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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: "Imperialism" and "The Tracks of Our Forefathers" + +Author: Charles Francis Adams + +Release Date: August 17, 2005 [EBook #16542] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK "IMPERIALISM" AND "THE *** + + + + +Produced by Marilynda Fraser-Cunliffe, Sigal Alon and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. +Produced from page images provided by the Digital and +Multimedia Center, Michigan State University Libraries + + + + + + +</pre> + + + +<h1>"Imperialism"</h1> + +<h4>AND</h4> + +<h1>"The Tracks of Our Forefathers"<br /><br /></h1> + +<h5>A PAPER READ BY</h5> + +<h2>CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS<br /></h2> + +<p class="center"><i>Before the Lexington, Massachusetts, Historical Society</i><br /><br /></p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Tuesday, December 20, 1898</span><br /><br /></p> + + +<p class="center">"In a word, many wise men thought it a time wherein those two miserable +adjuncts, which Nerva was deified for uniting, <i>imperium et libertas</i>, were as well +reconciled as is possible."—<i>Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, B. 1. § 163.</i></p> + +<p class="center">"I put my foot in the tracks of our forefathers, where I can neither wander nor +stumble."—<i>Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America.</i><br /><br /></p> + + + +<p class="center">BOSTON<br /> +DANA ESTES & COMPANY<br /> +210 SUMMER STREET<br /> +1899 +</p> + +<hr /> + +<p>What the feast of the Passover was to the children of +Israel, that the days between the nineteenth of December +and the fourth of January—the Yuletide—are and will +remain to the people of New England. The Passover began +"in the first month on the fourteenth day of the month at +even," and it lasted one week, "until the one and twentieth +day of the month at even." It was the period of the sacrifice +of the Paschal lamb, and the feast of unleavened bread; and +of it as a commemoration it is written, "When your children +shall say unto you, What mean ye by this service? that +ye shall say, It is the sacrifice of the Lord's passover, who +passed over the houses of the children of Israel in Egypt, +when he smote the Egyptians. Now the sojourning of the +children of Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred +and thirty years." And thus, by their yearly Passover, +were the Jewish congregations of old put in mind what +farewell they took of the land of Egypt.</p> + +<p>So our own earliest records tell us that it was on the +morning of Saturday, of what is now the nineteenth of +December, that the little exploring party from the <i>Mayflower</i>, +then lying at her anchor in Provincetown Harbor, after a +day and night of much trouble and danger, sorely buffeted +by wind and wave in rough New England's December seas, +found themselves on an island in Plymouth Bay. It was a +mild, "faire sunshining day. And this being the last day of +the weeke, they prepared ther to keepe the Sabath. On +Munday they sounded the harbor, and marched into the land, +and found a place fitt for situation. So they returned to +their shipp againe [at Provincetown] with this news. On +the twenty-fifth of December they weyed anchor to goe to +<a name="Page_4" id="Page_4"></a>the place they had discovered, and came within two leagues +of it, but were faine to bear up againe; but the twenty-sixth +day, the winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this +harbor. And after wards tooke better view of the place, and +resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and the fourth day [of +January] begane to erecte the first house for commone use to +receive them and their goods." Such, in the quaint language +of Bradford, is the calendar of New England's Passover; +and, beginning on the nineteenth of December, it ends on +the fourth of January, covering as nearly as may be the +Christmas holyday period.</p> + +<p>Is there any better use to which the Passover anniversary +can be put than to retrospection? "And when your children +shall say unto you, What mean you by this service? +ye shall say, It is the sacrifice of the Lord's passover, when +he smote the Egyptians, and delivered our houses." So the +old story is told again, being thus kept ever green in memory; +and, in telling it, the experiences of the past are brought +insensibly to bear on the conditions of the present. Thus, +once a year, like the Israelites of old, we, as a people, may +take our bearings and verify our course, as we plunge on out +of the infinite past into the unknowable future. It is a +useful practice; and we are here this first evening of our +Passover period to observe it.</p> + +<p>This, too, is an Historical Society,—that of Lexington, "a +name," as, when arraigned before the tribunal of the French +Terror, Danton said of his own, "tolerably known in the +Revolution;" and I am invited to address you because I am +President of the Massachusetts Historical Society, the most +venerable organization of the sort in America, perhaps in the +world. Thus, to-night, though we shall necessarily have to +touch on topics of the day, and topics exciting the liveliest +interest and most active discussion, we will in so doing look +at them,—not as politicians or as partisans, nor from the +commercial or religious side, but solely from the historical +point of view. We shall judge of the present in its relations +to the past. And, unquestionably, there is great satisfaction +to be derived from so doing; the mere effort seems at once to +take us into another atmosphere,—an atmosphere as foreign +to unctuous cant as it is to what is vulgarly known as +<a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"></a>"electioneering taffy." This evening we pass away from +the noisy and heated turmoil of partisan politics, with its +appeals to prejudice, passion, and material interest, into the +cool of a quiet academic discussion. It is like going out of +some turbulent caucus, or exciting ward-room debate, and +finding oneself suddenly confronted by the cold, clear light +of the December moon, shining amid the silence of innumerable +stars.</p> + +<p>Addressing ourselves, therefore, to the subject in hand, the +question at once suggests itself,—What year in recent times +has been in a large way more noteworthy and impressive, +when looked at from the purely historical point of view, than +this year of which we are now observing the close? The +first Passover of the Israelites ended a drama of more than +four centuries' duration, for "the sojourning of the children +of Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and +thirty years; and at the end of the four hundred and thirty +years all the hosts of the Lord went out from the land +of Egypt." So the Passover we now celebrate commemorates +the closing of another world drama of almost precisely +the same length, and one of deepest significance, as +well as unsurpassed historic interest. These world dramas +are lengthy affairs; for, while we men are always in a hurry, +the Almighty never is: on the contrary, as the Psalmist +observed, so now, "a thousand years in his sight are but as +yesterday when it is past, and as a watch in the night." +The drama I have referred to as this week brought to its +close, is that known in history as Spanish Domination in +America. It began, as we all know, on the twenty-first of +October, 1492; it has been continuous through six years over +four centuries. It now passes into history; the verdict may +be made up.</p> + +<p>So far as I personally am concerned,—a matter needless +to say of very trifling consequence,—this verdict was rendered +a year ago. It was somewhat Rhadamanthine; but a +twelve-month of further reflection has shown no cause in any +respect to revise it. In referring to what was then plainly +impending, in December, 1897, before the blowing up of the +battleship <i>Maine</i>, before a conflict had become inevitable, I +used this language in a paper read to the Massachusetts Historical +<a name="Page_6" id="Page_6"></a>Society: "When looking at the vicissitudes of human +development, we are apt to assume a certain air of optimism, +and take advancement as the law of being, as a thing of course, +indisputable. We are charitable, too; and to deny to any +given race or people some degree of use in the economy of +Nature, or the plan of Creation, is usually regarded as indicative +of narrowness of view. The fatal, final word "pessimist" +is apt to be whispered in connection with the name of +one who ventures to suggest a doubt of this phase of the +doctrine known as Universalism. And yet, at this time +when, before our eyes, it is breathing its last, I want some +one to point out a single good thing in law, or science, or art, +or literature,—material, moral or intellectual,—which has +resulted to the race of man upon earth from Spanish domination +in America. I have tried to think of one in vain. It +certainly has not yielded an immortality, an idea, or a discovery; +it has, in fact, been one long record of reaction and +retrogression, than which few pages in the record of mankind +have been more discouraging or less fruitful of good. What +is now taking place in Cuba is historical. It is the dying +out of a dominion, the influence of which will be seen and felt +for centuries in the life of two continents; just as what is +taking place in Turkey is the last fierce flickering up of +Asiatic rule in Europe, on the very spot where twenty-four +centuries ago Asiatic rule in Europe was thought to have +been averted forever. The two, Ottoman rule in Europe, and +Spanish rule in America, now stand at the bar of history; +and, scanning the long four-century record of each, I have +been unable to see what either has contributed to the accumulated +possessions of the human race, or why both should not +be classed among the many instances of the arrested civilization +of a race, developing by degrees an irresistible tendency +to retrogression."