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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/16331-8.txt b/16331-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b941eb5 --- /dev/null +++ b/16331-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,16595 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of New York Times Current History: The +European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2, by Various + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 + Who Began the War, and Why? + +Author: Various + +Release Date: July 19, 2005 [EBook #16331] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT *** + + + + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, David Gundry and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +[Transcriber's Note: +Table of Contents and List of Illustrations +have been compiled by the transcriber.] + + +CURRENT HISTORY: THE EUROPEAN WAR + + +FROM THE BEGINNING TO MARCH 1915 + + +"WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?" + + + + + * * * * * + +Published by the _New York Times_ + + * * * * * + + + + +TABLE OF CONTENTS. + + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +THE CASE FOR GERMANY + + * * * * * + + SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II. + FORGIVES ENEMIES. + SPEECH FROM THE THRONE. + TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY. + "TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE." + TO GERMAN WOMEN. + JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY. + FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE. + A PRAYER FOR VICTORY. + "UP AND AT THE FOES." + ON VICTORY NEAR METZ. + THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN. + HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED." + WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH. + + The Mighty Fate of Europe + "YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY." + AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER. + DECLARES FOR WAR. + STATEMENT TO AMERICA. + GERMANY'S ARMAMENTS. + + Austria-Hungary's Version of the War + MANIFESTO. + DECLARATION OF WAR. + "DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY." + WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD. + A PURELY DEFENSIVE WAR. + A DISCORDANT NOTE. + + A German Review of the Evidence + I. THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION + II. GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS + III. THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE + IV. BELGIAN NEUTRALITY + + "Truth About Germany" + HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT. + REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR. + THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION. + ARMY AND NAVY. + THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES. + LIES ABOUT GERMANY. + GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER. + COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS + WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS? + + Speculations About Peace, September, 1914 + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE + + * * * * * + + FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL + Speeches by British Ministers + "A CLOUD OVER EUROPE." + AUSTRO-SERVIAN CRISIS. + A GRAVE SITUATION. + RISK OF A CATASTROPHE. + OPPOSITION CONCURS. + PEACE THE GREAT OBJECT. + RUSSIA'S MOBILIZATION. + THE GERMAN INVASION. + PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED. + Sir Edward Grey - House of Commons - Aug. 3. + GERMANY AND BELGIUM. + UNHESITATING SUPPORT. + CHANGED IRISH FEELING. + GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY. + PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY. + + Great Britain's Mobilization + KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET. + NAPOLEONISM ONCE AGAIN. + PACT OF TRIPLE ENTENTE. + A COUNTERSTROKE. + IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS. + 438,000 MEN RECRUITED. + EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS + PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. + + Summons of the Nation to Arms + PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER. + MR. ASQUITH IN LONDON. + GERMANY SPEAKS. + GREAT BRITAIN REPLIES. + MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH. + MR. ASQUITH AT DUBLIN. + MR. ASQUITH AT CARDIFF. + LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE. + NOW THE WAR HAS COME. + THE GREAT WAR. + + Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi + + Entrance of France Into War + NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED. + THE NATION IN ARMS. + POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC. + BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE. + + Russia to Her Enemy + Slav Emperor Announces New Policies. + A MANIFESTO. + CZAR AT THE KREMLIN. + APPEAL TO THE POLES. + THE POLISH RESPONSE. + NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY + POLISH AMERICAN OPINION. + RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY. + DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN. + NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS. + WAR ON GERMAN TRADE. + FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM. + NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE. + RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER." + + "The Facts About Belgium" + + Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany + GREAT BRITAIN'S DENIAL. + REPLY TO GREAT BRITAIN. + GRAY BOOK'S TESTIMONY. + BELGIUM'S ANSWER. + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +ATROCITIES OF THE WAR + + * * * * * + + THE POPE'S DYING WORDS. + GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST. + REPLY TO THE KAISER. + CHARGE AGAINST GERMANY. + M. DELCASSE'S NOTE. + THE BELGIAN MISSION. + M. DE WIART'S ADDRESS. + PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY. + OFFICIAL SUMMARY. + I. Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael. + II. Report on Aerschot. + III. Destruction of Louvain. + FURTHER REPORTS. + A SUPPLEMENT. + "NOT A WORD OF TRUTH." + GERMANY'S VERSIONS. + LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES. + + Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral + POPE BENEDICT SILENT. + ATTACK NOT WILLFUL. + "SPARE THE CATHEDRAL." + THE FRENCH ARE BLAMED + THE DAMAGE DONE. + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +THE SOCIALISTS' PART + + * * * * * + + HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER. + "ENVOY OF MY PARTY." + MINISTER JULES GUESDE. + "REVOLUTION!" + COMPOSURE IS NECESSARY. + PRESSURE FOR PEACE. + HUGO HAASE AT BRUSSELS. + HAASE IN THE REICHSTAG. + GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED. + SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS. + "CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS." + SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM. + BRITISH MANIFESTO. + KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS. + REPLY TO MINISTER GREY. + MR. MACDONALD REPENTS. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. + + + WILHELM II. + + AUGUSTA VICTORIA + + T. VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG + + COUNT LEOPOLD BERCHTOLD. + + SIR EDWARD GREY + + W.L. SPENCER CHURCHILL + + RENE VIVIANI + + STATE COUNCILLOR SAZONOF + + HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X. + + WOODROW WILSON + + ALBERT KING OF THE BELGIANS + + CARTON DE WIART + + PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN + + JULES GUESDE + + EMIL VAN DER VELDE + + KEIR HARDIE M.P. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +THE CASE FOR GERMANY + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +From the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, July 31, 1914. + + + A fateful hour has fallen for Germany. + + Envious peoples everywhere are compelling us to our just defense. + + The sword is being forced into our hand. I hope that if my efforts + at the last hour do not succeed in bringing our opponents to see + eye to eye with us and in maintaining peace we shall with God's + help so wield the sword that we shall restore it to its sheath + again with honor. + + War would demand enormous sacrifices of blood and property from the + German people, but we should show our enemies what it means to + provoke Germany. + + And now I commend you to God. Go to church. Kneel down before God + and pray for His help for our gallant Army. + + + * * * * * + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +FORGIVES ENEMIES. + + +Kaiser Wilhelm's Speech from the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2. + + I thank you for the love and loyalty shown me. When I enter upon a + fight let all party strife cease. We are German brothers and + nothing else. All parties have attacked me in times of peace. I + forgive them with all my heart. I hope and wish that the good + German sword will emerge victorious in the right. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: WILHELM II., +German Emperor. +(_Photo from Charles E. Ritzmann._)] + + + + +SPEECH FROM THE THRONE. + +Kaiser Wilhelm II., Opening Special Session of the Reichstag in White +Room of the Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 4. + + + Honored Sirs: It is in an hour fraught with fate that I have + assembled about me all the representatives of the German people. + For almost half a century we have been able to keep to the path of + peace. The attempts to attribute a warlike temperament to Germany + and to circumscribe its position in the world have often put to + severe tests the patience of our people. With unswerving honesty, + my Government, even in provoking circumstances, has pursued as its + highest aim the development of all moral, spiritual, and economic + powers. The world has been witness how tirelessly we strove in the + first rank during the pressure and confusion of the last few years + to spare the nations of Europe a war between the great powers. + + The very grave dangers which had arisen owing to the events in the + Balkans appeared to have been overcome, but then the murder of my + friend, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, opened up a great abyss. My + high ally, the Emperor and King Francis Joseph, was compelled to + take up arms to defend the security of his empire against dangerous + intrigues from a neighboring State. In the pursuit of her proper + interests the Dual Monarchy has found her path obstructed by the + Russian Empire. Not only our duty as an ally calls us to the side + of Austria-Hungary, but on us falls also the mighty task of + defending the ancient community of culture of the two kingdoms and + our own position in the world against the attack of hostile powers. + With a heavy heart I have been compelled to mobilize my army + against a neighbor with whom it has fought side by side on so many + fields of battle. With sincere sorrow I saw a friendship broken of + which Germany had given faithful proofs. The Imperial Russian + Government, yielding to the pressure of an insatiable nationalism, + has taken sides with a State which by encouraging criminal attacks + has brought on the evil of this war. That France, also, placed + herself on the side of our enemies could not surprise us. Too often + have our efforts to arrive at friendlier relations with the French + Republic come in collision with old hopes and ancient malice. + + Honored Sirs: What human insight and power could do to arm a people + against the last extremities has been done with your patriotic + help. The hostility which has been smouldering for a long time in + the East and in the West has now burst into bright flames. The + present situation did not proceed from transient conflicts of + interest or diplomatic entanglements, it is the result of an ill + will which has for many years been active against the strength and + the prosperity of the German Empire. We are not incited by lust for + conquest, we are inspired by the unyielding determination to keep + for ourselves and all future generations the place which God has + given us. + + From the proofs which have been given you, you will see how my + Government, and especially my Chancellor, strove up to the last + moment to avert the worst. We grasp the sword in compulsory + self-defense, with clean hands and a clean conscience. + + To the peoples and races of the German Empire my call goes forth to + defend with all their strength and in brotherly co-operation with + our ally that which we have created by peaceful labor. After the + example of our fathers, firmly and faithfully, sincerely and with + chivalry, humbly before God and battling joyfully before the enemy, + let us place our trust in the eternal Omnipotence, and may He + strengthen our defense and bring it to a good end! + + To you, honored sirs, the whole German people, assembled about its + Princes and its leaders, look this day. Make your decision + unanimously and quickly. That is my heartfelt wish. + + Gentlemen (addressing the Deputies directly): You have read what I + said to my people the other day from the balcony of my castle. I + repeat now that I no longer know any parties. I know only Germans. + And in order to testify that you are firmly resolved without + distinction of party to stand by my side through danger and death, + I call upon the leaders of the different parties in this House to + come forward and lay their hands in mine as a pledge. + + + * * * * * + + + + +TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY. + +Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II. + + + After three and forty years of peace I call the men of Germany to + arms. + + It has become necessary to protect our most sacred possessions, the + Fatherland, our very hearths against ruthless destruction. + + Enemies on every hand! That is the situation. A mighty struggle, a + great sacrifice confronts us. + + I trust that the old spirit of battle still lives on in the German + people, that powerful spirit of battle which grapples with the foe + wherever it meets it, be the cost what it may, which has ever been + the terror and fear of our enemies. + + Soldiers of Germany, in you I place my trust! In each one of you + lives the passionate will to conquer, which nothing can subdue. + Each one of you knows, if need be, how to die a hero's death. + + Remember our great and glorious past! + + Remember that you are Germans! + + God help us! + + WILHELM. + + Berlin, Schloss, Aug. 6, 1914. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: AUGUSTA VICTORIA, +German Empress. +(_Photo from M.E. Burner._)] + + + + +TO GERMAN WOMEN. + +An Appeal from the Kaiserin. + + + On the summons of the Emperor our people are preparing for an + unprecedented struggle, which it did not invoke and which it is + only carrying on in its defense. Whoever can bear arms will + joyfully hasten to the colors to defend the Fatherland with his + blood. The struggle will be gigantic and the wounds to be healed + innumerable, therefore I call upon you women and girls of Germany, + and all to whom it is not given to fight for our beloved home, for + help. Let every one now do what lies in her power to lighten the + struggle for our husbands, sons, and brothers. I know that in all + ranks of our people, without exception, the will exists to fulfill + this high ideal, but may the Lord God strengthen us in our holy + work of love, which summons us women to devote all our strength to + the Fatherland in its decisive struggle. + + The organizations primarily concerned who should be supported first + have already sent out notices regarding the mustering of volunteers + and the collection of gifts of all kinds. + + AUGUSTE VICTORIA. + + Berlin, Aug. 6. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE." + +Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II. + + Since the foundation of the empire it has been for forty-three + years the object of the efforts of myself and my ancestors to + preserve the peace of the world and to advance by peaceful means + our vigorous development. But our adversaries were jealous of the + successes of our work. There has been latent hostility on the east + and on the west and beyond the sea. It was borne by us till now, as + we were aware of our responsibility and power. Now, however, these + adversaries wish to humiliate us, asking that we should look on + with crossed arms and watch our enemies preparing themselves for a + coming attack. They will not suffer that we maintain resolute + fidelity to our ally who is fighting for its position as a great + power and with whose humiliation our power and honor would equally + be lost. So the sword must decide. + + In the midst of perfect peace the enemy surprises us. Therefore to + arms! Any dallying, any temporizing would be which our fathers + founded; to be or not to be, is the question for the empire which + our fathers founded. To be or not to be German power and German + existence. We shall resist to the last breath of man and horse, and + shall fight out the struggle even against a world of enemies. Never + has Germany been subdued when it was united. Forward with God, who + will be with us as He was with our ancestors! + + Berlin, Aug. 6. WILHELM. + + + * * * * * + + + + +JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY. + +Speech of Kaiser at a Parade During Swift German Advance Toward Paris. + + + Comrades: I have gathered you around me here in order to take joy + with you in the glorious victory which our comrades have in several + days of hot battle won with their swords. Troops out of every nook + and cranny of the empire helped one another in invincible bravery + and unshakable loyalty to win great results. There stood together + under the leadership of the son of the Bavarian King and fought, + with equal blades, troops of all ages, active, reservists, and + landwehr. + + For our victory we are thankful, in the first place, to our God, + (unserem alten Gott.) He will not desert us, since we stand for a + holy cause. Many of our comrades have already fallen in battle. + They died as heroes for the Fatherland. We will think of them with + honor here, and shout to the honor of those still in the field. + Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! + + We still have many a bloody battle before us. Let us hope for + further successes like this. We shall not relent, and we shall get + to the enemy's hide. We shall not lose our faith and trust in our + good old God up there, (unserem guten alten Gott dort oben.) We are + determined to win, and we must win. + + + * * * * * + + + + +FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE. + +Telegram from Kaiser Wilhelm II. to Chief of Troops in Upper Alsace, +Aug. 15. + + + Grateful to God, Who was with us. I thank you and your troops for + the first victory. Please convey to all the troops which took part + in the fight my imperial thanks in the name of the Fatherland. + + YOUR CHIEF WAR CAPTAIN. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A PRAYER FOR VICTORY. + +By the Kaiser's Order to Supreme Council of the Evangelical Church--To +Be Included in the Liturgy Throughout the War. + + + Almighty and merciful God! God of the armies! We beseech Thee in + humility for Thy almighty aid for our German Fatherland. Bless the + entire German war force, lead us to victory, and give us grace that + we may show ourselves to be Christians toward our enemies as well. + Let us soon arrive at the peace which will everlastingly safeguard + our free and independent Germany. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"UP AND AT THE FOES." + +Kaiser's Farewell Speech to First Regiment of Foot Guards at Potsdam. + + + I draw the sword that with God's help I have kept all these years + in the scabbard. I have drawn the sword, which without victory and + without honor I cannot sheath again. All of you will see to it that + only in honor is it returned to the scabbard. You are my guarantee + that I can dictate peace to my enemies. Up and at the foes, and + down with the enemies of Brandenburg! + + + * * * * * + + + + +ON VICTORY NEAR METZ. + +From Cabinet Order of Kaiser Wilhelm II., Published in Berlin Aug. 23. + + + The mobilization and concentration of the army is now complete, the + German railways having carried out the enormous transport movements + with unparalleled certainty and punctuality. With a heart filled + with gratitude my first thoughts turn to those who since 1870-71 + have worked quietly upon the development of an organization which + has emerged from its first serious test with such glorious success. + To all who have co-operated with them I wish to express my imperial + thanks for their loyal devotion to duty in making possible in + obedience to my call the transportation of armed masses of German + troops against my enemies. The present achievement [near Metz] + convinces me that the railways of the country will be equal to the + heaviest demands that might be made upon them during the course of + the gigantic struggle in which we are engaged for the future of the + German Nation. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN. + +Kaiser's Telegram from Dresden to the King of Saxony, Oct. 2. + + + I am very glad to be able to send you the best reports of the + Nineteenth Army Corps and the Twelfth Reserve Corps. I visited + yesterday the Third Army and greeted especially the brave 181st + Regiment, to which I expressed my recognition. I found your third + son and your brother Max as well as Laffert and Kirchbach in the + best of health. The spirit among the men is splendid. With such an + army we shall be able to complete victoriously the rest of our + difficult task. To this end may the Almighty stand by us. + + WILHELM. + + + * * * * * + + + + +HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED." + +Interview With Kaiser Wilhelm II., Oct. 28, 1908, and Its +Consequences. + + +_An interview between the German Emperor and "a representative +Englishman, who long since passed from public to private life," +appeared in The London Telegraph on Oct. 28, 1908, and was the next day +authenticated by the German Foreign Office in Berlin with the comment +that it was "intended as a message to the English people." This last +expression of the Kaiser toward Great Britain--until his declarations on +the eve of the present war--deeply stirred the German people in protest +and resulted in the Kaiser's pledge to Chancellor von Buelow that +henceforth the imperial views would be subject to the bridle of the +Ministry and the Council of the Empire. The interview as recorded by the +"representative Englishman" was as follows:_ + + Moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated + indiscretion proves of the highest public service. It is for this + reason that I have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy + conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with the + Emperor. + + I do so in the hope that it will help to remove that obstinate + misconception of the character of the Emperor's feelings toward + England, which I fear is deeply rooted in the ordinary Englishman's + breast. It is the Emperor's sincere wish that it should be + eradicated. He has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and + deed. But, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now; he + finds himself so continually misrepresented and has so often + experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary + improvement in relations is followed by renewed outbursts of + prejudice and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion. + + His Majesty spoke with impulsive and unusual frankness, saying: + "You English are as mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come + over you that you are completely given over to suspicions that are + quite unworthy of a great nation? What more can I do than I have + done? I declared with all the emphasis at my command in my speech + at the Guildhall that my heart was set upon peace and that it was + one of my dearest wishes to live on the best terms with England. + Have I ever been false to my word? Falsehood and prevarication are + alien to my nature. My actions ought to speak for themselves, but + you will not listen to them, but to those who misinterpret and + distort them." + +Resents a Personal Insult. + + "This is a personal insult which I resent; to be forever misjudged, + to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized + with jealous, mistrustful eyes taxes my patience severely. I have + said time after time that I am a friend of England, and your press, + or at least a considerable section of it, bids the people of + England to refuse my proffered hand and insinuates that the other + hand holds a dagger. How can I convince a nation against its will?" + + Complaining again of the difficulty imposed on him by English + distrust, his Majesty said: "The prevailing sentiment of large + sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not + friendly to England. I am, therefore, so to speak, in the minority + in my own land, but it is a minority of the best element, just as + it is in England respecting Germany." + + The Englishman reminded the Kaiser that not only England but the + whole of Europe viewed with disapproval the recent sending of the + German Consul at Algiers to Fez and forestalling France and Spain + by suggesting the recognition of Sultan Mulai Hafid. The Kaiser + made an impatient gesture and exclaimed: "Yes? that is an excellent + example of the way German actions are misrepresented," and with + vivid directness he defended the aforesaid incident, as the German + Government has already done. + + The interviewer reminded the Kaiser that an important and + influential section of the German newspapers interpreted these acts + very differently, and effusively approved of them because they + indicated that Germany was bent upon shaping events in Morocco. + + "There are mischief makers," replied the Emperor, "in both + countries. I will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for + misrepresentation, but the facts are as I have stated. There has + been nothing in Germany's recent action in regard to Morocco + contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace made both + at the Guildhall and in my latest speech at Strassburg." + +Kaiser and the Boer War. + +Reverting to his efforts to show his friendship for England, the Kaiser +said they had not been confined to words. It was commonly believed that +Germany was hostile to England throughout the Boer war. Undoubtedly the +newspapers were hostile and public opinion was hostile. "But what," he +asked, "of official Germany? What brought to a sudden stop, indeed, to +an absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates, who were +striving to obtain European intervention?" + + "They were fêted in Holland. France gave them a rapturous welcome. + They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have + crowned them with flowers, but when they asked me to receive them I + refused. The agitation immediately died away and the delegates + returned empty handed. Was that the action of a secret enemy? + + "Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government + was invited by France and Russia to join them in calling upon + England to end the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to + save the Boer republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust. + What was my reply? I said so far from Germany joining in any + concerted European action to bring pressure against England and + bring about her downfall Germany would always keep aloof from + politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power + like England. + + "Posterity will one day read the exact terms of a telegram, now in + the archives of Windsor Castle, in which I informed the sovereign + of England of the answer I returned to the powers which then sought + to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my + word should know what my actions were in the hour of their + adversity. + + "Nor was that all. During your black week in December, 1899, when + disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a + letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in + sorrow and affliction and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties + which were preying upon her mind and health. I at once returned a + sympathetic reply. I did more. I bade one of my officers to procure + as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants + on both sides and the actual positions of the opposing forces. + + "With the figures before me I worked out what I considered the best + plan of campaign in the circumstances and submitted it to my + General Staff for criticism. Then I dispatched it to England. That + document likewise is among the State papers at Windsor awaiting the + serenely impartial verdict of history. + + "Let me add as a curious coincidence that the plan which I + formulated ran very much on the same lines as that actually adopted + by Gen. Roberts and carried by him into successful operation. Was + that the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just + and say." + +The German Navy. + + +Touching then upon the English conviction that Germany is increasing her +navy for the purpose of attacking Great Britain, the Kaiser reiterated +the explanation that Chancellor von Bülow and other Ministers have made +familiar, dwelling upon Germany's worldwide commerce, her manifold +interests in distant seas, and the necessity for being prepared to +protect them. He said: + + "Patriotic Germans refuse to assign any bounds to their legitimate + commercial ambitions. They expect their interests to go on growing. + They must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the + globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must + be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee + what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come, days not so + distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all + European powers with Far Eastern interests ought to steadily + prepare? + + "Look at the accomplished rise of Japan. Think of a possible + national awakening in China, and then judge of the vast problems of + the Pacific. Only those powers which have great navies will be + listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be + solved, and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful + fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that + Germany has a fleet when they speak together in the great debates + of the future." + +The interviewer concludes: + + "The Emperor spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner + when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. I ask my + fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what I have + written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and + his friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had + enjoyed the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer + doubt either his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms + with England or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust + with which his offer of friendship is too often received." + +The Consequences. + +On Nov. 17 following Prince von Bülow met the Kaiser at Kiel, taking +with him evidence of the feeling in Germany regarding the Emperor's +published interview and setting forth: + + First, that the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundesrat, or + Federal Council, is firm in the opinion formulated at the meeting + held yesterday that it would be wiser for the Emperor not to + express views affecting the relations of the empire with other + countries except through his responsible Ministers. This + expression, derives weight from the fact that the Governments of + Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony were represented on the committee. + + Second, that the entire Reichstag assented to the declarations made + by the speakers on Tuesday that the Emperor had exceeded his + constitutional prerogatives in private discussion with foreigners + concerning Germany's attitude on controverted questions. + + Third, that the feeling of the people at large on this matter was + accurately indicated by the press of the country. + +The Kaiser's reply was published on the same date in the Reichsanzeiger, +in the form of a communication, which read: + + During today's audience granted to the Imperial Chancellor, his + Majesty, the Emperor and King, listened for several hours to a + report by Prince von Bülow. The Imperial Chancellor described the + feeling and its causes among the German people in connection with + the article published in The Daily Telegraph. He also explained the + position he had taken during the course of the debates and + interpellations on this subject in the Reichstag. His Majesty the + Emperor received the statements and explanations with great + earnestness, and then expressed his will as follows: + + "Heedless of the exaggerations of public criticism, which are + regarded by him as incorrect, his Majesty perceives that his + principal imperial task is to insure the stability of the policies + of the empire, under the guardianship of constitutional + responsibilities. In conformity therewith, his Majesty the Emperor + approves the Chancellor's utterances in the Reichstag, and assures + Prince von Bülow of his continued confidence." + + + * * * * * + + + + +WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH. + +Published by The Morning Post of London, Oct. 30, 1914. + + +The subjoined letter written to the late Lord Tweedmouth by the German +Emperor is made public for the first time. It is a literal transcript of +the original document in which occur a few slight errors in spelling. +The existence of the document was first made known to the public by the +military correspondent of The Times, who published a letter on the +subject on March 6, 1908, but its contents were not divulged. + +The significance of the letter can be understood only in the light of +the naval and political situation six years ago. During the preceding +year, 1907, The Hague Conference, ostensibly convened in the interests +of international peace, had resolved itself into a committee to +determine how to diminish the severities of war. There was a section of +opinion in this country which was persuaded that the only method of +seeking peace was to reduce the navy and army. At the same time the +Imperial German Navy was making swift and steady progress, and its +menace to British supremacy aroused considerable alarm in this country. +Although the British Navy held superiority over the German Navy in ships +not of the dreadnought type, the balance in dreadnoughts was virtually +even. + +Dreadnought Supremacy. + +It was stated in Parliament that in the year 1916 Germany, according to +her naval law, would have thirty-six dreadnoughts, a number which would +involve the building by this country of forty-four such vessels in the +same period, toward which the Government was only providing two in the +current year. It was also stated that in the year 1911 Germany would +possess thirteen dreadnoughts and Great Britain only twelve, which +statement was founded upon reasonable assumptions. Could Germany reckon +upon the continuance of such a relative position, the advantage to her +would be very great. + +It was at this critical moment that the German Emperor indited his +letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty, which is printed below. When +the fact became known there was a good deal of public feeling aroused +both in this country and abroad. Lord Tweedmouth stated that the letter +was a private letter and purely personal. Prince von Bülow informed the +Reichstag that the letter was of both a private and political character, +adding some remarks concerning the "purely defensive character of our +naval programme which," said the Chancellor, "cannot be emphasized too +frequently." + +The German Foreign Office officially announced that "in his letter the +Emperor merely corrected certain erroneous views prevalent in England +regarding the development of the German fleet." + +Readers are now in a position to judge for themselves the accuracy of +these statements. It should be remembered that the reduced navy +estimates of 1908-9 were followed by national alarm and the publication +of Admiral Lord Charles Beresford's shipbuilding programme and large +increase in estimates of the following year. Here is the letter: + + +The Kaiser's Letter. + + Berlin, 14th-2, 1908. + + My Dear Lord Tweedmouth--May I intrude on your precious time and + ask for a few moments' attention to these lines I venture to submit + to you? I see by the daily papers and reviews that a battle royal + is being fought about the needs of the navy. I therefore venture to + furnish you with some information anent the German naval programme, + which it seems is being quoted by all parties to further their ends + by trying to frighten peaceable British taxpayers with it as a + bogy. + + During my last pleasant visit to your hospitable shores I tried to + make your authorities understand what the drift of German naval + policy is, but I am afraid that my explanations have been either + misunderstood or not believed, because I see "German danger" and + "German challenge to British naval supremacy" constantly quoted in + different articles. This phrase, if not repudiated or corrected, + sown broadcast over the country and daily dinned into British ears, + might in the end create the most deplorable results. + + I therefore deem it advisable, as Admiral of the Fleet, to lay some + facts before you to enable you to see clearly that it is absolutely + nonsensical and untrue that the German naval bill is to provide a + navy meant as a challenge to British naval supremacy. The German + fleet is built against nobody at all; it is solely built for + Germany's needs in relation with that country's rapidly growing + trade. The German naval bill was sanctioned by the Imperial + Parliament and published ten years ago, and may be had at any large + bookseller's. There is nothing surprising, secret, or underhand in + it, and every reader may study the whole course mapped out for the + development of the German Navy with the greatest ease. + +Thirty to Forty Battleships in 1920. + + The law is being adhered to, and provides for about thirty to forty + ships of the line in 1920. The number of ships fixed by the bill + included the fleet then actually in commission, notwithstanding its + material being already old and far surpassed by contemporary types. + In other foreign navies the extraordinary rapidity with which + improvements were introduced in types of battleships, armaments, + and armor made the fleet in commission obsolete before the building + programme providing additions to it was half finished. + + The obsolete fleet had to be struck off the list, thus leaving a + gap, lowering the number of ships below the standard prescribed by + the bill. This gap was stopped by using the finished ships to + replace the obsolete ones instead of being added to them as + originally intended. Therefore, instead of steadily increasing the + standing fleet by regular additions it came to a wholesale + rebuilding of the entire German Navy. Our actual programme in + course of execution is practically only the exchange of old + material for new, but not an addition to the number of units + originally laid down by the bill of ten years ago, which is being + adhered to. + + It seems to me that the main fault in the discussions going on in + the papers is the permanent ventilating of so-called two to three + or more power standard and then only exemplifying on one power, + which is invariably Germany. It is fair to suppose that each nation + builds and commissions its navy according to its needs and not only + with regard to the programme of other countries. Therefore, it + would be the simplest thing for England to say: "I have a + world-wide empire and the greatest trade of the world, and to + protect them I must have so and so many battleships, cruisers, &c., + as are necessary to guarantee the supremacy of the sea to me, and + they shall, accordingly, be built and manned." + + That is the absolute right of your country, and nobody anywhere + would lose a word about it, and whether it be 60 or 90 or 100 + battleships, that would make no difference and certainly no change + in the German naval bill. May the numbers be as you think fit, + everybody here would understand it, but the people would be very + thankful over here if at last Germany was left out of the + discussion, for it is very galling to the Germans to see their + country continually held up as the sole danger and menace to Great + Britain by the whole press of the different contending parties, + considering that other countries are building, too, and there are + even larger fleets than the German. + +Fears German Retaliation. + + Doubtless, when party faction runs high there is often a lamentable + lack of discrimination in the choice of weapons, but I really must + protest that the German naval programme should be only one for her + exclusive use, or that such a poisoned view should be forged as a + German challenge to British supremacy of the sea. If permanently + used mischief may be created at home, and the injured feeling + engendering the wish for retaliation in the circle of the German + Naval League as a representative of the nation which would + influence public opinion and place the Government in a very + disagreeable position by trying to force it to change its programme + through undue pressure, difficult to ignore. + + In a letter which Lord Esher caused to be published a short time + ago he wrote that every German, from the Emperor down to the last + man, wished for the downfall of Sir John Fisher. Now I am at a loss + to tell whether the supervision of the foundations and drains of + royal palaces is apt to qualify somebody for the judgment of naval + affairs in general. As far as regards German affairs, the phrase is + a piece of unmitigated balderdash, and has created immense + merriment in the circles of those here who know. But I venture to + think that such things ought not to be written by people who are + high placed, as they are liable to hurt public feelings over here. + + Of course I need not assure you that nobody here dreams of wishing + to influence Great Britain in the choice of those to whom she means + to give the direction of her navy or to disturb them in the + fulfillment of their noble task. It is expected that the choice + will always fall on the best and ablest, and their deeds will be + followed with interest and admiration by their brother officers in + the German Navy. + + It is, therefore, preposterous to infer that the German authorities + work for or against persons in official positions in foreign + countries. It is as ridiculous as it is untrue, and I hereby + repudiate such calumny. Besides, to my humble notion, this + perpetual quoting of the German danger is utterly unworthy of the + great British Nation, with its world-wide empire and mighty navy. + There is something nearly ludicrous about it. The foreigners in + other countries might easily conclude that Germans must be an + exceptionally strong lot, as they seem to be able to strike terror + into the hearts of the British, who are five times their superiors. + + I hope your Lordship will read these lines with kind consideration. + They are written by one who is an ardent admirer of your splendid + navy, who wishes it all success, and who hopes that its ensign may + ever wave on the same side as the German Navy's, and by one who is + proud to wear a British naval uniform of Admiral of the Fleet, + which was conferred on him by the late great Queen of blessed + memory. + + Once more the German naval bill is not aimed at England and is not + a challenge to British supremacy of the sea, which will remain + unchallenged for generations to come. Let us all remember the + warning Admiral Sir John Fisher gave to his hearers in November, + when so cleverly he cautioned them not to get scared by using the + admirable phrase "if Eve had not always kept her eye on the apple + she would not have eaten it, and we should not now be bothered with + clothes." + + I remain yours truly, + + WILLIAM I. R., + Admiral of the Fleet. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Attacks Kaiser's Veracity. + +The Morning Post, commenting on the letter of the Kaiser, says: + + It is not usual for an Emperor to address a Minister of a foreign + country with reference to the affairs of his department. It is a + fact that it is not done. Lord Tweedmouth said the letter was a + private letter. The German Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, said the + letter partook of both a private and a political character. The + fact remains that it involved an extraordinary breach of etiquette. + There is no reflection cast upon the late Lord Tweedmouth. No one + can help receiving a letter from an Emperor if that monarch + condescends to dispatch it. Few persons, perhaps, could help being + influenced, albeit unconsciously influenced, by the perusal of such + an epistle. + + Perhaps the German Emperor reflected upon that psychological + contingency; for to what conclusion is the whole tenor of the + letter directed? That the German Navy existed solely for purposes + of defense in case of aggression and for the protection of German + commerce, and that it was no part of German policy, and never had + been, to menace the sea power of Britain. + + Now turn to the notorious preamble of the German navy law of 1900, + which in his letter the Emperor cites as a guarantee of good faith. + It is there stated that the German Navy must be made so powerful + that it would be dangerous for any nation, even the strongest + maritime nation, to attack it. + + If that is not a challenge, what is? Had it not been in terms a + challenge the preamble would surely have run that it was not the + intention to make the German Navy so strong that the strongest + naval power could not attack it without danger to that power. + + + * * * * * + + + + +The Mighty Fate of Europe + +As Interpreted by Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial +Chancellor. + + + + * * * * * + + + + +"YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY." + +Speech from Balcony of Chancellor's Official Residence, +Berlin, Aug. 1. + + + At this serious hour in order to give expression to your feelings + for your Fatherland you have come to the house of Bismarck, who + with Emperor William the Great and Field Marshal von Moltke welded + the German Empire for us. + + We wished to go on living in peace in the empire which we have + developed in forty-four years of peaceful labor. + + The whole work of Emperor William has been devoted to the + maintenance of peace. To the last hour he has worked for peace in + Europe, and he is still working for it. Should all his efforts + prove vain and should the sword be forced into our hands we will + take the field with a clear conscience in the knowledge that we did + not seek war. We shall then wage war for our existence and for the + national honor to the last drop of our blood. + + In the gravity of this hour I remind you of the words of Prince + Frederick Charles to the men of Brandenburg: + + "Let your hearts beat for God and your fists on the enemy." + + + * * * * * + + + + +AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER. + +Speech from Balcony of Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2. + + + All stand as one man for our Kaiser, whatever our opinions or our + creeds. I am sure that all the young German men are ready to shed + their blood for the fame and greatness of Germany. We can only + trust in God, Who hitherto has always given us victory. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: T. VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, +German Imperial Chancellor. +(_Photo from Brown Brothers._)] + + + + +DECLARES FOR WAR.[01] + +Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, Berlin, Afternoon of Aug. 4. + + + A mighty fate has descended upon Europe. Because we were struggling + for the esteem of the German Empire in the world, we have for + forty-four years lived in peace and safeguarded the peace of + Europe. In peaceful industry we have become strong and mighty and + in consequence envied. With patience we have borne that, under the + pretext that Germany was desirous of war, hostility toward us was + being nursed and chains forged for us both in the East and in the + West. + + We wished to continue to live in peaceful industry, and, like an + unexpressed vow, there was passed on from Kaiser to the youngest + soldier: "Only in defense of a righteous cause shall our sword be + drawn." (Hearty applause.) The day when we must draw it has + appeared, contrary to our desire, contrary to our honest efforts to + avoid it. Russia has applied the firebrand to the house. We find + ourselves in a forced war with Russia and France. + + Gentlemen, a series of documents, composed in the rush of events, + is in your hands. Allow me to place before you the facts which + characterize our attitude. + + From the very beginning of the Austrian conflict we strove and + worked toward the end that this trouble remain confined to + Austria-Hungary and Servia. All Cabinets, especially that of + England, take the same stand; only Russia declares that she must + have a word in the decision of this conflict. Therewith the danger + of European entanglements arises. As soon as the first authentic + reports of the military preparations in Russia reached us we + declared in a friendly but emphatic manner in St. Petersburg that + war measures and military preparations would force us also to + prepare, and that mobilization is closely akin to war. + + Russia asserts in what is an apparently friendly manner that she is + not mobilizing against us. In the meantime England tries to mediate + between Vienna and St. Petersburg, in which she is warmly supported + by us. On July 28 the Kaiser telegraphed the Czar, asking him to + consider that Austria-Hungary has the right and that it is her duty + to defend herself against Servian intrigues, which threaten to + undermine her existence. The Kaiser called the attention of the + Czar to their common monarchical interests with regard to the + Serajevo outrage, and asked him personally to support him in order + to establish harmony between Vienna and St. Petersburg. + + At about the same hour in which this telegram was sent the Czar + asked the Kaiser for his support and requested him to advise Vienna + to be moderate in its demands. The Kaiser assumed the role of + mediator. Hardly had he begun his activity when Russia mobilized + its entire fighting force against Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary, + however, had mobilized only those army corps which were directed + against Servia; in the north there were only two army corps and + these far from the Russian border. + + The Kaiser immediately called the attention of the Czar to the fact + that this mobilization of his forces against Austria-Hungary made + his position as mediator difficult or absolutely impossible. In + spite of this we continued our mediatorial activities in Vienna, + going to the utmost limits of consistency with the terms of our + federal treaty. ["Very true! Hear, hear!"] During this time Russia + again spontaneously assured us that her military preparations were + not directed against us. ["Hear, hear, fie!"] + + The 31st of July arrived. In Vienna the decision was to be made. In + the meantime we had succeeded with our negotiations to reaching a + point where Vienna resumed intercourse with St. Petersburg, which + for some time had been discontinued, but before the final decision + was reached in Vienna the news arrived that Russia had mobilized + its entire fighting force, which meant also against us. ["Hear, + hear!"] + +Russia's Mobilization. + + The Russian Government, which from repeated admonitions knew what + mobilizing on our borders meant, did not notify us of this + mobilization and gave us absolutely no explanation. ["Hear! hear!"] + Not until the afternoon of July 31 did the Kaiser receive a message + from the Czar in which he assured him that the attitude of his army + was not hostile toward us. ["Hear! hear!" and laughter.] + + However, the mobilization against us on the Russian border was on + the night of July 31 already in full progress. While we, at the + request of Russia, were mediating in Vienna, the Russian Army + appeared on our long, almost entirely open border. France, although + not yet mobilizing, was making preparations for war. And we, up to + this point, had intentionally not then called a single soldier of + the reserve, for the sake of European peace. ["Bravo!"] + + Should we continue to wait with patience until the powers by which + we are surrounded choose the moment for attack? ["No!"] To expose + Germany to this danger would have been criminal! [Stormy, + concerted, prolonged "Very true and bravo!"--also from the Social + Democrats.] Therefore, on July 31 we demanded that Russia + demobilize, this being the only measure which could save the peace + of Europe. [Hearty approval.] The Imperial Ambassador received, + furthermore, the order to declare to the Russian Government that in + case they did not comply with our demands they should consider that + a state of war exists. + + The Imperial Ambassador performed this mission. Up till the present + we have not learned Russia's answer to this demand. ["Hear, hear!"] + Telegraphic reports concerning it have not yet reached us, although + the wire still transmits less important messages. ["Hear, hear!"] + Therefore, on Aug. 1, at 5 o'clock, when the appointed period of + grace was long past, the Kaiser considered it necessary to + mobilize. + + At the same time we had to make sure of the position France would + take. To our direct question whether in case of a German-Russian + war she would remain neutral, France answered that she would do + what she had to do in her own interests. [Laughter.] That was an + evasive if not a negative answer to our question. + +Declares France Began War. + + In spite of this the Kaiser gave the order that the French border + should be respected. The command was strictly enforced, with a + single exception. France, which mobilized simultaneously with us, + declared that she would respect a zone of ten kilometers from the + border. ["Hear, hear!"] And what happened in reality? There were + bomb-throwing flyers, cavalry patrols, invading companies in the + Reichsland, Alsace-Lorraine. ["Unheard of!"] Thereby France, + although the condition of war had not yet been declared, had + attacked our territory. + + Concerning the French complaints in regard to violations of the + border, I have received from the Chief of the General Staff the + following report: Only one offense has been committed. Contrary to + an emphatic order a patrol of the Fourteenth Army Corps, led by an + officer, crossed the border on Aug. 2. They apparently were killed. + Only one man returned. However, long before the crossing of the + border French flyers were dropping bombs in Southern Germany, and + at Schluchtpass the French troops had attacked our border troops. + + Until the present our troops have confined their activity to the + protection of our borders. They are now on the defense, and + necessity recognizes no law. ["Very true!"] + + Our troops have occupied Luxemburg, and perhaps have also found it + necessary to enter Belgian territory. [Hearty applause.] This is + contrary to international law. The French Government has declared + in Brussels they will respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as + she respects the opponent. We knew, however, that France was ready + to invade Belgium. ["Hear, hear!"] France could wait; we, however, + could not, because a French invasion in our lower Rhein flank + would have proved fatal. + + So we were forced to disregard the protests of the Luxemburg and + Belgian Governments. We shall try to make good the injustice we + have committed as soon as our military goal has been reached. + [Applause.] Who like we are fighting for the highest, must only + consider how victory can be gained. [Enthusiastic applause in + entire house.] + + Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with + Austria-Hungary. With reference to England, the declaration which + Sir Edward Grey made in the House of Commons yesterday plainly + shows our attitude. We have assured England that as long as she + remains neutral our fleet will not attack the northern coast of + France and that the territorial integrity and independence of + Belgium will not be violated. This declaration I repeat before the + whole world, and I can add that so long as England remains neutral + we are prepared in case of reciprocity to refrain from all hostile + operations against French merchant vessels. [Applause.] + + Gentlemen, so much for the events. I repeat the words of the + Kaiser: "With a clear conscience Germany goes to the battlefield." + [Enthusiastic approval.] We are fighting for the fruits of our + peaceful industry, for the inheritance of a great past, and for our + future. + + The fifty years of which Moltke spoke, and in which we should stand + armed and ready to protect our inheritance and the acquisitions of + 1870, have not yet passed. The hour of trial for the German nation + has struck, but we are facing it with confidence. [Stormy + approval.] + + Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready for battle, and behind + it stands the entire German Nation. [Enthusiastic applause from the + entire house.] The entire nation! [with a gesture particularly + directed toward the Social Democrats. Renewed applause, in which + the Social Democrats also joined.] You, gentlemen, realize your + duty in its entirety. The question needs no further consideration, + and I request speedy action. [Enthusiastic applause.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +[01] The Times of London contained on Aug. 12, 1914, the following: + +"The statement made by the German Imperial Chancellor to the Reichstag +on Aug. 4, which we published yesterday and reproduce below, lends +piquancy to a communication that reached us from an influential quarter +in Germany on Aug. 2. The communication, which we give in its original +form, bore the name of a personage holding a prominent position in +Germany, and standing in a close personal relationship to the German +Emperor. It was evidently timed for publication on the morning of Aug. +3, the day of Sir Edward Grey's historic speech in the House of +Commons": + + Aug. 2, 1914. + + I hear with astonishment that in France and elsewhere in the world + it is imagined that Germany wants to carry on an aggressive war, + and that she had with this aim brought about the present situation. + It is said that the Emperor was of the opinion that the moment had + come to have a final reckoning with his enemies; but what a + terrible error that is! Whoever knows the Emperor as I do, whoever + knows how very seriously he takes the responsibility of the crown, + how his moral ideas are rooted in true religious feeling, must be + astonished that any one could attribute such motives to him. + + He has not wanted the war; it has been forced upon him by the might + of the circumstances. He has worked unswervingly to keep the peace, + and has together with England thrown his whole influence into the + scales to find a peaceful solution, in order to save his people + from the horrors of war. But everything has been wrecked upon the + attitude of Russia, which in the middle of negotiations which + offered good outlook of success mobilized her forces, wherewith she + proved that she did not mean in earnest what her assurances of + peaceful intentions indicated. + + Now Germany's frontiers are menaced by Russia which drags her + allies into the war, now Germany's honor is at stake. Is it + possible under these circumstances that the most peace-loving + monarch can do otherwise than take to the sword in order to defend + the most sacred interests of the nation? + + And, finally, the German people! In them is firmly rooted the word + of Prince Bismarck against aggressive wars: "One must not try to + look into the cards of Fate." + + It must be stated again: Russia alone forces the war upon Europe. + Russia alone must carry the full weight of responsibility. + + + * * * * * + + + + +STATEMENT TO AMERICA. + +Issued to The Associated Press from General Headquarters, Sept. 2. + + + I do not know what is thought of this war in America. I assume + there have been published in America the telegrams exchanged + between the German Emperor, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of + England, containing the history of the events that preceded the + outbreak of the war, and which bears irrefutable testimony of how + the Emperor, until the last moment, strove hard to preserve the + peace. + + These efforts had to be futile, as Russia, under all circumstances, + had resolved upon war, and as England, which for decades had + encouraged the anti-German nationalism in Russia and France, did + not avail herself of the splendid opportunity offered her to prove + her often-emphasized love of peace, otherwise the war between + Germany and France and England could have been averted. + + When once the archives are opened the world will learn how often + Germany extended to England her friendly hand, but England did not + desire the friendship of Germany. Jealous of the development of + Germany, and feeling that by German efficiency and German industry + she has been surpassed in some fields, she had the desire to crush + Germany by brute force, as she in former times subdued Spain, + Holland, and France. She believed the moment had arrived, and + therefore the entry of German troops into Belgium gave her a + welcome pretext to take part in the war. + + Germany, however, was forced to enter Belgium because she had to + forestall the planned French advance, and Belgium only awaited this + advance to join France. That only a pretext was involved as far as + England is concerned is proved by the fact that already on the + afternoon of Aug. 2, that is, prior to the violation of Belgium + neutrality by Germany, Sir Edward Grey assured the French + Ambassador unconditionally of the help of England in case the + German fleet attacked the French coast. + + Moral scruple, however, the English policy does not know. And thus + the English people, who always posed as the protagonist of freedom + and right, has allied itself with Russia, the representative of the + most terrible barbarism, a country that knows no spiritual or no + religious freedom, that tramples upon the freedom of peoples as + well as of individuals. Already England is beginning to recognize + that she has made a mistake in her calculations, and that Germany + will master her enemies. She is therefore trying by the pettiest + means to injure Germany as much as possible in her commerce and + colonies, by instigating Japan, regardless of the consequences to + the cultural community of the white race, to a pillaging expedition + against Kiao-Chau, and leading the negroes in Africa to fight + against the Germans in the colonies. + + Having strangled the news service of Germany to the whole world, + and having opened the campaign against us with a falsehood, England + will tell your countrymen that the German troops burned down + Belgian villages and cities, but will pass over in silence the fact + that Belgian girls gouged out the eyes of defenseless wounded. + Officials of Belgian cities have invited our officers to dinner and + shot and killed them across the table. Contrary to all + international law, the whole civilian population of Belgium was + called out, and after having at first shown friendliness, carried + on in the rear of our troops a terrible warfare with concealed + weapons. + + Belgian women cut the throats of soldiers whom they had quartered + in their homes while they were sleeping. England also will say + nothing of the dumdum bullets which are being used by the English + and French despite all conventions and their hypocritical + proclamations of humanity, which can be seen here in their original + packing as they were found on French and English prisoners of war. + + The Emperor has authorized me to say all this and to state that he + has full confidence in the sense of justice of the American people, + which will not allow itself to be deceived through the war of + falsehood which our enemies are conducting against us. + +The statement of the Chancellor concludes as follows: + + Every one who has lived in Germany since the outbreak of the war + has been able to witness the great moral uprising of all Germans + who, pressed hard on all sides, cheerfully take the field for the + defense of their rights and their existence; every one knows that + this people is not capable of any unnecessary cruelty or of any + brutality. We will win, thanks to the great moral strength which + our just cause gives to our troops, and in the end the greatest + falsehoods will be able to obscure our victories as little as they + do our rights. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY'S ARMAMENTS. + +Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, March 30, 1911. + + + I have asked to speak in order to make a few brief remarks on the + question of disarmament and arbitration. The Social Democratic + motion proposes that I should take steps to bring about a general + limitation of armaments. As a matter of fact, the idea of + disarmament is being constantly discussed by pacifists in + Parliaments and in Congresses far and wide. Even the first peace + conference at The Hague had to confine itself to expressing the + wish that the Governments should devote themselves to the continued + study of the question. + + Germany has responded to this desire, but has been able to find no + suitable formula, and I am not aware that other Governments have + been more successful. The time when wars were made by Cabinets is + past. The feelings which here in Europe may lead to war lie + elsewhere. + + They have their roots in antagonisms which must be found in popular + sentiment. Everybody knows how easily this sentiment is influenced + and how, unfortunately, in many cases, it abandons itself + helplessly to irresponsible press agitations. A counterpoise to + all such and similar influences can but be desired. I shall be the + first to welcome it whenever international efforts succeed in + creating such a counterpoise. + + But if I am to take practical steps and am to propose mutual + disarmament to the other powers, then general pacific assurances + and adjurations are not enough. With Germany there is no need for + such assurances or adjurations, in view of her constant policy + throughout forty years, which shows that we seek no quarrels in the + world. I should have to submit a fixed, definite programme. Then I + should have to consider in all sobriety whether such a programme + could be drawn up and carried out. Any one who makes uncertain and + vague proposals can easily become a disturber of the peace rather + than a peacemaker. + + I shall have to decline to draw up such a formula and submit it to + an international congress. + +England's Naval Police. + + England is convinced, and has repeatedly declared, in spite of her + desires for the limitation of expenditure on armaments and for the + adjustment of any disputes that may arise by arbitral procedure, + that her fleet must in all circumstances be superior, or at any + rate equal, to any possible combination in the world. England has a + perfect right to strive for such a state of things, and, precisely + because of the position that I take up toward the disarmament + question, I am the last to cast doubts upon it. It is quite another + thing, however, to make such a claim the basis of a convention + which must be recognized by all the other powers in peaceful + agreement. What if counterclaims are raised and the other powers + are not satisfied with the rôles assigned to them? + + One only requires to propound these questions in order to see + things would not go well for European dignity at any world congress + which had to decide upon such claims. + + + And then armies. If, for example, Germany should be required to + reduce her army by 100,000 men, by how many men must the other + powers diminish their armies? Notwithstanding all the pacific + assurances which, thank God, are being given everywhere, every + nation would reply to me at any preliminary inquiry that it claims + that position in the world which corresponds with the sum of its + national power, that the strength of its defensive forces must be + adapted to this claim. At any rate, I would give no other reply for + Germany. I should be touching the honor and national sentiment of + any other people if I expected any other statement from it. + +Question of Control. + + Every attempt at international disarmament must break down on the + question of control, which is absolutely impracticable. A classic + example of that is afforded by Prussia when overthrown by Napoleon. + Her army was to be limited to 45,000 men, but her patriotism, + notwithstanding the most ruthless application of every means of + control, managed to raise an army four times as large. The question + of disarmament is insoluble so long as men are men and States are + States. + + In the course of the debate reference has been made to the recent + utterances of the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in + the House of Commons on the disarmament question. The English + Minister gave expression to the idea that a reciprocal exchange of + information concerning the naval construction of both countries + would insure them against surprises, and that thereby both + countries would be convinced that they were not trying mutually to + outstrip each other, while other powers would thereby be kept + informed regarding the relations of Germany and England, and so the + exchange of announcements would, on the whole, serve to promote + peace. + + We were all the more able to adhere to this idea as our naval + building programme has always lain open. We have already declared + our readiness to come to an understanding on this point with + England, in the hope that it may bring about a desired appeasement. + + + World-embracing international arbitration treaties dictated by an + international areopagus I consider just as impossible as general + international disarmament. Germany takes up no hostile position + toward arbitration. In all the new German treaties of commerce + there are arbitration clauses. In the main it was due to Germany's + initiative that an agreement was arrived at at the second Hague + conference for the establishment of an International Prize Court. + + Arbitration treaties can certainly contribute in a great measure to + maintain and fortify peaceful relations. But strength must depend + on readiness for war. The dictum still holds good that the weak + becomes the prey of the strong. If a nation can not or will not + spend enough on her defensive forces for her to be able to make her + way in the world, then she falls back into the second rank. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Austria-Hungary's Version of the War + +By Kaiser Franz Josef and Count Berchtold. + + + + * * * * * + + + + +The Imperial Rescript and Manifesto. + + + Ischl, July 28. + + Dear Count Stürgkh: + + I have resolved to instruct the Ministers of my Household and + Foreign Affairs to notify the Royal Servian Government of the + beginning of a state of war between the Monarchy and Servia. In + this fateful hour I feel the need of turning to my beloved peoples. + I command you, therefore, to publish the inclosed manifesto. + + + + +MANIFESTO. + + + To my peoples! It was my fervent wish to consecrate the years + which, by the grace of God, still remain to me, to the works of + peace and to protect my peoples from the heavy sacrifices and + burdens of war. Providence, in its wisdom, has otherwise decreed. + The intrigues of a malevolent opponent compel me, in the defense of + the honor of my Monarchy, for the protection of its dignity and its + position as a power, for the security of its possessions, to grasp + the sword after long years of peace. + + With a quickly forgetful ingratitude, the Kingdom of Servia, which, + from the first beginnings of its independence as a State until + quite recently, had been supported and assisted by my ancestors, + has for years trodden the path of open hostility to + Austria-Hungary. When, after three decades of fruitful work for + peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I extended my Sovereign rights to + those lands, my decree called forth in the Kingdom of Servia, whose + rights were in nowise injured, outbreaks of unrestrained passion + and the bitterest hate. My Government at that time employed the + handsome privileges of the stronger, and with extreme consideration + and leniency only requested Servia to reduce her army to a peace + footing and to promise that, for the future, she would tread the + path of peace and friendship. Guided by the same spirit of + moderation, my Government, when Servia, two years ago, was + embroiled in a struggle with the Turkish Empire, restricted its + action to the defense of the most serious and vital interests of + the Monarchy. It was to this attitude that Servia primarily owed + the attainment of the objects of that war. + + The hope that the Servian Kingdom would appreciate the patience and + love of peace of my Government and would keep its word has not been + fulfilled. The flame of its hatred for myself and my house has + blazed always higher; the design to tear from us by force + inseparable portions of Austria-Hungary has been made manifest with + less and less disguise. A criminal propaganda has extended over the + frontier with the object of destroying the foundations of State + order in the southeastern part of the monarchy; of making + the people, to whom I, in my paternal affection, extended my full + confidence, waver in its loyalty to the ruling house and to the + Fatherland; of leading astray its growing youth and inciting it to + mischievous deeds of madness and high treason. A series of + murderous attacks, an organized, carefully prepared, and well + carried out conspiracy, whose fruitful success wounded me and my + loyal peoples to the heart, forms a visible bloody track of those + secret machinations which were operated and directed in Servia. + + A halt must be called to these intolerable proceedings and an end + must be put to the incessant provocations of Servia. The honor and + dignity of my monarchy must be preserved unimpaired, and its + political, economic, and military development must be guarded from + these continual shocks. In vain did my Government make a last + attempt to accomplish this object by peaceful means and to induce + Servia, by means of a serious warning, to desist. Servia has + rejected the just and moderate demands of my Government and refused + to conform to those obligations the fulfillment of which forms the + natural and necessary foundation of peace in the life of peoples + and States. I must therefore proceed by force of arms to secure + those indispensable pledges which alone can insure tranquillity to + my States within and lasting peace without. + + In this solemn hour I am fully conscious of the whole significance + of my resolve and my responsibility before the Almighty. I have + examined and weighed everything, and with a serene conscience I set + out on the path to which my duty points. I trust in my peoples, + who, throughout every storm, have always rallied in unity and + loyalty around my throne, and have always been prepared for the + severest sacrifices for the honor, the greatness, and the might of + the Fatherland. I trust in Austria-Hungary's brave and devoted + forces, and I trust in the Almighty to give the victory to my arms. + + FRANZ JOSEF. + + + * * * * * + + + + +DECLARATION OF WAR. + +Published in Special Edition of Official Gazette, Vienna, July 28. + + + The Royal Government of Servia not having given a satisfactory + reply to the note presented to it by the Austro-Hungarian Minister + in Belgrade on July 23, 1914, the Imperial and Royal Government of + Austria-Hungary finds it necessary itself to safeguard its rights + and interests and to have recourse for this purpose to force of + arms. Austria-Hungary, therefore, considers itself from this moment + in a state of war with Servia. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY." + + +Congratulatory Telegram to Kaiser Wilhelm II., Aug. 27. + + Victory after victory. God is with you. He will be with us also. I + most sincerely congratulate you, dear friend, also the young hero, + your dear son, the Crown Prince, and the Crown Prince Rupprecht, as + well as the incomparably brave German Army. Words fail to express + what moves me and, with me, my army, in these days of world's + history. + + "FRANZ JOSEPH." + + + * * * * * + + + + +WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD. + +Kaiser Franz Josef's Address in Bestowing the Great Cross on the German +Kaiser, September, 1914. + + + The glorious victories, so crushing to the foe, which the German + Army has won in battle under your chief command owe their begetting + and their success to your iron will, which sharpened and swung the + heavy sword. + + To the laurel that crowns you as victor I wish to add, if I may, + the highest military honor which we possess, in begging you to take + in true brotherhood of arms and as a token of my appreciation the + Great Cross of my military Order of Marie Theresa. The decoration + itself, dear friend, shall be handed to you by a special envoy as + soon as it is convenient for you. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: COUNT LEOPOLD BERCHTOLD. +Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs. +(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)] + + + + + A PURELY DEFENSIVE WAR. + +By Count Berchtold, Foreign Minister for Austria-Hungary. + +(Copyright, Evening News Publishing Company of Newark, N.J., 1914.) + + + Austria-Hungary looks upon this war as a purely defensive one, + which has been forced on her by the agitation directed by Russia + against her very existence. Austria-Hungary has given many proofs + in late years of her peaceful intention. She refrained from any + interference with arms in the Balkan war, though her interests were + at stake. Subsequent events have proved what a serious danger the + increase in territory and prestige which it brought Servia were for + Austria-Hungary. Servia's ambitions have since grown and have been + solely directed against the Dual Monarchy. Russia has tacitly + approved of Servia's action because Russian statesmen wish to form + an iron ring of enemies around Austria-Hungary and Germany in order + that Russia's grasp on Constantinople and on Asia should never + again be meddled with. Austro-Hungarian soldiers are fighting for + their homes and for the maintenance of their country, the Russians + are fighting to help the Russian Czar to gain the rule of the + world, to destroy all his neighbors who may be dangerous to Russian + ambitions. England is helping the Russians to oust her German + rival. She feared for some time that German culture and German + scientific methods would prove the stronger in a peaceful + competition, and she now hopes to crush Germany with the help of + Russia and France. And France is fighting to win back + Alsace-Lorraine, to take her revenge on Germany, which the French + nation has been aiming at for the last forty-four years. + + That is how Austria-Hungary looks upon the war. She never wished + for territorial increase, she wished for peace and that her people + should develop in safety. + + Germany equally had nothing to gain by a war, but Germany knows + that Austria-Hungary's enemies are her enemies and that the + dismemberment of the Hapsburg monarchy would mean the isolation of + the German Empire. + + And so, after all efforts to keep Russia and England from breaking + the peace of Europe had failed, she drew her sword to defend her + and her allies' (ally's) interests. + + Truth and honor are on the side of the two empires in this war, the + unspeakable inventions and prevarications published by the French, + Russian, and English press in the last weeks alone must prove to + the American people who can afford to tell the truth and nothing + but the truth in this war. + + The Austro-Hungarian and German people have a clear conscience and + need fear no misrepresentation of their action. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A DISCORDANT NOTE. + +By Count Michael Karolyi, Leader of Hungarian Independent Party, New +York, July 27. + + + If Austria had pursued a policy of directly helping the Balkan + countries, if Austria had in the past made it a point to be + actively their friend, this war would not confront us. Since it has + come, of course all Hungarians will support the empire and internal + differences will be dismissed while the empire is imperiled. + + As for the loyalty of the many Serbs within Austria-Hungary it is + hard to say. There again we must hope that they will take the + Austrian side. But the Austrian policy toward the Balkan countries + has been wrong, all wrong. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A German Review of the Evidence + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Certified by Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, German Ex-Colonial +Secretary. + + +_The following is presented as a complete defense of the German position +in the present war and is based upon examination of the German and +English "White Papers." It was prepared in Germany and forwarded to Dr. +Bernhard Dernburg, who had it translated for_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _of +Nov. 1, 1914_. + +_Dr. Dernburg gives this statement his full approval and accepts complete +responsibility for it._ + + +Two of the five great European powers that are at present engaged in +war, Austria-Hungary and Russia, whose differences for years have been +constantly increasing in sharpness, and after the tragedy in Serajevo +became impossible to be bridged by diplomacy, conjured up the frightful +struggle. + +With these two, two other powers are so closely united by alliances that +their participation in the war also was unavoidable; they are Germany +and France. + +There are two other great European powers whose relations to the two +aforesaid groups before the war were very much alike in the essential +points. Just as Italy was politically tied by alliance to the central +powers, so England was with the Franco-Russian Alliance. Hence it was +uncertain how these countries, each geographically removed from the main +body of the Continent, would act in a war, and it seemed quite possible +that both would decide to remain neutral. + +As a matter of fact, the Italian Government came to the view that such a +stand would be for the best interests of its country. + +This decision might have made it considerably more easy for England to +also maintain her neutrality, which, from political, economical, and +ethical reasons, would have been advantageous and natural for the Island +Empire. To the surprise and indignation of all those Germans who for +years had been working toward an adjustment of the conflicting interests +of both countries--among these ought to be mentioned, above all, the +Kaiser and the Imperial Chancellor--the Liberal British Ministry +immediately declared war on Germany, and did not confine itself to a +naval war, but, in keeping with agreements reached years ago between the +English and the French General Staffs, as is now admitted, equipped an +expeditionary army, thus considerably strengthening the French forces. + +The question arises, "What reasons led British politics to this +monstrous step?" + +Much has been written during the last weeks from the German side, +criticising most sharply and with great justification the motive of the +London Cabinet. In the following discussion we will confine ourselves to +an impartial review of the documents published by the English Government +itself in its own defense. + +The essential part of this justification is contained in the +"Correspondence Concerning the European Crisis," placed before the +British Parliament shortly after the start of the war, which is known as +the British "White Paper." In amplification are to be considered the +"White Book" placed by the German Government before the Reichstag and +the "Orange Book" published by Russia. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: STATE COUNCILLOR SAZONOF +Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs. +(_Photo (C) by American Press Assn._)] + + + + +I. + +THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION. + + +In a public speech, delivered Sept. 19, the Secretary of the Treasury, +Mr. Lloyd George, according to the report of The Westminster Gazette, +which may be considered as his organ, characterized the quarrel between +Germany and Russia in the picturesque manner which this statesman +prefers, as follows: + + GERMANY--I insist that you stand aside with crossed arms while + Austria strangles your little brother, (Servia.) + + RUSSIA--Just you touch this little fellow and I will tear + your ramshackle empire limb from limb. + +We will not waste words in considering the flippant form here used in a +discussion of an unspeakably bloody and world-historic conflict. But +this expression in very pregnant form makes Russia appear in the light +in which the London powers-that-be desire to show the empire of the Czar +to the British people, viz., in the role of the noble-hearted protector +of persecuted innocence, while Germany, supporting and egging on +Austria-Hungary, is shown as morally responsible for the war. + +Cites English Documents. + +This, also, is the chain of thought in the speech of the British Prime +Minister in the House of Commons on Aug. 4. Translations of this speech +have been spread by the British Government in neutral countries in +hundreds of thousands of copies under the title: "The Power Responsible +for War Is Germany." + +Now, we claim that the British "White Paper" itself furnishes +irrefutable proof that not Germany, which up to the last moment offered +the hand of mediation, but Russia is responsible for the war, and that +the Foreign Office at London was fully cognizant of this fact. + +Furthermore, the "White Paper" shows that England's claim that she +entered this war solely as a protector of the small nations is a fable. + +The documents reproduced in the "White Paper" do not begin until July +20, and only a few introductory dispatches before the 24th are given. +The first of the very important reports of the British Ambassador at St. +Petersburg, Sir George Buchanan, to the Secretary of State, Grey, is +dated on that day; on the same day the note addressed by Austria-Hungary +to the Servian Government had been brought to the knowledge of the +European Cabinets, and the British Ambassador conferred with the Russian +Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Sazonof, over this matter. The French +Minister also took part in this conference. When the latter and M. +Sazonof, in the most insistent way, tried to prove to Buchanan that +England, together with Russia and France, must assume a threatening +attitude toward Austria-Hungary and Germany, the British Ambassador +replied: + + I said that I would telegraph a full report to you of what their + Excellencies had just said to me. I could not, of course, speak in + the name of his Majesty's Government, but personally I saw no + reason to expect any declaration of solidarity from his Majesty's + Government that would entail an unconditional engagement on their + part to support Russia and France by force of arms. Direct British + interests in Servia were nil, and a war on behalf of that country + would never be sanctioned by British public opinion.