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diff --git a/1663-h/1663-h.htm b/1663-h/1663-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..67d2fe7 --- /dev/null +++ b/1663-h/1663-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,2769 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="us-ascii"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + Webster's Seventh of March Speech, by Herbert Darling Foster + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + div.middle { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal; + margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; + text-align: right;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Webster's Seventh of March Speech, and the +Secession Movement, by Herbert Darling Foster + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Webster's Seventh of March Speech, and the Secession Movement + +Author: Herbert Darling Foster + +Commentator: Nathaniel Wright Stephenson + +Release Date: November 23, 2008 [EBook #1663] +Last Updated: January 26, 2013 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WEBSTER'S SPEECH *** + + + + +Produced by Dianne Bean, and David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + WEBSTER'S SEVENTH OF MARCH SPEECH + </h1> + <h2> + AND THE SECESSION MOVEMENT, 1850 + </h2> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h2> + By Herbert Darling Foster + </h2> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h3> + With foreword by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson + </h3> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h4> + American Historical Review Vol. XXVII., No. 2 <br /> January, 1922 + </h4> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h2> + Contents + </h2> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tr> + <td> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_FORE"> FOREWORD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> WEBSTER'S SEVENTH OF MARCH SPEECH AND THE + SECESSION MOVEMENT, 1850 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> I. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> II. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> III. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> IV. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_FOOT"> FOOTNOTES </a> + </p> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_FORE" id="link2H_FORE"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h2> + FOREWORD + </h2> + <p> + It is very curious that much of the history of the United States in the + Forties and Fifties of the last century has vanished from the general + memory. When a skilled historian reopens the study of Webster's "Seventh + of March speech" it is more than likely that nine out of ten Americans + will have to cudgel their wits endeavoring to make quite sure just where + among our political adventures that famous oration fits in. How many of us + could pass a satisfactory examination on the antecedent train of events—the + introduction in Congress of that Wilmot Proviso designed to make free soil + of all the territory to be acquired in the Mexican War; the instant and + bitter reaction of the South; the various demands for some sort of + partition of the conquered area between the sections, between slave labor + and free labor; the unforeseen intrusion of the gold seekers of California + in 1849, and their unauthorized formation of a new state based on free + labor; the flaming up of Southern alarm, due not to one cause but to many, + chiefly to the obvious fact that the free states were acquiring + preponderance in Congress; the southern threats of secession; the fury of + the Abolitionists demanding no concessions to the South, come what might; + and then, just when a rupture seemed inevitable, when Northern extremists + and Southern extremists seemed about to snatch control of their sections, + Webster's bold play to the moderates on both sides, his scheme of + compromise, announced in that famous speech on the seventh of March, 1850? + </p> + <p> + Most people are still aware that Webster was harshly criticized for making + that speech. It is dimly remembered that the Abolitionists called him + "Traitor", refusing to attribute to him any motive except the gaining of + Southern support which might land him in the Presidency. At the time—so + bitter was factional suspicion!—this view gained many adherents. It + has not lost them all, even now. + </p> + <p> + This false interpretation of Webster turns on two questions—was + there a real danger of secession in 1850? Was Webster sincere in deriving + his policy from a sense of national peril, not from self-interest? In the + study which follows Professor Foster makes an adequate case for Webster, + answering the latter question. The former he deals with in a general way + establishing two things, the fact of Southern readiness to secede, the + attendant fact that the South changed its attitude after the Seventh of + March. His limits prevent his going on to weigh and appraise the sincerity + of those fanatics who so furiously maligned Webster, who created the + tradition that he had cynically sold out to the Southerners. Did they + believe their own fiction? The question is a large one and involves this + other, did they know what was going on in the South? Did they realize that + the Union on March 6, 1850, was actually at a parting of the ways,—that + destruction or Civil War formed an imminent issue? + </p> + <p> + Many of those who condemned compromise may be absolved from the charge of + insincerity on the ground that they did not care whether the Union was + preserved or riot. Your true blue Abolitionist was very little of a + materialist. Nor did he have primarily a crusading interest in the + condition of the blacks. He was introspective. He wanted the + responsibility for slavery taken off his own soul. As later events were to + prove, he was also pretty nearly a pacifist; war for the Union, pure and + simple, made no appeal to him. It was part of Webster's insight that he + divined this, that he saw there was more pacifism than natural ardor in + the North of 1850, saw that the precipitation of a war issue might spell + the end of the United Republic. Therefore, it was to circumvent the + Northern pacifists quite as much as to undermine the Southern + expansionists that he offered compromise and avoided war. + </p> + <p> + But what of those other detractors of Webster, those who were for the + Union and yet believed he had sold out? Their one slim defense is the + conviction that the South did not mean what it said, that Webster, had he + dared offend the South, could have saved the day—from their point of + view—without making concessions. Professor Foster, always ready to + do scrupulous justice, points out the dense ignorance in each section of + the other, and there lets the matter rest. But what shall we say of a + frame of mind, which in that moment of crisis, either did not read the + Southern newspapers, or reading them and finding that the whole South was + netted over by a systematically organized secession propaganda made no + attempt to gauge its strength, scoffed at it all as buncombe! Even later + historians have done the same thing. In too many cases they have assumed + that because the compromise was followed by an apparent collapse of the + secession propaganda, the propaganda all along was without reality. We + know today that the propaganda did not collapse. For strategic reasons it + changed its policy. But it went on steadily growing and gaining ground + until it triumphed in 1861. Webster, not his foolish opponents, gauged its + strength correctly in 1850. + </p> + <p> + The clew to what actually happened in 1850 lies in the course of such an + ardent Southerner as, for example, Langdon Cheeves. Early in the year, he + was a leading secessionist, but at the close of the year a leading + anti-secessionist. His change of front, forced upon him by his own + thinking about the situation was a bitter disappointment to himself. What + animated him was a deep desire to take the whole South out of the Union. + When, at the opening of the year, the North seemed unwilling to + compromise, he, and many another, thought their time had come. At the + first Nashville Convention he advised a general secession, assuming that + Virginia, "our premier state," would lead the movement and when Virginia + later in the year swung over from secession to anti-secession, Cheeves + reluctantly changed his policy. The compromise had not altered his views—broadly + speaking it had not satisfied the Lower South—but it had done + something still more eventful, it had so affected the Upper South that a + united secession became for a while impossible. Therefore, Cheeves and all + like him—and they were the determining factor of the hour—resolved + to bide their time, to wait until their propaganda had done its work, + until the entire South should agree to go out together. Their argument, + all preserved in print, but ignored by historians for sixty years + thereafter, was perfectly frank. As one of them put it, in the face of the + changed attitude of Virginia, "to secede now would be to secede from the + South." + </p> + <p> + Here is the aspect of Webster's great stroke that was so long ignored. He + did not satisfy the whole South. He did not make friends for himself of + Southerners generally. What he did do was to drive a wedge into the South, + to divide it temporarily against itself. He arrayed the Upper South + against the Lower and thus because of the ultimate purposes of men like + Cheeves, with their ambition to weld the South into a genuine unit, he + forced them all to stand still, and thus to give Northern pacifism a + chance to ebb, Northern nationalism a chance to develop. A comprehensive + brief for the defense on this crucial point in the interpretation of + American history, is Professor Foster's contribution. + </p> + <p> + NATHANIEL WRIGHT STEPHENSON <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WEBSTER'S SEVENTH OF MARCH SPEECH AND THE SECESSION MOVEMENT, 1850 + </h2> + <p> + The moral earnestness and literary skill of Whittier, Lowell, Garrison, + Phillips, and Parker, have fixed in many minds the antislavery doctrine + that Webster's 7th of March speech was "scandalous, treachery", and + Webster a man of little or no "moral sense", courage, or statesmanship. + That bitter atmosphere, reproduced by Parton and von Holst, was + perpetuated a generation later by Lodge. <a href="#linknote-1" + name="linknoteref-1" id="linknoteref-1"><small>1</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Since 1900, over fifty publications throwing light on Webster and the + Secession movement of 1850 have appeared, nearly a score containing fresh + contemporary evidence. These twentieth-century historians—Garrison + of Texas, Smith of Williams, Stephenson of Charleston and Yale, Van Tyne, + Phillips, Fisher in his True Daniel Webster, or Ames, Hearon, and Cole in + their monographs on Southern conditions—many of them born in one + section and educated in another, brought into broadening relations with + Northern and Southern investigators, trained in the modern historical + spirit and freed by the mere lapse of time from much of the passion of + slavery and civil war, have written with less emotion and more knowledge + than the abolitionists, secessionists, or their disciples who preceded + Rhodes. + </p> + <p> + Under the auspices of the American Historical Association have appeared + the correspondence of Calhoun, of Chase, of Toombs, Stephens, and Cobb, + and of Hunter of Virginia. Van Tyne's Letters of Webster (1902), including + hundreds hitherto unpublished, was further supplemented in the sixteenth + volume of the "National Edition" of Webster's Writings and Speeches + (1903). These two editions contain, for 1850 alone, 57 inedited letters. + </p> + <p> + Manuscript collections and newspapers, comparatively unknown to earlier + writers, have been utilized in monographs dealing with the situation in + 1850 in South Carolina, Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, North Carolina, + Louisiana, and Tennessee, published by. universities or historical + societies. + </p> + <p> + The cooler and matured judgments of men who knew Webster personally—Foote, + Stephens, Wilson, Seward, and Whittier, in the last century; Hoar, Hale, + Fisher, Hosmer, and Wheeler in recent years-modify their partizan + political judgments of 1850. The new printed evidence is confirmed by + manuscript material: 2,500 letters of the Greenough Collection available + since the publication of the recent editions of Webster's letters and + apparently unused by Webster's biographers; and Hundreds of still inedited + Webster Papers in the New Hampshire Historical Society, and scattered in + minor collections. <a href="#linknote-2" name="linknoteref-2" + id="linknoteref-2"><small>2</small></a> This mass of new material makes + possible and desirable a re-examination of the evidence as to (1) the + danger from the secession movement in 1850; (2) Webster's change in + attitude toward the disunion danger in February, 1850; (3) the purpose and + character of his 7th of March speech; (4) the effects of his speech and + attitude upon the secession movement. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + I. + </h2> + <p> + During the session of Congress of 1849-1850, the peace of the Union was + threatened by problems centering around slavery and the territory acquired + as a result of the Mexican War: California's demand for admission with a + constitution prohibiting slavery; the Wilmot Proviso excluding slavery + from the rest of the Mexican acquisitions (Utah and New Mexico); the + boundary dispute between Texas and New Mexico; the abolition of slave + trade in the District of Columbia; and an effective fugitive slave law to + replace that of 1793. + </p> + <p> + The evidence for the steadily growing danger of secession until March, + 1850, is no longer to be sought in Congressional speeches, but rather in + the private letters of those men, Northern and Southern, who were the + shrewdest political advisers of the South, and in the official acts of + representative bodies of Southerners in local or state meetings, state + legislatures, and the Nashville Convention. Even after the compromise was + accepted in the South and the secessionists defeated in 1850-1851, the + Southern states generally adopted the Georgia platform or its equivalent + declaring that the Wilmot Proviso or the repeal of the fugitive-slave law + would lead the South to "resist even (as a last resort) to a disruption of + every tie which binds her to the Union". Southern disunion sentiment was + not sporadic or a party matter; it was endemic. + </p> + <p> + The disunion sentiment in the North was not general; but Garrison, + publicly proclaiming "I am an abolitionist and therefore for the + dissolution of the Union", and his followers who pronounced "the + Constitution a covenant with death and an agreement with hell", exercised + a twofold effect far in excess of their numbers. In the North, + abolitionists aroused bitter antagonism to slavery; in the South they + strengthened the conviction of the lawfulness of slavery and the + desirability of secession in preference to abolition. "The abolition + question must soon divide us", a South Carolinian wrote his former + principal in Vermont. "We are beginning to look upon it [disunion] as a + relief from incessant insult. I have been myself surprised at the unusual + prevalence and depth of this feeling." <a href="#linknote-3" + name="linknoteref-3" id="linknoteref-3"><small>3</small></a> "The + abolition movement", as Houston has pointed out, "prevented any + considerable abatement of feeling, and added volume to the current which + was to sweep the State out of the Union in 1860." <a href="#linknote-4" + name="linknoteref-4" id="linknoteref-4"><small>4</small></a> South + Carolina's ex-governor, Hammond, wrote Calhoun in December, 1849, "the + conduct of the abolitionists in congress is daily giving it [disunion] + powerful aid". "The sooner we can get rid of it [the union] the better." + <a href="#linknote-5" name="linknoteref-5" id="linknoteref-5"><small>5</small></a> + The conclusion of both Blair of Kentucky and Winthrop <a href="#linknote-6" + name="linknoteref-6" id="linknoteref-6"><small>6</small></a> of + Massachusetts, that "Calhoun and his instruments are really solicitous to + break up the Union", was warranted by Calhoun's own statement. + </p> + <p> + Calhoun, desiring to save the Union if he could, but at all events to save + the South, and convinced that there was "no time to lose", hoped "a + decisive issue will be made with the North". In February, 1850, he wrote, + "Disunion is the only alternative that is left us." <a href="#linknote-7" + name="linknoteref-7" id="linknoteref-7"><small>7</small></a> At last + supported by some sort of action in thirteen Southern states, and in nine + states by appointment of delegates to his Southern Convention, he declared + in the Senate, March 4, "the South, is united against the Wilmot proviso, + and has committed itself, by solemn resolutions, to resist should it be + adopted". "The South will be forced to choose between abolition and + secession." "The Southern States... cannot remain, as things now are, + consistently with honor and safety, in the Union." <a href="#linknote-8" + name="linknoteref-8" id="linknoteref-8"><small>8</small></a> + </p> + <p> + That Beverley Tucker rightly judged that this speech of Calhoun expressed + what was "in the mind of every man in the State" is confirmed by the + approval of Hammond and other observers; by their judgment that "everyone + was ripe for disunion and no one ready to make a speech in favor of the + union"; by the testimony of the governor, that South Carolina "is ready + and anxious for an immediate separation"; and by the concurrent testimony + of even the few "Unionists" like Petigru and Lieber, who wrote Webster, + "almost everyone is for southern separation", "disunion is the... + predominant sentiment". "For arming the state $350,000 has been put at the + disposal of the governor." "Had I convened the legislature two or three + weeks before the regular meeting," adds the governor, "such was the + excited state of the public mind at that time, I am convinced South + Carolina would not now have been a member of the Union. The people are + very far ahead of their leaders." Ample first-hand evidence of South + Carolina's determination to secede in 1850 may be found in the + Correspondence of Calhoun, in Claiborne's Quitman, in the acts of the + assembly, in the newspapers, in the legislature's vote "to resist at any + and all hazards", and in the choice of resistance-men to the Nashville + Convention and the state convention. This has been so convincingly set + forth in Ames's Calhoun and the Secession Movement of 1850, and in Hamer's + Secession Movement in South Carolina, 1847-1852, that there is need of + very few further illustrations. <a href="#linknote-9" name="linknoteref-9" + id="linknoteref-9"><small>9</small></a> + </p> + <p> + That South Carolina postponed secession for ten years was due to the + Compromise. Alabama and Virginia adopted resolutions accepting the + compromise in 1850-1851; and the Virginia legislature tactfully urged + South Carolina to abandon secession. The 1851 elections in Alabama, + Georgia, and Mississippi showed the South ready to accept the Compromise, + the crucial test being in Mississippi, where the voters followed Webster's + supporter, Foote. <a href="#linknote-10" name="linknoteref-10" + id="linknoteref-10"><small>10</small></a> That Petigru was right in + maintaining that South, Carolina merely abandoned immediate and separate + secession is shown by the almost unanimous vote of the South Carolina + State Convention of 1852, <a href="#linknote-11" name="linknoteref-11" + id="linknoteref-11"><small>11</small></a> that the state was amply + justified "in dissolving at once all political connection with her + co-States", but refrained from this "manifest right of self-government + from considerations of expediency only". <a href="#linknote-12" + name="linknoteref-12" id="linknoteref-12"><small>12</small></a> + </p> + <p> + In Mississippi, a preliminary convention, instigated by Calhoun, + recommended the holding of a Southern convention at Nashville in June, + 1850, to "adopt some mode of resistance". The "Resolutions" declared the + Wilmot Proviso "such a breach of the federal compact as... will make it + the duty... of the slave-holding states to treat the non-slave-holding + states as enemies". The "Address" recommended "all the assailed states to + provide in the last resort for their separate welfare by the formation of + a compact and a Union". "The object of this [Nashville Convention] is to + familiarize the public mind with the idea of dissolution", rightly judged + the Richmond Whig and the Lynchburg Virginian. + </p> + <p> + Radical resistance men controlled the legislature and "cordially approved" + the disunion resolution and address, chose delegates to the Nashville + Convention, appropriated $20,000 for their expenses and $200,000 for + "necessary measures for protecting the state.. . in the event of the + passage of the Wilmot Proviso", etc. <a href="#linknote-13" + name="linknoteref-13" id="linknoteref-13"><small>13</small></a> These + actions of Mississippi's legislature one day before Webster's 7th of March + speech mark approximately the peak of the secession movement. + </p> + <p> + Governor Quitman, in response to public demand, called the legislature and + proposed "to recommend the calling of a regular convention... with full + power to annul the federal compact". "Having no hope of an effectual + remedy... but in separation from the Northern States, my views of state + action will look to secession." <a href="#linknote-14" + name="linknoteref-14" id="linknoteref-14"><small>14</small></a> The + legislature supported Quitman's and Jefferson Davis's plans for + resistance, censured Foote's support of the Compromise, and provided for a + state convention of delegates. <a href="#linknote-15" name="linknoteref-15" + id="linknoteref-15"><small>15</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Even the Mississippi "Unionists" adopted the six standard points generally + accepted in the South which would justify resistance. "And this is the + Union party", was the significant comment of the New York Tribune. This + Union Convention, however, believed that Quitman's message was treasonable + and that there was ample evidence of a plot to dissolve the Union and form + a Southern confederacy. Their programme was adopted by the State + Convention the following year. <a href="#linknote-16" name="linknoteref-16" + id="linknoteref-16"><small>16</small></a> The radical Mississippians + reiterated Calhoun's constitutional guarantees of sectional equality and + non-interference with slavery, and declared for a Southern convention with + power to recommend "secession from the Union and the formation of a + Southern confederacy". <a href="#linknote-17" name="linknoteref-17" + id="linknoteref-17"><small>17</small></a> + </p> + <p> + "The people of Mississippi seemed... determined to defend their equality + in the Union, or to retire from it by peaceful secession. Had the issue + been pressed at the moment when the excitement was at its highest point, + an isolated and very serious movement might have occurred, which South + Carolina, without doubt, would have promptly responded to." <a + href="#linknote-18" name="linknoteref-18" id="linknoteref-18"><small>18</small></a> + </p> + <p> + In Georgia, evidence as to "which way the wind blows" was received by the + Congressional trio, Alexander Stephens, Toombs, and Cobb, from trusted + observers at home. "The only safety of the South from abolition universal + is to be found in an early dissolution of the Union." Only one democrat + was found justifying Cobb's opposition to Calhoun and the Southern + Convention. <a href="#linknote-19" name="linknoteref-19" + id="linknoteref-19"><small>19</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Stephens himself, anxious to "stick to the Constitutional Union" reveals + in confidential letters to Southern Unionists the rapidly growing danger + of disunion. "The feeling among the Southern members for a dissolution of + the Union... is becoming much more general." "Men are now [December, 1849] + beginning to talk of it seriously who twelve months ago hardly permitted + themselves to think of it." "Civil war in this country better be prevented + if it can be." After a month's "farther and broader view", he concluded, + "the crisis is not far ahead... a dismemberment of this Republic I now + consider inevitable." <a href="#linknote-20" name="linknoteref-20" + id="linknoteref-20"><small>20</small></a> + </p> + <p> + On February 8, 1850, the Georgia legislature appropriated $30,000 for a + state convention to consider measures of redress, and gave warning that + anti-slavery aggressions would "induce us to contemplate the possibility + of a dissolution". <a href="#linknote-21" name="linknoteref-21" + id="linknoteref-21"><small>21</small></a> "I see no prospect of a + continuance of this Union long", wrote Stephens two days later. <a + href="#linknote-22" name="linknoteref-22" id="linknoteref-22"><small>22</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Speaker Cobb's advisers warned him that "the predominant feeling of + Georgia" was "equality or disunion", and that "the destructives" were + trying to drive the South into disunion. "But for your influence, Georgia + would have been more rampant for dissolution than South Carolina ever + was." "S. Carolina will secede, but we can and must put a stop to it in + Georgia." <a href="#linknote-23" name="linknoteref-23" id="linknoteref-23"><small>23</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Public opinion in Georgia, which had been "almost ready for immediate + secession", was reversed only after the passage of the Compromise and by + means of a strenuous campaign against the Secessionists which Stephens, + Toombs, and Cobb were obliged to return to Georgia to conduct to a + Successful issue. <a href="#linknote-24" name="linknoteref-24" + id="linknoteref-24"><small>24</small></a> Yet even the Unionist Convention + of Georgia, elected by this campaign, voted almost unanimously "the + Georgia platform" already described, of resistance, even to disruption, + against the Wilmot Proviso, the repeal of the fugitive slave law, and the + other measures generally selected for reprobation in the South. <a + href="#linknote-25" name="linknoteref-25" id="linknoteref-25"><small>25</small></a> + "Even the existence of the Union depended upon the settlement"; "we would + have resisted by our arms if the wrong [Wilmot Proviso] had been + perpetuated", were Stephens's later judgments. <a href="#linknote-26" + name="linknoteref-26" id="linknoteref-26"><small>26</small></a> It is to + be remembered that the Union victory in Georgia was based upon the + Compromise and that Webster's share in "strengthening the friends of the + Union" was recognized by Stephens. + </p> + <p> + The disunion movement manifested also dangerous strength in Virginia and + Alabama, and showed possibilities of great danger in Tennessee, North + Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, Maryland, Missouri, Texas, and Arkansas. The + majority of the people may not have favored secession in 1850 any more + than in 1860; but the leaders could and did carry most of the Southern + legislatures in favor of uniting for resistance. + </p> + <p> + The "ultras" in Virginia, under the lead of Tucker, and in Alabama under + Yancey, frankly avowed their desire to stimulate impossible demands so + that disunion would be inevitable. Tucker at Nashville "ridiculed + Webster's assertion that the Union could not be dissolved without + bloodshed". On the eve of Webster's speech, Garnett of Virginia published + a frank advocacy of a Southern Confederacy, repeatedly reprinted, which + Clay declared "the most dangerous pamphlet he had ever read". <a + href="#linknote-27" name="linknoteref-27" id="linknoteref-27"><small>27</small></a> + Virginia, in providing for delegates to the Nashville Convention, + announced