</p> + +<p>This, one year ago; and while the embers of the last Greco-Turkish +struggle, still white, were scarcely cold on the plain +of Marathon. The time since passed has yielded fresh proof +in support of this harsh judgment; for, if there is one historical +law better and more irreversibly established than another, +it is that, in the case of nations even more than in the case +of individuals, their sins will find them out,—the day of +<a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"></a>reckoning may not be escaped. Noticeably, has this proved +so in the case of Spain. The year 1500 may be said to have +found that country at the apex of her greatness. America +had then been newly discovered; the Moor was just subdued. +Nearly half a century before (1453) the Roman Empire had +fallen, and, with the storming of Constantinople by the Saracens, +disappeared from the earth. That event, it may be +mentioned in passing, closed another world drama continuous +through twenty-two centuries,—upon the whole the most +wonderful of the series. And so, when Roman empire +vanished, that of Spain began. It was ushered in by the +landfall of Columbus; and when, just three hundred years +later, in 1792, the subject was discussed in connection +with its third centennial, the general verdict of European +thinkers was that the discovery of America had, upon the +whole, been to mankind the reverse of beneficent. This +conclusion has since been commented upon with derision; +yet, when made, it was right. The United States had in +1792 just struggled into existence, and its influence on the +course of human events had not begun to make itself felt. +Those who considered the subject had before them, therefore, +only Spanish domination in America, and upon that their +verdict cannot be gainsaid; for, from the year 1492 down, +the history of Spain and Spanish domination has undeniably +been one long series of crimes and violations of natural law, +the penalty for which has not apparently even yet been +exacted in full.</p> + +<p>Of those national crimes four stand out in special prominence, +constituting counts in a national indictment than +which history shows few more formidable. These four were: +(1) The expulsion, first, of the Jews, and then of the Moors, +or Moriscoes, from Spain, late in the fifteenth and early in +the sixteenth centuries; (2) the annals of "the Council of +Blood" in the Netherlands, and the eighty years of internecine +warfare through which Holland fought its way out +from under Spanish rule; (3) the Inquisition, the most ingenious +human machinery ever invented to root out and +destroy whatever a people had that was intellectually most +alert, inquisitive, and progressive; and, finally (4), the policy +of extermination, and, where not of extermination, of cruel +<a name="Page_8" id="Page_8"></a>oppression, systematically pursued towards the aborigines of +America. Into the grounds on which the different counts +of this indictment rest it would be impossible now to enter. +Were it desirable so to do, time would not permit. Suffice it +to say, the penalty had to be paid to the uttermost farthing; +and one large instalment fell due, and was mercilessly exacted, +during the year now drawing to its close. Spanish domination +in America ceased,—the drama ended as it was entering +on its fifth century,—and it can best be dismissed with the +solemn words of Abraham Lincoln, uttered more than thirty +years ago, when contemplating a similar expiation we were +ourselves paying in blood and grief for a not dissimilar violation +of an everlasting law,—"Yet, if God wills that this +mighty scourge continue until all the wealth piled by the +bondsmen's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil +shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the +lash shall be paid by another drawn by the sword, as was said +three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The +judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether!'"</p> + +<p>But not only is this year memorable as witnessing the +downfall and complete extirpation of that Spanish rule in +America which began with Columbus, but the result, when it +at last came about, was marked by incidents more curiously +fitting and dramatic than it would have been possible for a +Shakspeare to have conceived. Columbus, as we all know, +stumbled, as it were, on America as he sailed west in search +of Asia,—Cipango he was looking for, and he found Cuba. +It is equally well known that he never discovered his mistake. +When fourteen years later he died, it was in the faith that, +through him, Europe had by a westward movement established +itself in the archipelagoes of Asia. And now, at last, +four centuries afterward, the blow which did most to end the +American domination he established was struck in Asiatic +waters; and, through it and the descendants of another race, +America seems on the threshold of realizing the mistaken +belief of Columbus, and by a westward movement establishing +the European in that very archipelago Columbus failed to +reach. The ways of Providence are certainly not less singular +than slow in movement.</p> + +<p>But the year just ending was veritably one of surprises,—for +<a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"></a>the historical student it would, indeed, seem as if 1898 +was destined to pass into the long record as almost the Year +of Surprises. We now come to the consideration of some of +these wholly unanticipated results from the American point +of view. And in entering on this aspect of the question, it is +necessary once more to remind you that we are doing it in the +historical spirit, and from the historical point of view. We +are stating facts not supposed to admit of denial. The argument +and inferences to be drawn from those facts do not belong +to this occasion. Some will reach one conclusion as to the +future, and the bearing those facts have upon its probable +development, and some will reach another conclusion; with +these conclusions we have nothing to do. Our business is +exclusively with the facts.</p> + +<p>Speaking largely, but still with all necessary historical +accuracy, America has been peopled, and its development, +up to the present time, worked out through two great stocks +of the European family,—the Spanish-speaking stock, and +the English-speaking stock. In their development these two +have pursued lines, clearly marked, but curiously divergent. +Leaving the Spanish-speaking branch out of the discussion, as +unnecessary to it, it may without exaggeration be said of the +English-speaking branch that, from the beginning down to +this year now ending, its development has been one long protest +against, and divergence from, Old World methods and +ideals. In the case of those descended from the Forefathers,—as +we always designate the Plymouth colony,—this has +been most distinctly marked, ethnically, politically, industrially.</p> + +<p>America was the sphere where the European, as a colonist, +a settler, first came on a large scale in contact with another +race. Heretofore, in the Old World, when one stock had +overrun another,—and history presented many examples of +it,—the invading stock, after subduing, and to a great +extent driving out, the stock which had preceded in the occupancy +of a region, settled gradually down into a common possession, +and, in the slow process of years, an amalgamation +of stocks, more or less complete, took place. In America, +with the Anglo-Saxon, and especially those of the New England +type, this was not the case. Unlike the Frenchman at +<a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"></a>the north, or the Spaniard at the south, the Anglo-Saxon +showed no disposition to ally himself with the aborigines,—he +evinced no faculty of dealing with inferior races, as they +are called, except through a process of extermination. +Here in Massachusetts this was so from the outset. Nearly +every one here has read Longfellow's poem, "The Courtship +of Miles Standish," and calls to mind the short, sharp +conflict between the Plymouth captain and the Indian chief, +Pecksuot, and how those God-fearing Pilgrims ruthlessly put +to death by stabbing and hanging a sufficient number of the +already plague-stricken and dying aborigines. That episode +occurred in April, 1623, only a little more than two years +after the landing we to-night celebrate, and was, so far as +New England is concerned, the beginning of a series of +wars which did not end until the Indian ceased to be an element +in our civilization. When John Robinson, the revered +pastor of the Plymouth church, received tidings at Leyden of +that killing near Plymouth,—for Robinson never got across +the Atlantic,—he wrote: "Oh, how happy a thing had it +been, if you had converted some before you had killed any! +There is cause to fear that, by occasion, especially of provocation, +there may be wanting that tenderness of the life of +man (made after God's image) which is meet. It is also a +thing more glorious in men's eyes, than pleasing in God's or +convenient for Christians, to be a terror to poor, barbarous +people." This all has a very familiar sound. It is the refrain of +nearly three centuries; but, as an historical fact, it is undeniable +that, from 1623 down to the year now ending, the American +Anglo-Saxon has in his dealings with what are known +as the "inferior races" lacked "that tenderness of the life +of man which is meet," and he has made himself "a terror to +poor, barbarous people." How we of Massachusetts carried +ourselves towards the aborigines here, the fearful record of +the Pequot war remains everlastingly to tell. How the +country at large has carried itself in turn towards Indian, +African, and Asiatic is matter of history. And yet it is +equally matter of history that this carriage, term it what +you will,—unchristian, brutal, exterminating,—has been +the salvation of the race. It has saved the Anglo-Saxon +stock from being a nation of half-breeds,—miscegenates, to +<a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"></a>coin a word expressive of an idea. The Canadian half-breed, +the Mexican, the mulatto, say what men may, are not virile +or enduring races; and that the Anglo-Saxon is none of these, +and is essentially virile and enduring, is due to the fact that +the less developed races perished before him. Nature is undeniably +often brutal in its methods.</p> + +<p>Again, and on the other hand, the Anglo-Saxon when he +came to America left behind him, so far as he himself was +concerned, feudalism and all things pertaining to caste, including +what was then known in England, and is still known +in Germany, as Divine Right. When he at last enunciated +his political faith he put in the forefront of his declaration as +"self-evident truths," the principles "that all men are created +equal;" that they are endowed with "certain inalienable +rights," among them "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" +and that governments derived "their just powers from +the consent of the governed." Now what was meant here by +the phrase "all men are created equal?" We know they +are not. They are not created equal in physical or mental +endowment; nor are they created with equal opportunity. +The world bristles with inequalities, natural and artificial. +This is so; and yet the declaration is none the less true;—true +when made; true now; true for all future time. The +reference was to the inequalities which always had marked, +then did, and still do, mark, the political life of the Old World,—to +Caste, Divine Right, Privilege. It declared that all men +were created equal before the law, as before the Lord;<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and +<a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"></a>that, whether European, American, Asiatic, or African, they +were endowed with an inalienable right to life, liberty, and +the pursuit of happiness. And to this truth, as he saw it, +Lincoln referred in those memorable words I have already +cited bearing on our national crime in long forgetfulness of +our own immutable principles. The fundamental, primal +principle was indeed more clearly voiced by Lincoln than it +has been voiced before, or since, in declaring again, and elsewhere +that to our nation, dedicated "to the proposition that +all men are created equal," has by Providence been assigned +the momentous task of "testing whether any nation so conceived +and so dedicated can long endure," and "that government +of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not +perish from the earth."