--(British + "White Paper" No. 6.) + +The British Ambassador thereupon asked the question whether Russia was +thinking of eventually declaring war on Austria. The following was the +answer: + + M. Sazonof said that he himself thought that Russian mobilization + would at any rate have to be carried out; but a council of + Ministers was being held this afternoon to consider the whole + question.... + +The dispatch continues: + + French Ambassador and M. Sazonof both continue to press me for a + declaration of complete solidarity of his Majesty's Government with + French and Russian Governments.... (British "White Paper" No. 6.) + +This shows plainly that the Russian mobilization must have been planned +even before July 24, for otherwise M. Sazonof could not have spoken of +the necessity of carrying it through. + +It is furthermore very remarkable that the Russian Minister on this +early day spoke of the mobilization in general and not of the partial +mobilization against Austria-Hungary. + +Finally we find that the British Government was fully informed at the +very latest on July 24--it may have had before it previous documents, +but they are not contained in the "White Paper"--concerning Russian +mobilization and thereby the development of Russian and French politics +that had to be anticipated. + +Russian Aggression. + +Had there been any doubts concerning these matters on the part of the +British Government, the continual urging of Russian and French +diplomatists must have made things plain. Russia's aggressive +policy, and not the Austrian declaration of war on Servia, which did not +come until five days later, led to the European war. Servia meant so +little to England, although England traditionally poses as a protector +of small nations, that the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg was able +to describe England's interest in the kingdom on the Save as "nil." Only +later, after the beginning of the war, England warmed up to Servia, and +in the aforementioned speech Mr. Lloyd George found the most hearty +tones in speaking of the heroic fight of this "little nation," although +he was obliged to admit simultaneously that its' history is not +untainted. + +On the day following that conversation, on July 25, the British +Ambassador had another talk with M. Sasonof, during the course of which +he felt obliged to express to the Russian Government a serious warning +concerning its mobilization. + + On my expressing the earnest hope that Russia would not precipitate + war by mobilizing until you had had time to use your influence in + favor of peace his Excellency assured me that Russia had no + aggressive intentions and she would take no action until it was + forced on her. Austria's action was in reality directed against + Russia. She aimed at overthrowing the present status quo in the + Balkans and establishing her own hegemony there. He did not believe + that Germany really wanted war, but her attitude was decided by + ours. If we took our stand firmly with France and Russia there + would be no war. If we failed them now rivers of blood would flow + and we would in the end be dragged into war.... + + I said all I could to impress prudence on the Minister for Foreign + Affairs and warned him that if Russia mobilized Germany would not + be content with mere mobilization or give Russia time to carry out + hers, but would probably declare war at once! His Excellency + replied that Russia could not allow Austria to crush Servia and + become the predominant power in the Balkans, and, if she feels + secure of the support of France, she will face all the risks of + war. He assured me once more that he did not wish to precipitate a + conflict, but that unless Germany could restrain Austria I could + regard the situation as desperate.--(British "White Paper" No. 17.) + +A more convincing contradiction of the claim that Germany fell upon +unexpectant Russia can hardly be imagined. Sazonof's conversation with +the British Ambassador shows that Russia had decided from the beginning +to bring about the war, unless Austria would subject itself to Russia's +dictation. + +Now, Russia was not alone concerned about Servia, but from its viewpoint +Austria-Hungary must not maintain the preponderant position in the +Balkans. + +Sure of French help, Russia was determined to work against this. The +reports of the British representative do not suggest with a word that +Germany was responsible for the war; on the contrary, Sir Buchanan +again, on his own account, warned the Russian Government to keep aloof +from military measures, in his conversation with M. Sazonof on July 27, +although the "White Paper" does not show that he had received any +instructions by Sir Edward Grey. + + His Excellency must not, if our efforts were to be successful, do + anything to precipitate a conflict. In these circumstances I + trusted that the Russian Government would defer the mobilization + ukase for as long as possible, and that troops would not be allowed + to cross the frontier even when it was issued.--(British "White + Paper," No, 44.) + +Just as its own Ambassador in Petersburg pointed out to the British +Government the dangers of Russian mobilization, England did not lack +German warnings. On July 28 the British Ambassador in Berlin, Sir E. +Goschen, reported as follows by wire concerning a conversation with the +Imperial Chancellor: + + ... but if the news were true which he had just read in the papers, + that Russia had mobilized fourteen army corps in the South, he + thought the situation was very serious, and he himself would be in + a very difficult position, as in these circumstances it would be + out of his power to continue to preach moderation at Vienna. He + added that Austria, who as yet was only partially mobilizing, would + have to take similar measures, and if war were to result Russia + would be entirely responsible.--(British "White Paper" No. 71.) + +In a telegram of Mr. Goschen's of July 30, reporting a conversation with +the Secretary of State, von Jagow, it is stated: + + He begged me to impress on you difficulty of Germany's + position in view of Russian mobilization and military measures + which he hears are being taken in France.--(British "White Paper" + No. 98.) + +The British Government has added a few further publications to its +"White Paper." Among these is a report of the hitherto British +Ambassador in Vienna, Sir Maurice de Bunsen. The document is dated Sept. +1; that is, a full month after the outbreak of the war. The tendency of +this publication is not only to unburden Russia and England from all +blame and to put it upon German and Austro-Hungarian politics, but it +attempts to make Germany responsible for the war to greater extent than +Austria-Hungary in trying to sow dissension between the two allies. + +Ambassador de Bunsen represents matters as if Germany, through its +ultimatum to Russia on July 31, had roughly interrupted negotiations +promising success then going on between Vienna and Petersburg. In this +report it is stated: + + (Retranslated.) M. Schebeko [the Russian Ambassador at Vienna] on + July 28th attempted to induce the Austrian Government to authorize + Count Scapary to continue negotiations which he had been carrying + on with M. Sazonof and which appeared very promising. Count + Berchtold on this day declined, but two days later, July 30th, + although Russia then had already started partial mobilization + against Austria, he received M. Schebeko again in the most + courteous manner and gave his consent to continuation of the pour + parleurs.... On Aug. 1st M. Schebeko informed me that Austria was + ready to submit to mediation those parts of its note to Servia + which appeared to be irreconcilable to the independence of + Servia.... Unfortunately these pour parleurs in St. Petersburg and + Vienna were suddenly broken off by the quarrel being removed to the + more dangerous territory of a direct conflict between Germany and + Russia. Germany on July 31 stepped between the two with its double + ultimatum addressed to St. Petersburg and Paris.... A delay of a + few days in all probability would have spared Europe one of the + greatest wars in history. + +On the other hand, be it remembered that the fact that any negotiations +between Austria and Russia were carried on up to the last hour was +solely the result of the uninterrupted German efforts to maintain +peace, which fact Sir Maurice de Bunsen very wisely buries in silence. +These negotiations, by the way, hardly were as promising of success as +is made to appear. The Austrian version of it is found in the Vienna +Fremdenblatt of Sept. 25, 1914. There the most important spots of +Bunsen's report, that Austria-Hungary had been ready to moderate several +points of its note to Servia, are mentioned, as follows: + + As we are told by a well-informed source, these assertions do not + at all correspond to the facts; furthermore, from the very nature + of the steps undertaken by the dual monarchy in Belgrade, this + would have been entirely inconceivable. + +A glance at the date shows that the Bunsen report is misleading, for he +himself tells that Count Berchtold, on July 30, had expressed his +consent to a continuation of the exchange of thought in Petersburg; the +latter, therefore, could not begin before the 31st, while in the night +from July 30 to 31 the mobilization of the entire Russian Army against +Germany was ordered in Petersburg, finally making impossible the +continuation of the last German attempt at mediation in Vienna. + +The truth is, in spite of Russian and English twistings, that without +the interval caused by Germany's efforts in Vienna, which interval +England allowed to pass unused in Petersburg, the war would have broken +out a few days sooner. + +Let us consider how the fact of the Russian mobilization, the dimensions +and tendency of which was brought to the knowledge of the London Cabinet +at the very latest on July 24, must affect Germany. + +On July 24 the Russian Government declared, in an official communiqué, +it would be impossible for it to remain indifferent in an Austro-Servian +conflict. + +Germany's Hand Forced. + +This declaration was followed immediately by military measures which +represented the beginning of Russian mobilization long planned. But even +on July 27 the Russian Minister of War, Suchomlinof, assured +the German Military Attaché upon word of honor (Annex 11 of the German +"White Paper") that no order for mobilization had been given and no +reservists had been drawn and no horse had been commandeered. + +Although in this conversation there had been left no doubt to the +Russian Minister of War concerning the fact that measures of +mobilization against Austria must be considered by Germany also as very +threatening toward itself, during the next days news of the Russian +mobilization arrived in quick succession. + +On the 29th mobilization of Southern and Southwestern Russia was +ordered, which was extended on the 30th to twenty-three provinces. + +On the night of the 30th to the 31st, while the efforts of the Kaiser to +maintain peace were continuing and were receiving friendly attention in +Vienna, in St. Petersburg the mobilization of the entire Russian Army +was ordered. Even as late as 2 P.M. on the 31st, however, (German "White +Paper," Page 18, of NEW YORK TIMES reprint,) the Czar telegraphed the +Kaiser that the military measures now being taken were meant for +defensive purposes against Austria's preparations, and he gave his +pledge as far away from desiring war. + +In the face of such evident duplicity of Russian politics, a further +delay such as was desired by Sir Maurice de Bunsen would have been for +every German statesman a crime against the security of his own country. + +On the other hand, upon what German measures did the Russian Government +base its order for mobilization? The British "White Paper" proves how +frivolously steps leading to the most serious results were ordered in +St. Petersburg. On July 30 Sir George Buchanan telegraphed: + + M. Sazonof told us that absolute proof was in possession of the + Russian Government that Germany was making military and naval + preparations against Russia, more particularly in the direction of + the Gulf of Finland,--(British "White Paper" No. 97.) + +Proofs Lacking. + +On the other hand, Buchanan's telegram of July 31 (British "White +Paper" No. 113) states: + + Russia has also reason to believe that Germany is making active + military preparations, and she cannot afford to let her get a + start.--(British "White Paper" No. 113.) + +So, from one day to the next the "absolute proof" changed to a reason +for the assumption. In reality, both were assertions that lack all +proof. + +The finishing part of a telegram sent by the British Ambassador in +Berlin to Sir Edward Grey on July 31 deserves special mention: + + He [the German Secretary of State] again assured me that both the + Emperor William, at the request of the Emperor of Russia and the + German Foreign Office, had even up till last night been urging + Austria to show willingness to continue discussion--and telephonic + communications from Vienna had been of a promising nature--but + Russia's mobilization had spoiled everything.--(British "White + Paper" No. 121.) + +Therefore, the German Chancellor, in his memorandum placed before the +Reichstag, stated with full justification: + + The Russian Government has smashed the laborious attempts at + mediation on the part of the European State Chancelleries, on the + eve of success, by the mobilization, endangering the safety of the + empire. The measures for a mobilization, about whose seriousness + the Russian Government was fully acquainted from the beginning, in + connection with their constant denial, show clearly that Russia + wanted war. + + To this is to be added that the English Government also was made + fully cognizant of the intentions of the Russian mobilization, by a + witness that could not be suspected, namely, its own representative + in St. Petersburg, and therefore must bear full responsibility. + + + * * * * * + + + + +II. + +GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS. + + +We have seen from the "Blue Book" that the Secretary of State in London +was informed at the very latest on July 24 by his Ambassador in St. +Petersburg of the plan of the Russian mobilization and consequently of +the tremendous seriousness of the European situation. Yet eight to nine +days had to elapse before the beginning of the war. Let us see whether +Sir Edward Grey used this time to preserve peace, according to his +own documents. + +From this testimony it appears that even at the beginning of the last +and decisive part of the European crisis, which began on June 28, 1914, +with the assassination of the Austrian heir to the throne, Sir Edward +Grey refrained from considering a direct participation of his country in +the possible world war. At least, this must be the impression gained +from his remarks to the representatives of the two powers with whom +England is today at war. Thus, he said to the Austro-Hungarian +Ambassador, Count Mensdorff, on July 23: + + The possible consequences of the present situation were terrible. + If as many as four great powers of Europe--let us say Austria, + France, Russia, and Germany--were engaged in war, it seemed to me + that it must involve the expenditure of so vast a sum of money and + such an interference with trade that a war would be accompanied or + followed by a complete collapse of European credit and + industry.--(British "White Paper" No. 3.) + +Here Grey speaks only of four of the big powers at most that may go to +war, without even hinting at the fifth, namely, England. On July 24 he +had another conversation with the Austrian Ambassador, the theme of +which was the note--meanwhile presented to Servia. It caused +apprehensions on his part, but he declared again: + + The merits of the dispute between Austria and Servia were not the + concern of his Majesty's Government.... + + I [Grey] ended by saying that doubtless we should enter into an + exchange of views with other powers, and that I must await their + views as to what could be done to mitigate the difficulties of the + situation.--(British "White Paper" No. 5.) + +We are already striking the fateful peculiarity of Grey's policy to +hesitate where prompt action, or at least a clear and open conduct, +would have been his duty. This weakness of his nature has been used with +great art by French and Russian diplomacy. This is illustrated by the +conversation of July 24 between him and the French Ambassador, Cambon, +in London: + + M. Cambon said that, if there was a chance of mediation by the four + powers he had no doubt that his Government would be glad to join + in it; but he pointed out that we could not say anything in St. + Petersburg till Russia had expressed some opinion or taken some + action. But, when two days were over, Austria would march into + Servia, for the Servians could not possibly accept the Austrian + demand. Russia would be compelled by her public opinion to take + action as soon as Austria attacked Servia, and, therefore, once the + Austrians had attacked Servia it would be too late for any + mediation.--(British "White Paper" No. 10.) + +Thus, England must not give any advice to Russia before it knows +Russia's intent and even its measures. But inasmuch as Austria will have +proceeded against Servia by that time Russia must make war, and the +conclusion is that even on July 24 the catastrophe is considered +unavoidable. Grey shows himself more and more hypnotized by the +fatalistic view that it is too late. Hence he reports also on July 24 a +conversation of the German Ambassador, Prince Lichnowsky: + + I reminded the German Ambassador that some days ago he had + expressed a personal hope that if need arose I would endeavor to + exercise moderating influence at St. Petersburg, but now I said + that, in view of the extraordinarily stiff character of the + Austrian note, the shortness of time allowed, and the wide scope of + the demands upon Servia, I felt quite helpless as far as Russia was + concerned, and I did not believe any power could exercise influence + alone.--(British "White Paper" No. 11.) + +From a conversation of Grey with the Prince Lichnowsky, the German +Ambassador, on July 25: + + Alone we could do nothing. The French Government were traveling + [this refers to the visit at St. Petersburg by Messrs. Poincaré and + Viviani] at the moment, and I had had no time to consult them, and + could not, therefore, be sure of their views.--(British "White + Paper" No. 25.) + +If Sir Edward Grey sincerely desired the maintenance of peace, he must +have had to use his entire influence at St. Petersburg to bring about +the stopping of the threatening military measures taken by Russia, +whereas he was waiting for the opinion of the French Government. He was +bound to do this, so much the more in view of the fact that he demanded +from Germany that it should exert its influence with Austria. + +That this request of Grey's was complied with by Germany in so far as +it was in any way in accord with the alliance with Austria-Hungary, and +that in Vienna every effort was made to conciliate matters, is shown by +the assurance of the Chancellor; he declares: + + In spite of this [the Austro-Hungarian Government having remarked + with full appreciation of our action that it had come too late] we + continued our mediatory efforts to the utmost and advised Vienna to + make any possible compromise consistent with the dignity of the + monarchy.--(German "White Paper," Page 17, of NEW YORK TIMES + reprint.) + +Grey well knew that Germany was doing all it could to mediate in Vienna. +He expressed his recognition and his joy over it on July 28 ("Blue +Book," Page 67): + + It is very satisfactory to hear from the German Ambassador here + that the German Government have taken action at Vienna in the sense + of the conversation recorded in my telegram of yesterday to + you.--(British "White Paper" No. 67.)[02] + +Neither has Grey been left in the dark by the German side concerning the +difficulties, which by the Russian mobilization made every attempt to +mediate in Vienna abortive. Even on July 31 the British Ambassador in +Berlin telegraphed: + + The Chancellor informs me that his efforts to preach peace and + moderation at Vienna have been seriously handicapped by the Russian + mobilization against Austria. He has done everything possible to + obtain his object at Vienna, perhaps even rather more than was + altogether palatable at the Ballplatz.--(British "White Paper" No. + 108.) + +England and Russia. + +How, on the other hand, about Grey's action with Russia? From the very +beginning one should have had a right to expect that, as Germany acted +in Vienna, thus France, if it was active in Grey's spirit, would be +working in St. Petersburg for peace. Of this no trace whatsoever can be +found. The French Government thus far has not published any series of +documents concerning its activity during the crisis, and neither in the +Russian "Orange Book" nor in the English "Blue Book" is anything +mentioned of the mediating activity on the part of France. + +On the contrary, the latter power, wherever she puts in an +appearance--as for instance in the conversation of the English +Ambassador in St. Petersburg with his French colleague and M. Sazonof, +as mentioned above--appears as fully identical with Russia. + +It is also stated on July 24: + + The French Ambassador gave me to understand that France would + fulfill all the obligations entailed by her alliance with Russia if + necessity arose, besides supporting Russia strongly in all + diplomatic negotiations.... It seems to me from the language held, + by French Ambassador that even if we decline to join them, France + and Russia are determined to make a strong stand.--(British "White + Paper" No. 6.) + +One should think that Grey, who in view of this could not possibly +expect an influence for peace being brought to bear by France, but only +a strengthening of the Russian desire for aggression, now would have +acted in the most energetic manner in St. Petersburg for the maintenance +of peace. + +In reality, however, during the days that still remained, aside from a +weak and in St. Petersburg absolutely ineffective advice to postpone +mobilization, he did nothing whatsoever, and later placed himself in a +manner constantly more recognizable on the side of Russia. + +The claim that the time limit given by the Austrian note to Servia was +the cause of the war, that Grey's mediation had only miscarried owing to +the haste of Germany, is disproved by the British documents +themselves. De Bunsen on July 26 telegraphed to Grey from Vienna: + + Russian Ambassador just returned from leave, thinks that + Austro-Hungarian Government are determined on war and that it is + impossible for Russia to remain indifferent. He does not propose to + press for more time in the sense of your telegram of the 25th + inst.--(British "White Paper" No. 40.) + +Therefore Russia has paid little attention to the very shy and timid +efforts to maintain peace by the London Secretary of State, even where +these were concerned in the attempt to change the position taken by +Austria. + +Another proof: Sazonof on July 27 sent a telegram to the Russian +Ambassador in London which the latter transmitted to Grey, and which +concerns itself with the much mentioned proposition of the latter to +have the conflict investigated by a conference of the four great powers +not immediately concerned. + +Russian Sincerity Questioned. + +The conference plan was declined without much hesitation and openly by +Germany, because it was compelled to see therein an attempt to place +Austria before a European court of arbitration, and because it knew the +serious determination of its ally in this matter. But did Russia really +want the conference? Minister Sazonof declares: + + I replied to the [British] Ambassador that I have begun + conversations with the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, under + conditions which I hope may be favorable. I have not, however, + received as yet any reply to the proposal made by me for revising + the note between the two Cabinets.--(British "White Paper" No. + 53.) + +Here it is shown plainly how little the conference plan was after the +heart of the Russians. Had they accepted it it would have had to be done +immediately. As soon as the situation had grown very much more serious +by the failure of the negotiations with Austria-Hungary there would have +been no more time for this.[03] + +A telegram of the English Ambassador in St. Petersburg, dated July 27, +(British "White Paper" No. 55,) shows how this conference was expected +to be conducted in St. Petersburg: + + His Excellency [Sazonof] said he was perfectly ready to stand aside + if the powers accepted the proposal for a conference, but he + trusted that you would keep in touch with the Russian Ambassador in + the event of its taking place.--(British "White Paper" No. 55.) + +Russian shrewdness evidently expected to control the conference by +keeping in touch with Grey, who of course would have been the Chairman. +The dispatches of his own Ambassadors lying before him should have +enabled the Secretary of State to see the perfidy of the Russian policy. +Buchanan wrote on the 28th from St. Petersburg: + + ... and asked him whether he would be satisfied with the assurance + which the Austrian Ambassador had, I understood, been instructed to + give in respect to Servia's integrity and independence.... In reply + his Excellency stated that if Servia were attacked Russia would not + be satisfied with any engagement which Austria might take on these + two points....--(British "White Paper" No. 72.) + +Entirely in contrast herewith is one report of the British +representative in Vienna, dated Aug. 1, and speaking of a conversation +with the Russian Ambassador there: + + Russia would, according to the Russian Ambassador, be satisfied + even now with assurance respecting Servian integrity and + independence. He said that Russia had no intention to attack + Austria.--(British "White Paper" No. 141.) + +What, then, may one ask, was the opinion which Sir Edward Grey had +formed concerning Russia's real intentions? He learns from Russian +sources and notes faithfully that Russia will accept Austrian guarantees +for independence of Servia, and also that it will not accept such +guarantees. It is the same duplicity which Russia, when its own +mobilization was concerned, showed toward Germany. Did Sir Edward not +notice this duplicity, or did he not wish to notice it? If the documents +of the English Government have not been selected with the purpose to +confuse, then in London the decision to take part in the war does not +seem to have been a certainty at the beginning. We have seen that +Ambassador Buchanan in St. Petersburg on July 24 gave the Russian +Minister to understand that England was not of a mind to go to war on +account of Servia. This position, taken by the Ambassador, was approved +by Sir Edward Grey on the following day in the following words: + + I entirely approve what you said ... and I cannot promise more on + behalf of the Government.--(British "White Paper" No. 24.) + +Based upon these instructions, Sir George Buchanan, even on July 27, +stated to M. Sazonof, who continued to urge England to unconditionally +join Russia and France: + + I added that you [Grey] could not promise to do anything more, and + that his Excellency was mistaken if he believed that the cause of + peace could be promoted by our telling the German Government that + they would have to deal with us as well as with Russia and France + if she supported Austria by force of arms. Their [the German] + attitude would merely be stiffened by such a menace.--(British + "White Paper" No. 44.) + +But on this same 27th day of July, Grey, submitting to the intrigues of +Russian and French diplomacy, had committed one very fateful step +(Telegram to Buchanan, July 27): + + I have been told by the Russian Ambassador that in German and + Austrian circles impression prevails that in any event we would + stand aside. His Excellency deplored the effect that such an + impression must produce. This impression ought, as I have pointed + out, to be dispelled by the orders we have given to the first fleet + which is concentrated, as it happens, at Portland not to disperse + for manoeuvre leave. But I explained to the Russian Ambassador that + my reference to it must not be taken to mean that anything more + than diplomatic action was promised.--(British "White Paper" No. + 47.) + +For Russia this order to the fleet meant very much more than a +diplomatic action. Sazonof saw that the wind in London was turning in +his favor and he made use of it. Among themselves the Russian +diplomatists seem to have for a long time been clear and open in their +discussion of their real object. You find among the documents of the +Russian "Orange Book" the following telegram of Sazonof of July 25 to +the Russian Ambassador in London: + + In case of a new aggravation of the situation, possibly provoking + on the part of the great powers' united action, [des actions + conformes,] we count that England will not delay placing herself + clearly on the side of Russia and France, with the view to + maintaining the equilibrium of Europe, in favor of which she has + constantly intervened in the past, and which would without doubt be + compromised in the case of the triumph of Austria.--(Russian + "Orange Paper" No. 17.) + +There is no mention of Servia here, but Austria should not triumph. +Russia's real intention, of course, was not placed so nakedly before the +British Secretary of State, hence to him the appearance was maintained +that the little State of the Sawe was the only consideration, although +the Russian Army was already being mobilized with all energy. + +On the 28th he wires to the Russian Ambassador, Count Benckendorff, to +London to inform the British Government: + + It seems to me that England is in a better position than any other + power to make another attempt at Berlin to induce the German + Government to take the necessary action. There is no doubt + that the key of the situation is to be found at Berlin.--(British + "White Paper" No. 54.) + +The opinion subtly suggested upon him by Paris and Petersburg diplomacy, +namely, that he should not use any pressure upon Russia, but upon +Germany, now takes hold of Grey more and more. On July 29 he writes to +the German Ambassador as follows: + + In fact, mediation was ready to come into operation by any method + that Germany thought possible if only Germany would "press the + button in the interests of peace."--(British "White Paper" No. 84.) + +Petersburg, now assured of the support of Grey, becomes more and more +outspoken for war. On the 28th Grey again expressed one of his +softhearted propositions for peace. Mr. Sazonof hardly made the effort +to hide his contempt. Buchanan telegraphs on the 29th as follows: + + The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that proposal referred to in + your telegram of the 28th inst. was one of secondary importance. + Under altered circumstances of situation he did not attach weight + to it.... Minister for Foreign Affairs had given me to understand + that Russia would not precipitate war by crossing frontier + immediately, and a week or more would in any case elapse before + mobilization was completed. In order to find an issue out of a + dangerous situation it was necessary that we should in the + meanwhile all work together.--(British "White Paper" No. 78.) + +Naivete or Cynicism? + +Here it really becomes impossible to judge where the naïveté of the +British Secretary of State ends and cynicism begins, for Sazonof could +not have told to him more plainly than in these lines that all Russia's +ostensible readiness for peace served no other purpose than to win time +to complete the strategical location of the Russian troops. + +This point is emphasized by one document coming from a writer presumably +unbiased, but presumably distrustful of Germany, wherein the +confirmation is found that England and Russia had come to a full +agreement during these days. + +On July 30 the Belgian Chargé d'Affaires de l'Escaille in Petersburg +reported to the Belgian Government upon the European crisis. Owing to +the fast developing events of a warlike nature, this letter did not +reach its address by mail, and it was published later on. The Belgian +diplomatist writes: + + It is undeniable that Germany tried hard here [that is, in + Petersburg] and in Vienna to find any means whatsoever in order to + forestall a general conflict.... + +And after M. de l'Escaille has told that Russia--what the Czar and his +War Minister with their highest assurances toward Germany had +denied--was mobilizing its own army, he continues: + + Today at Petersburg one is absolutely convinced, yes, they have + even received assurances in that direction, that England and France + will stay by them. This assistance is of decisive importance and + has contributed much to the victory of the [Russian] war party. + +This settles Grey's pretended "attempts at mediation." The truth is that +British politics decided to prevent a diplomatic success of Germany and +Austria, now worked openly toward the Russian aim. "The exertion of +pressure upon Berlin" included already a certain threat, mingled with +good advice. + +On July 23 Grey had only spoken of four possible powers in war; hence +when on the German side some hope of England maintaining neutrality was +indulged in, this impression rested upon Grey's own explanations. On +July 29, however, after a political conversation with Prince Lichnowsky, +German Ambassador in London, he adds an important personal bit of +information. He wires concerning it to Berlin, to Goschen: + + After speaking to the German Ambassador this afternoon about the + European situation, I said that I wished to say to him, in a quite + private and friendly way, something that was on my mind. The + situation was very grave.... But if we failed in our efforts to + keep the peace, and if the issue spread so that it involved every + European interest, I did not wish to be open to any reproach from + him, that the friendly tone of all our conversations had misled him + or his Government into supposing that we should not take action.... + But we knew very well that if the issue did become such that we + thought that British interests required us to intervene, we must + intervene at once and the decision would have to be very + rapid.--(British "White Paper" No. 89.) + +But what is especially wrong is that Grey brought this warning, +which only could have any effect if it remained an absolute, +confidential secret between the English and German Governments, also to +the French Ambassador, so that the entire Entente could mischievously +look on and see whether Germany really would give in to British +pressure. Of course, in his manner of swaying to and fro, he did not +wish either that Cambon should not accept this information to the German +Ambassador as a decided taking of a position on the part of England: + + I thought it necessary [speaking to M. Cambon] to say that because + as he knew we were taking all precautions with regard to our fleet + and I was about to warn Prince Lichnowsky not to count on our + standing aside, but it would not be fair that I should let M. + Cambon be misled into supposing that we had decided what to do in a + contingency that I still hoped might not arise....--(British "White + Paper" No. 87.) + +Stirring Up Trouble. + +On the German side Grey's open threat, which was presented, however, +with smooth and friendly sounding words, was received with quiet +politeness. Goschen telegraphed on the 30th concerning a talk with State +Secretary von Jagow: + + His Excellency added that telegram received from Prince Lichnowsky + last night contains matter which he had heard with regret, but not + exactly with surprise, and, at all events, he thoroughly + appreciated the frankness and loyalty with which you had + spoken.--(British "White Paper" No. 98.) + +Now the work of stirring up trouble is continued unceasingly. On July 30 +the British Ambassador in Paris, Sir F. Bertie, concerning a +conversation with the President of the Republic, reports: + + He [Poincaré] is convinced that peace between the powers is in the + hands of Great Britain. If his Majesty's Government announced that + England would come to the aid of France in the event of a conflict + between France and Germany ... there would be no war, for Germany + would at once modify her attitude.--(British "White Paper" No. 99.) + +Did Grey really think for one moment that the German Empire would +change its position immediately, in other words, would suddenly leave +its ally in need, or is all this only a mass of diplomatic +blandishments? + +On the same day Grey steps from the personal warning which he had given +to the German Ambassador to the sharpest official threat. In a telegram +to the Ambassador in Berlin upon the question placed before him by the +Chancellor of the empire on the day prior, (British "White Paper" No. +85,) whether England would remain neutral if Germany would bind itself, +after possible war, to claim no French territory in Europe whatever, +while in lieu of the French colonies a like guarantee could not be +accepted, Grey answers with thundering words: + + His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment entertain the + Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to + neutrality on such terms. What he asks us in effect is to engage to + stand by while French colonies are taken and France is beaten, so + long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the + colonies. From a material point of view such a proposal is + unacceptable, for France without further territory in Europe being + taken from her could be so crushed as to lose her position as a + great power and become subordinate to German policy. Altogether + apart from that, it would be a disgrace for us to make this bargain + with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the + good name of this country could never recover.--(British "White + Paper" No. 101.) + +With this telegram the war on Germany was practically declared, for as a +price of British neutrality an open humiliation of Germany was demanded. +If France--the question of French colonies is of very minor importance +in this connection--must not be defeated by Germany, then England +forbade the German Government to make war. It was furthermore stated +that Germany was absolutely compelled to accept Russian-French dictates, +and would have to leave Austria to its own resources. This would have +meant Germany's retirement from the position of a great power, even if +she had backed down before such a challenge. + + + * * * * * + + + + +III. + +THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE. + + +Only in the light of the developments concerning England's relation to +France, given at the beginning of the war, Grey's policy, swaying +between indecision and precipitate action, becomes apparent. + +In all the explanations which the British Government in the course of +eight years had presented to the British Parliament concerning the +relations to other large powers, the assurance had been repeated that no +binding agreements with the two partners of the Franco-Russian alliance +had been made, above all, that no agreement with France existed. Only in +his speech in the House of Commons on Aug, 3, 1914, which meant the war +with Germany, Grey gave to the representatives of the people news of +certain agreements which made it a duty for Great Britain to work +together with France in any European crisis. + +The fateful document, which in the form of an apparently private letter +to the French Ambassador, dealt with one of the most important compacts +of modern history, was written toward the end of the year 1912, and is +published in the British "White Paper" No. 105, Annex 1: + + London Foreign Office, Nov. 22, 1912. + + My Dear Ambassador: + + From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and + military experts have consulted together. It has always been + understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of + either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to + assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation + between experts is not, and ought not to be, regarded as an + engagement that commits either Government to action in a + contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The + disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets + respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement + to co-operate in war. + + You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave + reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might + become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon + the armed assistance of the other. + + I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an + unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened + the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other + whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression + and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be + prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the + plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into + consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect + should be given to them. + + Yours, &c., + + E. GREY. + +Was Parliament Deceived? + +A few members of the English Parliament who on Aug. 3 dared to gingerly +protest against the war may have had reason to complain about the hiding +of facts from the House of Commons. When such understandings can be made +without any one having an idea of their existence, then--so far as +England is concerned--the supervision of the Government, theoretically +being exercised by a Parliament, becomes a fiction. + +Veiled Defensive Alliance. + +As a matter of fact, Grey does not desire to have accepted as political +obligations the conversations of the French and English Army and Navy +General Staffs concerning the future plans of campaign which took place +from time to time in times of peace. However, the true tendency of this +agreement, for such it is, gives itself away in the promise to +immediately enter with France into a political and military exchange of +opinions in every critical situation; it means in realty nothing less +than a veiled defensive alliance which by clever diplomatic +manipulations can be changed without any difficulty to an offensive one, +for inasmuch as the English Government promises to consult and work +together with France, and consequently also with its ally, Russia, in +every crisis, before a serious investigation of the moments of danger, +it waives all right of taking an independent position. + +How would England ever have been able to enter a war against France +without throwing upon itself the accusation of faithlessness against one +with whose plans for war it had become acquainted through negotiations +lasting through years? + +Here a deviation may be permissible, which leaves for a moment the basis +of documentary proof. + +If one considers how this agreement of such immeasurable +consequences was not only hidden from the British Parliament by the +Cabinet, but how to the very edge of conscious deceit its existence was +denied--in the year 1913 Premier Asquith answered a query of a member of +the House of Commons that there were no unpublished agreements in +existence which in a case of war between European powers would interfere +with or limit free decision on the part of the British Government or +Parliament as to whether or not Britain should take part at a war--then +certain reports making their appearance with great persistency in June, +1914, concerning an Anglo-Russian naval agreement are seen in a +different light. + +Persons who were acquainted with the happenings in diplomacy then stated +that the Russian Ambassador in Paris, M. Iswolski, during the visit +which the King of England and Sir Edward Grey were paying to Paris, had +succeeded in winning the English statesmen for the plan of such an +agreement. A formal alliance, it was said, was not being demanded by +Russia immediately, for good reasons. M. Iswolski was attempting to go +nearer to his goal, carefully, step by step. + +It had been preliminarily agreed that negotiations should be started +between the British Admiralty and the Russian Naval Attaché in London, +Capt. Wolkow. As a matter of fact Wolkow during June went to St. +Petersburg for a few days to, as was assumed, obtain instructions and +then return to London. + +Grey's "Twisty" Answer. + +These happenings aroused so much attention in England that questions +were raised in Parliament concerning them. It was noted how twisty +Grey's answer was. He referred to the answer of the Premier, already +mentioned, stated that the situation is unchanged, and said then that no +negotiations were under way concerning a naval agreement with any +foreign nation. "As far as he was able to judge the matter," no such +negotiations would be entered into later on. + +The big Liberal newspaper, The Manchester Guardian, was not at all +satisfied with this explanation; it assumed that certain conditional +preliminary agreements might not be excluded. + +This Russian plan, which was later worked out in St. Petersburg, went +into oblivion on account of the rapidly following European war. In the +light of the following revelation of Grey's agreement with France, the +news of the naval agreement desired by Iswolski assumed another aspect. + +Let us return to the Anglo-French agreement. The following remarks by +the French Ambassador in London, reported by Grey, prove that, on the +ground of this agreement, France, with very little trouble, would be +able to make out of a diplomatic entanglement a case for Allies' +interest as far as England is concerned. + +A German "Attack." + +He [Cambon] anticipated that the [German] aggression would take the form +of either a demand to cease her preparations or a demand that she should +engage to remain neutral if there was war between Germany and Russia. +Neither of these things would France admit.