her readiness to join her "sister slave states" for "mutual + defence". She later acquiesced in the Compromise, but reasserted that + anti-slavery aggressions would "defeat restoration of peaceful + sentiments". <a href="#linknote-28" name="linknoteref-28" + id="linknoteref-28"><small>28</small></a> + </p> + <p> + In Texas there was acute danger of collision over the New Mexico boundary + with Federal troops which President Taylor was preparing to send. Stephens + frankly repeated Quitman's threats of Southern armed support of Texas. <a + href="#linknote-29" name="linknoteref-29" id="linknoteref-29"><small>29</small></a> + Cobb, Henderson of Texas, Duval of Kentucky, Anderson of Tennessee, and + Goode of Virginia expressed similar views as to the "imminent cause of + danger to the Union from Texas". The collision was avoided because the + more statesmanlike attitude of Webster prevailed rather than the + "soldier's" policy of Taylor. + </p> + <p> + The border states held a critical position in 1850, as they did in 1860. + "If they go for the Southern movement we shall have disunion." "Everything + is to depend from this day on the course of Kentucky, Tennessee and + Missouri." <a href="#linknote-30" name="linknoteref-30" id="linknoteref-30"><small>30</small></a> + Webster's conciliatory Union policy, in harmony with that of border state + leaders, like Bell of Tennessee, Benton of Missouri, Clay and Crittenden + of Kentucky, enabled Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri to stand by the + Union and refuse to send delegates to the Nashville Convention. + </p> + <p> + The attitude of the Southern states toward disunion may be followed + closely in their action as to the Nashville Convention. Nine Southern + states approved the Convention and appointed delegates before June, 1850, + six during the critical month preceding Webster's speech: Georgia, + February 6, 8; Texas and Tennessee, February 11; Virginia, February 12; + Alabama, just before the adjournment of the legislature, February 13; + Mississippi, March 5, 6. <a href="#linknote-31" name="linknoteref-31" + id="linknoteref-31"><small>31</small></a> Every one of the nine seceded in + 1860-1861; the border states (Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri) which kept out + of the Convention in 1850 likewise kept out of secession in 1861; and only + two states which seceded in 1861 failed to join the Southern movement in + 1850 (North Carolina and Louisiana). This significant parallel between the + action of the Southern states in 1850 and in 1860 suggests the permanent + strength of the secession movement of 1850. Moreover, the alignment of + leaders was strikingly the same in 1850 and 1860. Those who headed the + secession movement in 1850 in their respective states were among the + leaders of secession in 1860 and 1861: Rhett in South Carolina; Yancey in + Alabama; Jefferson Davis and Brown in Mississippi Garnett, Goode, and + Hunter in Virginia; Johnston in Arkansas; Clingman in North Carolina. On + the other hand, nearly all the men who in 1850 favored the Compromise, in + 1860 either remained Union men, like Crittenden, Houston of Texas, + Sharkey, Lieber, Petigru, and Provost Kennedy of Baltimore, or, like + Stephens, Morehead, and Foote, vainly tried to restrain secession. + </p> + <p> + In the states unrepresented at the Nashville Convention-Missouri, + Kentucky, Maryland, North Carolina, and Louisiana—there was much + sympathy with the Southern movement. In Louisiana, the governor's proposal + to send delegates was blocked by the Whigs. <a href="#linknote-32" + name="linknoteref-32" id="linknoteref-32"><small>32</small></a> + "Missouri", in case of the Wilmot Proviso, "will be found in hearty + co-operation with the slave-holding states for mutual protection + against... Northern fanaticism", her legislature resolved. <a + href="#linknote-33" name="linknoteref-33" id="linknoteref-33"><small>33</small></a> + Missouri's instructions to her senators were denounced as "disunion in + their object" by her own Senator Benton. The Maryland legislature + resolved, February 26: "Maryland will take her position with her Southern + sister states in the maintenance of the constitution with all its + compromises." The Whig senate, however, prevented sanctioning of the + convention and sending of delegates. Florida's governor wrote the governor + of South Carolina that Florida would co-operate with Virginia and South + Carolina "in any measure in defense of our common Constitution and + sovereign dignity". "Florida has resolved to resist to the extent of + revolution", declared her representative in Congress, March 5. Though the + Whigs did not support the movement, five delegates came from Florida to + the Nashville Convention. <a href="#linknote-34" name="linknoteref-34" + id="linknoteref-34"><small>34</small></a> + </p> + <p> + In Kentucky, Crittenden's repeated messages against "disunion" and + "entangling engagements" reveal the danger seen by a Southern Union + governor. <a href="#linknote-35" name="linknoteref-35" id="linknoteref-35"><small>35</small></a> + Crittenden's changing attitude reveals the growing peril, and the growing + reliance on Webster's and Clay's plans. By April, Crittenden recognized + that "the Union is endangered", "the case... rises above ordinary rules", + "circumstances have rather changed". He reluctantly swung from Taylor's + plan of dealing with California alone, to the Clay and Webster idea of + settling the "whole controversy". <a href="#linknote-36" + name="linknoteref-36" id="linknoteref-36"><small>36</small></a> + Representative Morehead wrote Crittenden, "The extreme Southern gentlemen + would secretly deplore the settlement of this question. The magnificence + of a Southern Confederacy... is a dazzling allurement." Clay like Webster, + saw "the alternative, civil war". <a href="#linknote-37" + name="linknoteref-37" id="linknoteref-37"><small>37</small></a> + </p> + <p> + In North Carolina, the majority appear to have been loyal to the Union; + but the extremists—typified by Clingman, the public meeting at + Wilmington, and the newspapers like the Wilmington Courier—reveal + the presence of a dangerously aggressive body "with a settled + determination to dissolve the Union" and frankly "calculating the + advantages of a Southern Confederacy." Southern observers in this state + reported that "the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law or the abolition of + slavery in the District will dissolve the Union". The North Carolina + legislature acquiesced in the Compromise but counselled retaliation in + case of anti-slavery aggressions. <a href="#linknote-38" + name="linknoteref-38" id="linknoteref-38"><small>38</small></a> Before the + assembling of the Southern convention in June, every one of the Southern + states, save Kentucky, had given some encouragement to the Southern + movement, and Kentucky had given warning and proposed a compromise through + Clay. <a href="#linknote-39" name="linknoteref-39" id="linknoteref-39"><small>39</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Nine Southern states-Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, + Mississippi, Texas, Arkansas, Florida, and Tennessee sent about 176 + delegates to the Nashville Convention. The comparatively harmless outcome + of this convention, in June, led earlier historians to underestimate the + danger of the resistance movement in February and March when backed by + legislatures, newspapers, and public opinion, before the effect was felt + of the death of Calhoun and Taylor, and of Webster's support of + conciliation. Stephens and the Southern Unionists rightly recognized that + the Nashville Convention "will be the nucleus of another sectional + assembly". "A fixed alienation of feeling will be the result." "The game + of the destructives is to use the Missouri Compromise principle [as + demanded by the Nashville Convention] as a medium of defeating all + adjustments and then to... infuriate the South and drive her into measures + that must end in disunion." "All who go to the Nashville Convention are + ultimately to fall into that position." This view is confirmed by Judge + Warner and other observers in Georgia and by the unpublished letters of + Tucker. <a href="#linknote-40" name="linknoteref-40" id="linknoteref-40"><small>40</small></a> + "Let the Nashville Convention be held", said the Columbus, Georgia, + Sentinel, "and let the undivided voice of the South go forth... declaring + our determination to resist even to civil war." <a href="#linknote-41" + name="linknoteref-41" id="linknoteref-41"><small>41</small></a> The speech + of Rhett of South Carolina, author of the convention's "Address", "frankly + and boldly unfurled the flag of disunion". "If every Southern State should + quail... South Carolina alone should make the issue." "The opinion of the + [Nashville] address is, and I believe the opinion of a large portion of + the Southern people is, that the Union cannot be made to endure", was + delegate Barnwell's admission to Webster. <a href="#linknote-42" + name="linknoteref-42" id="linknoteref-42"><small>42</small></a> + </p> + <p> + The influence of the Compromise is brought out in the striking change in + the attitude of Senator Foote, and of judge Sharkey of Mississippi, the + author of the radical "Address" of the preliminary Mississippi Convention, + and chairman of both this and the Nashville Convention. After the + Compromise measures were reported in May by Clay and Webster's committee, + Sharkey became convinced that the Compromise should be accepted and so + advised Foote. Sharkey also visited Washington and helped to pacify the + rising storm by "suggestions to individual Congressmen". <a + href="#linknote-43" name="linknoteref-43" id="linknoteref-43"><small>43</small></a> + In the Nashville Convention, Sharkey therefore exercised a moderating + influence as chairman and refused to sign its disunion address. Convinced + that the Compromise met essential Southern demands, Sharkey urged that "to + resist it would be to dismember the Union". He therefore refused to call a + second meeting of the Nashville Convention. For this change in position he + was bitterly criticized by Jefferson Davis. <a href="#linknote-44" + name="linknoteref-44" id="linknoteref-44"><small>44</small></a> Foote + recognized the "emergency" at the same time that Webster did, and on + February 25, proposed his committee of thirteen to report some "scheme of + compromise". Parting company with Calhoun, March 5, on the thesis that the + South could not safely remain without new "constitutional guarantees", + Foote regarded Webster's speech as "unanswerable", and in April came to an + understanding with him as to Foote's committee and their common desire for + prompt consideration of California. The importance of Foote's influence in + turning the tide in Mississippi, through his pugnacious election campaign, + and the significance of his judgment of the influence of Webster and his + speech have been somewhat overlooked, partly perhaps because of Foote's + swashbuckling characteristics. <a href="#linknote-45" name="linknoteref-45" + id="linknoteref-45"><small>45</small></a> + </p> + <p> + That the Southern convention movement proved comparatively innocuous in + June is due in part to confidence inspired by the conciliatory policy of + one outstanding Northerner, Webster. "Webster's speech", said Winthrop, + "has knocked the Nashville Convention into a cocked hat." <a + href="#linknote-46" name="linknoteref-46" id="linknoteref-46"><small>46</small></a> + "The Nashville Convention has been blown by your giant effort to the four + winds." <a href="#linknote-47" name="linknoteref-47" id="linknoteref-47"><small>47</small></a> + "Had you spoken out before this, I verily believe the Nashville Convention + had not been thought of. Your speech has disarmed and quieted the South." + <a href="#linknote-48" name="linknoteref-48" id="linknoteref-48"><small>48</small></a> + Webster's speech caused hesitation in the South. "This has given courage + to all who wavered in their resolution or who were secretly opposed to the + measure [Nashville Convention]." <a href="#linknote-49" + name="linknoteref-49" id="linknoteref-49"><small>49</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Ames cites nearly a store of issues of newspapers in Mississippi, South + Carolina, Louisiana, North Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia reflecting the + change in public opinion in March. Even some of the radical papers + referred to the favorable effect of Webster's speech and "spirit" in + checking excitement. "The Jackson (Mississippi) Southron had at first + supported the movement [for a Southern Convention], but by March it had + grown lukewarm and before the Convention assembled, decidedly opposed it. + The last of May it said, 'not a Whig paper in the State approves'." In the + latter part of March, not more than a quarter of sixty papers from ten + slave-holding states took decided ground for a Southern Convention. <a + href="#linknote-50" name="linknoteref-50" id="linknoteref-50"><small>50</small></a> + The Mississippi Free Trader tried to check the growing support of the + Compromise, by claiming that Webster's speech lacked Northern backing. A + South Carolina pamphlet cited the Massachusetts opposition to Webster as + proof of the political strength of abolition. <a href="#linknote-51" + name="linknoteref-51" id="linknoteref-51"><small>51</small></a> + </p> + <p> + The newer, day by day, first-hand evidence, in print and manuscript, shows + the Union in serious danger, with the culmination during the three weeks + preceding Webster's speech; with a moderation during March; a growing + readiness during the summer to await Congressional action; and slow, + acquiescence in the Compromise measures of September, but with frank + assertion on the part of various Southern states of the right and duty of + resistance if the compromise measures were violated. Even in December, + 1850, Dr. Alexander of Princeton found sober Virginians fearful that + repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act would throw Virginia info the Southern + movement and that South Carolina "by some rash act" would precipitate "the + crisis". "All seem to regard bloodshed as the inevitable result." <a + href="#linknote-52" name="linknoteref-52" id="linknoteref-52"><small>52</small></a> + </p> + <p> + To the judgments and legislative acts of Southerners already quoted, may + be added some of the opinions of men from the North. Erving, the diplomat, + wrote from New York, "The real danger is in the fanatics and disunionists + of the North". "I see no salvation but in the total abandonment of the + Wilmot Proviso." Edward Everett, on the contrary, felt that "unless some + southern men of influence have courage enough to take grounds against the + extension of slavery and in favor of abolition... we shall infallibly + separate". <a href="#linknote-53" name="linknoteref-53" id="linknoteref-53"><small>53</small></a> + </p> + <p> + A Philadelphia editor who went to Washington to learn the real sentiments + of the Southern members, reported February 1, that if the Wilmot Proviso + were not given up, ample provision made for fugitive slaves and avoidance + of interference with slavery in the District of Columbia, the South would + secede, though this was not generally believed in the North. "The North + must decide whether she would have the Wilmot Proviso without the Union or + the Union without the Wilmot Proviso." <a href="#linknote-54" + name="linknoteref-54" id="linknoteref-54"><small>54</small></a> + </p> + <p> + In answer to inquiries from the Massachusetts legislature as to whether + the Southern attitude was "bluster" or "firm Resolve", Winthrop wrote, + "the country has never been in more serious exigency than at present". + "The South is angry, mad." "The Union must be saved... by prudence and + forbearance." "Most sober men here are apprehensive that the end of the + Union is nearer than they have ever before imagined." Winthrop's own view + on February 19 had been corroborated by General Scott, who wrote him four + days earlier, "God preserve the Union is my daily prayer, in and out of + church". <a href="#linknote-55" name="linknoteref-55" id="linknoteref-55"><small>55</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Webster however, as late as February 14, believed that there was no + "serious danger". February 16, he still felt that "if, on our side, we + keep cool, things will come to no dangerous pass". <a href="#linknote-56" + name="linknoteref-56" id="linknoteref-56"><small>56</small></a> But within + the next week, three acts in Washington modified Webster's optimism: the + filibuster of Southern members, February 18; their triumph in conference, + February 19; their interview with Taylor about February 23. + </p> + <p> + On February 18, under the leadership of Stephens, the Southern + representatives mustered two-thirds of the Southern Whigs and a majority + from every Southern state save Maryland for a successful series of over + thirty filibustering votes against the admission of California without + consideration of the question of slavery in New Mexico and Utah. So + indisputable was the demonstration of Southern power to block not only the + President's plan but all Congressional legislation, that the Northern + leaders next day in conference with. Southern representatives agreed that + California should be admitted with her free constitution, but that in New + Mexico and Utah government should be organized with no prohibition of + slavery and with power to form, in respect to slavery, such constitutions + as the people pleased—agreements practically enacted in the + Compromise. <a href="#linknote-57" name="linknoteref-57" + id="linknoteref-57"><small>57</small></a> + </p> + <p> + The filibuster of the 18th of February, Mann described as "a revolutionary + proceeding". Its alarming effect on the members of the Cabinet was + commented upon by the Boston Advertiser, February 19. The New York + Tribune, February 20, recognized the determination of the South to secede + unless the Missouri Compromise line were extended to the Pacific. February + 22, the Springfield Republican declared that "if the Union cannot be + preserved" without the extension of slavery, "we allow the tie of Union to + be severed". It was on this day, that Webster decided "to make a Union + speech and discharge a clear conscience". + </p> + <p> + That same week (apparently February 23) occurred the famous interview of + Stephens and Toombs with Taylor which convinced the President that the + Southern movement "means disunion". This was Taylor's judgment expressed + to Weed and Hamlin, "ten minutes after the interview". A week later the + President seemed to Horace Mann to be talking like a child about his plans + to levy an embargo and blockade the Southern harbors and "save the Union". + Taylor was ready to appeal to arms against "these Southern men in Congress + [who] are trying to bring on civil war" in connection with the critical + Texas boundary question. <a href="#linknote-58" name="linknoteref-58" + id="linknoteref-58"><small>58</small></a> + </p> + <p> + On this 23d of February, Greeley, converted from his earlier and + characteristic optimism, wrote in his leading editorial: "instead of + scouting or ridiculing as chimerical the idea of a Dissolution of the + Union, we firmly believe that there are sixty members of Congress who this + day desire it and are plotting to effect it. We have no doubt the + Nashville Convention will be held and that the leading purpose of its + authors is the separation of the slave states... with the formation of an + independent Confederacy." "This plot... is formidable." He warned against + "needless provocation which would supply weapons to the Disunionists". A + private letter to Greeley from Washington, the same day, says: "H—— + is alarmed and confident that blood will be spilt on the floor of the + House. Many members go to the House armed every day. W—— is + confident that Disunionism is now inevitable. He knows intimately nearly + all the Southern members, is familiar with their views and sees the + letters that reach them from their constituents. He says the most ultra + are well backed up in their advices from home." <a href="#linknote-59" + name="linknoteref-59" id="linknoteref-59"><small>59</small></a> + </p> + <p> + The same February 23, the Boston Advertiser quoted the Washington + correspondence of the Journal of Commerce: "excitement pervades the whole + South, and Southern members say that it has gone beyond their control, + that their tone is moderate in comparison with that of their people". + "Persons who condemn Mr. Clay's resolutions now trust to some vague idea + that Mr. Webster can do something better." "If Mr. Webster has any charm + by the magic influence of which he can control the ultraism, of the North + and of the South, he cannot too soon try its effects." "If Kentucky, + Tennessee, Missouri go for the Southern movement, we shall have disunion + and as much of war as may answer the purposes either of Northern or + Southern fanaticism." On this Saturday, February 23, also, "several + Southern members of Congress had a long and interesting interview with Mr. + Webster". "The whole subject was discussed and the result is, that the + limitations of a compromise have been examined, which are satisfactory to + our Southern brethren. This is good news, and will surround Mr. Webster's + position with an uncommon interest." <a href="#linknote-60" + name="linknoteref-60" id="linknoteref-60"><small>60</small></a> + </p> + <p> + "Webster is the only man in the Senate who has a position which would + enable him to present a plan which would be carried", said Pratt of + Maryland. <a href="#linknote-61" name="linknoteref-61" id="linknoteref-61"><small>61</small></a> + The National Intelligencer, which had hitherto maintained the safety of + the Union, confessed by February 21 that "the integrity of the Union is at + some hazard", quoting Southern evidence of this. On February 25, Foote, in + proposing to the Senate a committee of thirteen to report some scheme of + compromise, gave it as his conclusion from consultation with both houses, + that unless something were done at once, power would pass from Congress. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + II. + </h2> + <p> + It was under these highly critical circumstances that Webster, on Sunday, + February 24, the day on which he was accustomed to dine with his unusually + well-informed friends, Stephens, Toombs, Clay and Hale, wrote to his only + surviving son: + </p> + <p> + I am nearly broken down with labor and anxiety. I know not how to meet the + present emergency, or with what weapons to beat down the Northern and + Southern follies, now raging in equal extremes. If you can possibly leave + home, I want you to be here, a day or two before I speak... I have poor + spirits and little courage. Non sum qualis eram. <a href="#linknote-62" + name="linknoteref-62" id="linknoteref-62"><small>62</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lodge's account of this critical February period shows ignorance not + only of the letter of February 24, but of the real situation. He relies + upon von Holst instead of the documents, then misquotes him on a point of + essential chronology, and from unwarranted assumptions and erroneous and + incomplete data draws unreliable conclusions. Before this letter of + February 24 and the new cumulative evidence of the crisis, there falls to + the ground the sneer in Mr. Lodge's question, "if [Webster's] anxiety was + solely of a public nature, why did it date from March 7 when, prior to + that time, there was much greater cause for alarm than afterwards?" + Webster was anxious before the 7th of March, as so many others were, North + and South, and his extreme anxiety appears in the letter of February 24, + as well as in repeated later utterances. No one can read through the + letters of Webster without recognizing that he had a genuine anxiety for + the safety of the Union; and that neither in his letters nor elsewhere is + there evidence that in his conscience he was "ill at ease" or "his mind + not at peace". Here as elsewhere, Mr. Lodge's biography, written over + forty years ago, reproduces anti-slavery bitterness and ignorance of facts + (pardonable in 1850) and seriously misrepresents Webster's character and + the situation in that year. <a href="#linknote-63" name="linknoteref-63" + id="linknoteref-63"><small>63</small></a> + </p> + <p> + By the last week in February and the first in March, the peak of the + secession movement was reached. Never an alarmist, Webster, like others + who loved the Union, become convinced during this critical last week in + February of an "emergency". He determined "to make a Union Speech and + discharge a clear conscience." "I made up my mind to risk myself on a + proposition for a general pacification. I resolved to push my skiff from + the shore alone." "We are in a crisis," he wrote June 2, "if conciliation + makes no progress." "It is a great emergency, a great exigency, that the + country is placed in", he said in the Senate, June 17. "We have," he wrote + in October, "gone through the most important crisis which has occurred + since the foundation of the government." A year later he added at Buffalo, + "if we had not settled these agitating questions [by the Compromise]... in + my opinion, there would have been civil war". In Virginia, where he had + known the situation even better, he declared, "I believed in my conscience + that a crisis was at hand, a dangerous, a fearful crisis." <a + href="#linknote-64" name="linknoteref-64" id="linknoteref-64"><small>64</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Rhodes's conclusion that there was "little danger of an overt act of + secession while General Taylor was in the presidential chair" was based on + evidence then incomplete and is abandoned by more recent historians. It is + moreover significant that, of the speeches cited by Rhodes, ridiculing the + danger of secession, not one was delivered before Webster's speech. All + were uttered after the danger had been lessened by the speeches and + attitude of Clay and Webster. Even such Northern anti-slavery speeches + illustrated danger of another sort. Hale of New Hampshire "would let them + go" rather than surrender the rights threatened by the fugitive slave + bill. <a href="#linknote-65" name="linknoteref-65" id="linknoteref-65"><small>65</small></a> + Giddings in the very speech ridiculing the danger of disunion said, "when + they see fit to leave the Union, I would say to them 'Go in peace'". <a + href="#linknote-66" name="linknoteref-66" id="linknoteref-66"><small>66</small></a> + Such utterances played into the hands of secessionists, strengthening + their convictions that the North despised the South and would not fight to + keep her in the Union. + </p> + <p> + It is now clear that in 1850 as in 1860 the average Northern senator or + anti-slavery minister or poet was ill-informed or careless as to the + danger of secession, and that Webster and the Southern Unionists were + well-informed and rightly anxious. Theodore Parker illustrated the + bitterness that befogs the mind. He concluded that there was no danger of + dissolution because "the public funds of the United States did not go down + one mill." The stock market might, of course, change from many causes, but + Parker was wrong as to the facts. An examination of the daily sales of + United States bonds in New York, 1849-1850, shows that the change, instead + of being, "not one mill," as Parker asserted, was four or five dollars + during this period; and what change there was, was downward before + Webster's speech and upward thereafter. <a href="#linknote-67" + name="linknoteref-67" id="linknoteref-67"><small>67</small></a> + </p> + <p> + We now realize what Webster knew and feared in 1849-1850. "If this strife + between the South and the North goes on, we shall have war, and who is + ready for that?" "There would have been a Civil War if the Compromise had + not passed." The evidence confirms Thurlow Weed's mature judgment: "the + country had every appearance of being on the eve of a Revolution." <a + href="#linknote-68" name="linknoteref-68" id="linknoteref-68"><small>68</small></a> + On February 28, Everett recognized that "the radicals at the South have + made up their minds to separate, the catastrophe seems to be inevitable". + <a href="#linknote-69" name="linknoteref-69" id="linknoteref-69"><small>69</small></a> + </p> + <p> + On March 1, Webster recorded his determination "to make an honest, + truth-telling speech, and a Union speech" <a href="#linknote-691" + name="linknoteref-691" id="linknoteref-691"><small>691</small></a> The + Washington correspondent of the Advertiser, March 4, reported that Webster + will "take a large view of the state of things and advocate a + straightforward course of legislation essentially such as the President + has recommended". "To this point public sentiment has been gradually + converging." "It will tend greatly to confirm opinion in favor of this + course should it meet with the decided concurrence of Mr. Webster." The + attitude of the plain citizen is expressed by Barker, of Beaver, + Pennsylvania, on the same day: "do it, Mr. Webster, as you can, do it as a + bold and gifted statesman and patriot; reconcile the North and South and + PRESERVE the UNION". "Offer, Mr. Webster, a liberal compromise to the + South." On March 4 and 5, Calhoun's Senate speech reasserted that the + South, no longer safe in the Union, possessed the right of peaceable + secession. On the 6th of March, Webster went over the proposed speech of + the next morning with his son, Fletcher, Edward Curtis, and Peter Harvey. + <a href="#linknote-70" name="linknoteref-70" id="linknoteref-70"><small>70</small></a> + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + III. + </h2> + <p> + It was under the cumulative stress of such convincing evidence, public and + private utterances, and acts in Southern legislatures and in Congress, + that Webster made his Union speech on the 7th of March. The purpose and + character of the speech are rightly indicated by its title, "The + Constitution and the Union", and by the significant dedication to the + people of Massachusetts: "Necessity compels me to speak true rather than + pleasing things." "I should indeed like to please you; but I prefer to + save you, whatever be your attitude toward me." <a href="#linknote-71" + name="linknoteref-71" id="linknoteref-71"><small>71</small></a> The + malignant charge that this speech was "a bid for the presidency" was long + ago discarded, even by Lodge. It unfortunately survives in text-books more + concerned with "atmosphere" than with truth. The modern investigator finds + no evidence for it and every evidence against it. Webster was both too + proud and too familiar with the political situation, North and South, to + make such a monstrous mistake. The printed or manuscript letters to or + from Webster in 1850 and 1851 show him and his friends deeply concerned + over the danger to the Union, but not about the presidency. There is + rarest mention of the matter in letters by personal or political friends; + none by Webster, so far as the writer has observed. + </p> + <p> + If one comes to the speech familiar with both the situation in 1850 as now + known, and with Webster's earlier and later speeches and private letters, + one finds his position and arguments on the 7th of March in harmony with + his attitude toward Union and slavery, and with the law and the facts. + Frankly reiterating both his earlier view of slavery "as a great moral, + political and social evil" and his lifelong devotion to the Union and its + constitutional obligations, Webster took national, practical, courageous + grounds. On the fugitive slave bill and the Wilmot Proviso, where cautious + Whigs like Winthrop and Everett were inclined to keep quiet in view of + Northern popular feeling, Webster "took a large view of things" and + resolved, as Foote saw, to risk his reputation in advocating the only + practicable solution. Not only was Webster thoroughly familiar with the + facts, but he was pre-eminently logical and, as Calhoun had admitted, once + convinced, "he cannot look truth in the face and oppose it by arguments". + <a href="#linknote-72" name="linknoteref-72" id="linknoteref-72"><small>72</small></a> + He therefore boldly faced the truth that the Wilmot Proviso (as it proved + later) was needless, and would irritate Southern Union men and play into + hands of disunionists who frankly desired to exploit this "insult" to + excite secession sentiment. In a like case ten years later, "the + Republican party took precisely the same ground held by Mr. Webster in + 1850 and acted from the motives that inspired the 7th of March speech". <a + href="#linknote-73" name="linknoteref-73" id="linknoteref-73"><small>73</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Webster's anxiety for a conciliatory settlement of the highly dangerous + Texas boundary situation (which incidentally narrowed slave territory) was + as consistent with his national Union policy, as his desires for + California's admission as a free state and for prohibition of the + slave-trade in the District of Columbia were in accord with his opposition + to slavery. Seeing both abolitionists and secessionists threatening the + Union, he rebuked both severely for disloyalty to their "constitutional + obligations", while he pleaded for a more conciliatory attitude, for faith + and charity rather than "heated imaginations". The only logical + alternative to the union policy was disunion, advocated alike by + Garrisonian abolitionists and Southern secessionists. "The Union... was + thought to be in danger, and devotion to the Union rightfully inclined men + to yield... where nothing else could have so inclined them", was Lincoln's + luminous defense of the Compromise in his debate with Douglas. <a + href="#linknote-74" name="linknoteref-74" id="linknoteref-74"><small>74</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Webster's support of the constitutional provision for "return of persons + held to service" was not merely that of a lawyer. It was in accord with a + deep and statesmanlike conviction that "obedience to established + government... is a Christian duty", the seat of law is "the bosom of God, + her voice the harmony of the universe". <a href="#linknote-75" + name="linknoteref-75" id="linknoteref-75"><small>75</small></a> Offensive + as this law was to the North, the only logical alternatives were to fulfil + or to annul the Constitution. Webster chose to risk his reputation; the + extreme abolitionists, to risk the Union. Webster felt, as his opponents + later recognized, that "the habitual cherishing of the principle", + "resistance to unjust laws is obedience to God", threatened the + Constitution. "He... addressed himself, therefore, to the duty of calling + the American people back from revolutionary theories to... submission to + authority." <a href="#linknote-76" name="linknoteref-76" + id="linknoteref-76"><small>76</small></a> As in 1830 against Haynes, so in + 1850 against Calhoun and disunion, Webster stood not as "a Massachusetts + man, but as an American", for "the preservation of the Union". <a + href="#linknote-77" name="linknoteref-77" id="linknoteref-77"><small>77</small></a> + In both speeches he held that he was acting not for Massachusetts, but for + the "whole country" (1830), "the good of the whole" (1850). His devotion + to the Union and his intellectual balance led him to reject the + impatience, bitterness, and disunion sentiments of abolitionists and + secessionists, and to work on longer lines. "We must wait for the slow + progress of moral causes", a doctrine already announced in 1840, he + reiterated in 1850,—"the effect of moral causes, though sure is + slow." <a href="#linknote-78" name="linknoteref-78" id="linknoteref-78"><small>78</small></a> + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IV. + </h2> + <p> + The earlier accounts of Webster's losing his friends as a result of his + speech are at variance with the facts. Cautious Northerners naturally + hesitated to support him and face both the popular convictions on fugitive + slaves and the rasping vituperation that exhausted sacred and profane + history in the epithets current in that "era of warm journalistic + manners"; Abolitionists and Free Soilers congratulated one another that + they had "killed Webster". In Congress no Northern man save Ashmun of + Massachusetts supported him in any speech for months. On the other hand, + Webster did retain the friendship and confidence of leaders and common men + North and South, and the tremendous influence of his personality and + "unanswerable" arguments eventually swung the North for the Compromise. + From Boston came prompt expressions of "entire concurrence" in his speech + by 800 representative men, including George Ticknor, William H. Prescott, + Rufus Choate, Josiah Quincy, President Sparks and Professor Felton of + Harvard, Professors Woods, Stuart, and Emerson of Andover, and other + leading professional, literary, and business men. Similar addresses were + sent to him from about the same number of men in New York, from supporters + in Newburyport, Medford, Kennebeck River, Philadelphia, the Detroit Common + Council, Manchester, New Hampshire, and "the neighbors" in Salisbury. His + old Boston Congressional district triumphantly elected Eliot, one of + Webster's most loyal supporters, by a vote of 2,355 against 473 for + Charles Sumner. <a href="#linknote-781" name="linknoteref-781" + id="linknoteref-781"><small>781</small></a> The Massachusetts legislature + overwhelmingly defeated a proposal to instruct Webster to vote for the + Wilmot Proviso. Scores of unpublished letters in the New Hampshire + Historical Society and the Library of Congress reveal hearty approval from + both parties and all sections. Winthrop of Massachusetts, too cautious to + endorse Webster's entire position, wrote to the governor of Massachusetts + that as a result of the speech, "disunion stock is already below par". <a + href="#linknote-79" name="linknoteref-79" id="linknoteref-79"><small>79</small></a> + "You have performed the responsible duties of, a national Senator", wrote + General Dearborn. "I thank you because you did not speak upon the subject + as a Massachusetts man", said Reverend Thomas Worcester of Boston, an + overseer of Harvard. "Your speech has saved the Union", was the verdict of + Barker of Pennsylvania, a man not of Webster's party. <a + href="#linknote-80" name="linknoteref-80" id="linknoteref-80"><small>80</small></a> + "The Union threatened... you have come to the rescue, and all + disinterested lovers of that Union must rally round you", wrote Wainwright + of New York. In Alabama, Reverend J. W. Allen recognized the + "comprehensive and self-forgetting spirit of patriotism" in Webster, + "which, if followed, would save the Union, unite the country and prevent + the danger in the Nashville Convention". Like approval of Webster's + "patriotic stand for the preservation of the Union" was sent from Green + County and Greensboro in Alabama and from Tennessee and Virginia. <a + href="#linknote-81" name="linknoteref-81" id="linknoteref-81"><small>81</small></a> + "The preservation of the Union is the only safety-valve. On Webster + depends the tranquility of the country", says an anonymous writer from + Charleston, a native of Massachusetts and former pupil of Webster. <a + href="#linknote-82" name="linknoteref-82" id="linknoteref-82"><small>82</small></a> + Poinsett and Francis Lieber, South Carolina Unionists, expressed like + views. <a href="#linknote-83" name="linknoteref-83" id="linknoteref-83"><small>83</small></a> + The growing influence of the speech is testified to in letters from all + sections. Linus Child of Lowell finds it modifying his own previous + opinions and believes that "shortly if not at this moment, it will be + approved by a large majority of the people of Massachusetts". <a + href="#linknote-84" name="linknoteref-84" id="linknoteref-84"><small>84</small></a> + "Upon sober second thought, our people will generally coincide with your + views", wrote ex-Governor and ex-Mayor Armstrong of Boston. <a + href="#linknote-85" name="linknoteref-85" id="linknoteref-85"><small>85</small></a> + "Every day adds to the number of those who agree with you", is the + confirmatory testimony of Dana, trustee of Andover and former president of + Dartmouth. <a href="#linknote-86" name="linknoteref-86" id="linknoteref-86"><small>86</small></a> + "The effect of your speech begins to be felt", wrote ex-Mayor Eliot of + Boston. <a href="#linknote-87" name="linknoteref-87" id="linknoteref-87"><small>87</small></a> + Mayor Huntington of Salem at first felt the speech to be too Southern; but + "subsequent events at North and South have entirely satisfied me that you + were right... and vast numbers of others here in Massachusetts were + wrong." "The change going on in me has been going on all around me." "You + saw farther ahead than the rest or most of us and had the courage and + patriotism to stand upon the true ground." <a href="#linknote-88" + name="linknoteref-88" id="linknoteref-88"><small>88</small></a> This + significant inedited letter is but a specimen of the change of attitude + manifested in hundreds of letters from "slow and cautious Whigs". <a + href="#linknote-89" name="linknoteref-89" id="linknoteref-89"><small>89</small></a> + One of these, Edward Everett, unable to accept Webster's attitude on Texas + and the fugitive slave bill, could not "entirely concur" in the Boston + letter of approval. "I think our friend will be able to carry the weight + of it at home, but as much as ever." "It would, as you justly said," he + wrote Winthrop, "have ruined any other man." This probably gives the + position taken at first by a good many moderate anti-slavery then. + Everett's later attitude is likewise typical of a change in New England. + He wrote in 1851 that Webster's speech "more than any other cause, + contributed to avert the catastrophe", and was "a practical basis for the + adjustment of controversies, which had already gone far to dissolve the + Union". <a href="#linknote-90" name="linknoteref-90" id="linknoteref-90"><small>90</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Isaac