</p> + +<p>The next cardinal principle in our policy as a race—that +instinctive policy I have already referred to as divergent from +Old World methods and ideals—was most dearly enunciated +by Washington in his Farewell Address, that "the great rule +for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial +relations, to have with them as little political connection +as possible;" that it was "unwise in us to implicate +ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of [Old +World] policies, or the ordinary combinations and collisions +of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation +invites and enables us to pursue a different course.... +Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments +on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust +to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies."</p> + +<p>Accepting this as firm ground from which to act, we afterwards +put forth what is known as the Monroe Doctrine. Having +announced that our purpose was, in homely language, to +mind our own business, we warned the outer world that we +did not propose to permit by that outer world any interference +in what did not concern it. America was our field,—a field +amply large for our development. It was therefore declared +<a name="Page_13" id="Page_13"></a>that, while we had never taken any part, nor did it comport +with our policy to do so, in the wars of European politics, +with the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, +more intimately connected. "We owe it, therefore, to candor +to declare that we should consider any attempt [on the part +of European powers] to extend their system to any portion of +this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety."</p> + +<p>On these principles of government and of foreign policy we +have as a people now acted for more than seventy years. +They have been exemplified and developed in various directions, +and resulted in details—commercial, economic, and +ethnic—which have given rise to political issues, long and +hotly contested, but which, in their result from the purely +historical point of view, do not admit of dispute. Commercially, +we have adopted what is known as a system protective +both of our industries and our labor. Economically, we +have carefully eschewed large and costly armaments, and +expensive governmental methods. Ethnically, we have +avowed our desire to have as little contact as possible with +less developed races, lamenting the presence of the African, +and severely excluding the Asiatic. These facts, whether we +as individuals and citizens wholly approve—or do not approve +at all—of the course pursued and the results reached, +admit of no dispute. Neither can it be denied that our attitude, +whether it in all respects commanded the respect of +foreign nations, or failed to command it, was accepted, and +has prevailed. Striking illustrations of this at once suggest +themselves.</p> + +<p>In one respect especially was our attitude peculiar, and in +its peculiarity we took great pride. It was largely moral; +but, though largely moral, it had behind it the consciousness +of strength in ourselves, and its recognition by others. In +great degree, and relatively, an unarmed people, we looked +with amaze, which had in it something of amusement, at the +constantly growing armaments and war budgets of the nations +of Europe. We saw them, like the warriors of the middle ages, +crushed under the weight of their weapons of offence, and their +preparations for defence. Meanwhile, fortunate in our geographical +position,—weak for offence, but, in turn, unassailable,—we +went in and out much as an unarmed man, +<a name="Page_14" id="Page_14"></a>relying on his character, his recognized force, position, and +peaceful calling, daily moves about in our frontier settlements +and mining camps amid throngs of men armed to +the teeth with revolvers and bowie knives. Yet, evidence +was not lacking of the consideration yielded to us when we +were called upon, or felt called upon, to assert ourselves. I +will not refer to the episode of 1866, when, in accordance +with the principles of the Monroe Doctrine, we intimated to +France that her immediate withdrawal from Mexico was +desired; for then we had not laid down the arms we had +taken up in the Rebellion. But, without remonstrance even, +France withdrew. In 1891, under circumstances not without +grounds of aggravation against us, a mob in Valparaiso +assaulted some seamen from our ships of war. Instant +apology and redress were demanded; and the demand was +complied with. Yet later, the course pursued by us in the +Venezuela matter is too fresh in memory to call for more than +a reference. These are all matters of history. When did our +word fail to carry all desired weight?</p> + +<p>Such were our standing, our traditional policy, and our +record at the beginning of the year now ending. No proposition +advanced admits, it is believed, of dispute historically. +Into the events of the year 1898 it is not necessary to enter +in any detail. They are in the minds of all. It is sufficient +to say that the primary object for which we entered upon the +late war with Spain was to bring to an end the long and +altogether bad record of Spanish rule in America. In taking +the steps deemed necessary to effect this result, Congress +went out of its way, and publicly and formally put upon +record its disclaimer of any intention to enter upon a war of +conquest, asserting its determination, when Spanish domination +was ended, to leave the government of Cuba, and +presumably of any other islands similarly acquired, to the +people thereof. As an incident to our naval operations on +the Pacific, the island of Hawaii was then annexed to the +United States as an extra-territorial possession, or coaling +station, this being effected by a joint resolution of the two +Houses of Congress, under the precedent of 1845 established +in the case of Texas,—a method of procedure the constitutionality +of which was at the time formally called in question +<a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"></a>by the State of Massachusetts, and against which Mr. Webster +made vigorous protest in the Senate. In thus possessing +ourselves of Hawaii, the consent of the native inhabitants was +not considered necessary; we dealt wholly with an oligarchical +<i>de facto</i> government, representing the foreign element, +mainly American, there resident.</p> + +<p>Shortly after the acquisition of Hawaii, we, as the result +of brilliant naval operations and successes, acquired possession +of the harbor of Manila, in the Philippine archipelago, +and finally the city and some adjacent territory were surrendered +to us. A treaty was then negotiated, the power of +Spain being completely broken, under which she abandoned +all claims of sovereignty, not only over the island of Cuba, +the original cause of war, but over various other islands in +the Philippine, as well as in the West Indian, archipelagoes. +These islands, in all said to be some 1,200 to 1,500 in number, +are moreover not only inhabited by both natives and foreigners +to the estimated number of ten to twelve million of +souls, but they contain large cities and communities speaking +different tongues, living under other laws, and having customs, +manners, and traditions wholly unlike our own, and +which, in the case of the Philippines, do not admit of assimilation. +Situated in the tropics also, they cannot gradually +become colonized by Americans, with or without the disappearance +of the native population. The American can only +go there for temporary residence.</p> + +<p>A wholly new problem was thus suddenly presented to the +people of the United States. On the one hand, it is asserted +that, by destroying Spanish government in these islands, the +United States has assumed responsibility for them, both to +the inhabitants and to the world. This is a moral obligation. +On the other hand, trade and commercial inducements are +held out which would lead us to treat these islands simply as +a commencement—the first instalment—in a system of unlimited +extra-territorial dependencies and imperial expansion. +With these responsibilities and obligations we here this evening +have nothing to do, any more than we have to do with +the expediency or probable results of the policy of colonial +expansion, when once fairly adopted and finally entered upon. +These hereafter will be, but are not yet, historical questions; +<a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"></a>and we are merely historical inquirers. We, therefore, no +matter what others may do, must try to confine ourselves to +our own proper business and functions.</p> + +<p>My purpose, therefore, is not to argue for or against what +is now proposed, but simply to test historically some of the +arguments I have heard most commonly advanced in favor +of the proposed policy of expansion, and thus see to what +they apparently lead in the sequence of human, and more +especially of American, events. Do they indicate an historic +continuity? Or do they result in what is geologically +known as a "fault,"—a movement, as the result of force, +through which a stratum, once continuous, becomes disconnected?