--(British "White Paper" No. +105.) + +Therefore, even the demand addressed to France not to, jointly with +Russia, attack Germany became a German "attack," which obliged England +to come to the aid! + +In spite of this, even on July 27 in a conversation with Cambon, Grey +gave himself the appearance as if his hands were free. He told the +Frenchman: + + If Germany became involved and France became involved we had not + made up our minds what we should do; it was a case that we should + have to consider.... We were free from engagements and we should + have to decide what British interests required us to do.--(British + "White Paper" No. 87.) + +M. Cambon remarked in reply that the Secretary of State had clearly +pictured the situation, but on the very following day the French +Ambassador took the liberty to remind Grey of the letter written in +1912. (British "White Paper" No. 105.) + +Grey did not deny the claim implied in this reminder, but even as late +as July 31 he reports as follows concerning the conversation with +Cambon: + + Up to the present moment we did not feel and public opinion + did not feel that any treaties or obligations of this country were + involved.... M. Cambon repeated his question whether we would help + France if Germany made an attack on her. I said I could only adhere + to the answer that, as far as things had gone at present, we could + not take any engagement.... I said that the Cabinet would certainly + be summoned as soon as there was some new development; that at the + present moment the only answer I could give was that we could not + undertake any definite engagement.--(British "White Paper" No. + 119.) + +Now, if we remember that even on the day before Grey had informed the +German Imperial Chancellor that it would be a shame for England to +remain neutral and allow France to be crushed, we here find a new proof +of the unreliability of his conduct. If he has been gullible, the +declaration of 1912, the dangerous character of which is increased by +its apparently undefined tenor, has enmeshed him more and more. Also the +military and naval circles, whose consultations with the representatives +of the French Army and Navy certainly have been continued diligently +since the beginning of the Servian crisis, were forcing toward a +decision. + +At all events, it became more impossible with every hour for Germany to +keep England out of the way by any offers whatsoever. This is proved by +Grey's conversation of Aug. 1 with the German Ambassador: + + He asked me whether if Germany gave a promise not to violate + Belgian neutrality we would engage to remain neutral. I replied + that I could not say that; our hands were still free, and we were + considering what our attitude should be.... The Ambassador pressed + me as to whether I could not formulate conditions on which we would + remain neutral. I said that I felt obliged to refuse definitely any + promise.... (British "White Paper" No. 123.) + +Belgium Not the Cause. + +Hence, only if Germany would permit herself to be humiliated war with +England could be avoided. The violation of Belgium's neutrality was in +no way the cause of England joining Germany's enemies, for while German +troops did not enter Belgium until the night from Aug. 3 to 4, Grey gave +on Aug. 2 the following memorandum to the French Ambassador after a +session of the Cabinet in London: + + I am authorized to give an assurance that if the German fleet comes + into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile + operations against French coasts or shipping, the British fleet + will give all the protection in its power.--(British "White Paper" + No. 148.) + +As the aim of this decision, of which M. Cambon was informed verbally, +was to give France an assurance that it would be placed in a position +"to settle the disposition of its own Mediterranean fleet," Grey would +not accept the version of Cambon that England would take part in a war +with Germany. This is a case of splitting hairs in order to put the +blame of starting the war on Germany, for while England promised to +protect the French coast and to make it possible for the French fleet to +stay in the Mediterranean, she almost immediately proceeded to a warlike +action against Germany, especially as the English Minister +simultaneously refused to bind himself to maintain even this peculiar +neutrality. + + + * * * * * + + + + +IV. + +BELGIAN NEUTRALITY. + + +The highest representatives of the German Empire with emphatic +seriousness declared that it was with a heavy heart and only following +the law of self-preservation that they decided to violate the neutrality +of the Kingdom of Belgium, guaranteed by the great powers in the +treaties of 1831 and 1839. + +The German Secretary of State on Aug. 4 informed the English Government +through the embassy in London that Germany intended to retain no Belgian +territory, and added: + + Please impress upon Sir E. Grey that German Army could not be + exposed to French attack across Belgium, which was planned, + according to absolutely unimpeachable information. Germany had + consequently to disregard Belgian neutrality, it being with her a + question of life or death to prevent French advance.--(British + "White Paper" No. 157.) + +In answer Grey caused the English Ambassador in Berlin to demand his +passports and to tell the German Government that England would +take all steps for defense of Belgian neutrality. This, therefore, +represents, in the view which very cleverly has been spread broadcast by +British publicity, the real reason for the war. But in spite of the +moral indignation that is apparent against Germany, the consideration +for Belgium, up until very late, does not seem in any way to have been +in the foreground. We find on July 31 Grey stated to Cambon: + + The preservation of the neutrality of Belgium might be, I would not + say a decisive, but an important, factor in determining our + attitude.--(British "White Paper" No. 119.) + +Here, therefore, there was no talk about England grasping the sword on +account of Belgium. Now no one will claim that the assumption that the +German troops could march through Belgium would be new or unheard of. +For years this possibility had been discussed in military +literature.[04] + +This expression on the part of the historical Faculty is very +interesting. It shows that a plan of campaign between the English and +French had long been considered, and that the Belgian entry into the +alliance against Germany was a matter agreed upon. + +A Sudden Decision. + +It must also be assumed that the Belgian Government knew toward the end +of July at the latest that the war between Germany and France was +probable and the march of Germans through Belgium very possible. + +If England had not taken part in the war against Germany, it may be +assumed that it would have given Belgium the advice to permit the +marching through of the German Army, somewhat in the same manner as the +Grand Duchy of Luxemburg did, with a protest. In doing so the Belgian +people would have been spared a great deal of misery and loss of blood. +On Aug. 3 the Belgian Government replied to an offer of military help by +France as follows: + + We are sincerely grateful to the French Government for offering + eventual support. In the actual circumstances, however, we do not + propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers. Belgian + Government will decide later on the action which they may think + necessary to take.--(British "White Paper" No. 151.) + +One day later London decided to make Belgian neutrality the cause of the +war against Germany before the eyes of the world. The Ambassador in +Brussels received the following orders: + + You should inform Belgian Government that if pressure is applied to + them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, his + Majesty's Government expects that they will resist by any means in + their power and that his Majesty's Government will support them in + offering such resistance, and that his Majesty's Government in this + event are prepared to join Russia and France.--(British "White + Paper" No. 155.) + +Not until England thus stirred Belgium up, holding out the deceptive +hope of effective French and English help, did Belgian fanaticism break +loose against Germany. Without the intervention of England in Brussels +the events in Belgium, one may safely assert, would have taken an +entirely different course, which would have been far more favorable to +Belgium. + +But, of course, England had thus found a very useful reason for war +against Germany. Even on the 31st of July Grey had spoken of the +violation of Belgian neutrality as not a decisive factor. On Aug. 1 he +declined to promise Prince Lichnowsky England's neutrality, even if +Germany would not violate Belgium's neutrality. On Aug. 4, however, the +Belgian question was the cause that suddenly drove England to maintain +the moral fabric of the world and to draw the sword. + +This suddenly became the new development, which was still +lacking for Grey in order to justify this war before public opinion in +England. + +Another English Advantage. + +And something else was secured by the drawing of Belgium into the war by +the British Government, which had decided to make war on Germany for +entirely different reasons: the thankful part of the protector of the +weak and the oppressed. + +As an English diplomat, when Russia was mobilizing, openly stated, the +interests of his country in Servia were nil, so for Grey even Belgium, +immediately before the break with Germany, was not decisive. However, +when England had irrevocably decided to enter the war it stepped out +before the limelight of the world as the champion of--the small nations. + + + * * * * * + + + + +[02] Recently a book entitled "Why We Make War," in defense of Great +Britain, appeared at Oxford, as the authors of which "Members of the +Faculty for Modern History in Oxford" are mentioned. This work +undertakes, on the ground of the official publications, to whitewash +Grey's policy, and of course incidentally the Russian policy. All +together this publication, parading in the gown of science, is +contradicted by our own presentation of the facts; it may be mentioned +also that this work contains in part positive untruths. Thus it states +on Page 70 (retranslation): + + No diplomatic pressure whatever was exerted [by Germany] on Vienna, + which, under the protection of Berlin, was permitted to do with + Servia as she liked. + + Grey's own words contradict this assertion. + + +[03] In the aforementioned book of the Oxford historians there is +stated on Page 69 (retranslation): + + This mediation [namely, Grey's mediation proposition] had already + been accepted, by Russia on July 25th. + +We have shown in the foregoing that the Russian Government did in no +manner subscribe to the conference plan in binding terms. As an +additional proof, a part of Buchanan's dispatch of the 25th may be +mentioned: + + He [Sazonof] would like to see the question placed on international + footing.... If Servia should appeal to the powers, Russia would be + quite ready to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of + England, France, Germany, and Italy. It would be possible in his + opinion that Servia might propose to submit the question to + arbitration.--(British "White Paper" No. 17.) + +Hence, not if England, but only if Servia would propose arbitration by +the powers, Mr. Sazonof was willing! The most amusing part of this is +that the Russian Minister himself considers such a proposition on the +part of Servia merely as "possible"; evidently it would have appeared as +a great condescension on the part of the Government at Belgrade if it, +standing on the same basis as Austria-Hungary, would appear before a +European tribunal! For us there is no additional proof necessary that a +mediation conference, which for Austria was not acceptable even when +proposed by England, would be unthinkable if the move for such came from +Servia. In expressing such an idea. Mr. Sazonof proved that it was his +intention to bring war about. + + +[04] The book, which appeared at Oxford, "Why We Are at War," mentioned +previously states on Page 27 (retranslation): + + That such a plan [the marching through Luxemburg and Belgium] had + been taken into consideration by the Germans has been known in + England generally for several years; and it has also been generally + accepted that the attempt to carry out this plan would bring about + the active resistance of the British armed forces: one assumed that + these would be given the task of assisting the left wing of the + French, which would have to resist German advance from Belgian + territory. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +"Truth About Germany" + + + + + * * * * * + + +Attested by Thirty-four German Dignitaries.[05] + + +Board of Editors. + + + Paul Dehn, Schriftsteller, Berlin. + + Dr. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin. + + Matthias Erzberger, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. Francke, Berlin. + + B. Huldermann, Direktor der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Hamburg. + + Dr. Ernst Jaeckh, Berlin. + + D. Naumann, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des preussischen Herrenhauses, + Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Graf zu Reventlow, Schriftsteller, Charlottenburg. + + Dr. Paul Rohrbach, Dozent an der Handelshochschule, Berlin. + + Dr. Schacht, Direktor der Dresdner Bank, Berlin. + + + + +Honorary Committee. + + + Ballin, Vorsitzender des Direktoriums der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, + Hamburg. + + Fürst von Bülow, Hamburg. + + Dr. R.W. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin. + + D. Dryander, Ober-Hof-und Domprediger, Berlin. + + Dr. Freiherr von der Goltz, Generalfeldmarschall, Berlin. + + Von Gwinner, Direktor der Deutschen Bank, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. von Harnack, Berlin. + + Fürst von Hatzfeldt, Herzog zu Trachenberg. + + Dr. Heineken, Direktor des Norddeutschen Lloyds, Bremen. + + Fürst Henckel von Donnersmarck. + + Dr. Kaempf, Praesident des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. Eugen Kühnemann, Breslau. + + Prof. Dr. Lamprecht, Leipsic. + + Dr. Theodor Lewald, Direktor im Reichsamt des Innern, Berlin. + + Franz von Mendelssohn, Praesident der Handelskammer, Berlin. + + Fürst Münster-Derneburg, Mitglied des Herrenhauses. + + Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des Herrenhauses und des Reichstags, + Berlin. + + Graf von Posadowsky-Wehner. + + Dr. Walther Rathenau, Berlin. + + Viktor Herzog von Ratibor. + + Dr. Schmidt, Ministerialdirektor, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. von Schmoller, Berlin. + + Graf von Schwerin-Löwitz, Praesident des Hauses der Abgeordneten. + + Wilhelm von Siemens, Berlin. + + Friedrich Fürst zu Solms-Baruth. + + Max Warburg, Hamburg. + + Siegfried Wagner, Baireuth. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Try to realize, every one of you, what we are going through! Only a few +weeks ago all of us were peacefully following our several vocations. The +peasant was gathering in this Summer's plentiful crop, the factory hand +was working with accustomed vigor. Not one human being among us dreamed +of war. We are a nation that wishes to lead a quiet and industrious +life. This need hardly be stated to you Americans. You, of all others, +know the temper of the German who lives within your gates. Our love of +peace is so strong that it is not regarded by us in the light of a +virtue, we simply know it to be an inborn and integral portion of +ourselves. Since the foundation of the German Empire in the year 1871, +we, living in the centre of Europe, have given an example of +tranquillity and peace, never once seeking to profit by any momentary +difficulties of our neighbors. Our commercial extension, our financial +rise in the world, is far removed from any love of adventure, it is the +fruit of painstaking and plodding labor. + +We are not credited with this temper, because we are insufficiently +known. Our situation and our way of thinking are not easily grasped. + +Every one is aware that we have produced great philosophers and poets, +we have preached the gospel of humanity with impassioned zeal. America +fully appreciates Goethe and Kant, looks upon them as cornerstones of +elevated culture. Do you really believe that we have changed our +natures, that our souls can be satisfied with military drill and servile +obedience? We are soldiers because we have to be soldiers, because +otherwise Germany and German civilization would be swept away from the +face of the earth. It has cost us long and weary struggles to attain our +independence, and we know full well that, in order to preserve it, we +must not content ourselves with building schools and factories, we must +look to our garrisons and forts. We and all our soldiers have remained, +however, the same lovers of music and lovers of exalted thought. We have +retained our old devotion to all peaceable sciences and arts; as all the +world knows, we work in the foremost rank of all those who strive to +advance the exchange of commodities, who further useful technical +knowledge. But we have been forced to become a nation of soldiers in +order to be free. And we are bound to follow our Kaiser, because he +symbolizes and represents the unity of our nation. Today, knowing no +distinction of party, no difference of opinion, we rally around him, +willing to shed the last drop of our blood. For though it takes a great +deal to rouse us Germans, when once aroused our feelings run deep and +strong. Every one is filled with this passion, with the soldier's ardor. +But when the waters of the deluge shall have subsided, gladly will we +return to the plow and to the anvil. + +It deeply distresses us to see two highly civilized nations, England and +France, joining the onslaught of autocratic Russia. That this could +happen will remain one of the anomalies of history. It is not our fault; +we firmly believed in the desirability of the great nations working +together, we peaceably came to terms with France and England in sundry +difficult African questions. There was no cause for war between Western +Europe and us, no reason why Western Europe should feel itself +constrained to further the power of the Czar. + +The Czar, as an individual, is most certainly not the instigator of the +unspeakable horrors that are now inundating Europe. But he bears before +God and posterity the responsibility of having allowed himself to be +terrorized by an unscrupulous military clique. + +Ever since the weight of the crown has pressed upon him, he has been the +tool of others. He did not desire the brutalities in Finland, he did not +approve of the iniquities of the Jewish pogroms, but his hand was too +weak to stop the fury of the reactionary party. Why would he not permit +Austria to pacify her southern frontier? It was inconceivable that +Austria should calmly see her heir apparent murdered. How could she? All +the nationalities under her rule realized the impossibility of tamely +allowing Servia's only too evident and successful intrigues to be +carried on under her very eyes. The Austrians could not allow their +venerable and sorely stricken monarch to be wounded and insulted any +longer. This reasonable and honorable sentiment on the part of Austria +has caused Russia to put itself forward as the patron of Servia, as the +enemy of European thought and civilization. + +Russia has an important mission to fulfill in its own country and in +Asia. It would do better in its own interest to leave the rest of the +world in peace. But the die is cast, and all nations must decide whether +they wish to further us by sentiments and by deeds, or the government of +the Czar. This is the real significance of this appalling struggle, all +the rest is immaterial. Russia's attitude alone has forced us to go to +war with France and with their great ally. + +The German Nation is serious and conscientious. Never would a German +Government dare to contemplate a war for the sake of dynastic interest, +or for the sake of glory. This would be against the entire bent of our +character. Firmly believing in the justice of our cause, all parties, +the Conservatives and the Clericals, the Liberals and the Socialists, +have joined hands. All disputes are forgotten, one duty exists for all, +the duty of defending our country and vanquishing the enemy. + +Will not this calm, self-reliant and unanimous readiness to sacrifice +all, to die or to win, appeal to other nations and force them to +understand our real character and the situation in which we are placed? + +The war has severed us from the rest of the world, all our cable +communications are destroyed. But the winds will carry the mighty voice +of justice even across the ocean. We trust in God, we have confidence in +the judgment of right-minded men. And through the roar of battle, we +call to you all. Do not believe the mischievous lies that our enemies +are spreading about! We do not know if victory will be ours, the Lord +alone knows. We have not chosen our path, we must continue doing our +duty, even to the very end. We bear the misery of war, the death of our +sons, believing in Germany, believing in duty. + +And we know that Germany cannot be wiped from the face of the earth. + + + * * * * * + + + + +[05] + + "Athenwood," Newport, R.I., + + Sept. 17, 1914. + + Today I have received from Germany a pamphlet entitled "Truth About + Germany, Facts About the War." The correctness and completeness of + its statements are vouched for by thirty-four persons, whose names + are recorded therein as members of an Honorary Committee. I know + personally seventeen of these thirty-four persons, and have known + them for years, some of them intimately. With six of them I have + labored as a colleague in university work. I have been introduced + into their homes, have broken bread at their tables and have + conversed with them long and often upon the problems of life and + culture. They are among the greatest thinkers, moralists and + philanthropists of the age. They are the salt of the earth! The + great theologian Harnack, the sound and accomplished political + scientist and economist von Schmoller, the distinguished + philologian von Wilamowitz, the well-known historian Lamprecht, the + profound statesman von Posadowsky, the brilliant diplomatist von + Bülow, the great financier von Gwinner, the great promoter of trade + and commerce Ballin, the great inventor Siemens, the brilliant + preacher of the Gospel Dryander, the indispensable Director in the + Ministry of Education Schmidt. Two of them are, in a sense, our own + countrywomen, the Baroness Speck von Sternburg and Frau + Staats-minister von Trott zu Solz. The latter is the granddaughter + of our own John Jay. I have known her, her mother and her + grandfather. No statement was ever issued which was vouched for by + more solid, intelligent, and conscientious people. Its correctness, + completeness and veracity cannot be doubted. As I read it the + emotions which it arouses make both speech and sight difficult. I + wish it might come into the hands of every man, woman, and child in + the United States. + + (Signed) JOHN W. BURGESS, + + Ex-Dean Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, Pure Science + and Fine Arts, Columbia University; Roosevelt Professor of American + History and Institutions at Friedrich Wilhelms University, Berlin, + 1906; Visiting American Professor at Austrian Universities, + 1914-15. + + +Under the head of "An Anti-British Pamphlet," The London Times of Aug. +23, 1914, noted as follows: + + The Vossischezeitung gives extracts from a brochure issued under + the auspices of a committee of such prominent Germans as Prince + Bülow, Herr Ballin, Dr. von Gwinner, and Field Marshal von der + Goltz, for the purpose of "opening the eyes" of the United States + regarding the causes of the present war. Copies of this pamphlet + are being given to all Americans returning home from Germany. One + chapter, headed "Neutrality by Grace of England," scoffs at the + idea of England today being the defender of neutral States and + declares that it was England who in 1911 was ready to land 160,000 + men at Antwerp to help the French against the Germans. + + As to who will ultimately win in the war, the pamphlet asks whether + it will be the striving nation, the young strength, or the old + peoples, France and England, with their flagging civilization in + alliance with Muscovite retrogression. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT. + + +Who is responsible for the war?--Not Germany! England's policy! Her +shifting of responsibility and promoting the struggle while alone +possessing power to avert it. + + +It is an old and common experience that after the outbreak of a war the +very parties and persons that wanted the war, either at once or later, +assert that the enemy wanted and began it. The German Empire especially +always had to suffer from such untruthful assertions, and the very first +days of the present terrible European war confirm again this old +experience. Again Russian, French, and British accounts represent the +German Empire as having wanted the war. + +Only a few months ago influential men and newspapers of Great Britain as +well as of Paris could be heard to express the opinion that nobody in +Europe wanted war and that especially the German Emperor and his +Government had sincerely and effectively been working for peace. +Especially the English Government, in the course of the last two years, +asserted frequently and publicly, and was supported by The Westminster +Gazette and a number of influential English newspapers in the assertion, +that Great Britain and the German Empire during the Balkan crisis of the +last few years had always met on the same platform for the preservation +of peace. The late Secretary of State, von Kiderlen-Waechter, his +successor, Mr. von Jagow, and the Imperial Chancellor, von +Bethmann-Hollweg, likewise declared repeatedly in the Reichstag, how +great their satisfaction was that a close and confidential diplomatic +co-operation with Great Britain, especially in questions concerning the +Near East, had become a fact. And it has to be acknowledged today that +at that time the German and British interests in the Near East were +identical or at any rate ran in parallel lines. + +The collapse of European Turkey in the war against the Balkan Alliance +created an entirely new situation. At first Bulgaria was victorious and +great, then it was beaten and humiliated by the others with the +intellectual help of Russia. There could be no doubt about Russia's +intentions: she was preparing for the total subjection of weakened +Turkey and for taking possession of the Dardanelles and Constantinople +in order to rule from this powerful position Turkey and the other Balkan +States. Great Britain and the German Empire, which only had economic +interests in Turkey, were bound to wish to strengthen Turkey besides +trying to prevent the Muscovite rule on the whole Balkan peninsula. + +Servia had come out of the second Balkan war greatly strengthened and +with her territory very much increased. Russia had done everything to +strengthen this bitter enemy of our ally, Austria-Hungary. For a great +number of years Servian politicians and conspirators had planned to +undermine the southeastern provinces of Austria-Hungary and to separate +them from the Dual Monarchy. In Servia as well as in Russia prevailed +the opinion that, at the first attack, Austria-Hungary would fall to +pieces. In this case Servia was to receive South Austria and Russia was +to dictate the peace in Vienna. The Balkan war had ruined Turkey almost +entirely, had paralyzed Bulgaria, that was friendly, and had +strengthened the Balkan States that were hostile to Austria. At the same +time there began in Rumania a Russian and French propaganda, that +promised this country, if it should join the dual alliance, the +Hungarian Province of Siebenbuergen. + +Thus it became evident in Germany and in Austria that at St. Petersburg, +first by diplomatic and political, then also by military, action a +comprehensive attack of Slavism under Russian guidance was being +prepared. The party of the Grand Dukes in St. Petersburg, the party of +the Russian officers, always ready for war, and the Pan-Slavists, the +brutal and unscrupulous representatives of the idea that the Russian +Czarism was destined to rule Europe--all these declared openly that +their aim was the destruction of Austria-Hungary. In Russia the army, +already of an immense size, was increased secretly but comprehensively +and as quick as possible; in Servia the same was done, and the Russian +Ambassador in Belgrade, Mr. von Hartwig, was, after the second Balkan +war, the principal promoter of the plan to form against Austria a new +Balkan alliance. In Bosnia, during all this time, the Servian propaganda +was at work with high treason, and in the end with revolver and the +bomb. + +In Vienna and in Berlin the greatness and the purpose of the new danger +could not remain doubtful, especially as it was openly said in St. +Petersburg, in Belgrade, and elsewhere that the destruction of +Austria-Hungary was imminent. As soon as the Balkan troubles began +Austria-Hungary had been obliged to put a large part of her army in +readiness for war, because the Russians and Servians had mobilized on +their frontiers. The Germans felt that what was a danger for their ally +was also a danger for them and that they must do all in the power to +maintain Austria-Hungary in the position of a great power. They felt +that this could only be done by keeping perfect faith with their ally +and by great military strength, so that Russia might possibly be +deterred from war and peace be preserved, or else that, in case war was +forced upon them, they could wage it with honor and success. Now it was +clear in Berlin that in view of the Russian and Servian preparations, +Austria-Hungary, in case of a war, would be obliged to use a great part +of her forces against Servia and therefore would have to send against +Russia fewer troops than would have been possible under the conditions +formerly prevailing in Europe. Formerly even European Turkey could have +been counted upon for assistance, that after her recent defeat seemed +very doubtful. These reasons and considerations, which were solely of a +defensive nature, led to the great German military bills of the last two +years. Also Austria-Hungary was obliged to increase its defensive +strength. + +Whoever considers carefully the course of events that has been briefly +sketched here will pronounce the assertion of our enemies, that Germany +wanted the war, ridiculous and absurd. On the contrary, it can be said +that Germany never before endeavored more eagerly to preserve peace than +during the last few years. Germany had plenty of opportunities to attack +and good opportunities to boot, for we knew for years that the army of +France was no more ready than that of Russia. But the Germans are not a +warlike nation and the German Emperor, with his Government, has always +shown how earnestly he meant his reiterated assertions that the +preservation of peace was his principal aim. He was actuated in this by +general considerations of humanity, justice, and culture, as well as by +the consideration of the German trade and commerce. This, especially the +transoceanic commerce of Germany, has increased from year to year. War, +however, means the ruin of commerce. Why expose Germany needlessly to +this terrible risk, especially as everything in Germany prospered and +her wealth increased? No, the German Army bills were merely meant to +protect us against, and prepare us for, the attacks of Muscovite +barbarism. But nobody in Germany has ever doubted for a moment that +France would attack us at the first Russian signal. Since the first days +of the Franco-Russian alliance things have become entirely reversed. +Then France wanted to win Russia for a war of revenge against Germany; +now, on the contrary, France thought herself obliged to place her power +and her existence at the disposal of the Russian lust of conquest. + +In the Spring of 1914 the German press reported from St. Petersburg +detailed accounts of Russia's comprehensive preparations for war. They +were not denied in Russia, and Paris declared that Russia would be ready +in two or three years and then pursue a policy corresponding to her +power; France, too, would then be at the height of her power. If the +German Government had desired war, on the strength of these accounts, +which were true, it could have waged a preventive war at once and +easily. It did not do so, considering that a war is just only when it is +forced upon one by the enemy. Thus Spring went by with the atmosphere +at high tension. From St. Petersburg and Paris overbearing threats came +in increasing numbers to the effect that the power of the Dual Alliance +was now gigantic and that Germany and Austria soon would begin to feel +it. We remained quiet and watchful, endeavoring with perseverance and +with all our might to win over Great Britain to the policy of preserving +peace. Colonial and economic questions were being discussed by the +German and English Governments, and the cordiality between the two great +powers seemed only to be equaled by their mutual confidence. + +Then on the 28th of June occurred that frightful assassination by +Servians of the successor to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke +Francis Ferdinand. The Greater Servia propaganda of action had put aside +the man who was especially hated in Servia as the powerful exponent of +Austro-Hungarian unity and strength. This murder is the real cause of +the present European war. Austria-Hungary was able to prove to a +shuddering world, a few days after the murder, that it had been prepared +and planned systematically, yea, that the Servian Government had been +cognizant of the plan. The immense extent of the Servian revolutionary +organization in the provinces of Southern Austria, the warlike spirit of +the Servians and its instigation by Russia and France, imposed upon the +Vienna Government the duty to insist upon quiet and peace within and +without its borders. It addressed to the Servian Government a number of +demands which aimed at nothing but the suppression of the anti-Austrian +propaganda. Servia was on the point of accepting the demand, when there +arrived a dispatch from St. Petersburg, and Servia mobilized. Then +Austria, too, had to act. Thus arose the Austro-Servian war. But a few +days later the Russian Army was being mobilized, and the mobilization +was begun also in France. At the same time, as the German "White Book" +clearly proves, the diplomacy of Russia and France asserted its great +love of peace and tried to prolong the negotiations in order to gain +time, for, as is well known, the Russian mobilization proceeds slowly. +Germany was waiting, and again and again the German Emperor tried to win +the Czar over to the preservation of peace, for he considered him +sincere and thought him his personal friend. Emperor William was to be +cruelly disappointed. He finally saw himself obliged to proclaim a state +of war for Germany. But at that time the Russian and French armies were +already in a state of complete mobilization. At that time The London +Daily Graphic wrote the following article, which shows how an English +paper that was only slightly friendly to Germany judged of the situation +at that time: + + The Mobilization Mystery. + + + A general mobilization has been ordered in Russia, and Germany has + responded by proclaiming martial law throughout the empire. We are + now enabled to measure exactly the narrow and slippery ledge which + still stands between Europe and the abyss of Armageddon. Will the + Russian order be acted upon in the provinces adjoining the German + frontier? If it is, then the work of the peacemakers is at an end, + for Germany is bound to reply with a mobilization of her own armed + forces, and a rush to the frontiers on all sides must ensue. We + confess that we are unable to understand the action of Russia in + view of the resumption of the negotiations with Austria. It is not + likely that these negotiations have been resumed unless both sides + think that there is yet a chance of agreement, but if this is the + case, why the mobilization which goes far beyond the limits of + necessary precaution, and is, indeed, calculated to defeat the + efforts of the diplomatists, however promising they may be? There + may, of course, be a satisfactory explanation, but as the matter + stands it is inexplicable, and is all the more regrettable because + it is calculated--we feel sure unjustly--to cast doubts on the + loyalty and straightforwardness of the Russian Government. + +When Russia had let pass the time limit set by Germany, when France had +answered that she would act according to her own interests, then the +German Empire had to mobilize its army and go ahead. Before one German +soldier had crossed the German frontier a large number of French +aeroplanes came flying into our country across the neutral territory of +Belgium and Luxemburg without a word of warning on the part of the +Belgian Government. At the same time the German Government learned that +the French were about to enter Belgium. Then our Government, with great +reluctance, had to decide upon requesting the Belgian Government to +allow our troops to march through its territory. Belgium was to be +indemnified after the war, was to retain its sovereignty and integrity. +Belgium protested, at the same time allowing, by an agreement with +France, that the French troops might enter Belgium. After all this, and +not till France and Belgium itself had broken the neutrality, our troops +entered the neutral territory. Germany wanted nothing from Belgium, but +had to prevent that Belgian soil be used as a gate of entrance into +German territory. + +Little has as yet been said of Great Britain. It was Germany's +conviction that the sincerity of Britain's love for peace could be +trusted. At any rate, Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith asserted again and +again in the course of the last few years that England wished friendly +relations with Germany and never would lend its support to a +Franco-Russian attack on Germany. Now this attack had been made; Germany +was on the defensive against two powerful enemies. What would Great +Britain do about it? That was the question. Great Britain asked in +return for its neutrality that the German forces should not enter +Belgium. In other words, it asked that Germany should allow the French +and Belgian troops to form on Belgian territory for a march against our +frontier! This we could not allow. It would have been suicidal. The +German Government made Great Britain, in return for its neutrality, the +following offers: we would not attack the northern coast of France, we +would leave unmolested the maritime commerce of France and would +indemnify Belgium after the war and safeguard its sovereignty and +integrity. In spite of this Great Britain declared war on Germany and +sides today with those Continental powers that have united for our +destruction, in order that Muscovite barbarism may rule Europe. We know +that Germany did not deserve such treatment on the part of Great +Britain, and do not believe that Great Britain by this action did a +service to humanity and civilization. + +Today we are facing hard facts. Germany has to fight for her existence. +She will fight knowing that the great powers beyond the ocean will do +her justice as soon as they know the truth. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR. + + +England, France, and Russia, unthreatened by Germany, go to war for +political reasons--Germany defends her independence and fights for her +very existence, for her future as a great power--How a peaceful people +were imbued with the spirit of war. + + +The last days of the month of July were days of anxiety and distress for +the German people. They hoped that they would be permitted to preserve +an honorable peace. A few months earlier, in 1913, when the centennial +of the war for independence from French oppression and the twenty-fifth +anniversary of Emperor William's ascent of the throne had been +celebrated, they had willingly taken upon their shoulders the great +sacrifice of the so-called "Wehrvorlage," which increased the peace +strength of the standing army enormously and cost 1,000,000,000 marks. +They considered it simply as an increase of their peace insurance +premium. Our diplomats worked hard for the maintenance of peace, for the +localization of the Austro-Servian war. So sure were the leading men of +the empire of the preservation of general peace that at the beginning of +the week which was to bring general mobilization they said to each other +joyfully: Next week our vacation time begins. But they were fearfully +disappointed. Russia's unexpected, treacherous mobilization compelled +Germany to draw the sword also. On the evening of the first day of +August the one word, Mobilization! was flashed by the electric spark all +over the country. There was no more anxiety and uncertainty. Cool, firm +resolution at once permeated the entire German folk. The Reichstag was +called together for an extra session. + +Three days later, on the anniversary of the battles of Weissenburg and +Spichern, the representatives of the German people met. This session, +which lasted only a few hours, proved worthy of the great historical +moment marking the beginning of such a conflagration as the world had +never seen before. The railroad lines were under military control and +used almost exclusively for purposes of mobilization. In spite of all +such difficulties, more than 300 of the 397 Deputies managed to get to +Berlin in time. The rest sent word that they were unable to come. On the +evening of Aug. 3 the Imperial Chancellor called the leaders of all +parties, including the Socialists, to his house and explained to them in +a concise and impressive statement how frivolously Germany had been +driven to war. At the time of this meeting the unanimous acceptance of +all war measures by the Reichstag was already assured. In numerous +conferences the heads of the several departments explained the content +and meaning of the bills to be submitted to the Reichstag. The +participants of the conferences showed already what spirit would +characterize the next day. The session of the Reichstag filled the +entire German nation with pride and enthusiasm; the Reichstag maintained +the dignity of the German Empire and the German people. + +In greater numbers than ever before the Deputies, high officers of the +army and navy and the Civil Government assembled on Aug. 4, first in +houses of worship to pray to God, and then in the Royal Castle of +Berlin. The military character of the ceremony at the opening of the +session showed under what auspices this memorable act took place. The +Kaiser entered the hall in the simple gray field uniform, without the +usual pomp, unaccompanied by chamberlains and court officials and pages +in glittering court dresses. Only State Ministers, Generals, and +Admirals followed him to the throne, from where he read his speech, +after covering his head with his helmet. His voice betrayed the strain +under which he was laboring. Repeatedly he was interrupted by +enthusiastic applause, and when he closed, a rousing cheer thundered +through the famous White Hall, something that had never before occurred +there since the erection of the old castle. Then came a surprise. The +Emperor laid down the manuscript of his speech and continued speaking. +From now on he knew only Germans, he said, no differences of party, +creed, religion or social position, and he requested the party leaders +to give him their hands as a pledge that they all would stand by him "in +Not und Tod"--in death and distress. This scene was entirely impromptu, +and thus so much more impressive and touching. And it was hardly over +when the Reichstag--an unheard of proceeding in such surroundings--began +to sing the German national hymn, "Heil Dir im Siegerkranz." The +magnificent hall, until then only the scene of pompous court +festivities, witnessed an outburst of patriotism such as was never seen +there before. To the accompaniment of loud cheers the Kaiser walked out, +after shaking the hands of the Imperial Chancellor and the Chief of the +General Staff, von Moltke. + +One hour later the Reichstag met in its own house. The Emperor had +begged for quick and thorough work. He was not to be disappointed. +Without any formalities the presiding officers of the last session were +re-elected--in times of peace and party strife this would have been +impossible. This short curtain raiser being over, the first act of the +drama began. Before an overcrowded house the Chancellor described simply +and clearly the efforts of the Government for the preservation of peace. +He stated cold facts, showing unmistakably Russia's double dealing and +justifying Germany's beginning of a war which she did not want. The +Chancellor had begun in a quiet, subdued tone. Then he raised his voice +and when, in words that rang through the hall, he declared that the +entire nation was united, the Deputies and the spectators in the +galleries could sit still no longer. They rose, with them at first some +Socialists, then all of them, carried away by the impulse of the +moment; the members of the Federal Council, of the press, diplomats and +the crowds in the galleries joined them. The whole multitude cheered and +clapped its hands frantically. It reflected truly the spirit of the +whole nation. The Speaker, who under ordinary circumstances would have +suppressed the clapping of hands as unparliamentary and the +demonstrations of the galleries as undignified, let the patriotic +outburst go on to its end. + +After a short intermission the business meeting began. Sixteen war +measures had been introduced, the most important of which was the one +asking for 5,000,000,000 marks to carry on the war. The leader of the +Social Democrats read a statement explaining why his party, despite its +opposition on principle to all army and navy appropriations, would vote +for the proposed bills. Without further debates all the bills were +passed, and shortly after 5 P.M. the Reichstag adjourned. At 7 P.M. the +Emperor received the presiding officers of the Reichstag to thank them +for their prompt and useful work. He signed the bills, which were +immediately published and thus became laws. + +The resolute attitude and quick work of the Reichstag reflected the +unity and resolution of the entire nation. Sixty-seven millions of +Germans feel, think, and act with their elected representatives. No +party, no class, no creed is standing back; all are imbued with one +single thought: United Germany is unconquerable. + +The entire German people are united as never before in their history. +Even 101 years ago, in 1813, the entire population cannot have been so +uniformly seized by the spirit of war as at the outbreak of this +struggle, which is the people's war in the truest sense of the word, and +which was predicted by Bismarck. All reigning Princes are going out to +fight with the army and have appointed their wives as regents. Instances +include the Kaiser's son-in-law, the Duke of Brunswick, who appointed +his consort, the only daughter of the Emperor, as regent. The Princes +call their people to arms, and they themselves all stand ready to +sacrifice all they have. This example from above carries the nation with +them. The Reichstag knew parties and factions no more, and neither does +the nation. The Emperor sounded the word which has become common +property from Königsberg to Constance, from Upper Silesia to the Belgian +frontier: "I know only Germans!" And yet how terribly is our nation +otherwise disrupted by party strife. Ill-advised persons across our +frontiers hoped that creed differences would make for disunion, +Frenchmen and Russians expected to weaken our empire with the aid of +Alsatians and Poles. This hope has been destroyed--we are a united +people, as united as was the Reichstag, the Socialists included. The +latter have for years voted against all army and navy appropriations, +have advocated international peace, and last year voted against the +bills increasing the army strength. In many foreign quarters strong +hopes were nourished that this party would help them. But those men did +not know our German people. Our civilization, our independence as a +nation was threatened, and in that moment party interest or creed +existed no more. The true German heart is beating only for the +Fatherland, east and west, north and south, Protestants, Catholics, and +Jews are "a united people of brethren in the hour of danger." When +Germany was so threatened by Russia, when the German "Peace Emperor" was +shamefully betrayed by the Czar of all the Russians, then there was but +one sacred party in existence: The party of Germans. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION. + + +The clockworks of mobilization; perfect order and quiet +everywhere--General acceptance by all classes and factions of the +necessities of a war not sought by Germany. + + +The German mobilization was the greatest movement of people that the +world has ever seen. Nearly four million men had to be transported from +every part of the empire to her borders. The manner in which the +population is distributed made this task extremely difficult. Berlin, +Rhenish Westphalia, Upper Silesia and Saxony especially had to send +their contingents in every direction, since the eastern provinces are +more thinly settled and had to have a stronger guard for the borders +immediately. The result was a hurrying to and fro of thousands and +hundreds of thousands of soldiers, besides a flood of civilians who had +to reach their homes as soon as possible. Countries where the population +is more regularly distributed have an easier task than Germany, with its +predominating urban population. The difficulties of the gigantic +undertaking were also increased by the necessity for transporting war +materials of every sort. In the west are chiefly industrial +undertakings, in the east mainly agricultural. Horse raising is mostly +confined to the provinces on the North Sea and the Baltic, but chiefly +to East Prussia, and this province, the furthest away from France, had +to send its best horses to the western border, as did also +Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover. Coal for our warships had to go in the +other direction. From the Rhenish mines it went to the North Sea, from +Upper Silesia to the Baltic. Ammunition and heavy projectiles were +transported from the central part of the empire to the borders. And +everywhere these operations had to be carried on with haste. One can +thus say that the German mobilization was the greatest movement of men +and materials that the world has ever seen. + +And how was it carried on? No one could have wondered if there had been +hundreds of unforeseen incidents, if military trains had arrived at +their stations with great delays, if there had resulted in many places a +wild hugger-mugger from the tremendous problems on hand. But there was +not a trace of this. On the Monday evening of the first week of +mobilization a high officer of the General Staff said: "It had to go +well today, but how about tomorrow, the main day?" Tuesday evening saw +no reason for complaint, no delay, no requests for instructions. All had +moved with the regularity of clockwork. Regiments that had been ordered +to mobilize in the forenoon left in the evening for the field, fully +equipped. Not a man was lacking. There were no deserters, no shirkers, +no cowards. Instead, there were volunteers whose numbers far exceeded +the number that could be used. Every German wanted to do his duty. + +The most noteworthy thing was the earnest quietness with which the +gigantic gathering proceeded. Not a city, not a village reported unrest +or even an untoward incident. The separation was hard for many a +soldier. Many a volunteer tore himself away from his dear ones with +bleeding heart, but with face beaming with the light of one who looks +forward to victory. Following the Kaiser's wish, those who remained +behind filled the churches and, kneeling, prayed to God for victory for +the just German cause. The folk-war, brought on by the wantonness of the +opponents, in itself brought peace and order, safety and discipline. +Never, probably, have the police had fewer excesses to deal with than in +the days of the mobilization, although great crowds gathered constantly +in every city. + +The best criterion of the enthusiasm of the people is without doubt the +number of volunteers. More than 1,000,000 of these, a number greater +than that of the standing army, presented themselves within a few days. +They came from all classes. There were sons of the nobility, university +students, farmers, merchants, common laborers. No calling hung back. +Every young man sorrowed when he was rejected. No section of the +Fatherland was unrepresented, not even the Reichsland Alsace-Lorraine, +where, indeed, the number of volunteers was conspicuously great. When +the lists in various cities had to be closed, the young men who had not +been accepted turned away with tears in their eyes, and telegraphed from +regiment to regiment, hoping to find one where there were still +vacancies. Where the sons of the wealthy renounced the pleasures of +youth and the comforts of their homes to accept the hardships of war in +serving the Fatherland, the poor and the poorest appeared in like +degree. In families having four or five sons subject to military duty a +youngest son, not yet liable for service, volunteered. The year 1870, +truly a proud year in our history, saw nothing like this. + +A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still higher was the +appearance of the troops in brand-new uniforms, complete from head to +foot. The first sight of these new uniforms of modest field gray, +faultlessly made, evoked everywhere the question: Where did they come +from? On the first day of mobilization dozens of cloth manufacturers +appeared at the War Ministry with offers of the new material. "We don't +need any," was the astonishing reply. Equal amazement was caused by the +faultless new boots and shoes of the troops, especially in view of the +recent famous "boot speech" of the French Senator Humbert. + +Small arms, cannons, and ammunition are so plentiful that they have +merely to be unpacked. In view of all this, it is no wonder that the +regiments marching in were everywhere greeted with jubilation, and that +those marching out took leave of their garrisons with joyful songs. No +one thinks of death and destruction, every one of victory and a happy +reunion. German discipline, once so slandered, now celebrates its +triumph. + +There was still another matter in which the troops gave their countrymen +cause for rejoicing. Not one drunken man was seen during these earnest +days in the city streets. The General Staff had, moreover, wisely +ordered that during the mobilization, when every one had money in his +pockets, alcoholic drinks were not to be sold at the railroad stations. +Despite this, the soldiers did not lack for refreshments on their +journey. Women and girls offered their services to the Red Cross, and +there was no station where coffee, tea, milk, and substantial food were +not at the disposal of the soldiers. They were not required to suffer +hunger or any other discomfort. The German anti-alcoholists are +rejoicing at this earnest tribute to their principles, which were at +first laughed at and then pitied, but triumphed in the days of the +mobilization. + +The army is increased to many times its ordinary strength by the +mobilization. It draws from everywhere millions of soldiers, workmen, +horses, wagons, and other material. The entire railway service is at its +disposal. The mobilization of the fleet goes on more quietly and less +conspicuously, but not less orderly and smoothly. Indeed, it is, even in +peace times, practically mobilized as to its greatest and strongest +units. For this reason its transports are smaller than those of the +army; they are concentrated in a few harbors, and, therefore, do not +attract so much public attention. The naval transports, working +according to plans in connection with those of the army, have moved +their quotas of men and materials with the most punctual exactitude. The +naval reserve of fully trained officers and men is practically +inexhaustible. The faithful work of our shipbuilding concerns, carried +on uninterruptedly day and night under plans carefully prepared in time +of peace, has wrought for our navy a strong increase in powerful +warships. + +As is known, the German fleet is built on the so-called +"assumption-of-risk" plan. That is, it is intended that it shall be so +strong that even the strongest sea power, in a conflict with the +Germans, risks forfeiting its former rôle as a world factor. This "risk" +idea has been hammered into the heart of every German seaman, and they +are all eager to win for the fleet such glory that it can be favorably +contrasted with the deeds of the old and the new armies. + +Contrary to general expectation, the German fleet has taken the +offensive, and the first loss of the war was on the English side and in +English waters, the English cruiser Amphion running on to German mines +in the mouth of the Thames. In the Baltic and the Mediterranean also +German ships have taken the offensive against the enemies' coast, as is +shown by the bombardment by the Germans of the war harbor of Libau and +of fortified landing places on the Algerian coast. + +Thus the fleet, confiding in the "risk" idea now proved to be true, and +in its earnest and courageous spirit, may look forward with confidence +to coming events. + +But will not civilians have to hunger and thirst in these days? That is +an earnest question. The answer is, No. Even in Berlin, city of +millions, the milk supply did not fail for a day. Infants will not have +to bear the privations of war. All provisions are to be had at +reasonable prices. Empire, municipalities and merchants are working +successfully together to insure that there shall be a sufficient food +supply at not too great a cost. Not only is our great army mobilized, +but the whole folk is mobilized, and the distribution of labor, the food +question and the care of the sick and wounded are all being provided +for. The whole German folk has become a gigantic war camp, all are +mobilized to protect Kaiser, Folk and Fatherland, as the closing report +of the Reichstag put it. And all Germany pays the tribute of a salute to +the chiefs of the army and navy, who work with deeds, not words. + + + * * * * * + + + + +ARMY AND NAVY. + + +The German Army and Navy on the watch--Four million German men in the +field--Thousands of volunteers join the colors to fight for Germany's +existence, among them the flower of her scientific and artistic life. + + +There can be no greater contrast than that between the United States and +Germany in one of the most important questions of existence with which a +State is confronted. In its whole history the United States has never +had a foreign hostile force of invaders upon its territory, foreign +armies have never laid waste its fields. Until late in the last century, +however, Germany was the battlefield for the then most powerful nations +of Europe. The numerous German States and provinces, too, fought among +themselves, often on behalf of foreign powers. The European great powers +of that day were able, unhindered and unpunished, to take for themselves +piece after piece of German territory. In the United States, on the +other hand, it was years before the steadily increasing population +attained to the boundaries set for it by nature. + +Our Bismarck was finally able, in the years from 1864 to 1871, to create +a great empire from the many small German States. As he himself often +remarked, however, this was possible only because his policies and +diplomacy rested upon and were supported by a well trained and powerful +army. How the German Empire came into being at that time is well known. +A war was necessary because of the fact that the then so powerful France +did not desire that North and South Germany should unite. She was not +able to prevent this union, was defeated and had to give back to us two +old German provinces which she had stolen from the Germans. The old +Field Marshal von Moltke said not long after the war of 1870-71 that the +Germans would still have to defend Alsace-Lorraine for fifty years more. +Perhaps he little realized how prophetic his words were, but he and +those who followed him, the German Emperors and the German War +Ministers, prepared themselves for this coming defensive struggle and +unremittingly devoted their attention to the German Army. + +From 1887 on there had been no doubt that in the event of war with +France we should have to reckon also with Russia. This meant that the +army must be strong enough to be equal to the coming fight on two +borders--a tremendous demand upon the resources of a land when one +considers that a peaceful folk, devoted to agriculture, industry, and +trade, must live for decades in the constant expectation of being +obliged, be it tomorrow, be it in ten years, to fight for its life +against its two great military neighbors simultaneously. There are, +moreover, the great money expenditures, and also the burden of universal +military service, which, as is well known, requires every able-bodied +male German to serve a number of years with the colors, and later to +hold himself ready, first as a reservist, then as member of the +Landwehr, and finally as member of the Landsturm, to spring to arms at +the call of his supreme war lord, the German Emperor. A warlike, +militant nation would not long have endured such conditions, but would +have compelled a war and carried it through swiftly. As Bismarck said, +however, the German Army, since it is an army of the folk itself, is not +a weapon for frivolous aggression. Since the German Army, when it is +summoned to war, represents the whole German people, and since the whole +German people is peaceably disposed, it follows that the army can only +be a defensive organization. If war comes, millions of Germans must go +to the front, must leave their parents, their families, their children. +They must. And this "must" means not only the command of their Emperor, +but also the necessity to defend their own land. Did not this necessity +exist, these sons, husbands, and fathers would assuredly not go gladly +to the battlefield, and it is likewise certain that those who stayed at +home would not rejoice so enthusiastically to see them go as we Germans +have seen them rejoicing in these days. Again, then, let us repeat that +the German Army is a weapon which can be and is used only for defense +against foreign aggressions. When these aggressions come, the whole +German folk stands with its army, as it does now. + +The German Army is divided into 25 corps in times of peace. In war times +reservists, members of the Landwehr, and occasionally also of the +Landsturm, are called to the colors. The result is that the German Army +on a war footing is a tremendously powerful organ. + +Our opponents in foreign countries have for years consistently +endeavored to awaken the belief that the German soldier does his +obligatory service very unwillingly, that he does not get enough to eat +and is badly treated. These assertions are false, and anybody who has +seen in these weeks of mobilization how our soldiers, reservists, and +Landwehr men departed for the field or reported at the garrisons, +anybody who has seen their happy, enthusiastic and fresh faces knows +that mishandled men, men who have been drilled as machines, cannot +present such an appearance. + +On the day the German mobilization was ordered we traveled with some +Americans from the western border to Berlin. These Americans said: "We +do not know much about your army, but judging by what we have seen in +these days there prevails in it and all its arrangements such system +that it must win. System must win every time." In this saying there is, +indeed, much of truth--order and system are the basis upon which the +mighty organization of our army is built. + +Now a word concerning the German officer. He, too, has been much +maligned, he is often misunderstood by foreigners, and yet we believe +that the people of the United States in particular must be able to +understand the German officer. One of the greatest sons of free America, +George Washington, gave his countrymen the advice to select only +gentlemen as officers, and it is according to this principle that the +officers of the German Army and Navy are chosen. Their selection is +made, moreover, upon a democratic basis, in that the officers' corps of +the various regiments decide for themselves whether they will or will +not accept as a comrade the person whose name is proposed to them. + +One sees that the German Army is not, as many say, a tremendous machine, +but rather a great, living organism, which draws its strength and +lifeblood from all classes of the whole German folk. The German Army can +develop its entire strength only in a war which the folk approve, that +is, when a defensive war has been forced upon them. That this is true +will have been realized by our friends in the United States before this +comes into their hands. + +The German fleet is in like manner a weapon of defense. It was very +small up to the end of the last century, but has since then been +consistently built up according to the ground principles which Mr. +Roosevelt has so often in his powerful manner laid down for the American +fleet. The question has often been asked, what is there for the German +fleet to defend, since the German coastline is so short? The answer +is that the strength of a fleet must not be made to depend upon the +length of coastlines, but upon how many ships and how much merchandise +go out from and enter the harbors, how great oversea interests there +are, how large the colonies are and how they are situated, and, finally, +how strong the sea powers are with which Germany may have to carry on a +war and how they are situated. To meet all these requirements there is +but one remedy, namely, either that our fleet shall be strong enough to +prevent the strongest sea power from conducting war against us, or that, +if war does come, it shall be able so to battle against the mightiest +opponent that the latter shall be seriously weakened. + +Germany, as especially the Americans know, has become a great merchant +marine nation, whose colonies are flourishing. Furthermore, since the +land's growing population has greatly increased its strength in the +course of the last years, the mistrust and jealousy of Great Britain +have in particular been directed steadily against the development of our +ocean commerce, and later of our navy. To the upbuilding of the German +Navy were ascribed all manner of plans--to attack Great Britain, to make +war on Japan, &c. It was even declared by the English press that Germany +intended to attack the United States as soon as its fleet was strong +enough. Today, when Great Britain has needlessly declared war upon us, +the Americans will perhaps believe that our fleet was never planned or +built for an attack on any one. Germany desired simply to protect its +coasts and its marine interests in the same manner in which it protects +its land boundaries. It is realized in the United States as well as here +that a fleet can be powerful only when it has a sufficient number of +vessels of all classes, and when it is thoroughly and unremittingly +schooled in times of peace. We have tried to attain this ideal in +Germany, and it may be remarked that the training of the personnel +requires greater efforts here, since the principle of universal service +is also applied to the fleet, with a resulting short term of service, +whereas all foreign fleets have a long term of enlistment. + +The nominal strength of the German fleet is regulated by statute, as is +also the term--twenty years--at the expiration of which old vessels must +automatically be replaced by new ones. This fleet strength is set at +forty-one line-of-battle ships, twenty armored cruisers and forty small +cruisers, besides 144 torpedo boats and seventy-two submarine vessels. +These figures, however, have not been reached. To offset this fact, +however, almost the whole German fleet has been kept together in home +waters. Great Britain's fleet is much stronger than ours, but despite +this the German fleet faces its great opponent with coolness and +assurance and with that courage and readiness to undertake great deeds +that mark those who know that their land has been unjustifiably +attacked. It is utterly incorrect to say, as has been said, that the +German naval officers are filled with hatred for other navies, +especially for the British. On the contrary, the relations between +German and English officers and men have always been good, almost as +good as those of the Germans with the American officers. It is not +personal hatred that inspires our officers and men with the lust for +battle, but their indignation over the unprovoked attack and the +realization that, if every one will do his best for the Fatherland in +this great hour, it will not be in vain even against the greatest naval +power. We, too, are confident of this, for strenuous and faithful effort +always has its reward, and this is especially true of our fleet +organization. The United States realizes this as well as we, for it, +too, has built up a strong and admirably trained fleet by prodigious +labor. As is the case with the German fleet, the American Navy also is +not built for aggression, but for defense. + +Neutrality by the Grace of England. + +Janus, a mighty god of the ancient Romans, was represented as having two +faces. He could smile and frown simultaneously. + +This god Janus is the personification of neutrality according to English +ideas. Neutrality smiles when violated by England and frowns when +violated by other powers. + +The United States got a taste of England's neutrality when, a century +ago, the English impressed thousands of American sailors, taking them +from American ships on the high seas, when they searched neutral ships +and confiscated the enemy's property on board of them, until Congress in +Washington voted for the declaration of war against England. + +In the great civil war, 1861 to 1864, England had counted on the victory +of the Southern States; she recognized them as belligerents and supplied +them with warships. This was not considered by England a breach of +neutrality until the Minister of the United States declared, on Sept. 5, +1863, that unless England desisted war would result. England yielded. + +But, according to the old German proverb, "A cat cannot resist catching +mice," she secretly permitted the fitting out of privateers (the +Alabama) for the Southern States and was finally forced to pay an +indemnity of $15,000,000. England gained, however, more than she lost by +this interpretation of neutrality, for by the aid of her privateers +American maritime trade passed into English hands and was lost to the +Americans. + +May God's vengeance fall on Germany! She has violated Belgium's +neutrality! the English piously ejaculate. They call themselves God's +chosen people, the instrument of Providence for the benefit of the whole +universe. They look down upon all other peoples with open or silent +contempt, and claim for themselves various prerogatives, in particular +the supremacy of the sea, even in American waters, from Jamaica to +Halifax. + +England's policy has always been to take all, to give back nothing, to +constantly demand more, to begrudge others everything. Only where the +New World is concerned has England, conscious of her own weakness, +become less grasping, since Benjamin Franklin "wrested the sceptre from +the tyrants," since the small colonies that fought so valiantly for +their liberty rose to form the greatest dominion of the white race. + +In the Summer of 1911, during the Franco-German Morocco dispute, the +English were determined to assist their old enemies, the French, against +Germany, and stationed 160,000 troops along their coast ready for +embarkation. For the French coast? No, indeed! For transportation to +Antwerp, where the English were to unite with the French Army and +combine in the destruction of the German forces. But things did not +reach that stage. England was not ready. England and France were +resolved not to respect the neutrality of Belgium--the same England that +solemnly assures the world that she has never at any time or place +committed a breach of neutrality. England has observed neutrality only +when compatible with her own interests, which has not often been the +case. Her whole dissimulating policy is much more questionable than our +one breach of neutrality, committed in self-defense and accompanied by +the most solemn promises of indemnity and restitution. + +England and France did not give up their plan of attacking Germany +through Belgium, and by this means won the approval of the Muscovites. +Three against one! It would have been a crime against the German people +if the German General Staff had not anticipated this intention. The +inalienable right of self-defense gives the individual, whose very +existence is at stake, the moral liberty to resort to weapons which +would be forbidden except in times of peril. As Belgium would, +nevertheless, not acquiesce in a friendly neutrality which would permit +the unobstructed passage of German troops through small portions of her +territory, although her integrity was guaranteed, the German General +Staff was obliged to force this passage in order to avoid the necessity +of meeting the enemy on the most unfavorable ground. + +The Germans have not forgotten the tone in which the French and Belgian +press reported the frequent excursions of French Staff officers and +Generals for the purpose of making an exhaustive study of the territory +through which the armies are now moving, and who were received with open +arms in Belgium and treated like brothers. Belgium has become the vassal +of France. + +In our place the Government of the United States would not have acted +differently. "Inter arma silent leges"--in the midst of arms the laws +are silent. Besides, England had interfered beforehand in Germany's plan +of campaign by declaring that she would not tolerate an attack upon the +northern coast of France. + +The German troops, with their iron discipline, will respect the personal +liberty and property of the individual in Belgium, just as they did in +France in 1870. + +The Belgians would have been wise if they had permitted the passage of +the German troops. They would have preserved their integrity, and, +besides that, would have fared well from the business point of view, for +the army would have proved a good customer and paid cash. + +Germany has always been a good and just neighbor, to Belgium as well as +to the other small powers such as Holland, Denmark and Switzerland, +which England in her place would have swallowed up one and all long ago. + +The development of industry on the lower Rhine has added to the +prosperity of Belgium and has made Antwerp one of the first ports on the +Continent, as well as one of the most important centres of exchange for +German-American trade. + +Without Germany Belgium could never have acquired the Congo. + +When England meditated taking possession of the Congo, claiming that +great rivers are nothing but arms of the sea and consequently belong to +the supreme maritime power, King Leopold turned to Germany for +protection and received it from Bismarck, who called the Congo +Conference of 1884-5 and obtained the recognition by the powers of the +independence of the Congo State. + +The struggle of the German States in Europe has some points in common +with the struggle of the Independent States of North America (from 1778 +to 1783), for it is directed chiefly against England's scheming +guardianship, and her practice of weakening the Continental powers by +sowing or fostering dissension among them. + +While continually protesting her love of peace, England has carried on +no fewer than forty wars during the latter half of the nineteenth +century, including the great Boer war. She has long imperiled, and in +the end has succeeded in disturbing, the peace of Europe by her +invidious policy of isolating Germany. Germany, on the other hand, has +proved herself since 1871 to be the strongest and most reliable security +for the peace of Europe. + +The policy of sowing dissension, practiced by England more industriously +than ever in recent years, cannot possibly meet with the approval of the +peace-loving citizens of the United States, and should be condemned on +merely humanitarian as well as commercial grounds. + +England aims at being mistress of the Old World in order to occupy +either an equal, or a menacing, position toward the New World, as +circumstances may dictate. For this purpose she has encouraged this war. +The German Federated States of Europe are defending themselves with +might and main, and are counting in this struggle for existence on the +good-will of the United States of America, for whose citizens they +cherish the friendliest feelings, as they have proved at all times. All +Americans who have visited Germany will surely bear witness to that +effect. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES. + +Germany overrun by spies for years past. + + +It goes without saying that in time of war the respective participants +seek to gain for themselves every possible advantage, including as not +the least of these advantages that of having public opinion on their +side. It is equally understandable that Governments, for political or +military reasons, often endeavor to conceal their real intentions until +the decisive moment. In this matter, however, as in the conduct of war +itself, there exists the basic principle, acknowledged throughout the +civilized world, that no methods may be employed which could not be +employed by men of honor even when they are opponents. One cannot, +unfortunately, acquit Russia of the charge of employing improper +policies against Germany. It must, unfortunately, be said that even the +Czar himself did not, at the breaking out of hostilities against +Germany, show himself the gentleman upon a throne which he had formerly +been believed by every one to be. + +The Russian Emperor addressed himself to Kaiser William in moving and +friendly expressions, in which, pledging his solemn word and appealing +to the grace of God, he besought the Kaiser, shortly before the outbreak +of the war, to intervene at Vienna. There exists between Austria-Hungary +and Germany an ancient and firm alliance, which makes it the duty of +both Governments to afford unconditional support to each other in the +moment that either one's vital interests come into question. There can +be no doubt that the existence of Austria-Hungary is threatened by the +Servian agitation. Despite this, the German Emperor, in offering his +final counsels respecting the treatment of Servia and the concessions to +be made to Russia, went, in his desire for peace, almost to the point +where Austria could have had doubts of Germany's fidelity to the +obligations of the alliance. Nevertheless, Russia at this very time not +only continued its mobilization against Austria, but also simultaneously +brought its troops into a state of preparedness for war against Germany. +It is impossible that this could have been done without the order of the +Czar. The conduct of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, of the +Chief of the General Staff and of the War Minister was of a piece with +this attitude of the ruler. They assured the German Ambassador and the +German Military Attaché upon their word of honor that troops were not +being mobilized against Germany and that no attack upon Germany was +planned. The facts, however, have proved that the decision to make war +upon Germany had already been reached at that time. + +The reason which impelled the Czar and his chief advisers to employ such +base tactics with the help of their word of honor and appeals to the +Supreme Being is plain. Russia requires a longer time for mobilization +than Germany. In order to offset this disadvantage, to deceive Germany +and to win a few days' start, the Russian Government stooped to a course +of conduct as to which there can be but one judgment among brave and +upright opponents. No one knew better than the Czar the German Emperor's +love of peace. This love of peace was reckoned upon in the whole +despicable game. Fortunately the plan was perceived on the German side +at the right time. Advices received by Germany's representative in St. +Petersburg concerning the actual Russian mobilization against Germany +moved him to add to the report given him upon the Russian word of honor +a statement of his own conviction that an attempt was obviously being +made to deceive him. We find also that the character of the Russian +operations had been rightly comprehended by so unimpeachable an organ as +the English Daily Graphic of Aug. 1, which said: "If the mobilization +order is also carried through in the provinces bordering on Germany, the +work of the preservers of peace is ended, for Germany will be compelled +to answer with the mobilization of her armed forces. We confess that we +are unable to understand this attitude of Russia in connection with the +renewal of the negotiations with Austria." + +It is customary among civilized nations that a formal declaration of war +shall precede the beginning of hostilities, and all powers, with the +exception of some unimportant, scattered States, have obligated +themselves under international law to observe this custom. Neither +Russia nor France has observed this obligation. Without a declaration of +war Russian troops crossed the German border, opened fire on German +troops, and attempted to dynamite bridges and buildings. In like manner, +without a declaration of war, French aviators appeared above unfortified +cities in South Germany and sought, by throwing bombs, to destroy the +railways. French detachments crossed the German border and occupied +German villages. French aviators flew across neutral Holland and the +then neutral Belgium to carry out warlike plans against the lower Rhine +district of Germany. A considerable number of French officers, disguised +in German uniforms, tried to cross the Dutch-German frontier in an +automobile in order to destroy institutions in German territory. It is +plain that both France and Russia desired to compel Germany to make the +first step in declaring war, so that the appearance of having broken the +peace might, in the eyes of the world, rest upon Germany. The Russian +Government even attempted to disseminate through a foreign news agency +the report that Germany had declared war on Russia, and it refused, +contrary to the usage among civilized nations, to permit to be +telegraphed the report of the German Ambassador that Russia had rejected +the final German note concerning war and peace. + +Germany for its part, in the hope that peace might yet be maintained, +subjected itself to the great disadvantage of delaying its mobilization +in the first decisive days in the face of the measures of its probable +enemy. When, however, the German Emperor realized that peace was no +longer possible, he declared war against France and Russia honorably, +before the beginning of hostilities, thus bringing into contrast the +moral courage to assume the responsibility for the beginning of the +conflict as against the moral cowardice of both opponents, whose fear of +public opinion was such that they did not dare openly to admit their +intentions to attack Germany. + +Germany, moreover, cared in a humane and proper manner at the outbreak +of the war for those non-combatant subjects of hostile States--traveling +salesmen, travelers for pleasure, patients in health resorts, &c.--who +happened to be in the country at the time. In isolated cases, where the +excitement of the public grew disquieting, the authorities immediately +intervened to protect persons menaced. In Russia, however, in France +and especially in Belgium the opposite of decency and humanity +prevailed. Instead of referring feelings of national antipathy and of +national conflicting interests to the decision of the battlefield, the +French mishandled in the most brutal manner the German population and +German travelers in Paris and other cities, who neither could nor +wished to defend themselves, and who desired solely to leave the +hostile country at once. The mob threatened and mishandled Germans in +the streets, in the railway stations and in the trains, and the +authorities permitted it. + +The occurrences in Belgium are infamous beyond all description. Germany +would have exposed itself to the danger of a military defeat if it had +still respected the neutrality of Belgium after it had been announced +that strong French detachments stood ready to march through that country +against the advancing German Army. The Belgium Government was assured +that its interests would be conscientiously guarded if it would permit +the German Army to march through its territory. Its answer to this +assurance was a declaration of war. In making this declaration it acted +perhaps not wisely but unquestionably within its formal rights. It was, +however, not right, but, on the contrary, a disgraceful breach of right, +that the eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged out, and +their ears and noses cut off; that surgeons and persons carrying the +wounded were shot at from houses. + +Private dwellings of Germans in Antwerp were plundered, German women +were dragged naked through the streets by the mob and shot to death +before the eyes of the police and the militia. Captains of captured +German ships in Antwerp were told that the authorities could not +guarantee their lives, German tourists were robbed of their baggage, +insulted and mishandled, sick persons were driven from the German +hospital, children were thrown from the windows of German homes into the +streets and their limbs were broken. Trustworthy reports of all these +occurrences, from respectable and responsible men, are at hand. We +perceive with the deepest indignation that the cruelties of the Congo +have been outdone by the motherland. When it comes to pass that in time +of war among nations the laws of humanity respecting the helpless and +the unarmed, the women and children, are no longer observed, the world +is reverting to barbarism. Even in wartimes humanity and honor should +still remain the distinguishing marks of civilization. That French and +Russians, in their endeavors to spy upon Germany and destroy her +institutions, should disguise themselves in German uniforms is a sorry +testimony to the sense of honor possessed by our opponents. He who +ventures to conduct espionage in a hostile land, or secretly to plant +bombs, realizes that he risks the penalty of death, whether he be a +civilian or a member of the army. Up to the present, however, it has not +been customary to use a uniform, which should be respected even by the +enemy, to lessen the personal risk of the spy and to facilitate his +undertaking. + +For a number of years there have been increasing indications that +France, Russia and England were systematically spying upon the military +institutions of Germany. In the eight years from 1906 to 1913; 113 +persons were found guilty of attempted or accomplished espionage of a +grave nature. The methods employed by these spies included theft, +attacks upon military posts and the employment of German officers' +uniforms as disguises. The court proceedings threw a clear light upon +the organization and operations of espionage in Germany. This espionage +was directed from central points in foreign countries, often in the +small neighboring neutral States. Repeatedly it appeared that the +foreign embassies and consulates in Germany assisted in this work; it +was also discovered that Russia, France and England were exchanging +reports which they had received concerning Germany's means of defense. + +This espionage system was supported with large funds. It endeavored +whenever possible to seduce military persons and officials to betray +their country, and, when this was not possible, it devoted its attention +to doubtful characters of every sort. It began its work with petty +requests of a harmless appearance, followed these with inducements to +violations of duty, and then proceeded with threats of exposure to +compel its victims to betray their country further. Exact instructions, +complete in the minutest detail, were given to the spies for the +carrying on of their work; they were equipped with photographic +apparatus, with skeleton keys, forged passes, &c.; they received fixed +monthly salaries, special bonuses for valuable information, and high +rewards for especially secret matters, such as army orders, descriptions +of weapons and plans of fortifications. Principal attention was paid to +our boundaries, railroads, bridges and important buildings on lines of +traffic, which were spied upon by specially trained men. With the +reports of these spies as their basis, our opponents have carefully +planned the destruction of the important German lines of communication. +The extraordinary watchfulness of the German military officials +immediately before the declaration of war and since then has been able +to render futile the whole system of foreign attempts against our means +of communication in every single instance, but a great number of such +attempts have been made. All these things prove beyond doubt that a war +against Germany has long been planned by our opponents. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LIES ABOUT GERMANY. + +The machinations of England and France to put Germany in the +wrong--Lies on all sides. + + +Germany has now not only to battle against a world in arms, but it must +also defend itself against lies and slanders which have been piled up +around it like a hostile rampart. There is no cable at our disposal. +England has either cut the cables, or is in possession of them. No +German description of what has actually occurred can be sent by +telegraph; the wires are carrying into the world only the distortions of +our enemies. Germany is shut off as with a hedge from the outside world, +and the world is supplied solely with news given out by our enemies. +This language is strictly true; for the boldest, nay, the most impudent +imagination would be unable to invent anything to exceed the false and +absurd reports already printed by foreign newspapers. + +In view of what we have experienced during this first week of the war we +can already calmly assert that when the editors of foreign newspapers +come later to compare their daily news of this week with the actual +occurrences as testified to by authentic history, they will all open +their eyes in astonishment and anger over all the lies which the +countries hostile to Germany have sent over the cables to bamboozle the +whole world. Much of all this has already become ridiculous; we must +laugh over it despite the solemnity of the crisis in which we are +living--for example, the bestowal of the cross of the Legion of Honor +upon the city of Liége by the French President because it victoriously +repulsed the attack of the Germans. Witness, too, the telegrams of +congratulation sent by the King of England and the Czar of Russia to the +Belgian King upon the victory of Liége! The joy over such "German +defeats" will prove just as brief as the jubilation over such "Belgian +victories." Such lies have short legs, and the truth will in any case +soon overtake them. + +But there are other lies of a more serious character and of more +dangerous import--all such as misrepresent Germany's attitude and defame +German character. Such defamation is designed to disturb old friendships +and transform them into bitter estrangement; such defamation can also +attain its hostile purpose wherever people do not say daily to +themselves, "It is an enemy that reports such things about Germany; let +us be wise and suspend our judgment till we know actual results, till we +know what is surely the truth." + +Let us select several facts as examples and as evidence--facts connected +with the preparation for this war, as well as with the conduct of it +thus far. + +All the cables controlled by the English-French-Russian coalition +disseminate the lie about the ostensibly "preventive war" that Germany +wished and prepared for. The German "White Book" prints documents +proving the white purity of the German conscience as represented by +Kaiser, Chancellor, and people. It reveals also the profound grief of +the German Kaiser over the sly and insidious perfidy of the Czar, toward +whom he steadily maintained German fidelity even in hours of grave +danger. What Russia did was more than a mere attack, it was a +treacherous assault. The following facts prove this: + + The German mobilization was ordered on Aug. 1, whereas Russia began + to mobilize fully four weeks earlier, or about the beginning of + July. Papers found on several Russian harvest laborers arrested in + the district of Konitz show that the Russian military authorities + had already by the first of July--i.e., immediately after the + tragedy at Serajevo--sent to the leaders of these men mustering-in + orders, which were to be distributed immediately after a further + word should be given. These confiscated papers prove that Russia + hoped to be able to mobilize against Austria before Germany could + get official information of Russia's measures. The Russian + authorities purposely avoided the usual course of sending these + orders through the Russian Consuls, and they assigned "military + exercises" as the object of this call to the colors. + + July 25--Military exercises at Krasnoye-Selo were suddenly broken + off and the troops returned at once to their garrisons. The + manoeuvres had been called off. The military cadets were advanced + at once to officers, instead of waiting, as usual, till Autumn. + + July 26--All ships and boats are forbidden to sail in the waters + between Helsingfors and Yorkkele; and navigation between Sweden and + Finland is closed. + + July 28--Partial mobilization; sixteen army corps to be increased + to the strength of thirty-two corps. On the same day the Czar begs + for friendly mediation; and on the same day the Russian Minister of + Foreign Affairs and the Russian Minister of War give the German + Military Attaché, upon their own initiative, their solemn word of + honor that no mobilization has taken place. + + July 30--The Second and Third Russian Cavalry Divisions appear on + the German frontier between Wirballen and Augustov. The Czar issues + a ukase calling to the colors the reserves in twenty-three entire + Governments and in eighty districts of other Governments; also the + naval reserves in sixty-four districts, or twelve Russian and one + Finnish Government; also the Cossacks on furlough in a number of + districts; also the necessary reserve officers, physicians, horses + and wagons. + + July 31--General mobilization of the whole Russian Army and Navy. + The German steamer Eitel Friedrich, which keeps up a regular + service between Stettin and St. Petersburg, is stopped by a Russian + torpedo boat and brought into Revel, where the crew were made + prisoners. The Russians blow up the railway bridge on Austrian + territory between Szozakowa and Granica. + + Night of Aug. 1--Russian patrols attack the German railway bridge + near Eichenried and try to surprise the German railway station at + Miloslaw. A Russian column crosses the German frontier at + Schwidden, and two squadrons of Cossacks ride against Johannisburg. + + Aug. 1--(At last) Germany's mobilization. + +And France? + + July 27--The Fourteenth Army Corps breaks off its manoeuvres. + + July 31--General mobilization. + + Aug. 2--French troops attack German frontier posts, cross the + frontier, and occupy German towns. Bomb-throwing aviators come into + Baden and Bavaria; also, after violating Belgium's neutrality by + crossing Belgian territory, they enter the Rhine Province and try + to destroy bridges. + + Only after all this is the German Ambassador at Paris instructed to + demand his passports. + +And England? + +In London war must already have been decided upon by July 31; the +English Admiralty had even before that date advised Lloyd's against +insuring German ships. On the same day the German Government gave +emphatic support in Vienna to the English mediatory proposal of Sir +Edward Grey. But the entire English fleet had already been assembled. + +Of course, English public opinion was and still is divided. As late as +Aug. 1 The Daily Graphic wrote in reference to the Russian mobilization +order: "Will the Russian order also be carried out in the provinces on +the German frontier? If so, then the labor of the peace-preservers is at +an end, for Germany is compelled to answer with the mobilization of its +armed forces. We confess that we are not able to understand this +attitude of Russia, in view of the resumption of negotiations at +Vienna." + +And a leaflet distributed in the streets of London said that "a war for +Russia is a war against civilization." + +So much as to the preparations for the war--and now we take up the +conduct of the war itself. + +By glancing at the foreign press during this one week we have been able +to collect the following specimen pieces of news: + + London--The British Admiralty reports that the English fleet had + driven back the German fleet to the Dutch coast. + +There is not one word of truth in this. The Admiralty itself appears +later to have recovered its senses; at least, it denied a Reuter story +about a "great English naval victory near the Dogger Bank." But the +English manufactories of lies are already so actively at work that +members of Parliament have protested in the House itself against the +"lying reports of the English press." + + Paris--From Paris the assertion was made and disseminated + throughout the world that "the landing of English troops in Belgium + has begun; they were enthusiastically received by the population. + The landing proceeded rapidly and in the best order, as the + agreement between the two General Staffs guaranteed the perfect + carrying out of the disembarkment plans." + +Not a single word of this is true. At present not one English soldier +has been landed. + +In a similar way the Baltic Sea has become the scene of invented +"battles"--of "German defeats," of course; the Russian Baltic Fleet sank +a German war vessel in a battle that never occurred. + +And, "The Russian vanguard has crossed the German frontier without +meeting with opposition." As a matter of fact there is not a single +Russian soldier on German soil. All inroads have been repulsed, and the +German offensive has everywhere been successful. + +A Dutch newspaper prints the following report from France: + + Belfort--Many hundreds of Alsatians are joining the French Army + with great enthusiasm, also many Italian Swiss. A large number of + Alsace-Lorrainers are waiting near the frontier with a view of + crossing it at a favorable opportunity to fight on the French side. + +Such absurdity in the face of the unbroken unanimity of the entire +German people and despite the manifest enthusiasm of the +Alsace-Lorrainers for the German cause! + +Equally stupid and made up for incurably credulous readers is an +official report of the French War Ministry--not a private rumor, be it +noted, but an official communication. It says: + + A young Frenchman reports under oath that he was arrested, along + with several other Frenchmen, at the railway station in Lörrach + while on the homeward journey from Baden; and they were led through + the whole city under a military escort. One of the Frenchmen + shouted, "Hurrah for France," and was at once shot down. Three + others who protested against this suffered the same fate; and so + did a fifth man who thereupon had called the Germans murderers. The + rest of the Frenchmen, proceeding to Switzerland by rail, heard + shots fired in the adjoining compartment; they discovered that two + Italians had been shot by Germans because one had protested against + the opening of the window, and another had jostled a German. + +Does such stuff call for any refutation at all? + +A typical example of how it is sought to work upon public opinion by +means of systematic lying is afforded by the capture of Liége. + +The fact is that this Belgian stronghold, along with its forts, which +contained a garrison of 20,000 men, was taken by storm on Aug. 7 by the +German troops, who fought with unparalleled bravery, and that 3,000 to +4,000 Belgian prisoners of war are already on their way to Germany. + +Yet on Aug. 9--two days after the fall of Liége--a dispatch was still +sent to the Dutch press, saying: "The Liége forts are still in Belgian +hands." + +And on Aug. 8, thirty-six hours after the fall of Liége--a dispatch was +sent from Paris to the newspapers of Rome, saying: + + The Germans lost 20,000 men at Liége and asked for an armistice of + twenty-four hours. Liége has not yet fallen. The English landed + 100,000 men at Antwerp, who were received with jubilation by the + population. President Poincaré, upon the proposal of Doumergue, the + Minister of War, conferred on the City of Liége the cross of the + Legion of Honor. + +Another newspaper reported as follows: "The King of England sent a +congratulatory dispatch to the King of Belgium upon his victory at +Liége; seven German regiments were slain." + +At Paris itself a note of the French War Ministry--published on the +evening of Aug. 7, Liége having fallen in the early morning of that +day--mentions the resistance of Liége and says that the forts are still +holding out; that the Germans who had entered the city on Thursday by +passing between the forts had evacuated it on Friday; and that the +Belgian division that went to the assistance of the city had therefore +not even made an attack. The official note concludes from all this that +the resistance of the Belgians was seriously disturbing the plan of the +Germans, who were building hopes upon a rapid success. + +And four full days after the capture of Liége the French Minister at +Berne reported officially: "Liége has not yet been taken; the German +troops were repulsed." + +At Copenhagen the following dispatches were published: "The English and +French troops had effected a junction with the Belgian Army and had +entered Liége and made many German prisoners, among them a nephew of the +German Kaiser." + +Similarly at Stockholm: "The Germans had suffered a severe repulse." + +Again a dispatch from Paris to Rome: "The Germans had been driven back +behind the Moselle and were begging for an armistice; the French had +passed Namur and were pressing forward in forced marches, while 500,000 +English were falling upon the German flank." + +Still another official report from Paris: "Liége is becoming the grave +of the 150,000 Germans who are breaking their heads against its walls; +the Belgians had taken 3,000 prisoners, who were in a terrible +condition; but for their good fortune of falling into captivity they +would have starved to death." + +In contrast to all this let us take the unvarnished truth as in the +reported simple words of the German Quartermaster General: + + We are now able to report upon Liége Without doing any harm.... We + had only a weak force at Liége four days ago, for it is not + possible to prepare for such a bold undertaking by collecting large + masses of men. That we attained the desired end in spite of this is + due to the excellent preparation, the valor of our troops, their + energetic leadership, and the help of God. The courage of the enemy + was broken, and his troops fought badly. The difficulties against + us lay in the exceedingly unfavorable topography of the + surroundings, which consisted of hills and woods, and in the + treacherous participation of the entire population in the fighting, + not even excluding women. The people fired upon our troops from + ambush, from villages and forests--fired upon our physicians who + were treating the wounded, and upon the wounded themselves. Hard + and bitter fighting occurred; whole villages had to be destroyed in + order to break the resistance, before our brave troops penetrated + the girdle of forts and took possession of the city. It is true + that a part of the forts still held out, but they no longer fired. + The Kaiser did not want to waste a drop of blood in storming the + forts, which no longer hindered the carrying out of our plans. We + were able to await the arrival of heavy artillery to level the + forts one after the other at our leisure, and without the sacrifice + of a single life--in case their garrisons should not surrender + sooner.... So far as can be judged at present the Belgians had more + men for the defense of the city than we had for storming it. Every + expert can measure from this fact the greatness of our achievement; + it is without a parallel.... + + (Signed) VON STEIN, + + Quartermaster General. + + +It is not the German people alone that will have cause to remember +Liége; the whole world will do well to learn from the case of Liége that +an organized manufactory of lies is trying to deceive the public opinion +of all the nations. Glorious victories are converted into "defeats with +heavy losses," and the strong moral discipline of the German troops is +slanderously described in the reports of the imaginative, phrase-loving +French as cruelty--just as in 1870 the Prussian Uhlans were described as +thrusting through with their lances all the French babies and pinning +them fast to the walls. + +How far the "grande nation" has already degenerated, and how far the +Belgian population, akin to the French both in blood and in sentiments, +imitate the French in their Balkan brutality, is illustrated by two +examples. One of these, in the form of a German official warning, says: +"The reports at hand about the fighting around Liége show that the +population of the country took part in the battle. Our troops were fired +upon from ambush. Physicians were shot at while following their +profession. Cruelties were practiced by the population on wounded +soldiers. There is also news at hand showing that German patrols in the +vicinity of Metz were fired at from ambush from the French side. It may +be that these occurrences are due to the composition of the population +in those industrial regions, but it may also be that France and Belgium +are preparing for a guerrilla warfare upon our troops. If the latter +alternative should prove true, and this proof be strengthened through +repetitions of these occurrences, then our opponents will have +themselves to thank if this war be carried on with unrelenting severity +even against the guilty population. The German troops, who are +accustomed to preserve discipline and to wage war only against the armed +forces of the hostile State, cannot be blamed if, in just self-defense, +they give no quarter. The hope of influencing the result of the war by +turning loose the passions of the populace will be frustrated by the +unshaken energy of our leaders and our troops. Before neutral foreign +countries, however, it must be demonstrated, even at the beginning of +this war, that it was not the German troops who caused the war to take +on such forms." + +The details of the cruelties, here only hinted at, on the Belgian and +French side, are supplied and proved by an eye-witness, a German +physician, who reports: + + We have experienced from the Belgian population, from men, women, + and half-grown boys, such things as we had hitherto seen only in + wars with negroes. The Belgian civilian population shoots in blind + hatred from every house, from every thick bush, at everything that + is German. We had on the very first day many dead and wounded, + caused by the civilian population. Women take part as well as men. + One German had his throat cut at night while in bed. Five wounded + Germans were put into a house bearing the flag of the Red Cross; by + the next morning they had all been stabbed to death. In a village + near Verviers we found the body of one of our soldiers with his + hands bound behind his back and his eyes punched out. An automobile + column which set out from Liége halted in a village; a young woman + came up, suddenly drew a revolver, and shot a chauffeur dead. At + Emmenich, an hour by foot from Aachen, a sanitary automobile column + was attacked by the populace on a large scale and fired at from the + houses. The red cross on our sleeves and on our automobiles gives + us physicians no protection at all. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER. + +Respect for the foreigner--Russians willing to remain in +Germany--Ill-treatment of Germans in Belgium and France. + + +Enemies on all sides! With dishonorable weapons against us, and with +documentary lies for the rest of the world! Let us calmly allow them to +continue lying and slandering as they have begun--it will result finally +in injuring themselves. The world will very soon see through this +impudent, unabashed game; and it will finally side with the people which +keeps to the truth, Only the weakling lies and swindles; the strong man +loves and honors truth. Let us act like the strong man in this struggle! + +Respect for the foreigner, protection for his person and property have +at all times been considered sacred among civilized people. Germany can +without exaggeration claim to have upheld this respect and this +protection in these fateful days. Except for a few insignificant +incidents which took place in several large cities, where the natural +excitement of the people and the legitimate defense against an insolent +system of spying led to the molesting and arrest of foreigners--mostly +Russians--the measures taken against the citizens of hostile nations did +not exceed what was absolutely necessary to the safety of the country. +The Imperial Government and likewise the Federated States have refrained +from expelling "en masse" Frenchmen, Russians, Belgians and Englishmen. +It was, of course, unavoidable to take measures for the detention of +such persons as seemed suspicious and for the internation of strangers +liable to be called to take arms against Germany. This took place in +cities, e.g., Berlin, where these men were taken away as "prisoners of +war," as soon as the "state of war" had been proclaimed, and placed in +special rooms or camps. Lodgings and food are such as seem requisite and +the treatment of these prisoners is according to their own opinion very +kind. The Russian agricultural laborers constitute a special group of +foreigners in Germany: There are about 40,000 to 50,000 of them, men and +women. + +From various parts of the country it is unanimously announced that these +people are very glad not to be obliged to return to Russia. They are +glad to remain in Germany, and willingly continue their work of +gathering the rich German grain, potato and hay crops. Should there be +any difficulties, these workmen would also have to be internated. No +measures at all have been taken against women and children belonging to +hostile States. They are left free to move about as they wish. Should +they remain in Germany they can be sure that they will be subject to no +other inconvenience except such as the general state of war inflicts +upon Germans. The authorities will protect their persons, and their +private property is respected. Nobody will touch it--as nobody has +touched it so far. + +If the German people and the German Government consider the respect they +owe the foreigner as a sacred law, even though the foreigner belongs to +the enemy, this respect is enhanced by affection and gratitude in the +case of foreigners whose countries are friendly or neutral. +Thousands and thousands of Americans, Swiss, Dutch, Italians and +Scandinavians are still living in German countries. They may be sure +that they can live as freely here as any German citizen. Should it be +possible for them to return home, the best wishes will accompany them. +The property they leave here will be protected. This is guaranteed by +the authorities and by influential private persons. Should they stay in +Germany, however, the German people will express their sense of +gratitude for any friendly help they may lend, by increased respect and +protection. + + + * * * * * + + +A strong contrast is noticeable between Germany's attitude toward +foreigners and the facts revealed just now as to the treatment meted out +in inimical countries not only to Germans but to other foreigners. +Truly, in England there has been some effort to act according to the +usages of civilized nations when engaged in warfare. Germans and +Austrians have been insulted and molested; there has been some +occasional destruction of property in stores; but as far as can be +judged these were excesses of an uncontrollable mob. A general expulsion +has not been ordered, and it is to be hoped that the Germans living in +the United Kingdom and in its colonies will not suffer too heavy +damages, in person or in property. Russia, France and Belgium, on the +other hand, have by the ill-treatment and plundering of foreigners +living in their countries struck themselves out of the list of civilized +nations. Innumerable reports from expelled or fugitive people prove +this, and official reports confirm them. Also the press of neutral, +neighboring countries, such as Switzerland, Holland, and Italy, is full +of similar complaints. Owing to the scarcity of news from Russia, the +facts known so far only concern Petersburg, where German and Austrian +men and women, residents or transients, were beaten and stoned in the +streets. Here were also some cruel mutilations and murders. The +beautiful building of the German Embassy in Petersburg was attacked by +the mob. And the police watched all these misdeeds with crossed arms or +even assisted. Probably what took place in Petersburg also occurred in +other Russian cities; we shall soon know. + +There are a great many complaints against the French and the Belgians. +On the evening of Aug. 1 the mobilization was announced, and the next +morning the official order was posted on the walls, that within +twenty-four hours from the beginning of that day all Germans and +Austrians, irrespective of sex, age or profession, would have to leave +France. Those who remained and could not reach the boundary would be +taken to the southwestern part of the country and imprisoned. There were +few trains for Belgium or Switzerland. Thousands and thousands who had +to abandon their property rushed to the stations with wife and children, +fought for room in the overcrowded trains, surrounded by a howling mob, +and even then were punched and slapped by policemen. During the trip +there was nothing but misery. Men and women fell ill, children died. The +refugees had to cross the Belgian boundary, walking a distance of six or +seven kilometers in the middle of the night, dead tired, their luggage +stolen--sometimes, it is said, by officials. In Belgium the same tragedy +occurred as in France. And then came the salvation. The cordial, +hospitable reception by the Germans in Holland and Switzerland is +unanimously praised and appreciated. + +The reports of brutal acts from Paris, Antwerp, Brussels, would be +incredible were they not confirmed hundredfold. The most brutal and +insulting threats of death were flung by processions of people going +through the streets to all those who looked like foreigners. They were +severely ill-treated. Houses and stores were upset, furniture and the +like were thrown into the streets, employers and working people were +dragged out, women were stripped and pushed through the streets, +children were thrown out of windows. Knives, swords, sticks and +revolvers were used. One could fill books with the details, but they are +all equally cruel. Not only Germans and Austrians were expelled +and ill-treated, but citizens of neutral States shared this awful lot. +Thousands of Italians were expelled, as well as numerous Rumanians. The +press in both countries complains bitterly and asks what has become of +those who remained in France and were imprisoned in the south--but +nobody knows. + +History will place this ill-treatment and oppression of foreigners on +record. The responsibility rests, not with an uncontrollable mob, but +with the Government and the authorities of the two countries who have +always boasted of their culture. + + + * * * * * + + + + +COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS +BETWEEN GERMANY AND UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. + +Germany's financial rise since 1870--Export and import with the United +States of America--The present firm condition of German finance. + + +Politicians and commercial men must base their plans upon facts, as they +are and not as they wish they were, otherwise they fail. France has +closed its eyes not only to the great intellectual and moral assists of +Germany but also to its commercial resources. + +France has repeatedly declared that Germany could not effect a serious +political opposition, because a war would result in the ruin of its +commercial and financial strength. This we heard in the Morocco crisis, +also in the Balkan wars. Germany's love of peace which was tested in the +above-mentioned cases strengthened the French in their error. He, +however, who has taken the trouble to visit Germany and the Germans in +their places of employment--and especially Americans in recent years +have done this, however, also many Englishmen, who in vain have +protested against the war with Germany--he can testify to the +astonishing commercial advancement which Germany has made since its +political union by Bismarck. + +A few facts and statistics may recall this to memory. The population of +Germany has since 1870, immigrants excluded, increased from 40,000,000 +to 67,000,000, round numbers. Incomes and wages in particular have +approximately doubled during the last generation; savings deposits have +increased sixfold. Although, only a generation ago, commerce and trade +employed only about two-fifths of the population, now more than +three-fifths are engaged in this field of work, and Germany, as a result +of its agricultural economy and increased intense farming, is today the +third largest agricultural country of the world. In the coal and iron +industries Germany is second only to America. In one generation its coal +production increased two and a half fold, its raw iron production almost +fourfold. During the same period of time the capital of the German banks +increased fourfold and their reserve fund eightfold. Characteristic of +Germany is the fact that hand in hand with this active private +initiative is a strong feeling for the great universal interests and for +organic co-operation of private and State resources. This feeling +explains the perfect working of our State activities, in particular our +railways, 95 per cent. of which are owned by the Government and which +yield an essentially higher revenue than those in England or France; it +explains further the willing assumption of the great financial burdens +which general insurance imposes upon those engaged in private +enterprises and which today is proving a blessing to almost the entire +laboring force of Germany, to an extent which has not yet been realized +by any other country. + +What economic value to the world has a nation which for more than forty +years has concentrated all its energy in peaceful industry? Does any one +deny that Germany's great technical and commercial advancement has been +a blessing in respect to the development of the world? Has not the +commercial advancement in Germany had the effect of awakening new +productive powers in all parts of the world and of adding new +territories which engage in the exchange of goods with the civilized +nations of the world? Since the founding of the new German +Empire, German foreign trade has increased from 5-1/2 to approximately +20 billion marks. Germany has become the best customer of a great number +of countries. Not only has the German consumption of provisions and +luxuries increased in an unusual degree, also that of meat, tropical +fruits, sugar, tobacco and colonial products, but above all else that of +raw materials, such as coal, iron, copper and other metals, cotton, +petroleum, wood, skins, &c. Germany furnishes a market for articles of +manufacture also, for American machinery, English wool, French luxury +articles, &c. One is absolutely wrong in the belief that the competition +of German industry in the world market has been detrimental to other +commercial nations. Legitimate competition increases the business of all +concerned. + +The United States of America has reaped especial profit from Germany's +flourishing commercial condition. Germany purchases more from the United +States of America than from any other country of the world. Germany buys +annually from the United States of America approximately $170,000,000 +worth of cotton, $75,000,000 worth of copper, $60,000,000 worth of +wheat, $40,000,000 animal fat, $20,000,000 mineral oil and the same +amount of vegetable oil. In 1890 the import and export trade between +Germany and the United States amounted to only $100,000,000, in 1913 to +about $610,000,000. Germany today imports from the United States goods +to the value of $430,000,000, while she exports to the United States +nearly $180,000,000 worth. No nation therefore can judge as well as the +United States what German commerce means to the world. + +In what condition are the finances of Germany? In this field our +opponents will be obliged to change their views. In 1912 Germany's +national debt was about 14 marks per capita lower than England's. The +public debt of France per capita was far more than double that of +Germany. Germany, however, has large national assets which offset its +liabilities. For example, the stocks of the Prussian railways alone +exceed by far the aggregate amount of the Prussian debt, the income of +the railways alone is essentially greater than the amount which the +interest and amortization of the entire State debt demand. The war, +which, according to the French conception, was destined to bring about +the financial and commercial ruin of Germany, has brought forth the +astonishing result that the famous French money market was the first to +fail in this crisis. As early as July 25, before the rejection of the +Austrian ultimatum by Servia had been made known, the offer of 3 per +cent. redeemable French notes to the French Exchange was so great that +the Chambre Syndicale des Agents de Change in the interest of the public +prohibited the quotation of a lower rate than 78 per cent., while bids +of 74 per cent. had already been submitted. Sale in blank was absolutely +forbidden, and in the coulisse business was at a standstill. A few days +later the July liquidation, in the official market as well as in the +coulisse, was postponed until the end of August, which action proved the +necessity of a period of grace. On July 31 the French savings banks, at +the command of the Government, suspended daily payments and paid out +sums to the amount of 50 francs, fourteen days' notice being necessary. +The London money market, too, has hardly stood the war test. On July 30 +the Bank of England was obliged to raise its rate of discount from 3 to +4 per cent., several days later to 8 per cent., and again after a few +days to the incredible rate of 10 per cent. In contrast to this the +President of the German Reichsbank was able, on the 1st of August, to +declare that the directorate, because of the strength of the Reichsbank +and the solid constitution of the German money market, did not consider +it necessary to follow England's example. The German Reichsbank has +therefore not exceeded the rate of 6 per cent. Worse yet was the fact +that England, on Aug. 2, was obliged to require grace on exchange, and +France, on Aug. 3, grace on its accounts-current and Lombard loans. +Although along with England and France, also Russia, Austria, Italy, +Belgium, and other nations required temporary credit, Germany +to date has not deemed it necessary to ask for time in meeting its +obligations. Savings banks, other banks and financial institutions are +meeting all demands without restriction. The fact that the English money +market, which up to the present time has been considered the financial +centre of international trade, has failed, will bring many a serious +thought to all commercial men interested in the world market. + +German commerce has doubtless been temporarily injured by the war, but +the esprit de corps and organization which animate the German Nation are +not only a firm foundation for German commerce, but also a strong +support for the further development of the commerce and trade of the +entire civilized world, if, as we hope, peace soon be re-established. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS? + +An appeal to American friends + + +The American citizen who is now leaving Europe, which has been turned +into an enormous military camp, may consider himself fortunate that he +will soon be able to set foot in the New World, where he will be enabled +again to take up his business pursuits. In the meantime old Europe is +being torn asunder by a terrible war among its various peoples. It will +make him happy again to greet mountain and valley, field and garden +which are not threatened nor trampled down by armies or covered with +blood; again to see cities in which business and traffic are not brought +to a standstill by calling in all men capable of military service; and +he may thank fortune that his people have been given room enough in +which to expand and to permit them freely to unfold their power; that +they are spared the great necessity of resisting the tightening ring of +enemies in the east and west, on land and water, in a struggle for +national existence. + +But the American will feel the effects of the fate of the Old World. +Even though he knows his own country is not directly involved, he will +certainly realize that the great net of international traffic and the +progress of his country are connected by many strong ties to the life +and prosperity of European peoples. He will be affected by every victory +and defeat, just as by the sun and rain in his own country. He will +doubtless remember that of all European countries Germany is the best +customer of the United States, from which she purchases yearly over +1,000,000,000 marks in cotton, food, metal, and technical products. If +Germany is economically ruined, which is the wish of Russia, France, and +England and all allied friends of wretched Servia, it would mean the +loss of a heavy buyer to America, and thereby cause a serious loss to +America which could not easily be made good. It would be a great blow to +American export trade, of which Germany handles not less than 14 per +cent. yearly. + +The material loss is not the only feature. In the economic struggle in +the world markets American and German commercial men have learned +mutually to appreciate one another, to appreciate one another more +highly than do any other two rivals. The time is long past when the +American pictured the German as one of thousands, shut up in a room, +surrounded by documents and parchments, speculating about the unknown +outside world, and the same is true of the German's idea of the +American--a money-hungry barbarian. Two nations in which so much kindred +blood flows and which are connected by so many historical events +understand each other better today than formerly. Above all, they have a +mutual understanding regarding the ideal in commercial life: A man +engaged in work not for the sake of the profit, but for the sake of the +work he is doing; one who gives all his strength to his task, and who +works for the general welfare of the people as a whole, considering his +position as an office and his wealth as an obligation, not as the final +aim, but as a basis for the realization of higher attainments. He places +the value of character and the development of the creative powers of man +higher than all economic success. Two nations united by such common +inclinations [pg 272] and ideals, boldness of enterprise, +far-sightedness, quickness of decision, and admiration for intellectual +achievements, cannot help being exceedingly congenial to each other. +What concerns one today concerns the other. + +Does it sound like a paradox when I say Germany's struggle concerns not +only her own destiny, but to a considerable extent that of America? Does +the United States consider itself entirely immune from the warlike +complications brought about by the Servian murder of Princes and +Russia's breach of faith? In any event, it will be difficult for it to +say: "What's Hecuba to me?" One thing should be clearly understood on +the shores of the five oceans, that the cause of this most terrible war +does not emanate from the dark Balkans, or from a Russian military +group, but from envy and hate which healthy, young and striving Germany +has aroused in her older rivals; not because this or that demand was +made by one Cabinet and refused by another, but because it was believed +there was finally an opportunity to destroy the hated opponent who +threatened to put the older Western European powers in the shade, and +for this reason England and France put their strength into the service +of criminal and brutal Servia. The following statistics will, perhaps, +throw some light on the development of the foreign trade of the +principal countries from 1870 to 1913 (in billions of marks): + + 1870. 1913. +Great Britain 9,180 23,280 +France 4,540 12,300 +Russia 2,000 5,580 +Germany 4,240 20,440 + +In these forty-three years, which have been decisive in the development +of international economy, England, France and Russia have not been able +even to increase their foreign trade three times, while Germany and the +United States have increased theirs five times. The trade of Germany and +the United States has increased from 7.6 to 38 billion marks. If these +figures show nothing else, they show on which side the American sympathy +will be. This war, provoked by Russia because of an outrageous desire +for revenge, supported by England and France, has no other motive than +envy of Germany's position in economic life, and of her people, who are +fighting for a place in the sun. "Right or wrong, Germany must not +grow." That is the turning point of a policy which the French Republic +drilled into the Muscovites. Let us consider the adversaries of Germany. +Russia, the classic land of power and terrible exploitation of the +people for the benefit of a degenerated aristocracy. France, a type of a +nation in which there is not even enough enterprise to increase the +productiveness of the country. England, which has so long felt its glory +vanishing and in the meantime has remained far behind its younger rival +in financial and economic equipment. One can easily imagine the feelings +of these peoples when they observe the rapid and successful growth of +Germany, and wonders if these same feelings will not one day be directed +against the youthful North American giant. In this war it shall be +decided which is the stronger--the organized inertia of the tired and +envious, or the unfolding of power in the service of a strong and +sacrificing life. To know that we have American friendship in this +struggle will mean a great moral support for us in the coming trying +days, for we know that the country of George Washington and Abraham +Lincoln places itself only on the side of a just cause and one worthy of +humanity's blessing. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: WOODROW WILSON, +President of the United States of America. +(_Photo (C) by Bradley Studio._)] + + + + +Speculations About Peace, September, 1914 + +Report by James W. Gerard, American Ambassador at Berlin, to +President Wilson. + +By The Associated Press. + + +WASHINGTON, Sept. 17.