Hill, a bitter New Hampshire political opponent, confesses that + Webster's "kindly answer" to Calhoun was wiser than his own might have + been. Hill, an experienced political observer, had feared in the month + preceding Webster's speech a "disruption of the Union" with "no chance of + escaping a conflict of blood". He felt that the censures of Webster were + undeserved, that Webster was not merely right, but had "power he can + exercise at the North, beyond any other man", and that "all that is of + value will declare in favor of the great principles of your late Union + speech". "Its tranquilizing effect upon public opinion has been + wonderful"; "it has almost the unanimous support of this community", wrote + the New York philanthropist Minturn. "The speech made a powerful + impression in this state... Men feel they can stand on it with security." + <a href="#linknote-93" name="linknoteref-93" id="linknoteref-93"><small>93</small></a> + In Cincinnati, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Pittsfield (with + only one exception) the speech was found "wise and patriotic". <a + href="#linknote-94" name="linknoteref-94" id="linknoteref-94"><small>94</small></a> + The sender of a resolution of approval from the grand jury of the United + States court at Indianapolis says that such judgment is almost universal. + <a href="#linknote-95" name="linknoteref-95" id="linknoteref-95"><small>95</small></a> + "It is thought you may save the country.. . you may keep us still united", + wrote Thornton of Memphis, who soberly records the feeling of thoughtful + men that the Southern purpose of disunion was stronger than appeared in + either newspapers or political gatherings. <a href="#linknote-96" + name="linknoteref-96" id="linknoteref-96"><small>96</small></a> "Your + speech has disarmed-has, quieted the South; <a href="#linknote-97" + name="linknoteref-97" id="linknoteref-97"><small>97</small></a> has + rendered invaluable service to the harmony and union of the South and the + North". <a href="#linknote-98" name="linknoteref-98" id="linknoteref-98"><small>98</small></a> + "I am confident of the higher approbation, not of a single section of the + Union, but of all sections", wrote a political opponent in Washington. <a + href="#linknote-99" name="linknoteref-99" id="linknoteref-99"><small>99</small></a> + </p> + <p> + The influence of Webster in checking the radical purposes of the Nashville + Convention has been shown above. <a href="#linknote-100" + name="linknoteref-100" id="linknoteref-100"><small>100</small></a> + </p> + <p> + All classes of men from all sections show a substantial and growing + backing of Webster's 7th of March speech as "the only statesmanlike and + practicable way to save the Union". "To you, more than to any other + statesman of modern times, do the people of this country owe their + national feeling which we trust is to save this Union in this its hour of + trial", was the judgment of "the neighbors", the plain farmers of + Webster's old New Hampshire home. <a href="#linknote-101" + name="linknoteref-101" id="linknoteref-101"><small>101</small></a> Outside + of the Abolition and Free Soil press, the growing tendency in newspapers, + like that of their readers, was to support Webster's logical position. <a + href="#linknote-102" name="linknoteref-102" id="linknoteref-102"><small>102</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Exaggerated though some of these expressions of approval may have been, + they balance the exaggerated vituperation of Webster in the anti-slavery + press; and the extremes of approval and disapproval both concur in + recognizing the widespread effect of the speech. "No speech ever delivered + in Congress produced... so beneficial a change of opinion. The change of, + feeling and temperament wrought in Congress by this speech is miraculous." + <a href="#linknote-103" name="linknoteref-103" id="linknoteref-103"><small>103</small></a> + </p> + <p> + The contemporary testimony to Webster's checking of disunion is + substantiated by the conclusions of Petigru of South Carolina, Cobb of + Georgia in 1852, Allen of Pennsylvania in 1853, and by Stephens's mature + judgment of "the profound sensation upon the public mind throughout the + Union made by Webster's 7th of March speech. The friends of the Union + under the Constitution were strengthened in their hopes and inspired with + renewed energies." <a href="#linknote-104" name="linknoteref-104" + id="linknoteref-104"><small>104</small></a> In 1866 Foote wrote, "The + speech produced beneficial effects everywhere." "His statement of facts + was generally looked upon as unanswerable; his argumentative conclusions + appeared to be inevitable; his conciliatory tone.. . softened the + sensibilities of all patriots." <a href="#linknote-105" + name="linknoteref-105" id="linknoteref-105"><small>105</small></a> "He + seems to have gauged more accurately [than most] the grave dangers which + threatened the republic and... the fearful consequences which must follow + its disruption", was Henry Wilson's later and wiser judgment. <a + href="#linknote-106" name="linknoteref-106" id="linknoteref-106"><small>106</small></a> + "The general judgment," said Senator Hoar in 1899, "seems to be coming to + the conclusion that Webster differed from the friends of freedom of his + time not in a weaker moral sense, but only in a larger, and profounder + prophetic vision." "He saw what no other man saw, the certainty of civil + war. I was one of those who... judged him severely, but I have learned + better." "I think of him now... as the orator who bound fast with + indissoluble strength the bonds of union." <a href="#linknote-107" + name="linknoteref-107" id="linknoteref-107"><small>107</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Modern writers, North and South-Garrison, Chadwick, T. C. Smith, Merriam, + for instance <a href="#linknote-108" name="linknoteref-108" + id="linknoteref-108"><small>108</small></a>—now recognize the menace + of disunion in 1850 and the service of Webster in defending the Union. + Rhodes, though condemning Webster's support of the fugitive slave bill, + recognizes that the speech was one of the few that really altered public + opinion and won necessary Northern support for the Compromise. "We see now + that in the War of the Rebellion his principles were mightier than those + of Garrison." "It was not the Liberty or Abolitionist party, but the Union + party that won." <a href="#linknote-109" name="linknoteref-109" + id="linknoteref-109"><small>109</small></a> + </p> + <p> + Postponement of secession for ten years gave the North preponderance in + population, voting power, production, and transportation; new party + organization; and convictions which made man-power and economic resources + effective. The Northern lead of four million people in 1850 had increased + to seven millions by 1860. In 1850, each section had thirty votes in the + Senate; in 1860, the North had a majority of six, due to the admission of + California, Oregon, and Minnesota. In the House of Representatives, the + North had added seven to her majority. The Union states and territories + built during the decade 15,000 miles of railroad, to 7,000 or 8,000 in the + eleven seceding states. In shipping, the North in 1860 built about 800 + vessels to the seceding states' 200. In 1860, in the eleven most important + industries for war, Chadwick estimates that the Union states produced + $735,500,000; the seceding states $75,250,000, "a manufacturing + productivity eleven times as great for the North as for the South". <a + href="#linknote-110" name="linknoteref-110" id="linknoteref-110"><small>110</small></a> + In general, during the decade, the census figures for 1860 show that since + 1850 the North had increased its man-power, transportation, and economic + production from two to fifty times as fast as the South, and that in 1860 + the Union states were from two to twelve times as powerful as the seceding + states. + </p> + <p> + Possibly Southern secessionists and Northern abolitionists had some basis + for thinking that the North would let the "erring sisters depart in peace" + in 1850. Within the next ten years, however, there came a decisive change. + The North, exasperated by the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the high-handed + acts of Southerners in Kansas in 1856, and the Dred Scott dictum of the + Supreme Court in 1857, felt that these things amounted to a repeal of the + Missouri Compromise and the opening up of the territory to slavery. In + 1860 Northern conviction, backed by an effective, thorough party platform + on a Union basis, swept the free states. In 1850, it was a "Constitutional + Union" party that accepted the Compromise and arrested secession in the + South; and Webster, foreseeing a "remodelling of parties", had prophesied + that "there must be a Union party". <a href="#linknote-111" + name="linknoteref-111" id="linknoteref-111"><small>111</small></a> + Webster's spirit and speeches and his strengthening of federal power + through Supreme Court cases won by his arguments had helped to furnish the + conviction which underlay the Union Party of 1860 and 1964. His consistent + opposition to nullification and secession, and his appeal to the Union and + to the Constitution during twenty years preceding the Civil War—from + his reply to Hayne to his seventh of March speech—had developed a + spirit capable of making economic and political power effective. + </p> + <p> + Men inclined to sneer at Webster for his interest in manufacturing, + farming, and material prosperity, may well remember that in his mind, and + more slowly in the minds of the North, economic progress went hand in hand + with the development of union and of liberty secured by law. + </p> + <p> + Misunderstandings regarding both the political crisis and the personal + character of the man are already disappearing as fact replaces fiction, as + "truth gets a hearing", in the fine phrase of Wendell Phillips. There is + nothing about Daniel Webster to be hidden. Not moral blindness but moral + insight and sound political principles reveal themselves to the reader of + Webster's own words in public speech and unguarded private letter. One of + those great men who disdained to vindicate himself, he does not need us + but we need him and his vision that Liberty comes through Union, and + healing through cooperation, not through hate. + </p> + <p> + Whether we look to the material progress of the North from 1850 to 1860 or + to its development in "imponderables", Webster's policy and his power over + men's thoughts and deeds were essential factors in the ultimate triumph of + the Union, which would have been at least dubious had secession been + attempted in 1850. It was a soldier, not the modern orator, who first said + that "Webster shotted our guns". A letter to Senator Hoar from another + Union soldier says that he kept up his heart as he paced up and down as + sentinel in an exposed place by repeating over and over, "Liberty and + Union now and forever, one and inseparable". <a href="#linknote-112" + name="linknoteref-112" id="linknoteref-112"><small>112</small></a> Hosmer + tells us that he and his boyhood friends of the North in 1861 "did not + argue much the question of the right of secession", but that it was the + words of Webster's speeches, "as familiar to us as the sentences of the + Lord's prayer and scarcely less consecrated,... with which we sprang to + battle". Those boys were not ready in 1850. The decisive human factors in + the Civil War were the men bred on the profound devotion to the Union + which Webster shared with others equally patriotic, but less profoundly + logical, less able to mould public opinion. Webster not only saw the + vision himself; he had the genius to make the plain American citizen see + that liberty could come through union and not through disunion. Moreover, + there was in Webster and the Compromise of 1850 a spirit of conciliation, + and therefore there was on the part of the North a belief that they had + given the South a "square deal", and a corresponding indignation at the + attempts in the next decade to expand slavery by violating the Compromises + of 1820 and 1850. So, by 1860, the decisive border states and Northwest + were ready to stand behind the Union. + </p> + <p> + When Lincoln, born in a border state, coming to manhood in the Northwest, + and bred on Webster's doctrine,—"the Union is paramount",—accepted + for the second time the Republican nomination and platform, he summed up + the issues of the war, as he had done before, in Webster's words. Lincoln, + who had grown as masterly in his choice of words as he had become profound + in his vision of issues, used in 1864 not the more familiar and rhetorical + phrases of the reply to Hayne, but the briefer, more incisive form, + "Liberty and Union", of Webster's "honest, truth-telling, Union speech" on + the 7th of March, 1850. <a href="#linknote-113" name="linknoteref-113" + id="linknoteref-113"><small>113</small></a> + </p> + <p> + HERBERT DARLING FOSTER. <a name="link2H_FOOT" id="link2H_FOOT"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FOOTNOTES: + </h2> + <p> + <a name="linknote-1" id="linknote-1"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 1 (<a href="#linknoteref-1">return</a>)<br /> [ Cf. Parton with Lodge on + intellect, morals, indolence, drinking, 7th of March speech, Webster's + favorite things in England; references, note 63, below.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-2" id="linknote-2"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 2 (<a href="#linknoteref-2">return</a>)<br /> [ In the preparation of this + article, manuscripts have been used from the following collections: the + Greenough, Hammond, and Clayton (Library of Congress); Winthrop and + Appleton (Mass. Hist. Soc.); Garrison (Boston Public Library); N.H. Hist. + Soc.; Dartmouth College; Middletown (Conn.) Hist. Soc.; Mrs. Alfred E. + Wyman.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-3" id="linknote-3"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 3 (<a href="#linknoteref-3">return</a>)<br /> [ Bennett, Dec. 1, 1848, to + Partridge, Norwich University. MS. Dartmouth.