</p> + +<p>In the first place, then, as respects the inhabitants of the +vastly greater number of the dependencies already acquired, +and, under the policy of imperialistic expansion, hereafter to +be acquired. It is argued that we, as a people at once +dominant and Christian, are under an obligation to avail +ourselves of the opportunity the Almighty, in his infinite +wisdom, has thrust upon us,—some say the plain call he +has uttered to us,—to go forth, and impart to the barbarian +and the heathen the blessings of liberty and the Bible. A +mission is imposed upon us. Viewed in the cold, pitiless +light of history,—and that is the only way we here can view +them,—"divine missions" and "providential calls" are +questionable things; things the assumption and fulfilment +of which are apt to be at variance. So far as the American +is concerned, as I have already pointed out, the historic +precedents are not encouraging. Whatever his theories, +ethnical, political, or religious, his practice has been as +pronounced as it was masterful. From the earliest days at +Wessagusset and in the Pequot war, down to the very last +election held in North Carolina,—from 1623 to 1898,—the +knife and the shotgun have been far more potent and active +instruments in his dealings with the inferior races than the +code of liberty or the output of the Bible Society. The +record speaks for itself. So far as the Indian is concerned, +the story has been told by Mrs. Jackson in her earnest, +eloquent protest, entitled "A Century of Dishonor." It has +received epigrammatic treatment in the saying tersely enunciated +<a name="Page_17" id="Page_17"></a>by one of our military commanders, and avowedly +accepted by the others, that "the only good Indian is a +dead Indian." So far as the African is concerned, the +similar apothegm once was that "the black man has no +rights the white man is bound to respect;" or, as Stephen +A. Douglas defined his position before an applauding audience, +"I am for the white man as against the black man, +and for the black man against the alligator." Recent lynching +and shotgun experiences, too fresh in memory to call for +reminder, and too painful in detail to describe, give us at +least reason to pause before we leave our own hearthstone +to seek new and distant fields for missionary labors. It +remains to consider the Asiatic. The racial antipathy of the +American towards him has been more intense than towards +any other species of the human race. This, as an historical +fact, has been recently imbedded in our statute-book, having +previously been illustrated in a series of outrages and massacres, +with the sickening details of some of which it was at +one time my misfortune to be officially familiar. Under these +circumstances, so far as the circulation of the Bible and the +extension of the blessings of liberty are concerned, history +affords small encouragement to the American to assume new +obligations. He has been, and now is, more than merely +delinquent in the fulfilment of obligations heretofore thrust +upon him, or knowingly assumed. In this respect his instinct +has proved much more of a controlling factor than his ethics,—the +shotgun has unfortunately been more constantly in +evidence than the Bible. As a prominent "expansionist" +New England member of the present Congress has recently +declared in language, brutal perhaps in directness, but +withal commendably free from cant: "China is succumbing +to the inevitable, and the United States, if she would not +retire to the background, must advance along the line with +the other great nations. She must acquire new territory, +providing new markets over which she must maintain control. +The Anglo-Saxon advances into the new regions with a Bible +in one hand and a shotgun in the other. The inhabitants of +those regions that he cannot convert with the aid of the +Bible and bring into his markets, he gets rid of with the +shotgun. It is but another demonstration of the survival of +<a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"></a>the fittest." (Hon. C.A. Sulloway, Rochester, N.H., +Nov. 22, 1898.)</p> + +<p>Next as regards our fundamental principles of equality of +human rights, and the consent of the governed as the only +just basis of all government. The presence of the inferior +races on our own soil, and our new problems connected with +them in our dependencies, have led to much questioning of +the correctness of those principles, which, for its outspoken +frankness, at least, is greatly to be commended. It is argued +that these, as principles, in the light of modern knowledge +and conditions, are of doubtful general truth and limited +application. True, when confined and carefully applied to +citizens of the same blood and nationality; questionable, +when applied to human beings of different race in one nationality; +manifestly false, in the case of races less developed, and +in other, especially tropical, countries.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> As fundamental principles, +<a name="Page_19" id="Page_19"></a>it is admitted, they were excellent for a young people +struggling into recognition and limiting its attention narrowly +to what only concerned itself; but have we not manifestly +outgrown them, now that we ourselves have developed into +a great World Power? For such there was and necessarily +always will be, as between the superior and the inferior races, +a manifest common sense foundation in caste, and in the rule +of might when it presents itself in the form of what we are +pleased to call Manifest Destiny. As to government being +conditioned on the consent of the governed, it is obviously +the bounden duty of the superior race to hold the inferior +race in peaceful tutelage, and protect it against itself; and, +furthermore, when it comes to deciding the momentous question +of what races are superior and what inferior, what dominant +and what subject, that is of necessity a question to be +settled between the superior race and its own conscience; +and one in regard to the correct settlement of which it indicates +a tendency at once unpatriotic and "pessimistic," to +assume that America could by any chance decide otherwise +than correctly. Upon that score we must put implicit +confidence in the sound instincts and Christian spirit of the +dominant, that is, the stronger race.</p> + +<p>It is the same with that other fundamental principle with +which the name of Lexington is, from the historical point of +view, so closely associated,—I refer, of course, to the revolutionary +contention that representation is a necessary adjunct +to taxation. This principle also, it is frankly argued, we +have outgrown, in presence of our new responsibilities; and, +as between the superior and inferior races, it is subject to +obvious limitations. Here again, as between the policy of +the "Open Door" and the Closed-Colonial-Market policy, the +superior race is amenable to its own conscience only. It will +doubtless on all suitable and convenient occasions bear in +mind that it is a "Trustee for Civilization."</p> + +<p>Finally, as respects entangling foreign alliances, and their +necessary consequents, costly and burdensome armaments +and large standing armies, we are again advised that, having +ceased to be children, we should put away childish things. +Having become a great World Power we must become a +corresponding War Power. We are assured by high authority +<a name="Page_20" id="Page_20"></a>that, were Washington now alive, it cannot be questioned +he would in all these respects modify materially the views +expressed in the Farewell Address, as being obviously inapplicable +to existing conditions. Under these circumstances, +and in view of the obligations we have assumed, the President, +and Secretaries of War and the Navy, recommend an +establishment the annual cost of which ($200,000,000), exclusive +of military pensions, is in excess of the largest of those +European War Budgets, over the crushing influence of which +we have expressed a traditional wonder, not unmixed with +pity for the unfortunate tax-payer.</p> + +<p>Historically speaking, I believe these are all facts, susceptible +of verification. I do not mean to say that the +arguments developing obvious limitations in the application +of the principles of the Declaration and the Constitution have +been avowedly accepted by our representatives, or officially +incorporated into our domestic and foreign policy. I do +assert as an historical fact that these arguments have been +advanced, and are meeting, both in Congress and with the +press, a large degree of acceptance. And hence comes a +singular and most significant conclusion from which, historically, +there seems to be no escape. It may or it may not be +fortunate and right; it may or it may not lead to beneficent +future results; it may or it may not contribute to the good +of mankind. Those questions belong elsewhere than in the +rooms of an historical society. Upon them we are not called +to pass,—they belong to the politician, the publicist, the +philosopher, not to us. But, as historical investigators, and so +observing the sequence of events, it cannot escape our notice +that on every one of the fundamental principles discussed,—whether +ethnic, economical, or political,—we abandon the +traditional and distinctively American grounds and accept +those of Europe, and especially of Great Britain, which heretofore +we have made it the basis of our faith to deny and +repudiate.</p> + +<p>With this startling proposition in mind, consider again the +several propositions advanced; and first, as regards the so-called +inferior races. Our policy towards them, instinctive +and formulated, has been either to exclude or destroy, or to +leave them in the fullness of time to work out their own +<a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"></a>destiny, undisturbed by us; fully believing that, in this way, +we in the long run best subserved the interests of mankind. +Europe, and Great Britain especially, adopted the opposite +policy. They held that it was incumbent on the superior to +go forth and establish dominion over the inferior race, and to +hold and develop vast imperial possessions and colonial dependencies. +They saw their interest and duty in developing +systems of docile tutelage; we sought our inspirations in the +rough school of self-government. Under this head the result +then is distinct, clean cut, indisputable. To this conclusion +have we come at last. The Old World, Europe and Great +Britain, were, after all, right, and we of the New World have +been wrong. From every point of view,—religious, ethnic, +commercial, political,—we cannot, it is now claimed, too soon +abandon our traditional position and assume theirs. Again, +Europe and Great Britain have never admitted that men were +created equal, or that the consent of the governed was a condition +of government. They have, on the contrary, emphatically +denied both propositions. We now concede that, after +all, there was great basis for their denial; that, certainly, it +must be admitted, our forefathers were hasty at least in reaching +their conclusions,—they generalized too broadly. We +do not frankly avow error, and we still think the assent +of the governed to a government a thing desirable to be +secured, under suitable circumstances and with proper limitations; +but, if it cannot conveniently be secured, we are +advised on New England senatorial authority that "the +consent of some of the governed" will be sufficient, we +ourselves selecting those proper to be consulted. Thus +in such cases as certain islands of the Antilles, Hawaii, and +the communities of Asia, we admit that, so far as the principles +at the basis of the Declaration are concerned, Great +Britain was right, and our ancestors were, not perhaps wrong, +but too general, and of the eighteenth century, in their statements. +To that extent, we have outgrown the Declaration +of 1776, and have become as wise now as Great Britain was +then. At any rate we are not above learning. As was long +ago said,—"Only dead men and idiots never change;" and +the people of the United States are nothing unless open-minded.