--Germany has suggested informally that the United +States should undertake to elicit from Great Britain, France, and Russia +a statement of the terms under which the Allies would make peace. + +The suggestion was made by the Imperial Chancellor, von +Bethmann-Hollweg, to Ambassador Gerard at Berlin as a result of an +inquiry sent by the American Government to learn whether Emperor William +was desirous of discussing peace, as recently had been reported. + +No reply was made by Emperor William himself, nor did the Imperial +Chancellor indicate whether or not he spoke on behalf of the Emperor. +Ambassador Gerard, in a cable dispatch to President Wilson, repeated the +Chancellor's remarks from recollection, substantially as follows: + + Germany was appreciative of the American Government's interest and + offer of services in trying to make peace. Germany did not want + war, but had it forced on her. Even if she defeats France, she must + likewise vanquish both Great Britain and Russia, as all three have + made an agreement not to make peace except by common consent. + Similarly, England has announced through Premier Asquith and her + diplomatists and the newspapers that she intends to fight to the + limit of her endurance. In view of that determination on the part + of Great Britain, the United States ought to get proposals of peace + from the Allies. Germany could accept only a lasting peace, one + that would make her people secure against future attacks. To accept + mediation now would be interpreted by the Allies as a sign of + weakness on the part of Germany and would be misunderstood by the + German people, who, having made great sacrifices, had the right to + demand guarantees of security. + +The above is all that Ambassador Gerard communicated as to his +conversation. He added only the brief comment that he, himself, thought +the way might possibly be opened to mediation. President Wilson did not +regard the message, however, as bringing anything tangible. He referred +to the Chancellor's conversation as non-committal and incidental to the +acknowledgment of the American Government's inquiry. The President +indicated that he rather expected a reply to the inquiry to be sent +eventually from the Emperor himself, although he realizes that the +Imperial Chancellor may have consulted the Kaiser by telegraph before +talking informally with the American Ambassador. + +President Wilson took no action as a result of the message, waiting to +hear from Ambassador Gerard whether anything of a more formal character +could be obtained by him which the United States might communicate to +Great Britain, France, and Russia. It was understood tonight that the +British and French Ambassadors who are in Washington were not informed +officially or unofficially by Secretary Bryan of the conversation +between the Imperial German Chancellor and Ambassador Gerard. + +Germany's position is that she will give her opinion on terms of peace +when she has received a definite statement from the Allies of their +proposals. The statement that Germany did not want war, but had it +forced upon her, as well as the declaration that she wanted a lasting +peace, is almost identical with the remarks which Sir Edward Grey made +to Ambassador Page in London last week. The British Foreign Secretary +said England wanted no temporary truce, but a permanent peace, and one +that would safeguard her against sudden attacks such as Germany had +made. + + +President's Future Course. + +The general belief in well-informed circles tonight was that the +President, after waiting a few days for more information from +Berlin, probably would instruct the American Ambassadors at London, +Paris, and Petrograd to communicate what the Imperial German Chancellor +had said to Ambassador Gerard. It was believed the Ambassadors would be +asked to reiterate the wish of the American Government to be of service +in bringing about peace and to point out the readiness of the United +States to communicate to Germany and Austria any statement of terms +which the Allies might care to make. + +Diplomatists are disposed to believe that through such informal +conversations something definite in the way of peace terms may yet be +obtained as a working basis. If a concord of opinion for the discussion +of peace terms were reached President Wilson then would endeavor to +obtain an acceptance by all the belligerents of the original tender of +good offices. This would not mean a cessation of hostilities, unless the +mediating power specifically made it a condition of mediation and all +the belligerents agreed to it. An armistice would not hinder military +movements or preparations, serving merely as a truce while peace was +discussed. + +President Wilson already has indicated that he believes that the final +reckoning of the war should be made in a conference of the European +powers, and it would be the function of the United States to preside at +such a conference if its services as a mediator were accepted. + +Various reports were current today that Germany had named several +conditions under which she would make peace, that she had refused +proposals to alter the territorial status of her empire and possessions, +and would cede no territory or dismantle her fleet, but it was said +authoritatively that nothing of this character was contained in any of +the messages from Berlin to the American Government. + +A statement made at the White House today was the first authoritative +acknowledgment that any inquiry on the subject of Germany's attitude +concerning peace had been made by the United States. Officials +heretofore have maintained silence in regard to the effort made by the +Government to get at the bottom of the expression in favor of peace +reported to have been made by the German Emperor to the Imperial +Chancellor and mentioned in a private conversation in New York by Count +von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador to the United States. + +What was said by Count von Bernstorff in that conversation brought Oscar +S. Straus post-haste to Washington, and as a result of what he told +Secretary Bryan instructions were sent to Ambassador Gerard to ascertain +whether the remarks attributed to the Emperor were to be taken as an +indication that the German Government would not be averse to the +exercise of the good offices of the United States in an effort to end +the hostilities in Europe. + +The conversation at which the German Ambassador made the statement +occurred at the house of James Speyer, the banker, in New York. Oscar S. +Straus, a member of the Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration at The Hague, +was present. In the course of a discussion of the war in Europe and the +prospects of peace Count von Bernstorff, it is understood, said that, +while he had no advices from the Imperial Government since he had left +Berlin, he recalled that the Imperial Chancellor had told him that he +believed Emperor William would be willing to discuss a proposal of peace +through mediation. + +With the permission of Count von Bernstorff, Mr. Straus came to +Washington and told Secretary Bryan of what the German Ambassador had +said. On the following day Count von Bernstorff made a trip from New +York to Washington and had an interview with Secretary Bryan. + +It has been understood that Mr. Bryan, in an excess of caution, desired +to ask Count von Bernstorff personally if he would consent to having +Ambassador Gerard instructed to make inquiry of the German +Government as to whether the conversation between the Emperor and the +Imperial Chancellor might be regarded as indicating that an offer of +mediation of the United States would not be unwelcome to Germany. Count +von Bernstorff is understood to have assented to Mr. Bryan's suggestion, +and the instructions to Mr. Gerard followed. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL. + +Speeches by British Ministers. + +Sir John Simon, British Attorney General, in Speech Before +Altrincham Liberals, at Manchester, July 25. + + +We have been so filled with our own political development that some of +us may not have noticed how serious a situation is threatening on the +Continent of Europe. All I will say about it this afternoon is this--if +times of anxiety are coming into relationships between different +European powers, we in this country, and I think not only Liberals among +us, have reason to be glad that our foreign administration is in the +calm, cool hands of Sir Edward Grey.[06] [Cheers.] And let us all +resolve that, whatever may be the difficulties and dangers which +threaten the peaceful relations in Europe, the part which this country +plays shall from beginning to end be the part of a mediator simply +desirous of promoting better and more peaceful relations. + + + * * * * * + + +[06] On the next day, July 26, Earl Grey addressed to The + London Times the following appeal for national unity: + + _To the Editor of The Times_: + + Sir: The Lord Chancellor, in his speech on Friday, called on every + Liberal to work for the peace of Europe, but to go forward + unflinchingly to civil war at home. + + It is obvious that the only hope of England's effective mediation + lies in the unity and solidarity of the United Kingdom. + + Is it not time that the common sense of the nation asserted itself + and called upon our rulers to take steps which will enable a united + nation to confront with confidence the perils which encompass us? + + In moments of national peril every loyal citizen should not + hesitate, however painful the process may be, to burst the fetters + of party allegiance in order that he may devote his whole energies + to an endeavor to safeguard the higher interests of the State. + + What is the cause which is dividing a so-called United Kingdom into + two hostile camps? It is the endeavor of a tyrannical House of + Commons to force upon the acceptance of the people a bill which in + the common belief they not only do not want but are strongly + opposed to. I approach the consideration of the national crisis + from no party standpoint, but from that of one who believes that + the peace of Ireland, the honor of England, and the strength of the + empire are all concerned in a speedy and satisfactory settlement of + the Irish question. + + I believe that such a settlement is to be found in a measure which + will give to the peoples of Ireland powers of local self-government + similar to those enjoyed by the Provinces of Canada and South + Africa. + + It is because the Ministerial policy of home rule is based on a + principle which would not be tolerated in any one of the + Legislatures of Washington, Ottawa, or Melbourne that I am so + strongly opposed to it. No party, no political group, however + small, could be found in Canada, Australia, or the United States + which would venture to propose that the Province of Quebec, or the + State of Queensland or California, should be endowed by means of a + measure like the Home Rule bill with separatist constitutional + rights which could not be given to the other provinces and States. + + I challenge his Majesty's Ministers to deny this plain, + unanswerable statement. + + I further challenge his Majesty's Ministers to deny that their home + rule policy, if carried into effect, will make slaves of one part + of Ireland or another. + + If their bill for the better government of Ireland reaches the + statute book without the amending bill it will make slaves of the + Ulstermen. It will deprive them of half of the representation to + which their population entitles them in the House of Commons, thus + reducing them to a political inferiority, as compared with the + peoples of Great Britain, which can hardly be distinguished from + political slavery, and it will further compel them to accept the + administration of a Dublin Parliament which they fear and detest in + all matters relating to their local government. I have often + wondered how any one rejoicing in the inheritance of old Liberal + traditions could for a moment suppose that any group of free men + would ever accept such dishonoring conditions. + + Again, if the Home Rule bill is passed with the amending bill + tacked on to it, the chains of slavery from which Ulster will be + relieved will be riveted on the rest of Ireland. Ulster will have + thirty-three representatives in the Imperial House of Commons, and + the rest of Ireland twenty-seven! What germ of a settlement of the + Irish question can any one discover in a policy which proposes that + one-fourth of the people of Ireland should be able to outvote the + other three-fourths in matters affecting their liberties and + taxation? + + No! The Ministerial bills of home rule are fundamentally bad and + should be withdrawn, in order that a new attempt may be made to + reach a settlement by general consent in accordance, as I believe, + with the wishes of the overwhelming majority of the people. + + Is it not better to wait a little for a settlement by consent on + lines which will conduce to permanent peace and prosperity than to + try to force on the pages of the statute book a measure which must + lead to bloodshed and civil war? If party considerations veto the + withdrawal of the Ministerial measure of home rule without the aid + of a general election, then let us have a general election without + one moment's unnecessary delay. + + The times are too perilous to allow us even to contemplate with any + other feeling than that of horror and dismay the Lord Chancellor's + appeal to go forward unflinchingly to civil war. + + I have the honor to remain, Sir, + + Yours respectfully, + + GREY. + + 22 South Street, Park Lane, July 26. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"A CLOUD OVER EUROPE." + +London Times Report, July 27, of Speech by Under Secretary +Acland. + + +F.D. Acland, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, speaking at an +open-air Liberal demonstration at Steyning, Sussex, on Saturday [July +25], said there was a cloud over Europe, the position there being far +graver and more serious than the position in Ireland. No one could +imagine the disasters which a war in which a great European power was +involved might bring to the whole world. He hoped the power of +accommodating the difficulties in the same way as in the Balkan trouble +last year would be found effective. The whole of the influence of this +country would be used in the interests of peace. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: SIR EDWARD GREY, +British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. +(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)] + + + + +AUSTRO-SERVIAN CRISIS. + +Statement in House of Commons, July 27, by Sir Edward Grey, Secretary +of State for Foreign Affairs. + + +The House will, of course, be aware from the public press of what the +nature of the situation in Europe is at the present moment. I think it +is due to the House that I should give in short narrative form the +position which his Majesty's Government have so far taken up. ["Hear, +hear."] Last Friday morning I received from the Austro-Hungarian +Ambassador the text of the communication made by the Austro-Hungarian +Government to the powers, which has appeared in the press, and which +included textually the demand made by the Austro-Hungarian Government +upon Servia. + +In the afternoon I saw other Ambassadors, and expressed the view that as +long as the dispute was one between Austria-Hungary and Servia alone I +felt that we had no title to interfere, but that if the relations +between Austria-Hungary and Russia became threatening, the question +would then be one of the peace of Europe--a matter that concerned us +all. + +I did not then know what view the Russian Government had taken +of the situation, and without knowing how things were likely to develop +I could not make any immediate proposition; but I said that if relations +between Austria-Hungary and Russia did become threatening, the only +chance of peace appeared to me to be that the four powers--Germany, +France, Italy, and Great Britain--who were not directly interested in +the Servian question, should work together both in St. Petersburg and +Vienna simultaneously to get both Austria-Hungary and Russia to suspend +military operations while the four powers endeavored to arrange a +settlement. + +After I had heard that Austria-Hungary had broken off diplomatic +relations with Servia I made, by telegraph yesterday afternoon, the +following proposal, as a practical method of applying the views that I +had already expressed: + +I instructed his Majesty's Ambassadors in Paris, Berlin, and Rome to ask +the Governments to which they were accredited whether they would be +willing to arrange that the French, German, and Italian Ambassadors in +London should meet me in a conference to be held in London immediately +to endeavor to find a means of arranging the present difficulties. At +the same time I instructed his Majesty's Ambassadors to ask those +Governments to authorize their representatives in Vienna, St. +Petersburg, and Belgrade to inform the Governments there of the proposed +conference and to ask them to suspend all active military operations +pending the result of the conference. + +To that I have not yet received complete replies, and it is of course a +proposal in which the co-operation of all four powers is essential. In a +crisis so grave as this the efforts of one power alone to preserve the +peace must be quite ineffective. + +The time allowed in this matter has been so short that I have had to +take the risk of making a proposal without the usual preliminary steps +of trying to ascertain whether it would be well received. But, where +matters are so grave and the time so short, the risk of proposing +something that is unwelcome or ineffective cannot be avoided. I cannot +but feel, however, assuming that the text of the Servian reply as +published this morning in the press is accurate, as I believe it to be, +that it should at least provide a basis on which a friendly and +impartial group of powers, including powers who are equally in the +confidence of Austria-Hungary and of Russia, should be able to arrange a +settlement that would be generally acceptable. + +It must be obvious to any person who reflects upon the situation that +the moment the dispute ceases to be one between Austria-Hungary and +Servia and becomes one in which another great power is involved, it can +but end in the greatest catastrophe that has ever befallen the Continent +of Europe at one blow; no one can say what would be the limit of the +issues that might be raised by such a conflict; the consequences of it, +direct and indirect, would be incalculable. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A GRAVE SITUATION. + +Statement in House of Commons, July 29, by H.H. Asquith, British Prime +Minister. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_ (Lancs, Bootle)--May I ask the Prime Minister whether +he has any information to give the House with regard to the European +situation? + +_Mr. Asquith_--As the House is aware, a formal declaration of war was +issued yesterday by Austria against Servia. The situation at this moment +is one of extreme gravity and I can only say--usefully say--that his +Majesty's Government are not relaxing their efforts to do everything in +their power to circumscribe the area of possible conflict. ["Hear! +hear!"] + + + * * * * * + + + + +RISK OF A CATASTROPHE. + +Declaration in House of Commons, July 30, by Prime Minister Asquith. + + +We meet today under conditions of gravity which are almost unparalleled +in the experience of every one of us. The issues of peace and +war are hanging in the balance, and with them the risk of a catastrophe +of which it is impossible to measure either the dimensions or the +effects. In these circumstances it is of vital importance in the +interests of the whole world that this country, which has no interests +of its own directly at stake, should present a united front and be able +to speak and act with the authority of an undivided nation. If we were +to proceed today with the first order on the paper we should inevitably, +unless the debate was conducted with an artificial tone, be involved in +acute controversy in regard to domestic differences whose importance to +ourselves no one here in any quarter of the House is disposed to +disparage or to belittle. I need not say more than that such a use of +our time at such a moment might have injurious, and lastingly injurious, +effects on the international situation. I have had the advantage of +consultation with the leader of the Opposition, who, I know, shares to +the full the view which I have expressed. We shall therefore propose to +put off for the present the consideration of the second reading of the +amending bill--of course, without prejudice to its future--in the hope +that by a postponement of the discussion the patriotism of all parties +will contribute what lies in our power, if not to avert at least to +circumscribe the calamities which threaten the world. In the meantime +the business which we shall take will be confined to necessary matters +which will not be of a controversial character. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +OPPOSITION CONCURS. + + +Assent of Bonar Law, Leader of the British Opposition, and of Sir +Edward Carson, July 30. + + +As the Prime Minister has informed the House, it is with our concurrence +that he has made the suggestion which we have just heard. At a moment +like the present, when even those of us who do not share diplomatic +secrets feel that the statement of the Prime Minister is true, that +peace and war may be trembling in the balance, I think it is of the +utmost importance that it should be made plain to every one that, +whatever our domestic differences may be, they do not prevent us from +presenting a united front in the councils of the world. I am obliged to +the Prime Minister for saying that in the meantime party controversial +business will not be taken. I am sure that it is his intention, as it +would be the wish of the whole House, that this postponement will not in +any way prejudice the interests of any of the parties to the +controversy. I should like to add--and I do so, not to give information +to the House, the members of which quite understand the position, but in +order that it may be plain outside that in what I have now said I speak +not only, so far as I am entitled to speak, for the Unionist Party, but +for Ulster--that in what I have just said I have the concurrence of my +right honorable friend the member for Trinity College [Sir Edward +Carson]. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PEACE THE GREAT OBJECT. + +Statement by Sir Edward Grey in House of Commons, July 30. + + +I regret that I cannot say the situation is less grave than it was +yesterday. The outstanding facts are much the same. Austria has begun +war against Servia. Russia has ordered a partial mobilization. This has +not hitherto led to any corresponding steps by other powers, so far as +our information goes. We continue to pursue the one great object of +preserving European peace, and for this purpose we are keeping in close +touch with other powers. In thus keeping in touch we have, I am glad to +say, had no difficulty so far; though it has not been possible for the +powers to unite in diplomatic action as was proposed on Monday. + + + * * * * * + + + + +RUSSIA'S MOBILIZATION. + +Statement in House of Commons by Prime Minister Asquith, Aug. 1. + + +We have just heard, not from St. Petersburg but from Germany, that +Russia has proclaimed a general mobilization of her army and fleet, +and in consequence of this martial law is to be proclaimed in Germany. + +We understand this to mean that mobilization will follow in Germany if +the Russian mobilization is general and is proceeded with. + +In these circumstances I should prefer not to answer any further +question until Monday. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE GERMAN INVASION. + +Editorial Article of The London Times, Aug. 3. + + +The die is cast. The great European struggle which the nations have so +long struggled to avert has begun. Germany declared war upon Russia on +Saturday evening, and yesterday her troops entered Luxemburg and crossed +the French frontier in Lorraine without any declaration at all. It is +idle to dwell upon events such as these. They speak for themselves in a +fashion which all can understand. They mean that Europe is to be the +scene of the most terrible war that she has witnessed since the fall of +the Roman Empire. The losses in human life and in the accumulated wealth +of generations which such a contest must involve are frightful to think +on. That it should have come about despite the zealous efforts of +diplomacy, and against the wishes of almost all the nations whom it is +destined to afflict, is a grim satire upon the professions of peace yet +fresh upon the lips of those who have plunged the Continent into its +miseries and its calamities. The blame must fall mainly upon Germany. +She could have stayed the plague had she chosen to speak in Vienna as +she speaks when she is in earnest. She has not chosen to do so. She has +preferred to make demands in St. Petersburg and in Paris which no +Government could entertain, and to defeat by irrevocable acts the last +efforts of this country and of others for mediation. She has lived up to +the worst principles of the Frederician tradition--the tradition which +disregards all obligations of right and wrong at the bidding of +immediate self-interest. She believes that her admirable military +organization has enabled her to steal a march upon her rivals. She has +been mobilizing in all but name, while their mobilization has been +retarded by the "conversations" she continued until her moment had come. +Then she flung the mask aside. While her Ambassador was still in Paris, +while by the customs traditional with all civilized peoples she was +still at peace with France, she has sent her soldiers into Luxemburg, +and invaded the territory of the republic. It is hard to say which of +these acts is the grosser infringement of public right. With Luxemburg +she makes no pretense of quarrel. She is herself a party to the +guarantee of its neutrality contained in the Treaty of 1867. The other +guarantors are Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Austria-Hungary, +Belgium, and the Netherlands. She solemnly pledged herself with some of +them, including France and ourselves, to respect this neutrality. The +world sees how Germany keeps her word. She has been weak enough, or +cynical enough, to issue an explanation of her breach of faith. Let +Englishmen, who have been disposed to trust her, judge it for +themselves. She has not, she says, committed a hostile act by crossing +the frontiers, by forcibly seizing the Government offices, and by +forcibly interrupting the telephonic communication. These are merely +measures to protect the railways from a possible attack by the French. +For the sudden invasion of France no excuse has yet been published. When +it comes it will doubtless be of about equal worth. + +The whole situation has been revolutionized by the events of yesterday. +The doubts which many of us tried hard to cherish as to Germany's real +intentions have been dispelled by her high-handed contempt for public +law. The Government and the nation now realize that she has been bent on +a European war--a European war to be waged in the first instance against +France, and through at least one of those neutral States whose safety we +have bound ourselves to defend because it is indispensable to our own. +The Cabinet, which has been sitting almost uninterruptedly since +Saturday morning, reached a decision at an early hour yesterday, which +shows that they know what is before us. They have called up the Naval +Reserves. They would not have taken this step had they not felt that in +this quarrel our interests are now directly at stake. After the example +of what Germany has done in Luxemburg and on the French border we can no +longer rely upon the presence of her Ambassador as a security against +some sudden surprise. We have no controversy with her, it is true. We +have been willing and anxious to develop those better relations with her +which had of late sprung up. We were eager to work with her for +mediation and for peace. Now she has shown her hand. She is resolved to +crush France, and to trample upon the rights of those who happen to +stand in her way. Yesterday it was Luxemburg. Today it may be Belgium or +Holland, or she may treat us as she has treated our French friends, and +assail us without a declaration of war. She will find the empire ready. +Here at home and in the far-off dominions the sure instinct of our +peoples teaches them that the ruin of France or of the Low Countries +would be the prelude to our own. We can no more tolerate a German +hegemony in Europe than we can tolerate the hegemony of any other power. +As our fathers fought Spain and France in the days of their greatest +strength to defeat their pretense to Continental supremacy, and their +menace to the narrow seas, which are the bulwark of our independence, so +shall we be ready, with the same unanimity and the same stubborn +tenacity of purpose, to fight any other nation which shows by her acts +that she is advancing a like claim and confronting us with a like +threat. If any individual member of the Cabinet dissents from this view, +the sooner he quits the Government the better. Mr. Asquith may find it +no disadvantage to take fresh blood into his Administration, as M. +Viviani has undoubtedly strengthened the French Government by the +admission of M. Delcassé and M. Clemenceau. The controversy between +Austria-Hungary and Servia, and that between Austria-Hungary and Russia, +have passed away from the eyes of the nation. These are fixed on the +German attack upon the French Republic and upon Luxemburg. In that +conflict the nation know their duty. With the blessing of Heaven they +will do it to the uttermost. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED. + +Sir Edward Grey's Speech in House of Commons, Aug. 3. + + +Last week I stated that we were working for peace not only for this +country, but to preserve the peace of Europe. Today events move so +rapidly that it is exceedingly difficult to state with technical +accuracy the actual state of affairs, but it is clear that the peace of +Europe cannot be preserved. Russia and Germany, at any rate, have +declared war upon each other. + +Before I proceed to state the position of his Majesty's Government I +would like to clear the ground so that, before I come to state to the +House what our attitude is with regard to the present crisis, the House +may know exactly under what obligations the Government is, or the House +can be said to be, in coming to a decision on the matter. First of all, +let me say, very shortly, that we have consistently worked with a single +mind, with all the earnestness in our power, to preserve peace. The +House may be satisfied on that point. We have always done it. During +these last years, as far as his Majesty's Government are concerned, we +would have no difficulty in proving that we have done so. Throughout the +Balkan crisis, by general admission, we worked for peace. The +co-operation of the great powers of Europe was successful in working for +peace in the Balkan crisis. It is true that some of the powers had great +difficulty in adjusting their points of view. It took much time and +labor and discussion before they could settle their differences, but +peace was secured, because peace was their main object, and they were +willing to give time and trouble rather than accentuate differences +rapidly. + +In the present crisis it has not been possible to secure the peace of +Europe; because there has been little time, and there has been a +disposition--at any rate in some quarters on which I will not dwell--to +force things rapidly to an issue, at any rate to the great risk of +peace, and, as we now know, the result of that is that the policy of +peace as far as the great powers generally are concerned is in danger. I +do not want to dwell on that, and to comment on it, and to say where the +blame seems to us to lie, which powers were most in favor of peace, +which were most disposed to risk war or endanger peace, because I would +like the House to approach this crisis in which we are now from the +point of view of British interests, British honor, and British +obligations, free from all passion as to why peace has not been +preserved. + +We shall publish papers as soon as we can regarding what took place last +week when we were working for peace, and when those papers are published +I have no doubt that to every human being they will make it clear how +strenuous and genuine and whole-hearted our efforts for peace were, and +that they will enable people to form their own judgment as to what +forces were at work which operated against peace. + +I come first, now, to the question of British obligations. I have +assured the House--and the Prime Minister has assured the House more +than once--that if any crisis such as this arose we should come before +the House of Commons and be able to say to the House that it was free to +decide what the British attitude should be, that we would have no secret +engagement which we should spring upon the House, and tell the House +that because we had entered into that engagement there was an obligation +of honor upon the country. I will deal with that point to clear the +ground first. + +There have been in Europe two diplomatic groups, the Triple Alliance and +what came to be called the Triple Entente, for some years past. The +Triple Entente was not an alliance--it was a diplomatic group. The House +will remember that in 1908 there was a crisis--also a Balkan +crisis--originating in the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The +Russian Minister, M. Isvolsky, came to London, or happened to come to +London, because his visit was planned before the crisis broke out. I +told him definitely then, this being a Balkan crisis, a Balkan affair, I +did not consider that public opinion in this country would justify us in +promising to give anything more than diplomatic support. More was never +asked from us, more was never given, and more was never promised. + +In this present crisis, up till yesterday, we have also given no promise +of anything more than diplomatic support--up till yesterday no promise +of more than diplomatic support. Now I must make this question of +obligation clear to the House. I must go back to the first Moroccan +crisis of 1906. That was the time of the Algeciras Conference, and it +came at a time of very great difficulty to his Majesty's Government when +a general election was in progress, and Ministers were scattered over +the country, and I--spending three days a week in my constituency and +three days at the Foreign Office--was asked the question whether, if +that crisis developed into war between France and Germany, we would give +armed support. I said then that I could promise nothing to any foreign +power unless it was subsequently to receive the whole-hearted support of +public opinion here if the occasion arose. I said, in my opinion, if war +was forced upon France then on the question of Morocco--a question which +had just been the subject of agreement between this country and France, +an agreement exceedingly popular on both sides--that if out of that +agreement war was forced on France at that time, in my view public +opinion in this country would have rallied to the material support of +France. + +I gave no promise, but I expressed that opinion during the crisis, as +far as I remember almost in the same words, to the French Ambassador +and the German Ambassador at the time. I made no promise and I used no +threats; but I expressed that opinion. That position was accepted by the +French Government, but they said to me at the time, and I think very +reasonably, "If you think it possible that the public opinion of Great +Britain might, should a sudden crisis arise, justify you in giving to +France the armed support which you cannot promise in advance, you will +not be able to give that support, even if you wish it, when the time +comes, unless some conversations have already taken place between naval +and military experts." There was force in that. I agreed to it, and +authorized those conversations to take place, but on the distinct +understanding that nothing which passed between military or naval +experts should bind either Government or restrict in any way their +freedom to make a decision as to whether or not they would give that +support when the time arose. + +As I have told the House, upon that occasion a general election was in +prospect; I had to take the responsibility of doing that without the +Cabinet. It could not be summoned. An answer had to be given. I +consulted Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the Prime Minister; I consulted, +I remember, Lord Haldane, who was then Secretary of State for War, and +the present Prime Minister, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer. +That was the most I could do, and they authorized that, on the distinct +understanding that it left the hands of the Government free whenever the +crisis arose. The fact that conversations between military and naval +experts took place was later on--I think much later on, because that +crisis passed, and the thing ceased to be of importance--but later on it +was brought to the knowledge of the Cabinet. + +The Agadir crisis came--another Morocco crisis--and throughout that I +took precisely the same line that had been taken in 1906. But +subsequently, in 1912, after discussion and consideration in the +Cabinet, it was decided that we ought to have a definite understanding +in writing, which was to be only in the form of an unofficial letter, +that these conversations which took place were not binding upon the +freedom of either Government; and on the 22d November, 1912, I wrote to +the French Ambassador the letter which I will now read to the House, and +I received from him a letter in similar terms in reply. The letter which +I have to read to the House is this, and it will be known to the public +now as the record that, whatever took place between military and naval +experts, they were not binding engagements upon the Government: + + My dear Ambassador: + + From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and + military experts have consulted together. It has always been + understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of + either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to + assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation + between experts is not, and ought not, to be regarded as an + engagement that commits either Government to action in a + contingency that has not yet arisen and may never arise. The + disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets + respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement + to co-operate in war. + + You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave + reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might + become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon + the armed assistance of the other. + + I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an + unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened + the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other + whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression + and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be + prepared to take in common. + +_Lord Charles Beresford_--What is the date of that? + +_Sir E. Grey_--The 22nd November, 1912. That is the starting point for +the Government with regard to the present crisis. I think it makes it +clear that what the Prime Minister and I said to the House of Commons +was perfectly justified, and that, as regards our freedom to decide in a +crisis what our line should be, whether we should intervene or whether +we should abstain, the Government remained perfectly free, and, a +fortiori, the House of Commons remains perfectly free. That I say to +clear the ground from the point of view of obligation. I think it was +due to prove our good faith to the House of Commons that I should give +that full information to the House now, and say what I think is obvious +from the letter I have just read, that we do not construe anything which +has previously taken place in our diplomatic relations with other powers +in this matter as restricting the freedom of the Government to decide +what attitude they should take now, or restrict the freedom of the House +of Commons to decide what their attitude should be. + +Well, Sir, I will go further, and I will say this: The situation in the +present crisis is not precisely the same as it was in the Morocco +question. In the Morocco question it was primarily a dispute which +concerned France--a dispute which concerned France and France +primarily--a dispute, as it seemed to us, affecting France out of an +agreement subsisting between us and France, and published to the whole +world, in which we engaged to give France diplomatic support. No doubt +we were pledged to give nothing but diplomatic support; we were, at any +rate, pledged by a definite public agreement to stand with France +diplomatically in that question. + +The present crisis has originated differently. It has not originated +with regard to Morocco. It has not originated as regards anything with +which we had a special agreement with France; it has not originated with +anything which primarily concerned France. It has originated in a +dispute between Austria and Servia. I can say this with the most +absolute confidence--no Government and no country has less desire to be +involved in war over a dispute with Austria and Servia than the +Government and the Country of France. They are involved in it because of +their obligation of honor under a definite alliance with Russia. Well, +it is only fair to say to the House that that obligation of honor cannot +apply in the same way to us. We are not parties to the Franco-Russian +alliance. We do not even know the terms of that alliance. So far I +have, I think, faithfully and completely cleared the ground with regard +to the question of obligation. + +I now come to what we think the situation requires of us. For many years +we have had a long-standing friendship with France. I remember well the +feeling in the House--and my own feeling--for I spoke on the subject, I +think, when the late Government made their agreement with France--the +warm and cordial feeling resulting from the fact that these two nations, +who had had perpetual differences in the past, had cleared these +differences away; I remember saying, I think, that it seemed to me that +some benign influence had been at work to produce the cordial atmosphere +that had made that possible. But how far that friendship entails +obligation--it has been a friendship between the nations and ratified by +the nations--how far that entails an obligation, let every man look into +his own heart, and his own feelings, and construe the extent of the +obligation for himself. I construe it myself as I feel it, but I do not +wish to urge upon any one else more than their feelings dictate as to +what they should feel about the obligation. The House, individually and +collectively, may judge for itself. I speak my personal view, and I have +given the House my own feeling in the matter. + +The French fleet is now in the Mediterranean, and the northern and +western coasts of France are absolutely undefended. The French fleet +being concentrated in the Mediterranean, the situation is very different +from what it used to be, because the friendship which has grown up +between the two countries has given them a sense of security that there +was nothing to be feared from us. + +The French coasts are absolutely undefended. The French fleet is in the +Mediterranean, and has for some years been concentrated there because of +the feeling of confidence and friendship which has existed between the +two countries. My own feeling is that if a foreign fleet, engaged in a +war which France had not sought, and in which she had not been the +aggressor, came down the English Channel and bombarded and battered the +undefended coasts of France, we could not stand aside, and see this +going on practically within sight of our eyes, with our arms folded, +looking on dispassionately, doing nothing. I believe that would be the +feeling of this country. There are times when one feels that if these +circumstances actually did arise, it would be a feeling which would +spread with irresistible force throughout the land. + +But I also want to look at the matter without sentiment, and from the +point of view of British interests, and it is on that that I am going to +base and justify what I am presently going to say to the House. If we +say nothing at this moment, what is France to do with her fleet in the +Mediterranean? If she leaves it there, with no statement from us as to +what we will do, she leaves her northern and western coasts absolutely +undefended, at the mercy of a German fleet coming down the Channel to do +as it pleases in a war which is a war of life and death between them. If +we say nothing, it may be that the French fleet is withdrawn from the +Mediterranean. We are in the presence of a European conflagration; can +anybody set limits to the consequences that may arise out of it? Let us +assume that today we stand aside in an attitude of neutrality, saying, +"No, we cannot undertake and engage to help either party in this +conflict." Let us suppose the French fleet is withdrawn from the +Mediterranean; and let us assume that the consequences--which are +already tremendous in what has happened in Europe even to countries +which are at peace--in fact, equally whether countries are at peace or +at war--let us assume that out of that come consequences unforeseen, +which make it necessary at a sudden moment that, in defense of vital +British interests, we shall go to war; and let us assume--which is quite +possible--that Italy, who is now neutral--because, as I understand, she +considers that this war is an aggressive war, and the Triple Alliance +being a defensive alliance her obligation did not arise--let us assume +that consequences which are not yet foreseen and