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-4" id="linknote-4"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 4 (<a href="#linknoteref-4">return</a>)<br /> [ Houston, Nullification in + South Carolina, p. 141. Further evidence of Webster's thesis that + abolitionists had developed Southern reaction in Phillips, South in the + Building of the Nation, IV, 401-403; and unpublished letters approving + Webster's speech.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-5" id="linknote-5"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 5 (<a href="#linknoteref-5">return</a>)<br /> [ Calhoun, Corr., Amer. Hist. + Assoc., Annual Report (1899, vol 11.), pp. 1193-1194.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-6" id="linknote-6"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 6 (<a href="#linknoteref-6">return</a>)<br /> [ To Crittenden, Dec. 20, + 1849, Smith, polit. Hist. Slavery, I. 122; Winthrop MSS., Jan. 6, 1850.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-7" id="linknote-7"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 7 (<a href="#linknoteref-7">return</a>)<br /> [ Calhoun, Corr., p. 781; cf. + 764-766, 778, 780, 783-784.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-8" id="linknote-8"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 8 (<a href="#linknoteref-8">return</a>)<br /> [ Cong. Globe, XXI. 451-455, + 463; Corr., p. 784. On Calhoun's attitude, Ames, Calhoun, pp. 6-7; + Stephenson, in Yale Review, 1919, p. 216; Newbury in South Atlantic + Quarterly, XI. 259; Hamer, Secession Movement in South Carolina, + 1847-1852, pp. 49-54.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-9" id="linknote-9"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 9 (<a href="#linknoteref-9">return</a>)<br /> [ Calhoun, Corr., Amer. Hist. + Assoc., Annual Report (1899, vol. II), pp. 1210-1212; Toombs, Corr., (id., + 1911, vol. II), pp. 188, 217; Coleman, Crittenden, I. 363; Hamer, pp. + 55-56, 46-48, 54, 82-83; Ames, Calhoun, pp. 21-22, 29; Claiborne, Quitman, + H. 36-39.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-10" id="linknote-10"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 10 (<a href="#linknoteref-10">return</a>)<br /> [ Hearon, Miss. and the + Compromise of 1850, p. 209.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-11" id="linknote-11"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 11 (<a href="#linknoteref-11">return</a>)<br /> [ A letter to Webster, Oct. + 22, 1851, Greenough MSS., shows the strength of Calhoun's secession ideas. + Hamer, p. 125, quotes part.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-12" id="linknote-12"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 12 (<a href="#linknoteref-12">return</a>)<br /> [ Hamer, p. 142; Hearon, p. + 220.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-13" id="linknote-13"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 13 (<a href="#linknoteref-13">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar. 6, 1850. Laws + (Miss.), pp. 521-526.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-14" id="linknote-14"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 14 (<a href="#linknoteref-14">return</a>)<br /> [ Claiborne, Quitman, IL + 37; Hearon, p. 161 n.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-15" id="linknote-15"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 15 (<a href="#linknoteref-15">return</a>)<br /> [ Hearon, pp. 180-181; + Claiborne, Quitman, II. 51-52.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-16" id="linknote-16"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 16 (<a href="#linknoteref-16">return</a>)<br /> [ Nov. 10, 1850, Hearon, + pp. 178-180; 1851, pp. 209-212.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-17" id="linknote-17"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 17 (<a href="#linknoteref-17">return</a>)<br /> [ Dec. 10, Southern Rights + Assoc. Hearon, pp. 183-187.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-18" id="linknote-18"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 18 (<a href="#linknoteref-18">return</a>)<br /> [ Claiborne, Quitman, II. + 52.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-19" id="linknote-19"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 19 (<a href="#linknoteref-19">return</a>)<br /> [ July 1, 1849. Corr., p. + 170 (Amer. Hist. Assoc., Annual Report, 1911, vol. II.).] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-20" id="linknote-20"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 20 (<a href="#linknoteref-20">return</a>)<br /> [ Johnston, Stephens, pp. + 238-239, 244; Smith, Political History of Slavery, 1. 121.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-21" id="linknote-21"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 21 (<a href="#linknoteref-21">return</a>)<br /> [ Laws (Ga.), 1850, pp. + 122, 405-410.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-22" id="linknote-22"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 22 (<a href="#linknoteref-22">return</a>)<br /> [ Johnston, Stephens, p. + 247.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-23" id="linknote-23"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 23 (<a href="#linknoteref-23">return</a>)<br /> [ Corr., pp. 184,193-195, + 206-208, July 21. Newspapers, see Brooks, in Miss. Valley Hist. Review, + IX. 289.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-24" id="linknote-24"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 24 (<a href="#linknoteref-24">return</a>)<br /> [ Phillips, Georgia and + State Rights, pp. 163-166.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-25" id="linknote-25"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 25 (<a href="#linknoteref-25">return</a>)<br /> [ Ames, Documents, pp. + 271-272; Hearon, p. 190.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-26" id="linknote-26"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 26 (<a href="#linknoteref-26">return</a>)<br /> [ 1854, Amer. Hist. Review, + VIII. 92-97; 1857, Johnston, Stephens, pp. 321-322; infra, pp. 267, 268.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-27" id="linknote-27"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 27 (<a href="#linknoteref-27">return</a>)<br /> [ Hammond MSS., Jan. 27, + Feb. 8; Virginia Resolves, Feb. 12; Ambler, Sectionalism in Virginia, p. + 246; N. Y. Tribune, June 14; M. R. H. Garnett, Union Past and Future, + published between Jan. 24 and Mar. 7. Alabama: Hodgson, Cradle of the + Confederacy, p. 281; Dubose, Yancey, pp. 247-249, 481; Fleming, Civil War + and Reconstruction in Alabama, p. 13; Cobb, Corr., pp. 193-195, 207. + President Tyler of the College of William and Mary kindly furnished + evidence of Garnett's authorship; see J. M. Garnett, in Southern Literary + Messenger, I. 255.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-28" id="linknote-28"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 28 (<a href="#linknoteref-28">return</a>)<br /> [ Resolutions, Feb. 12, + 1850; Acts, 1850, pp. 223-224; 1851, p. 201.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-29" id="linknote-29"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 29 (<a href="#linknoteref-29">return</a>)<br /> [ Stephens, Corr., p. 192; + Globe, XXII. II. 1208.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-30" id="linknote-30"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 30 (<a href="#linknoteref-30">return</a>)<br /> [ Boston Daily Advertiser, + Feb. 23.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-31" id="linknote-31"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 31 (<a href="#linknoteref-31">return</a>)<br /> [ South Carolina, Acts, + 1849, p, 240, and the following Laws or Acts, all 1850: Georgia, pp. 418, + 405-410, 122; Texas, pp. 93-94, 171; Tennessee, p. 572 (Globe, XXI. I. + 417. Cole, Whig Party in the South, p. 161); Mississippi, pp. 526-528; + Virginia, p. 233; Alabama, Weekly Tribune, Feb. 23, Daily, Feb. 25.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-32" id="linknote-32"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 32 (<a href="#linknoteref-32">return</a>)<br /> [ White, Miss. Valley Hist. + Assoc., III. 283.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-33" id="linknote-33"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 33 (<a href="#linknoteref-33">return</a>)<br /> [ Senate Miscellaneous, + 1849-1850, no. 24.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-34" id="linknote-34"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 34 (<a href="#linknoteref-34">return</a>)<br /> [ Hamer, p. 40; cf. Cole, + Whig Party in the South, p. 162; Cong. Globe, Mar. 5.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-35" id="linknote-35"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 35 (<a href="#linknoteref-35">return</a>)<br /> [ Coleman, Crittenden, I. + 333, 350.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-36" id="linknote-36"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 36 (<a href="#linknoteref-36">return</a>)<br /> [ Clayton MSS., Apr. 6; cf. + Coleman, Crittenden, I. 369.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-37" id="linknote-37"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 37 (<a href="#linknoteref-37">return</a>)<br /> [ Smith, History of + Slavery, 1. 121; Clay, Oct., 1851, letter, in Curtis, Webster, II, + 584-585.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-38" id="linknote-38"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 38 (<a href="#linknoteref-38">return</a>)<br /> [ Clingman, and Wilmington + Resolutions, Globe, XXI. I. 200-205, 311; National Intelligencer, Feb. 25; + Cobb, Corr., pp. 217-218; Boyd, "North Carolina on the Eve of Secession," + in Amer. Hist. Assoc., Annual Report (1910), pp. 167-177.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-39" id="linknote-39"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 39 (<a href="#linknoteref-39">return</a>)<br /> [ Hearndon, Nashville + Convention, p. 283.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-40" id="linknote-40"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 40 (<a href="#linknoteref-40">return</a>)<br /> [ Johnston, Stephens, p. + 247; Corr., pp. 186, 193, 194, 206-207; Hammond MSS., Jan. 27, Feb. 8.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-41" id="linknote-41"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 41 (<a href="#linknoteref-41">return</a>)<br /> [ Ames, Calhoun, p. 26.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-42" id="linknote-42"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 42 (<a href="#linknoteref-42">return</a>)<br /> [ Webster, Writings and + Speeches, X. 161-162.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-43" id="linknote-43"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 43 (<a href="#linknoteref-43">return</a>)<br /> [ Cyclopedia Miss. Hist., + art. "Sharkey."] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-44" id="linknote-44"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 44 (<a href="#linknoteref-44">return</a>)<br /> [ Hearon, pp. 124, 171-174. + Davis to Clayton (Clayton MSS.), Nov. 22, 1851.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-45" id="linknote-45"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 45 (<a href="#linknoteref-45">return</a>)<br /> [ Globe, XXI. I. 418, 124, + 712; infra, p. 268.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-46" id="linknote-46"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 46 (<a href="#linknoteref-46">return</a>)<br /> [ MSS., Mar. 10. AM. HIST. + REV., voL. xxvii.—18.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-47" id="linknote-47"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 47 (<a href="#linknoteref-47">return</a>)<br /> [ Anstell, Bethlehem, May + 21, Greenough Collection.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-48" id="linknote-48"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 48 (<a href="#linknoteref-48">return</a>)<br /> [ Anderson, Tenn., Apr. 8, + ibid.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-49" id="linknote-49"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 49 (<a href="#linknoteref-49">return</a>)<br /> [ Goode, Hunter Corr., + Amer. Hist. Assoc., Annual Report (1916, vol. II.), p. 111.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-50" id="linknote-50"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 50 (<a href="#linknoteref-50">return</a>)<br /> [ Ames, Calhoun, pp. + 24-27.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-51" id="linknote-51"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 51 (<a href="#linknoteref-51">return</a>)<br /> [ Hearon, pp. 120-123; + Anonymous, Letter on Southern Wrongs. .. in Reply to Grayson (Charleston, + 1850).] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-52" id="linknote-52"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 52 (<a href="#linknoteref-52">return</a>)<br /> [ Letters, II. 111, 121, + 127.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-53" id="linknote-53"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 53 (<a href="#linknoteref-53">return</a>)<br /> [ Winthrop MSS., Jan. 16, + Feb. 7.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-54" id="linknote-54"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 54 (<a href="#linknoteref-54">return</a>)<br /> [ Philadelphia Bulletin, in + McMaster, VIII. 15.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-55" id="linknote-55"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 55 (<a href="#linknoteref-55">return</a>)<br /> [ Winthrop MSS., Feb. 10, + 6.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-56" id="linknote-56"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 56 (<a href="#linknoteref-56">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, + XVI. 533; XVIII. 355.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-57" id="linknote-57"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 57 (<a href="#linknoteref-57">return</a>)<br /> [ Stephens, War between the + States, II. 201-205, 232; Cong. Globe, XXI. I. 375-384.