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"></a>So, also, as respects the famous Boston "tea-party," and +taxation without representation. Great Britain then affirmed +this right in the case of colonies and dependencies. Taught +by the lesson of our War of Independence, she has since +abandoned it. We now take it up, and are to-day, as one of +the new obligations towards the heathen imposed upon us by +Providence, formulating systems of imposts and tariffs for our +new dependencies, wholly distinct from our own, and directly +inhibited by our constitution, in regard to which systems +those dependencies have no representative voice. They are +not to be consulted as to the kind of door, "open" or +"closed," behind which they are to exist. In taking this +position it is difficult to see why we must not also incidentally +admit that, in the great contention preceding our War +of Independence, the first armed clash of which resounded +here in Lexington, Great Britain was more nearly right than +the exponents of the principles for which those "embattled +farmers" contended.</p> + +<p>Again, consider the Monroe Doctrine, entangling foreign +alliances, and the consequent and costly military and naval +establishments. The Monroe Doctrine had two sides, the +abstention of the Old World from interference in American +affairs, based on our abstention from interference in the +affairs of the Old World. But it is now argued we have outgrown +the Monroe Doctrine, or at least the latter branch of +it. It is certainly so considered in Europe; for, only a few +days ago, so eminent an authority as Lord Farrar exultingly +exclaimed in addressing the Cobden Club,—"America has +burned the swaddling clothes of the Monroe Doctrine." Indeed +we have, in discussion at least, gone far in advance of +the mere burning of cast-off infantile clothing, and alliances +with Great Britain and Japan, as against France and Russia, +are freely mooted, with a view to the forcible partition of +China, to which we are to be a party, and of it a beneficiary. +For it is already avowed that the Philippines are but a +"stopping-place" on the way to the continent of Asia; and +China, unlike Poland, is inhabited by an "inferior race," in +regard to whom, as large possible consumers of surplus products, +Providence has imposed on us obvious obligations, +material as well as benevolent and religious, which it would +<a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"></a>be unlike ourselves to disregard. It is the mandate of duty, +we are told,—the nations of Europe obey it, and can we do +less than they? "Isolation" it is then argued is but another +name for an attention to one's own business which may well +become excessive, and result in selfishness. It is true that +the nations of the Old World have not heretofore erred conspicuously +in this respect; and as the "Balance of Power" +was the word-juggle with which to conjure up wars and +armaments in the eighteenth century, so the "Division of +Trade" may not impossibly prove the similar conjuring word-juggle +of the twentieth century. Nevertheless, "isolation" +is not compatible with the policy of a Great Nation under a +call to assert itself as a World Power. Then follows the +familiar argument in favor of costly military and naval establishments. +But, upon this head it is needless to restate our +traditional policy,—our jealousy as a people of militarism +and large standing armies, to be used, if occasion calls, as a +reserve police. Our record thereon is so plain that repetition +grows tedious. The record of Europe, and especially of Great +Britain as distinguished from other European powers, has been +equally plain, and is no less indisputable. In this respect, +also, always under compulsion, we now admit our error. +Costly armies are necessary to the maintenance of order, +Heaven's first law; and World Powers cannot maintain peace, +and themselves, without powerful navies and frequent coaling +stations.</p> + +<p>Finally, even on such matters as the Protective System and +the encouragement of American Labor, as against the +"Pauper Labor" of Europe and of the inferior races, Great +Britain has for half a century now advocated the principle of +unrestricted industry and free trade,—that is the "Open +Door" policy logically carried to its final results. We have +denied it, establishing what we in time grew to call the distinctive +American system. It is, however, now asserted that +"Trade follows the Flag," and that, as respects dependencies +at least, the "Open Door" policy is the best policy. If +"Trade follows the Flag" in dependencies, and, by so doing, +affords the American producer all needful protection +and every fair advantage in those dependencies, it is not at +once apparent why it fails so to do at home. Is it less docile +<a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"></a>to the flag, less in harmony with and subservient to it, in the +United States, within our own limits, than in remote lands +under that flag beyond the seas? And, if so, how is such an +apparent anomaly accounted for? But with this question we +are not concerned. That problem is for the economist to +solve, for in character it is commercial, not historical. The +point with us is that again, as regards the "Open Door,"—free +trade and no favor, so far as all outside competition +is concerned, American labor and "pauper" labor being +equally outside,—on this long and hotly contested point, also, +England appears on the face of things to have had after all +much the best of the argument.</p> + +<p>As regards "Pauper Labor," indeed, the reversal contemplated +of established policy in favor of European methods is +specially noteworthy. The labor of Asia is undeniably less well +paid even than that of Europe; but it is now proposed, by a +single act, to introduce into our industrial system ten millions +of Asiatics, either directly, or through their products sold in +open competition with our own; or, if we do not do that, to +hold them, ascribed to the soil in a sort of old Saxon serfdom, +with the function assigned them of consuming our surplus +products, but without in return sending us theirs. The +great counterbalancing consideration will not, of course, be +forgotten that, like the English in India, we also bestow on +them the Blessings of Liberty and the Bible; provided, always, +that liberty does not include freedom to go to the United +States, and the Bible does include the excellent Old Time and +Old World precept (Coloss. 3: 22), "Servants, obey in all +things your masters."</p> + +<p>It is the same in other respects. It seems to be admitted +by the President, and by the leading authorities on the imperialistic +policy, that it can only be carried to successful +results through the agency of a distinct governing class. +Accordingly administration through the agency of military +or naval officers is strongly urged both by the President and +by Captain Mahan. Other advocates of the policy urge its +adoption on the ground, very distinctly avowed, that it will +necessitate an established, recognized Civil Service, modelled, +they add, on that of Great Britain. If, they then argue, +Great Britain can extend—as, indeed, she unquestionably +<a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"></a>has extended—her system of dependencies all over the +globe, developing them into the most magnificent empire the +world ever saw, it is absurd, unpatriotic, and pessimistic to +doubt that we can do the same. Are we not of the same +blood, and the same speech? This is all historically true. +Historically it is equally true that, to do it, we must employ +means similar to those Great Britain has employed. In +other words, modelling ourselves on Great Britain, we must +slowly and methodically develop and build up a recognized +and permanent governing and official class. The heathen +and barbarian need to be studied, and dealt with intelligently +and on a system; they cannot be successfully managed on +any principle of rotation in office, much less one which ascribes +the spoils of office to the victors at the polls. What +these advocates of Imperialism say is unquestionably true: +The political methods now in vogue in American cities are +not adapted to the government of dependencies.</p> + +<p>The very word "Imperial" is, indeed, borrowed from the +Old World. As applied to a great system of colonial dominion +and foreign dependencies it is English, and very modern English, +also, for it was first brought into vogue by the late Earl +of Beaconsfield in 1879, when, by Act of Parliament introduced +by him, the Queen of England was made Empress of India. +It was then he enunciated that doctrine of <i>imperium et libertas</i>, +the adoption of which we are now considering. While it +may be wise and sound, it indisputably is British.</p> + +<p>Thus, curiously enough, whichever way we turn and +however we regard it, at the close of more than a century of +independent existence we find ourselves, historically speaking, +involved in a mesh of contradictions with our past. Under a +sense of obligation, impelled by circumstances, perhaps to +a degree influenced by ambition and commercial greed, we +have one by one abandoned our distinctive national tenets, +and accepted in their place, though in some modified forms, +the old-time European tenets and policies, which we supposed +the world, actuated largely by our example, was about forever +to discard. Our whole record as a people is, of course, then +ransacked and subjected to microscopic investigation, and +every petty disregard of principle, any wrong heretofore +silently, perhaps sadly, ignored, each unobserved or disregarded +<a name="Page_26" id="Page_26"></a>innovation of the past, is magnified into a precedent +justifying anything and everything in the future. If we +formerly on some occasion swallowed a gnat, why now, is it +asked, strain at a camel? Truths once accepted as "self-evident," +since become awkward of acceptance, were ever +thus pettifogged out of the path, and fundamental principles +have in this way prescriptively been tampered with. It is +now nearly a century and a quarter ago, when Great Britain +was contemplating the subjection of her American dependencies, +that Edmund Burke denounced "tampering" with the +"ingenuous and noble roughness of truly constitutional +materials," as "the odious vice of restless and unstable +minds." Historically speaking it is not unfair to ask if this +is less so in the United States in 1898 than it was in Great +Britain in 1775.