a href="#pg286">286</a>, <a href= +"#pg301">301</a>, <a href="#pg304">304</a>, <a href= +"#pg305">305</a>, <a href="#pg377">377</a>, <a href= +"#pg387">387</a>, <a href="#pg423">423</a>; + +<ul> +<li>parliaments at, <a href="#pg274">274</a>, <a href= +"#pg275">275</a>, <a href="#pg287">287</a>-289.</li> + +<li>house of, <a href="#pg431">431</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>York, Archbishops of.; + +<ul> +<li>See Giffard, Walter;</li> + +<li>Greenfield, William;</li> + +<li>Grey, Walter;</li> + +<li>Melton, William;</li> + +<li>Thoresby, John;</li> + +<li>Zouch, William de la.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>York, Edmund of Langley, Earl of Cambridge, Duke of, <a href= +"#pg431">431</a>, see Edmund.</li> + +<li>Yorkshire, <a href="#pg096">96</a>, <a href="#pg180">180</a>, +<a href="#pg205">205</a>, <a href="#pg273">273</a>-277, <a href= +"#pg285">285</a>, <a href="#pg286">286</a>, <a href= +"#pg289">289</a>, <a href="#pg421">421</a>, <a href= +"#pg423">423</a>, <a href="#pg447">447</a>.</li> + +<li>Ypres, <a href="#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg341">341</a>, <a +href="#pg344">344</a>.</li> + +<li>Yrvon, the river, <a href="#pg163">163</a>.</li> + +<li>Ystradvellte, <a href="#pg174">174</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Zealand, county of, <a href="#pg299">299</a>, <a href= +"#pg332">332</a>, <a href="#pg356">356</a>, <a href= +"#pg410">410</a>.<a name="Z" id="Z" /></li> + +<li>Zouch, William de la, Archbishop of York, <a href= +"#pg365">365</a>.</li> + +<li>Zwyn, the river, <a href="#pg344">344</a>, <a href= +"#pg346">346</a>; + +<ul> +<li>harbour, <a href="#pg346">346</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>CORRIGENDA</h4> + +<p>Chapter II, Paragraph 5, for Roger Bigod read Hugh Bigod.</p> + +<p>Chapter X, Paragraph 4, for Earl of Cornwall read Earl of +Lancaster.</p> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of England, by T.F. 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