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-58" id="linknote-58"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 58 (<a href="#linknoteref-58">return</a>)<br /> [ Thurlow Weed, Life, II. + 177-178, 180-181 (Gen. Pleasanton's confirmatory letter). Wilson, Slave + Power, II. 249. Both corroborated by Hamline letter Rhodes, I. 134. + Stephens's letters, N. Y. Herald, July 13, Aug, 8, 1876, denying + threatening language used by Taylor "in my presence," do not nullify + evidence of Taylor's attitude. Mann, Life, p. 292. Private Washington + letter, Feb. 23, reporting interview, N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 25.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-59" id="linknote-59"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 59 (<a href="#linknoteref-59">return</a>)<br /> [ Weekly Tribune, Mar. 2, + reprinted from Daily, Feb. 27. Cf. Washington National Intelligencer, Feb. + 21, quoting: Richmond Enquirer; Wilmington Commercial; Columbia + Telegraph.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-60" id="linknote-60"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 60 (<a href="#linknoteref-60">return</a>)<br /> [ New York Herald, Feb. 25; + Boston Daily Advertiser, Feb. 26.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-61" id="linknote-61"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 61 (<a href="#linknoteref-61">return</a>)<br /> [ Tribune, Feb. 25.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-62" id="linknote-62"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 62 (<a href="#linknoteref-62">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, + XVI. 534.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-63" id="linknote-63"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 63 (<a href="#linknoteref-63">return</a>)<br /> [ Lodge's reproduction of + Parton, pp. 16-17, 98, 195, 325-326, 349, 353, 356, 360. Other errors in + Lodge's Webster, pp. 45, 314, 322, 328, 329-330, 352.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-64" id="linknote-64"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 64 (<a href="#linknoteref-64">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, + XVIII. 356, 387; XVI. 542, W; X. 116; Curtis, Life II. 596; XIII. 434.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-65" id="linknote-65"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 65 (<a href="#linknoteref-65">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar. 19, Cong. Globe, + XXII. II. 1063.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-66" id="linknote-66"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 66 (<a href="#linknoteref-66">return</a>)<br /> [ Aug. 12, ibid., p. 1562.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-67" id="linknote-67"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 67 (<a href="#linknoteref-67">return</a>)<br /> [ U. S. Bonds (1867). About + 112-113, Dec., Jan., Feb., 1850; "inactive" before Webster's speech; + "firmer," Mar. 8; advanced to 117, 119, May; 116-117 after Compromise.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-68" id="linknote-68"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 68 (<a href="#linknoteref-68">return</a>)<br /> [ E. P. Wheeler, Sixty + Years of American Life, p. 6; cf. Webster's Buffalo Speech, Curtis, Life, + II. 576; Weed, Autobiography, p. 596.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-69" id="linknote-69"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 69 (<a href="#linknoteref-69">return</a>)<br /> [ Winthrop MSS.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-691" id="linknote-691"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 691 (<a href="#linknoteref-691">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, + XVI. 534-5.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-70" id="linknote-70"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 70 (<a href="#linknoteref-70">return</a>)<br /> [ Webster to Harvey, Apr. + 7, MS. Middletown (Conn.) Hist. Soc., adds Fletcher's name. Received + through the kindness of Professor George M. Dutcher.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-71" id="linknote-71"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 71 (<a href="#linknoteref-71">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, X. + 57; "Notes for the Speech," 281-291; Winthrop MSS., Apr. 3.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-72" id="linknote-72"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 72 (<a href="#linknoteref-72">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, + XVIII. 371-372.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-73" id="linknote-73"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 73 (<a href="#linknoteref-73">return</a>)<br /> [ Blaine, Twenty Years of + Congress, I. 269-271.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-74" id="linknote-74"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 74 (<a href="#linknoteref-74">return</a>)<br /> [ Works, II. 202-203.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-75" id="linknote-75"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 75 (<a href="#linknoteref-75">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, + XVI. 580-581.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-76" id="linknote-76"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 76 (<a href="#linknoteref-76">return</a>)<br /> [ Seward, Works, III. + 111-116.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-77" id="linknote-77"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 77 (<a href="#linknoteref-77">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, X. + 57, 97.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-78" id="linknote-78"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 78 (<a href="#linknoteref-78">return</a>)<br /> [ Ibid., XIII. 595; X. 65.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-781" id="linknote-781"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 781 (<a href="#linknoteref-781">return</a>)<br /> [ Garrison childishly + printed Eliot's name upside down, and between black lines, Liberator, + Sept. 20.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-79" id="linknote-79"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 79 (<a href="#linknoteref-79">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar. 10. MS., "Private," + to Governor Clifford.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-80" id="linknote-80"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 80 (<a href="#linknoteref-80">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar 11, Apr. 13. Webster + papers, N.H. Hist. Soc., cited hereafter as "N.H.".] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-81" id="linknote-81"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 81 (<a href="#linknoteref-81">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar. 11, 25, 22, 17, 26, + 28, Greenough Collection, hereafter as "Greenough."] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-82" id="linknote-82"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 82 (<a href="#linknoteref-82">return</a>)<br /> [ May 20. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-83" id="linknote-83"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 83 (<a href="#linknoteref-83">return</a>)<br /> [ Apr. 19, May 4. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-84" id="linknote-84"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 84 (<a href="#linknoteref-84">return</a>)<br /> [ Apr. 1. Greenough.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-85" id="linknote-85"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 85 (<a href="#linknoteref-85">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and Speeches, + XVIII. 357.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-86" id="linknote-86"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 86 (<a href="#linknoteref-86">return</a>)<br /> [ Apr. 19. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-87" id="linknote-87"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 87 (<a href="#linknoteref-87">return</a>)<br /> [ June 12. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-88" id="linknote-88"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 88 (<a href="#linknoteref-88">return</a>)<br /> [ Dec. 13. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-89" id="linknote-89"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 89 (<a href="#linknoteref-89">return</a>)<br /> [ Writings and SPeeches, + XVI. 582.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-90" id="linknote-90"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 90 (<a href="#linknoteref-90">return</a>)<br /> [ Winthrop MSS., Mar. 21 + and Apr. 10, 1850, Nov. 1951; Curtis, Life, II. 580; Everett's Memoir; + Webster's Works (1851), I. clvii.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-93" id="linknote-93"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 93 (<a href="#linknoteref-93">return</a>)<br /> [ Barnard, Albany, Apr. 19. + N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-94" id="linknote-94"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 94 (<a href="#linknoteref-94">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar. 15, 28. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-95" id="linknote-95"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 95 (<a href="#linknoteref-95">return</a>)<br /> [ June 10. Greenough. ] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-96" id="linknote-96"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 96 (<a href="#linknoteref-96">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar. 28. Greenough.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-97" id="linknote-97"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 97 (<a href="#linknoteref-97">return</a>)<br /> [ H. L Anderson, Tenn., + Apr. 8. Greenough. ] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-98" id="linknote-98"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 98 (<a href="#linknoteref-98">return</a>)<br /> [ Nelson, Va., May 2. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-99" id="linknote-99"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 99 (<a href="#linknoteref-99">return</a>)<br /> [ Mar. 8. Greenough.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-100" id="linknote-100"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 100 (<a href="#linknoteref-100">return</a>)<br /> [ Pp. 17-20.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-101" id="linknote-101"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 101 (<a href="#linknoteref-101">return</a>)<br /> [ August, 1850; 127 + signatures. N.H.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-102" id="linknote-102"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 102 (<a href="#linknoteref-102">return</a>)<br /> [ Ogg, Webster, p. 379; + Rhodes, I. 157-58.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-103" id="linknote-103"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 103 (<a href="#linknoteref-103">return</a>)<br /> [ New York Journal of + Commerce, Boston Advertiser, Richmond Whig Mar. 12; Baltimore Sun, Mar. + 18; Ames, Calhoun, p. 25; Boston Watchman and Reflector, in Liberator, + Apr. 1.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-104" id="linknote-104"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 104 (<a href="#linknoteref-104">return</a>)<br /> [ War between the States, + II. 211.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-105" id="linknote-105"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 105 (<a href="#linknoteref-105">return</a>)<br /> [ War of the Rebellion + (1866), pp. 130-131.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-106" id="linknote-106"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 106 (<a href="#linknoteref-106">return</a>)<br /> [ Slave Power, II. 246.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-107" id="linknote-107"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 107 (<a href="#linknoteref-107">return</a>)<br /> [ Scribner's Magazine + XXVI. 84.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-108" id="linknote-108"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 108 (<a href="#linknoteref-108">return</a>)<br /> [ Garrison, Westward + Expansion, pp. 327-332; Chadwick, The Causes of the Civil War, pp. 49-51; + Smith, Parties and Slavery, p. 9; Merriam, Life of Bowles, I. 81.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-109" id="linknote-109"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 109 (<a href="#linknoteref-109">return</a>)<br /> [ Rhodes, I. 157, 161.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-110" id="linknote-110"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 110 (<a href="#linknoteref-110">return</a>)<br /> [ Preliminary Report, + Eighth Census, 1860; Chadwick, Causes of the Civil War, p. 28.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-111" id="linknote-111"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 111 (<a href="#linknoteref-111">return</a>)<br /> [ Oct. 2, 1950. Writings + and Speeches, XVI. 568-569.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-112" id="linknote-112"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 112 (<a href="#linknoteref-112">return</a>)<br /> [ Scribner, XXVI. 84; + American Law Review, XXXV. 804.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="linknote-113" id="linknote-113"> + <!-- Note --></a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 113 (<a href="#linknoteref-113">return</a>)<br /> [ Nicolay and Hay, IX. + 76.] + </p> + <p> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Webster's Seventh of March Speech, and +the Secession Movement, by Herbert Darling Foster + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WEBSTER'S SPEECH *** + +***** This file should be named 1663-h.htm or 1663-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/6/1663/ + +Produced by Dianne Bean, and David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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