</p> + +<p>What is now proposed, therefore, examined in connection +with our principles and traditional policy as a nation, does +apparently indicate a break in continuity,—historically, it will +probably constitute what is known in geology as a "fault." +Indeed, it is almost safe to say that history hardly records +any change of base and system on the part of a great people +at once so sudden, so radical, and so pregnant with consequences. +To the optimist,—he who has no dislike to "Old +Jewry," as the proper receptacle for worn-out garments, personal +or political,—the outlook is inspiring. He insensibly +recalls and repeats those fine lines of Tennyson:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"To-day I saw the dragon-fly<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Come from the wells where he did lie.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"An inner impulse rent the veil<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Of his old husk: from head to tail<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Came out clear plates of sapphire mail.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"He dried his wings: like gauze they grew:<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Thro' crofts and pastures wet with dew<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> A living flash of light he flew."<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>To others, older perhaps, but at any rate more deeply impressed +with the difference apt to develop between dreams +and actualities, the situation calls to mind a comparison, +more historical it is true, but less inspiriting so far as a commitment +to the new policy is concerned. At the risk, possibly, +<a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"></a>of offending some of those present, I will venture to +institute it. In the fourth chapter of the Gospel according to +St. Matthew, I find this incident recorded: "The devil +taketh him [the Saviour] up into an exceeding high mountain, +and showeth him all the kingdoms of the world, and the +glory of them; and saith unto him, All these things will I +give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me. Then saith +Jesus unto him, Get thee hence, Satan. Then the devil leaveth +him, and, behold, angels came and ministered unto him." +Now, historically speaking, and as a matter of scriptural exegesis, +that this passage should be accepted literally is not +supposable. Satan, on the occasion referred to, must not be +taken to have presented himself to the Saviour <i>in propriâ +personâ</i> with his attributes of horns, tail, and cloven hoof, and +made an outright proposition of extra-territorial sovereignty. +It was a parable. He who had assumed a lofty moral attitude +was tempted by worldly inducements to adopt a lower attitude,—that, +in a word, common among men. It was a whispering +to Christ of what among nations, is known as "Manifest +Destiny;" in that case, however, as possibly in others, it so +chanced that the whispering was not from the Almighty, but +from Satan. Now if, instead of recognizing the source whence +the temptation came, and sternly saying, "Get thee hence, +Satan," Christ had seen the proposition as a new Mission,—thought, +in fact, that he heard a distinct call to Duty,—and +so, accepting a Responsibility thrust upon him, had hurried +down from the "exceeding high mountain," and proceeded at +once to lay in a supply of weapons and to don defensive armor, +renouncing his peaceful mission, he would have done exactly—what +Mohammed did six centuries later!</p> + +<p>I do not for a moment mean to suggest that, as respects the +voice of "Manifest Destiny," there is any similarity between +the case of the Saviour and that which we, as a people, are +now considering. I am not a prophet, nor do I claim prophetic +insight. We are merely historical investigators, and, +as such, not admitted into the councils of the Almighty. +Others doubtless are, or certainly claim to be. They know +every time, and at once, whether it is the inspiration of God +or the devil; and forthwith proclaim it from the house-tops. +We must admit—at any rate no evidence in our possession +<a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"></a>enables us to deny—the confidential relations such claim to +have with either or both of the agencies in question,—the +Divine or the Infernal. All I now have in mind is to call +attention to the obvious similarity of the positions. As compared +with the ideals and tenets then in vogue,—principles +of manhood, equality before the law, freedom, peace on earth, +and good-will to men,—the United States, heretofore and seen +in a large way, has, among nations, assumed a peculiar, and, +from the moral point of view, unquestionably a lofty attitude. +Speaking historically it might, and with no charge of levity, +be compared with a similar moral attitude assumed among +men eighteen centuries before by the Saviour. It discountenanced +armaments and warfare; it advocated arbitrations, +and bowed to their awards; spreading its arms and protection +over the New World, it refused to embroil itself in the +complications of the Old; above all, it set a not unprofitable +example to the nations of benefits incident to minding +one's own business, and did not arrogate to itself +the character of a favorite and inspired instrument in the +hands of God. It even went so far as to assume that, in +working out the inscrutable ways of Providence, character, +self-restraint, and moral grandeur were in the long run as +potent in effecting results as iron-clads and gatling-guns.</p> + +<p>Those who now advocate a continuance of this policy are, +as neatly as wittily, referred to in discussion, "for want of a +better name," as "Little Americans," just as in history the +believers in the long-run efficacy of the doctrines of Christ +might be termed "Little Gospellers," to distinguish them +from the admirers of the later, but more brilliant and imperial, +dispensation of Mohammed. That the earlier, and less immediately +ambitious, doctrine was, in the case of the United +States, only temporary, and is now outgrown, and must, +therefore, be abandoned in favor of Old World methods, especially +those pursued with such striking success by Great +Britain, is possible. As historical investigators we have long +since learned that it is the unexpected which in the development +of human affairs is most apt to occur. Who, for +instance, in our own recent history could ever have foreseen +that, in the inscrutable ways of the Almighty, the great triumph +of Slavery in the annexation of Texas, and the spoliation +<a name="Page_29" id="Page_29"></a>of that inferior race which inhabited Mexico, was, within +fifteen years only, to result in what Lincoln called that +"terrible war" in which every drop of blood ever drawn +by the lash was paid by another drawn by the sword? +Again, in May, 1856, a Representative of South Carolina +struck down a Senator from Massachusetts in the Senate-chamber +at Washington; in January, 1865, Massachusetts +battalions bivouacked beside the smoking ruins of South +Carolina's capital. Verily, as none know better than we, the +ways of Providence are mysterious, and past finding out. +None the less, though it cannot be positively asserted that +the world would not have been wiser, more advanced, and +better ordered had Christ, when on that "exceeding high +mountain," heard in the words then whispered in his ear a +manifest call of Duty, and felt a Responsibility thrust upon +him to secure the kingdoms of the earth for the Blessings of +Liberty and the Bible by so small a sacrifice as making an apparently +meaningless obeisance to Satan, yet we can certainly +say that the world would now have been very different +from what it is had He so done. And so in the case of the +United States, though we cannot for a moment assert that +its fate and the future of the world will not be richer, better, +and brighter from its abandonment of New World traditions +and policies in favor of the traditions and policies of the Old +World, we can say without any hesitation that the course of +history will be greatly changed by the so doing.</p> + +<p>In any event the experiment will be one of surpassing +interest to the historical observer. Some years ago James +Russell Lowell was asked by the French historian, Guizot, +how long the Republic of the United States might reasonably +be expected to endure. Mr. Lowell's reply has always been +considered peculiarly happy. "So long," said he, "as the +ideas of its founders continue dominant." In due course of +time we, or those who follow us, will know whether Mr. +Lowell diagnosed the situation correctly, or otherwise. Meanwhile, +I do not know how I can better bring to an end this +somewhat lengthy contribution to the occasion, than by repeating, +as singularly applicable to the conditions in which +we find ourselves, these verses from a recent poem, than +which I have heard none in the days that now are which +<a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"></a>strike a deeper or a truer chord, or one more appropriate to +this New England Paschal eve:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"The tumult and the shouting dies,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">The captains and the kings depart;<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Still stands thine ancient sacrifice,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">An humble and a contrite heart.<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Lest we forget—lest we forget!<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"Far-called our navies melt away,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">On dune and headline sinks the fire—<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Lo, all our pomp of yesterday<br /></span> +<span class="i1">Is one with Nineveh and Tyre!<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Judge of the nations, spare us yet,<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Lest we forget—lest we forget!<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"If, drunk with sight of power, we loose<br /></span> +<span class="i1">Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe,<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Such boasting as the Gentiles use<br /></span> +<span class="i1">Or lesser breeds without the law—<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Lord God of hosts, be with us yet,<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Lest we forget—lest we forget!<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"For heathen heart that puts her trust<br /></span> +<span class="i1">In reeking tube and iron shard—<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> All valiant dust that builds on dust,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">And guarding calls not Thee to guard—<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> For frantic boast and foolish word,<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> Thy mercy on thy people, Lord!<br /></span> +<span class="i8">Amen."<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31"></a>Taken in connection with the foregoing paper, the following-letter, +addressed to the Hon. Carl Schurz, is self-explanatory:</p> + +<p class="right"><br /> +<span class="smcap">Boston</span>, December 21, 1898.</p> +<p><span class="smcap">My Dear Mr. Schurz</span>:<br /> +</p> + +<p>In a recent letter you kindly suggest that I submit to you +a sketch of what, I think, should be said in an address such +as it is proposed should now be put forth by the Anti-Imperialist +League to the people of the United States.</p> + +<p>I last evening read a paper before the Lexington Historical +Society, in which I discussed the question of extra-territorial +expansion from the historical point of view. A copy +of this paper I hope soon to forward you. Meanwhile, there +is one aspect, and, to my mind, the all-important aspect of the +question, which, in addressing an historical society, was not +germane. I refer to the question of a practical policy to be +pursued by us, as a nation, under existing conditions. That +Spain has abandoned all claim of sovereignty over the Philippine +islands admits of no question. Whether the United +States has accepted the sovereignty thus abandoned is still +an open question; but this I do not regard as material. +Nevertheless, we are confronted by a fact; and, whenever we +criticise the policy up to this time pursued; we are met with +an inquiry as to what we have to propose in place of it. We +are invited to stop finding fault with others, and to suggest +some feasible alternative policy ourselves.</p> + +<p>To this we must, therefore, in fairness, address ourselves. +It is, in my judgment, useless to attempt to carry on the discussion +merely in the negative form. As opponents of an +inchoate policy we must, in place of what we object to, propose +something positive, or we must abandon the field. Accepting +the alternative, I now want to suggest a positive +policy for the consideration of those who feel as we feel. I +wish your judgment upon it.</p> + +<p>There has, it seems to me, been a great deal of idle +"Duty," "Mission," and "Call" talk on the subject of our +recent acquisition of "Islands beyond the Sea," and the necessity +of adopting some policy, commonly described as "Imperial," +in dealing with them. This policy is, in the minds +<a name="Page_32" id="Page_32"></a>of most people who favor it, to be indirectly modelled on the +policy heretofore so successfully pursued under somewhat +similar conditions by Great Britain. It involves, as I tried +to point out in the Lexington paper I have referred to, the +abandonment or reversal of all the fundamental principles of +our government since its origin, and of the foreign policy we +have heretofore pursued. This, I submit, is absolutely unnecessary. +Another and substitute policy, purely American, +as contradistinguished from the European or British, known +as "Imperial," policy, can readily be formulated.</p> + +<p>This essentially American policy would be based both +upon our cardinal political principles, and our recent foreign +experiences. It is commonly argued that, having destroyed +the existing government in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, +we have assumed a political responsibility, and are +under a moral obligation to provide another government in +place of that which by our action has ceased to exist. What +has been our course heretofore under similar circumstances? +Precedents, I submit, at once suggest themselves. Precedents, +too, directly in point, and within your and my easy +recollection.</p> + +<p>I refer to the course pursued by us towards Mexico in the +year 1848, and again in 1866; towards Hayti for seventy +years back; and towards Venezuela as recently as three +years ago. It is said that the inhabitants of the islands of +the Antilles, and much more those of the Philippine archipelago, +are as yet unfitted to maintain a government; and +that they should be kept in a condition of "tutelage" until +they are fitted so to do. It is further argued that a stable +government is necessary, and that it is out of the question +for us to permit a condition of chronic disturbance and scandalous +unrest to exist so near our own borders as Cuba and +Porto Rico. Yet how long, I would ask, did that condition +exist in Mexico? And with what results? How long has +it existed in Hayti? Has the government of Venezuela ever +been "stable"? Have we found it necessary or thought it +best to establish a governmental protectorate in any of those +immediately adjacent regions?</p> + +<p>What has been, historically, our policy—the American, +as distinguished from the European and British policy—towards +<a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"></a>those communities,—two of them Spanish, one African? +So far as foreign powers are concerned, we have laid +down the principle of "Hands-off." So far as their own +government was concerned, we insisted that the only way to +learn to walk was to try to walk, and that the history of mankind +did not show that nations placed under systems of "tutelage,"—taught +to lean for support on a superior power,—ever +acquired the faculty of independent action.</p> + +<p>Of this, with us, fundamental truth, the British race itself +furnishes a very notable example. In the forty-fourth year of +the Christian era the island of Great Britain was occupied by +what the "Imperial" Romans adjudged to be an inferior +race. To the Romans the Britons unquestionably were inferior. +Every child's history contains an account of the +course then pursued by the superior towards that inferior +race, and its results. The Romans occupied Great Britain, +and they occupied it hard upon four centuries, holding the +people in "tutelage," and protecting them against themselves, +as well as against their enemies. With what result? +So emasculated and incapable of self-government did the +people of England become during their "tutelage" that, +when Rome at last withdrew, they found themselves totally +unfitted for self-government, much more for facing a foreign +enemy. As the last, and best, historian of the English +people tells us, the purely despotic system of the imperial +government "by crushing all local independence, crushed all +local vigor. Men forgot how to fight for their country when +they forgot how to govern it."<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The end was that, through +six centuries more, England was overrun, first by those of +one race, and then by those of another, until the Normans +established themselves in it as conquerors; and then, and not +until then, the deteriorating effect of a system of long continued +"tutelage" ceased to be felt, and the islanders became +by degrees the most energetic, virile, and self-sustaining of +races. As nearly, therefore, as can be historically stated, it +took eight centuries for the people of England to overcome +the injurious influence of four centuries of just such a system +as it is now proposed by us to inflict on the Philippines.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +<a name="Page_34" id="Page_34"></a>Hindostan would furnish another highly suggestive example +of the educational effects of "tutelage" on a race. After a +century and a half of that British "tutelage," what progress +has India made towards fitness for self-government? Is +the end in sight?</p> + +<p>From the historical point of view, it is instructive to note +the exactly different results reached through the truly American +policy we have pursued in the not dissimilar cases of +Hayti and Mexico. While Hayti, it is true, has failed to +make great progress in one century, it has made quite as +much progress as England made during any equal period +immediately after Rome withdrew from it. And that degree +of slowness in growth, which with equanimity has been endured +by us in Hayti, could certainly be endured by us in +islands on the coast of Asia. It cannot be gainsaid that, +through our insisting on the policy of non-interference ourselves, +and of non-interference by European nations, Hayti +has been brought into a position where it is on the high road +to better things in future. That has been the result of the +prescriptive American policy. With Mexico, the case is far +stronger. We all know that in 1848, after our war of spoliation, +we had to bolster up a semblance of a government for +Mexico, with which to negotiate a treaty of peace. Mexico +at that time was reduced by us to a condition of utter anarchy. +Under the theory now gaining in vogue, it would then +have been our plain duty to make of Mexico an extra-territorial +dependency, and protect it against itself. We wisely +took a different course. Like other Spanish communities in +America, Mexico than passed through a succession of revolutions, +from which it became apparent the people were not +in a fit condition for self-government. Nevertheless, sternly +insisting on non-interference by outside powers, we ourselves +wisely left that country to work out its own salvation in its +own way.</p> + +<p>In 1862, when the United States was involved in the War +<a name="Page_35" id="Page_35"></a>of the Rebellion, the Europeans took advantage of the situation +to invade Mexico, and to establish there a "stable government." +They undertook to protect that people against +themselves, and to erect for them a species of protectorate, +such as we now propose for the Philippines. As soon as our +war was over, we insisted upon the withdrawal of Europe +from Mexico. What followed is matter of recent history. +It is unnecessary to recall it. We did not reduce Mexico into +a condition of "tutelage," or establish over it a "protectorate" +of our own. We, on the contrary, insisted that it +should stand on its own legs; and, by so doing, learn to stand +firmly on them, just as a child learns to walk, by being compelled +to try to walk, not by being kept everlastingly in +"leading strings." This was the American, as contradistinguished +from the European policy; and Mexico to-day walks +firmly.</p> + +<p>Finally take the case of Venezuela in 1895. I believe I +am not mistaken when I say that, during the twenty-five +preceding years, Venezuela had undergone almost as many +revolutions. It certainly had not enjoyed a stable government. +Through disputes over questions of boundary, Great +Britain proposed to confer that indisputable blessing upon a +considerable region. We interfered under a most questionable +extension of the Monroe Doctrine, and asserted the +principle of "Hands-off." Having done this,—having in +so far perpetuated what we now call the scandal of anarchy,—we +did not establish "tutelage," or a protectorate, ourselves. +We wisely left Venezuela to work out its destiny in +its own way, and in the fullness of time. That policy was +far-seeing, beneficent, and strictly American in 1895. Why, +then, make almost indecent haste to abandon it in 1898?</p> + +<p>Instead, therefore, of finding our precedents in the experience +of England, or that of any other European power, I would +suggest that the true course for this country now to pursue +is exactly the course we have heretofore pursued under similar +conditions. Let us be true to our own traditions, and +follow our own precedents. Having relieved the Spanish +islands from the dominion of Spain, we should declare concerning +them a policy of "Hands-off," both on our own part +and on the part of other powers. We should say that the +<a name="Page_36" id="Page_36"></a>independence of those islands is morally guaranteed by us +as a consequence of the treaty of Paris, and then leave them +just as we have left Hayti, and just as we left Mexico and +Venezuela, to adopt for themselves such form of government +as the people thereof are ripe for. In the cases of Mexico +and Venezuela, and in the case of Hayti, we have not found +it necessary to interfere ever or at all. It is not yet apparent +why we should find it necessary to interfere with islands so +much more remote from us than Hayti, and than Mexico +and Venezuela, as are the Philippines.</p> + +<p>In this matter we can thus well afford to be consistent, as +well as logical. Our fundamental principles, those of the +Declaration, the Constitution, and the Monroe Doctrine, have +not yet been shown to be unsound—why should we be in such +a hurry to abandon them? Our precedents are close at hand, +and satisfactory—why look away from them to follow those +of Great Britain? Why need we, all of a sudden, be so very +English and so altogether French, even borrowing their +nomenclature of "imperialism?" Why can not we, too, in +the language of Burke, be content to set our feet "in the +tracks of our forefathers, where we can neither wander nor +stumble?" The only difficulty in the way of our so doing +seems to be that we are in such a desperate hurry; while +natural influences and methods, though in the great end +indisputably the wisest and best, always require time in +which to work themselves out to their results. Wiser than +the Almighty in our own conceit, we think to get there at +once; the "there" in this case being everlasting "tutelage," +as in India, instead of ultimate self-government, as in +Mexico.</p> + +<p>The policy heretofore pursued by us in such cases,—the +policy of "Hands-off," and "Walk alone," is distinctly +American; it is not European, not even British. It recognizes +the principles of our Declaration of Independence. +It recognizes the truth that all just government exists by the +consent of the governed. It recognizes the existence of +the Monroe Doctrine. In a word, it recognizes every principle +and precedent, whether natural or historical, which has +from the beginning lain at the foundation of our American +polity. It does not attempt the hypocritical contradiction in +<a name="Page_37" id="Page_37"></a>terms, of pretending to elevate a people into a self-sustaining +condition through the leading-string process of "tutelage." +It appeals to our historical experience, applying to present +conditions the lessons of Hayti, Mexico, and Venezuela. +In dealing with those cases, we did not find a great standing +army or an enormous navy necessary; and, if not then, why +now? Why such a difference between the Philippines and +Hayti? Is Cuba larger or nearer to us than Mexico? When, +therefore, in future they ask us what course and policy we +Anti-Imperialists propose, our answer should be that we propose +to pursue towards the islands of Antilles and the Philippines +the same common-sense course and truly American +policy which were by us heretofore pursued with such signal +success in the cases of Hayti, Mexico, and Venezuela, all inhabited +by people equally unfit for self-government, and +geographically much closer to ourselves. We propose to +guarantee them against outside meddling, and, above all, +from "tutelage," and make them, by walking, learn to walk +alone.</p> + +<p>This, I submit, is not only an answer to the question so +frequently put to us, but a positive policy following established +precedents, and, what is more, purely American, as +distinguished from a European or British, policy and precedents.</p> + +<p class="right10">I remain, etc.,</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Charles Francis Adams</span>.<br /></p> + +<p><i>Hon. Carl Schurz,<br /></i></p> +<p class="left1"><i>16 E. 64th Street, New York City.</i><br /><br /><br /> +</p><p><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38"></a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Obviously, men are not born equal in physical strength or in mental capacity, +in beauty of form or health of body. Diversity or inequality in these respects is the +law of creation. But this inequality is in no particular inconsistent with complete +civil or political equality. +</p><p> +"The equality declared by our fathers in 1776 and made the fundamental law of +Massachusetts in 1780, was <i>Equality before the Law</i>. Its object was to efface all political +or civil distinctions, and to abolish all institutions founded upon <i>birth</i>. 'All +men are <i>created</i> equal,' says the Declaration of Independence. 'All men are <i>born</i> +free and equal,' says the Massachusetts Bill of Rights. These are not vain words. +Within the sphere of their influence, no person can be <i>created</i>, no person can be <i>born</i>, +with civil or political privileges not enjoyed equally by all his fellow-citizens; nor +can any institutions be established, recognizing distinctions of birth. Here is the +Great Charter of every human being drawing vital breath upon this soil, whatever +may be his conditions, and whoever may be his parents. He may be poor, weak, +humble, or black,—he may be of Caucasian, Jewish, Indian, or Ethiopian race,—he +may be born of French, German, English, or Irish extraction; but before the +Constitution of Massachusetts all these distinctions disappear. He is not poor, +weak, humble, or black; nor is he Caucasian, Jew, Indian, or Ethiopian; nor is he +French, German, English, or Irish; he is a MAN, the equal of all his fellow-men. +He is one of the children of the State, which, like an impartial parent, regards all its +offspring with an equal care. To some it may justly allot higher duties, according +to higher capacities; but it welcomes all to its equal hospitable board. The State, +imitating the divine Justice, is no respecter of persons."—<i>Works of Charles Sumner, +Vol. II., pp. 341-2</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Historically speaking, the assertion in the Declaration of Independence has +been fruitful of dispute. The very evening the present paper was read at Lexington +the Mayor of Boston, in a public address elsewhere, alluded to the "imprudent +generalizations of our forefathers," referring, doubtless, to what Rufus Choate, +forty-two years before, described as "the glittering and sounding generalities of +natural right" to be found in the Declaration, "that passionate and eloquent +manifesto." Mr. Calhoun declared (1848) that the claim of human equality set forth +in the Declaration was "the most false and dangerous of all political errors," +which, after resting a long time "dormant," had, in the process of time, begun "to +germinate and produce its poisonous fruits." Mr. Pettit, a Senator from Indiana, +pronounced it in 1854, "a self-evident lie." In the famous Lincoln-Douglas debate +in Illinois (1860) the question reappeared, Mr. Douglas contending that the Declaration +applied only to "the white people of the United States;" while Mr. Lincoln, +in reply, asserted that "the entire records of the world, from the date of the +Declaration of Independence up to within three years ago, may be searched in vain +for one single affirmation, from one single man, that the negro was not included in +the Declaration." The contention of Mr. Douglas had recently again made its +appearance in the press as something too indisputable to admit of discussion. It is +asserted that, in penning the Declaration, Mr. Jefferson could not possibly have +intended to include those then actually held as slaves. On this point Mr. Jefferson +himself should, it would seem, be accepted as a competent witness. Referring to +the denial of his "inalienable rights" to the African, he declared at a later day, "I +tremble for my country, when I reflect that God is just." What he meant will, +however, probably continue matter for confident newspaper assertions just so long +as anybody in this country wants to make out, as did Stephen A. Douglas in 1860, a +plausible pretext for subjugating somebody else,—Indian, African, or Asiatic. As +Mr. Lincoln expressed it, "The assertion that all men are created equal was of no +practical use in effecting our separation from Great Britain, and it was placed in +the Declaration, not for that but for future use. Its author meant it to be, as, +thank God, it is now proving itself, a stumbling block to all those who, in after +times, might seek to turn a free people back into the paths of despotism. They +knew the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant, when such +should reappear in this fair land, and commence their vocation, they should find +left for them at least one hard nut to crack."—<i>Works</i>, Vol. I., p. 233.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Green's Short History (Ill. Ed.). Vol. I. p. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The Roman legions were withdrawn from Great Britain in 410; Magna Charta +was signed in June, 1215, and the reign of French kings over England came to a +close in 1217. It is a striking illustration of the deliberation with which natural +processes work themselves out, that the period which elapsed between the withdrawal +of Rome from England, and the recovery of England by the English, should +have exceeded by more than a century the time which has as yet elapsed since +England was thus recovered.</p></div> + +</div> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of "Imperialism" and "The Tracks of Our +Forefathers", by Charles Francis Adams + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK "IMPERIALISM" AND "THE *** + +***** This file should be named 16542-h.htm or 16542-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/5/4/16542/ + +Produced by Marilynda Fraser-Cunliffe, Sigal Alon and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. +Produced from page images provided by the Digital and +Multimedia Center, Michigan State University Libraries + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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