which, perfectly +legitimately consulting her own interests, make Italy depart from her +attitude of neutrality at a time when we are forced in defense of vital +British interests ourselves to fight--what then will be the position in +the Mediterranean? It might be that at some critical moment those +consequences would be forced upon us because our trade routes in the +Mediterranean might be vital to this country. + +Nobody can say that in the course of the next few weeks there is any +particular trade route, the keeping open of which may not be vital to +this country. What will be our position then? We have not kept a fleet +in the Mediterranean which is equal to dealing alone with a combination +of other fleets in the Mediterranean. It would be the very moment when +we could not detach more ships to the Mediterranean, and we might have +exposed this country from our negative attitude at the present moment to +the most appalling risk. I say that from the point of view of British +interests. We feel strongly that France was entitled to know--and to +know at once--whether or not in the event of attack upon her unprotected +northern and western coasts she could depend upon British support. In +that emergency, and in these compelling circumstances, yesterday +afternoon I gave to the French Ambassador the following statement: + + I am authorized to give an assurance that if the German fleet comes + into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile + operations against the French coasts or shipping, the British fleet + will give all the protection in its power. This assurance is, of + course, subject to the policy of his Majesty's Government receiving + the support of Parliament, and must not be taken as binding his + Majesty's Government to take any action until the above contingency + of action by the German fleet takes place. + +I read that to the House, not as a declaration of war on our part, not +as entailing immediate aggressive action on our part, but as binding us +to take aggressive action should that contingency arise. Things move +very hurriedly from hour to hour. Fresh news comes in, and I cannot give +this in any very formal way; but I understand that the German +Government would be prepared, if we would pledge ourselves to +neutrality, to agree that its fleet would not attack the northern coast +of France. I have only heard that shortly before I came to the House, +but it is far too narrow an engagement for us. And, Sir, there is the +more serious consideration--becoming more serious every hour--there is +the question of the neutrality of Belgium. + +I shall have to put before the House at some length what is our position +in regard to Belgium. The governing factor is the Treaty of 1839, but +this is a treaty with a history--a history accumulated since. In 1870, +when there was war between France and Germany, the question of the +neutrality of Belgium arose, and various things were said. Among other +things, Prince Bismarck gave an assurance to Belgium that--confirming +his verbal assurance, he gave in writing a declaration which he said was +superfluous in reference to the treaty in existence--that the German +Confederation and its allies would respect the neutrality of Belgium, it +being always understood that that neutrality would be respected by the +other belligerent powers. That is valuable as a recognition in 1870 on +the part of Germany of the sacredness of these treaty rights. + +What was our own attitude? The people who laid down the attitude of the +British Government were Lord Granville in the House of Lords and Mr. +Gladstone in the House of Commons. Lord Granville on the 8th August, +1870, used these words. He said: + + We might have explained to the country and to foreign nations that + we could not think this country was bound either morally or + internationally, or that its interests were concerned in the + maintenance of the neutrality of Belgium; though this course might + have had some conveniences, though it might have been easy to + adhere to it, though it might have saved us from some immediate + danger, it is a course which her Majesty's Government thought it + impossible to adopt in the name of the country with any due regard + to the country's honor or to the country's interests. + +Mr. Gladstone, spoke as follows two days later: + + There is, I admit, the obligation of the treaty. It is not + necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into the complicated + question of the nature of the obligations of that treaty; but I am + not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who have held in + this House what plainly amounts to an assertion, that the simple + fact of the existence of a guarantee is binding on every party to + it, irrespectively altogether of the particular position in which + it may find itself at the time when the occasion for acting on the + guarantee arises. The great authorities upon foreign policy to whom + I have been accustomed to listen, such as Lord Aberdeen and Lord + Palmerston, never to my knowledge took that rigid and, if I may + venture to say so, that impracticable view of the guarantee. The + circumstance, that there is already an existing guarantee in force, + is, of necessity, an important fact, and a weighty element in the + case, to which we are bound to give full and ample consideration. + There is also this further consideration, the force of which we + must all feel most deeply, and that is, the common interests + against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power whatever. + +The treaty is an old treaty--1839--and that was the view taken of it in +1870. It is one of those treaties which are founded, not only on +consideration for Belgium, which benefits under the treaty, but in the +interests of those who guarantee the neutrality of Belgium. The honor +and interests are, at least, as strong today as in 1870, and we cannot +take a more narrow view or a less serious view of our obligations, and +of the importance of those obligations, than was taken by Mr. +Gladstone's Government in 1870. + +I will read to the House what took place last week on this subject. When +mobilization was beginning, I knew that this question must be a most +important element in our policy--a most important subject for the House +of Commons. I telegraphed at the same time in similar terms to both +Paris and Berlin to say that it was essential for us to know whether the +French and German Governments respectively were prepared to undertake an +engagement to respect the neutrality of Belgium. These are the replies. +I got from the French Government this reply: + + The French Government are resolved to respect the neutrality of + Belgium, and it would only be in the event of some other power + violating that neutrality that France might find herself under the + necessity, in order to assure the defense of her security, to act + otherwise. This assurance has been given several times. The + President of the Republic spoke of it to the King of the Belgians, + and the French Minister at Brussels has spontaneously renewed the + assurance to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs today. + +From the German Government the reply was: + + The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs could not possibly give + an answer before consulting the Emperor and the Imperial + Chancellor. + +Sir Edward Goschen, to whom I had said it was important to have an +answer soon, said he hoped the answer would not be too long delayed. The +German Minister for Foreign Affairs then gave Sir Edward Goschen to +understand that he rather doubted whether they could answer at all, as +any reply they might give could not fail, in the event of war, to have +the undesirable effect of disclosing, to a certain extent, part of their +plan of campaign. I telegraphed at the same time to Brussels to the +Belgian Government, and I got the following reply from Sir Francis +Villiers: + + Belgium expects and desires that other powers will observe and + uphold her neutrality, which she intends to maintain to the utmost + of her power. In so informing me, Minister for Foreign Affairs + said, that, in the event of the violation of the neutrality of + their territory, they believed that they were in a position to + defend themselves against intrusion. The relations between Belgium + and her neighbors were excellent, and there was no reason to + suspect their intentions; but he thought it well, nevertheless, to + be prepared against emergencies. + +It now appears from the news I have received today--which has come quite +recently, and I am not yet quite sure how far it has reached me in an +accurate form--that an ultimatum has been given to Belgium by Germany, +the object of which was to offer Belgium friendly relations with Germany +on condition that she would facilitate the passage of German troops +through Belgium. Well, Sir, until one has these things absolutely +definitely, up to the last moment, I do not wish to say all that one +would say if one were in a position to give the House full, complete, +and absolute information upon the point. We were sounded in the course +of last week as to whether, if a guarantee were given that, after the +war, Belgian integrity would be preserved, that would content us. We +replied that we could not bargain away whatever interests or obligations +we had in Belgian neutrality. + +Shortly before I reached the House I was informed that the following +telegram had been received from the King of the Belgians by our +King--King George: + + Remembering the numerous proofs of your Majesty's friendship and + that of your predecessors, and the friendly attitude of England in + 1870, and the poof of friendship she has just given us again, I + make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of your + Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of Belgium. + +Diplomatic intervention took place last week on our part. What can +diplomatic intervention do now? We have great and vital interests in the +independence--and integrity is the least part--of Belgium. If Belgium is +compelled to submit to allow her neutrality to be violated, of course +the situation is clear. Even if by agreement she admitted the violation +of her neutrality, it is clear she could only do so under duress. The +smaller States in that region of Europe ask but one thing. Their one +desire is that they should be left alone and independent. The one thing +they fear is, I think, not so much that their integrity but that their +independence should be interfered with. If in this war which is before +Europe the neutrality of one of those countries is violated, if the +troops of one of the combatants violate its neutrality and no action be +taken to resent it, at the end of the war, whatever the integrity may +be, the independence will be gone. + +I have one further quotation from Mr. Gladstone as to what he thought +about the independence of Belgium. It will be found in "Hansard," Vol. +203, Page 1,787. I have not had time to read the whole speech and verify +the context, but the thing seems to me so clear that no context could +make any difference to the meaning of it. Mr. Gladstone said: + + We have an interest in the independence of Belgium which is wider + than that which we may have in the literal operation of the + guarantee. It is found in the answer to the question whether, under + the circumstances of the case, this country, endowed as it is with + influence and power, would quietly stand by and witness the + perpetration of the direst crime that ever stained the pages of + history, and thus become participators in the sin. + +No, Sir, if it be the case that there has been anything in the nature of +an ultimatum to Belgium, asking her to compromise or violate her +neutrality, whatever may have been offered to her in return, her +independence is gone if that holds. If her independence goes, the +independence of Holland will follow. I ask the House from the point of +view of British interests to consider what may be at stake. If France is +beaten in a struggle of life and death, beaten to her knees, loses her +position as a great power, becomes subordinate to the will and power of +one greater than herself--consequences which I do not anticipate, +because I am sure that France has the power to defend herself with all +the energy and ability and patriotism which she has shown so +often--still, if that were to happen, and if Belgium fell under the same +dominating influence, and then Holland, and then Denmark, then would not +Mr. Gladstone's words come true, that just opposite to us there would be +a common interest against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power? + +It may be said, I suppose, that we might stand aside, husband our +strength, and that, whatever happened in the course of this war, at the +end of it intervene with effect to put things right, and to adjust them +to our own point of view. If, in a crisis like this, we run away from +those obligations of honor and interest as regards the Belgian treaty, I +doubt whether, whatever material force we might have at the end, it +would be of very much value in face of the respect that we should have +lost. And do not believe, whether a great power stands outside this war +or not, it is going to be in a position at the end of it to exert its +superior strength. For us, with a powerful fleet, which we believe able +to protect our commerce, to protect our shores, and to protect our +interests, if we are engaged in war, we shall suffer but little more +than we shall suffer even if we stand aside. + +We are going to suffer, I am afraid, terribly in this war, whether we +are in it or whether we stand aside. Foreign trade is going to stop, not +because the trade routes are closed, but because there is no trade at +the other end. Continental nations engaged in war--all their +populations, all their energies, all their wealth, engaged in a +desperate struggle--they cannot carry on the trade with us that they are +carrying on in times of peace, whether we are parties to the war or +whether we are not. I do not believe for a moment that at the end of +this war, even if we stood aside and remained aside, we should be in a +position, a material position, to use our force decisively to undo what +had happened in the course of the war, to prevent the whole of the west +of Europe opposite to us--if that had been the result of the +war--falling under the domination of a single power, and I am quite sure +that our moral position would be such as to have lost us all respect. I +can only say that I have put the question of Belgium somewhat +hypothetically, because I am not yet sure of all the facts, but, if the +facts turn out to be as they have reached us at present, it is quite +clear that there is an obligation on this country to do its utmost to +prevent the consequences to which those facts will lead if they are +undisputed. + +I have read to the House the only engagements that we have yet taken +definitely with regard to the use of force. I think it is due to the +House to say that we have taken no engagement yet with regard to sending +an expeditionary armed force out of the country. Mobilization of the +fleet has taken place; mobilization of the army is taking place; but we +have as yet taken no engagement, because I feel that--in the case of a +European conflagration such as this, unprecedented, with our enormous +responsibilities in India and other parts of the empire, or in countries +in British occupation, with all the unknown factors--we must take very +carefully into consideration the use which we make of sending an +expeditionary force out of the country until we know how we stand. One +thing I would say. + +The one bright spot in the whole of this, terrible situation is Ireland. +The general feeling throughout Ireland--and I would like this to be +clearly understood abroad--does not make the Irish question a +consideration which we feel we have now to take into account. I have +told the House how far we have at present gone in commitments and the +conditions which influence our policy, and I have put to the House and +dwelt at length upon how vital is the condition of the neutrality of +Belgium. + +What other policy Is there before the House? There is but one way in +which the Government could make certain at the present moment of keeping +outside this war, and that would be that it should immediately issue a +proclamation of unconditional neutrality. We cannot do that. We have +made the commitment to France that I have read to the House which +prevents us doing that. We have got the consideration of Belgium which +prevents us also from any unconditional neutrality, and, without these +conditions absolutely satisfied and satisfactory, we are bound not to +shrink from proceeding to the use of all the forces in our power. If we +did take that line by saying, "We will have nothing whatever to do with +this matter" under no conditions--the Belgian treaty obligations, the +possible position in the Mediterranean, with damage to British +interests, and what may happen to France from our failure to support +France--if we were to say that all those things mattered nothing, were +as nothing, and to say we would stand aside, we should, I believe, +sacrifice our respect and good name and reputation before the world, and +should not escape the most serious and grave economic consequences. + +My object has been to explain the view of the Government, and to place +before the House the issue and the choice. I do not for a moment +conceal, after what I have said, and after the information, incomplete +as it is, that I have given to the House with regard to Belgium, that +we must be prepared, and we are prepared, for the consequences of having +to use all the strength we have at any moment--we know not how soon--to +defend ourselves and to take our part. We know, if the facts all be as I +have stated them, though I have announced no intending aggressive action +on our part, no final decision to resort to force at a moment's notice, +until we know the whole of the case, that the use of it may be forced +upon us. As far as the forces of the Crown are concerned, we are ready. +I believe the Prime Minister and my right honorable friend the First +Lord of the Admiralty have no doubt whatever that the readiness and the +efficiency of those forces were never at a higher mark than they are +today, and never was there a time when confidence was more justified in +the power of the navy to protect our commerce and to protect our shores. +The thought is with us always of the suffering and misery entailed, from +which no country in Europe will escape by abstention, and from which no +neutrality will save us. The amount of harm that can be done by an enemy +ship to our trade is infinitesimal, compared with the amount of harm +that must be done by the economic condition that is caused on the +Continent. + +The most awful responsibility is resting upon the Government in deciding +what to advise the House of Commons to do. We have disclosed our minds +to the House of Commons. We have disclosed the issue, the information +which we have, and made clear to the House, I trust, that we are +prepared to face that situation, and that should it develop, as probably +it may develop, we will face it. We worked for peace up to the last +moment, and beyond the last moment. How hard, how persistently, and how +earnestly we strove for peace last week the House will see from the +papers that will be before it. + +But that is over, as far as the peace of Europe is concerned. We are now +face to face with a situation and all the consequences which it may yet +have to unfold. We believe we shall have the support of the House at +large in proceeding to whatever the consequences may be and whatever +measures may be forced upon us by the development of facts or action +taken by others. I believe the country, so quickly has the situation +been forced upon it, has not had time to realize the issue. It perhaps +is still thinking of the quarrel between Austria and Servia, and not the +complications of this matter which have grown out of the quarrel between +Austria and Servia. Russia and Germany we know are at war. We do not yet +know officially that Austria, the ally whom Germany is to support, is +yet at war with Russia. We know that a good deal has been happening on +the French frontier. We do not know that the German Ambassador has left +Paris. + +The situation has developed so rapidly that technically, as regards the +condition of the war, it is most difficult to describe what has actually +happened. I wanted to bring out the underlying issues which would affect +our own conduct, and our own policy, and to put them clearly. I have now +put the vital facts before the House, and if, as seems not improbable, +we are forced, and rapidly forced, to take our stand upon those issues, +then I believe, when the country realizes what is at stake, what the +real issues are, the magnitude of the impending dangers in the west of +Europe, which I have endeavored to describe to the House, we shall be +supported throughout, not only by the House of Commons, but by the +determination, the resolution, the courage, and the endurance of the +whole country. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY AND BELGIUM. + +Further Statement by Sir Edward Grey in House of Commons, Aug. 3, +1914. + + +I want to give the House some information which I have received, and +which was not in my possession when I made my statement this afternoon. +It is information I have received from the Belgian Legation in London, +and is to the following effect: + + Germany sent yesterday evening at 7 o'clock a note proposing to + Belgium friendly neutrality, covering free passage on Belgian + territory, and promising maintenance of independence of the kingdom + and possession at the conclusion of peace, and threatening, in case + of refusal, to treat Belgium as an enemy. A time limit of twelve + hours was fixed for the reply. The Belgians have answered that an + attack on their neutrality would be a flagrant violation of the + rights of nations, and that to accept the German proposal would be + to sacrifice the honor of a nation. Conscious of its duty, Belgium + is firmly resolved to repel aggression by all possible means. + +Of course, I can only say that the Government are prepared to take into +grave consideration the information which they have received. I make no +further comment upon it. + + + * * * * * + + + + +UNHESITATING SUPPORT. + +Statement by Bonar Law, Opposition Leader, in House of Commons, Aug. +3. + + +The right honorable gentleman has made an appeal for support and it is +necessary that I should say a word or two, but they shall be very few. I +wish to say in the first place that I do not believe there is a single +member in this House who doubts that not only the right honorable +gentleman himself, but the Government which he represents, have done +everything in their power up to the last moment to preserve peace. +[Cheers.] And I think we may be sure that if any other course is taken +it is because it is forced upon them and that they have absolutely no +alternative. [Cheers.] One thing only further I should like to say. The +right honorable gentleman spoke of the bright spot in the picture which +only a day or two ago was a black spot in the political horizon. +Everything that he has said I am sure is true and I should like to say +this further--that if the contingencies which he has not put into words, +but which are in all our minds as possible, arise, then we have already +had indications that there is another bright spot--that every one of his +Majesty's dominions beyond the seas will be behind us in whatever act it +is necessary to take. [Cheers.] This only I should add. The Government +already know, but I give them now the assurance on behalf of the party +of which I am leader in this House, that in whatever steps they think it +necessary to take for the honor and security of this country they can +rely upon the unhesitating support of the Opposition. [Loud Ministerial +and Opposition cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +CHANGED IRISH FEELING. + +Statement in House of Commons, Aug. 3, by John E. Redmond, M.P. + + +I hope the House will not consider it improper on my part in the grave +circumstances in which we are assembled if I intervene for a very few +moments. I was moved a great deal by that sentence in the speech of the +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in which he said that the one +bright spot in the situation was the changed feeling in Ireland. In past +times, when this empire has been engaged in these terrible enterprises +it is true--it would be the utmost affectation and folly on my part to +deny it--the sympathy of the Nationalists of Ireland, for reasons to be +found deep down in centuries of history, has been estranged from this +country. But allow me to say that what has occurred in recent years has +altered the situation completely. [Ministerial cheers.] I must not +touch, and I may be trusted not to touch, on any controversial topics, +but this I may be allowed to say--that a wider knowledge of the real +facts of Irish history have, I think, altered the view of the democracy +of this country toward the Irish question, and today I honestly believe +that the democracy of Ireland will turn with the utmost anxiety and +sympathy to this country in every trial and every danger that may +overtake it. [General cheers.] There is a possibility at any rate of +history repeating itself. The House will remember that in 1778, at the +end of the disastrous American war, when it might, I think, truly be +said that the military power of this country was almost at its lowest +ebb, and when the shores of Ireland were threatened with foreign +invasion, a body of 100,000 Irish volunteers sprang into existence for +the purpose of defending her shores. At first no Catholic--ah! how sad +the reading of the history of those days is--was allowed to be enrolled +in that body of volunteers, and yet from the very first day the +Catholics of the South and West subscribed money and sent it toward the +arming of their Protestant fellow-countrymen. Ideas widened as time went +on, and finally the Catholics in the South were armed and enrolled +brothers in arms with their fellow-countrymen of a different creed in +the North. May history repeat itself! [Cheers.] Today there are in +Ireland two large bodies of volunteers. One of them sprang into +existence in the North. Another has sprung into existence in the South. +I say to the Government that they may tomorrow withdraw every one of +their troops from Ireland. [General cheers.] I say that the coasts of +Ireland will be defended from foreign invasion by her armed sons, and +for this purpose armed Nationalist Catholics in the South will be only +too glad to join arms with the armed Protestant Ulstermen in the North. +[Cheers.] Is it too much to hope that out of this situation there may +spring a result which will be good not merely for the empire, but good +for the future welfare and integrity of the Irish Nation. [Cheers.] I +ought to apologize for having intervened [cries of "No"], but while +Irishmen generally are in favor of peace, and would desire to save the +democracy of this country from all the horrors of war, while we would +make any possible sacrifice for that purpose, still if the dire +necessity is forced upon this country we offer to the Government of the +day that they may take their troops away, and that if it is allowed to +us in comradeship with our brethren in the North we will ourselves +defend the coasts of our country. [Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY. + +Prime Minister Asquith Explains Its Nature in House of Commons, Aug. 4, +1914. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_--I wish to ask the Prime Minister whether he has any +statement that he can now make to the House? + + +_The Prime Minister_ (_Mr. Asquith_)--In conformity with the statement +of policy made here by my right honorable friend the Foreign Secretary +yesterday, a telegram was early this morning sent by him to our +Ambassador in Berlin. It was to this effect: + + The King of the Belgians has made an appeal to his Majesty the King + for diplomatic intervention on behalf of Belgium. His Majesty's + Government are also informed that the German Government have + delivered to the Belgian Government a note proposing friendly + neutrality entailing free passage through Belgian territory, and + promising to maintain the independence and integrity of the kingdom + and its possessions at the conclusion of peace, threatening in case + of refusal to treat Belgium as an enemy. An answer was requested + within twelve hours. We also understand that Belgium has + categorically refused this as a flagrant violation of the law of + nations. His Majesty's Government are bound to protest against this + violation of a treaty to which Germany is a party in common with + themselves, and must request an assurance that the demand made upon + Belgium may not be proceeded with, and that her neutrality will be + respected by Germany. You should ask for an immediate reply. + +We received this morning from our Minister at Brussels the following +telegram: + + German Minister has this morning addressed note to the Belgian + Minister for Foreign Affairs stating that, as Belgian Government + have declined the well-intended proposals submitted to them by the + Imperial Government, the latter will, deeply to their regret, be + compelled to carry out, if necessary by force of arms, the measures + considered indispensable in view of the French menaces. + +Simultaneously--almost immediately afterward--we received from the +Belgian Legation here in London the following telegram: + + General Staff announces that territory has been violated at + Gemmenich (near Aix-la-Chapelle). + +Subsequent information tended to show that the German force has +penetrated still further into Belgian territory. We also received this +morning from the German Ambassador here the telegram sent to him by the +German Foreign Secretary, and communicated by the Ambassador to us. It +is in these terms: + + Please dispel any mistrust that may subsist on the part of the + British Government with regard to our intentions by repeating most + positively formal assurance that, even in the case of armed + conflict with Belgium, Germany will, under no pretense whatever, + annex Belgian territory. Sincerity of this declaration is borne out + by fact that we solemnly pledged our word to Holland strictly to + respect her neutrality. It is obvious that we could not profitably + annex Belgic territory without making at the same time territorial + acquisitions at expense of Holland. Please impress upon Sir E. Grey + that German Army could not be exposed to French attack across + Belgium, which was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable + information. Germany had consequently to disregard Belgian + neutrality, it being for her a question of life or death to prevent + French advance. + +I have to add this on behalf of his Majesty's Government: We cannot +regard this as in any sense a satisfactory communication. We have, in +reply to it, repeated the request we made last week to the German +Government, that they should give us the same assurance in regard to +Belgian neutrality as was given to us and to Belgium by France last +week. We have asked that a reply to that request and a satisfactory +answer to the telegram of this morning--which I have read to the +House--should be given before midnight. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY. + +Statement by Prime Minister Asquith in House of Commons, Aug. 5. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_--May I ask the Prime Minister if he has any information +he can give us today? + + +_The Prime Minister_--Our Ambassador at Berlin received his passports at +7 o'clock last evening and since 11 o'clock last night a state of war +has existed between Germany and ourselves. + +We have received from our Minister at Brussels the following telegram: + + I have just received from Minister for Foreign Affairs [that is the + Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs] a note of which the following + is a literal translation: + + "Belgian Government regret to have to inform his + Majesty's Government that this morning armed + forces of Germany penetrated into Belgian + territory in violation of engagements assumed by + treaty. + + Belgian Government are further resolved to resist + by all means in their power. + + Belgium appeals to Great Britain and France and + Russia to co-operate, as guarantors in defense of + her territory. + + There would be concerted and common action with + the object of resisting the forcible measures + employed by Germany against Belgium, and at the + same time of guarding the maintenance for future + of the independence and integrity of Belgium. + + Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she + will assume defense of her fortified places." + +We have also received today from the French Ambassador here the +following telegram received by the French Government from the French +Minister at Brussels: + + The Chef du Cabinet of the Belgian Ministry of War has asked the + French Military Attaché to prepare at once for the co-operation and + contact of French troops with the Belgian Army pending the results + of the appeal to the guaranteeing powers now being made. Orders + have, therefore, been given to Belgian Provincial Governors not to + regard movements of French troops as a violation of the frontier. + +This is all the information I am at the moment able to give to the +House, but I take the opportunity of giving notice that tomorrow, in +Committee of Supply, I shall move a vote of credit of £100,000,000. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Great Britain's Mobilization + +Measures Taken Throughout the Empire Upon the Outbreak of War. + + + + +Message from King George V. to the House of Commons, Aug. 5. + + +_Mr. Asquith_ then proceeded to the bar amid cheers and, on being called +upon by the Speaker, announced: A message from his Majesty signed by his +own hand. The announcement was received with loud cheers, which were +continued as Mr. Asquith advanced up the floor and handed the document +to the Speaker. All the members uncovered. + + +_The Speaker_ read the message as follows: + + The present state of public affairs in Europe constituting in the + opinion of his Majesty a case of great emergency within the meaning + of the acts of Parliament in that behalf, his Majesty deems it + proper to provide additional means for the military service and, + therefore, in pursuance of these acts his Majesty has thought it + right to communicate to the House of Commons that his Majesty is by + proclamation about to order that the army reserve shall be called + out on permanent service, that soldiers who would otherwise be + entitled in pursuance of the terms of their enlistment to be + transferred to the reserve shall continue in army service for such + period not exceeding the period for which they might be required to + serve if they were transferred to the reserve and called out for + permanent service as to his Majesty may seem expedient; and that + such directions as may seem necessary may be given for embodying + the territorial force and for making such special arrangements as + may be proper with regard to units or individuals whose services + may be required in other than a military capacity.--Signed by his + Majesty in his own hand. + + + * * * * * + + + + +KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET. + +Message from George V. to Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, Aug. 5. + + +At this grave moment in our national history I send to you, and through +you to the officers and men of the fleets of which you have assumed +command, the assurance of my confidence that under your direction they +will revive and renew the old glories of the royal navy, and prove once +again the sure shield of Britain and of her empire in the hour of trial. + +GEORGE R. I. + + + * * * * * + + + + +NAPOLEONISM ONCE AGAIN. + +Speech by Bonar Law, Opposition Leader, in House of Commons, Aug. 6. + + +No Minister has ever fulfilled a duty more responsible or in regard to +which the responsibility was more acutely felt than that which has just +been fulfilled by the right honorable gentleman. This is not a time for +speech-making, and I should have been quite ready to leave the statement +which he has given to the committee as the expression of the view, not +of a party, but of a nation. [Cheers.] But as this, I think, will be the +only opportunity which will be given for expressing the views of a large +section of this House, I feel that I am bound to make it clear to the +committee and to the country what is the attitude of his Majesty's +Opposition on this question. There are two things which I desire to +impress upon the committee. The first is that we have dreaded war and +have longed for peace as strongly as any section of this committee; and +the second is that in our belief we are in a state of war against our +will, and that we, as a nation, have done everything in our power to +prevent such a condition of things arising. [Cheers.] When this crisis +first arose I confess that I was one of those who had the impulse to +hope that even though a European conflagration took place we might be +able to stay out. I had that hope strongly. But in a short time I became +convinced that into this war we should inevitably be drawn and that it +really was a question only whether we should enter it honorably or be +dragged into it with dishonor. [Cheers.] + +Folly and Wickedness. + +I remember that on the first occasion after the retirement of my right +honorable friend (Mr. Balfour) when I had to speak on foreign affairs I +made this statement. It perhaps is wrong, though I do not think so even +yet. I said that if ever war arose between Great Britain and Germany it +would not be due to inevitable causes, for I did not believe in an +inevitable war, but it would be due to human folly. [Cheers.] It is due +to human folly and to human wickedness [cheers], but neither the folly +nor the wickedness is here. [Cheers.] What other course was open to us? +It is quite true, as the Foreign Secretary explained to the House the +other day, that we were under no formal obligations to take part in such +a struggle. But every member in this House knows that the entente meant +this in the minds of this Government and of every other Government, that +if any of the three powers were attacked aggressively the others would +be expected to step in and to give their aid. ["Hear, hear!"] The +question, therefore, to my mind was this: Was this war in any way +provoked by those who will now be our allies? No one who has read the +"White Paper" can hesitate to answer that question. I am not going to go +into it even as fully as the Prime Minister has done; but I would remind +the House of this, that in this "White Paper" is contained a statement +made by the German Ambassador, I think at Vienna, that Russia was not in +a condition and could not go to war. And in the same letter are found +these words: "As for Germany, she knew very well what she was about in +backing up Austria-Hungary in this matter." Now, every one for years has +known that the key to peace or war lay in Berlin, and at this crisis no +one doubts that Berlin, if it had chosen, could have prevented this +terrible conflict. [Cheers.] I am afraid that the miscalculation which +was made about Russia was made also about us. The dispatch which the +right honorable gentleman referred to is a dispatch of a nature which I +believe would not have been addressed to Great Britain if it had been +believed that our hands were free and that we held the position which we +had always held before the entente. That, at least, is my belief. + +Napoleonism Without a Napoleon. + +We are fighting, as the Prime Minister said, for the honor and, what +with the honor is bound up always, the interest of our nation. But we +are fighting also for the whole basis of the civilization for which we +stand and for which Europe stands. [Cheers.] I do not wish, any more +than the Prime Minister, to inflame passion. I only ask the House to +consider one aspect. Look at the way Belgium is being treated today. +There is a report--if it is not true now it may be true tomorrow--that +the City of Liége is invaded by German troops and that civilians, as in +the days of the Middle Ages, are fighting for their hearths and homes +against trained troops. How has that been brought about? In a state of +war, war must be waged. But remember that this plan is not of today or +of yesterday; that it has been long matured; that the Germans knew that +they would have this to face; and that they were ready to take the +course which they took the other day of saying to Belgium, "Destroy your +independence. Allow our troops to go through, or we will come down upon +you with a might which it is impossible for you to resist." If we had +allowed that to be done, our position as one of the great nations of the +world and our honor as one of the nations of the world would in my +opinion have been gone forever. [Cheers.] This is no small struggle. It +is the greatest, perhaps, that this country has ever engaged in. It is +Napoleonism once again. ["Hear, hear!"] Thank Heaven, so far as we know, +there is no Napoleon. + +I am not going to say anything more about the causes of the war, for I +do not desire to encourage controversy on this subject. But if I may be +allowed to say so, I should like to say that I read yesterday with real +pleasure an article in a paper which does not generally commend itself +to me--The Manchester Guardian. ["Hear, hear!"] In that article it still +held that the war ought not to have been entered upon; but it took this +view, that that was a question for history, and that now we are in it +there is only one question for us, and that is to bring it to a +successful issue. [Cheers.] + +Sir, I have full sympathy far more than at any other time for the Prime +Minister and the Foreign Secretary. I can imagine nothing more terrible +than that the Foreign Secretary should have a feeling that perhaps he +has brought his country into an unnecessary war. No feeling could be +worse. I can say this, and, whether we are right or wrong, the whole +House agrees with it, I am sure, that that is a burden which the right +honorable gentleman can carry with a good conscience, [cheers,] and that +every one of us can put up unhesitatingly this prayer: "May God defend +the right." + +Trade and Food Supplies. + +I should like, if I may, to pass to another topic, for this is the only +opportunity I can have. Consider the conditions under which this war is +going to be carried on. I was pleased to hear the Prime Minister say the +other day in answer to a speech of the honorable member for Merthyr +Tydvil--he has developed it in describing the terms of this vote of +credit--that he realized, as we all must realize, that in a country +situated like ours the development of industry and the supply of food at +home is just as much an operation of war as the conduct of our armed +forces. [Cheers.] I do not wish to minimize our difficulties, but I am +quite sure--as sure as I can be of anything--that there is no danger of +a scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] The only danger is the fear of a +scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] Every one who has been in business +knows that what causes panic prices is not an actual scarcity at the +time, but a fear of scarcity coming. This is a case where every one of +us must do all he can to impress upon the people of this country that +there is, as I believe, no danger. [Cheers.] Here I should like to give +one warning note. Remember--at least I believe it--that this war, +unexpected by us, is not unexpected by our enemies; and I shall be +greatly surprised if we do not find that at first on our trade routes +there is a destruction of our property which might create a panic. That +is inevitable, I think, at the outset. Let us be prepared for it, and +let us realize that it has no bearing whatever on the ultimate course of +the war. [Cheers.] + +There is something else which I think it is important to say. We had a +discussion yesterday about credit. That is the basis of a successful +war, as it is of every branch of industry at this moment. I think the +Government have taken the right course. I have followed it closely, and +I know that they have been supported by those who best understand the +situation. I think the danger is minimized as much as it can be. But, +after all, the question of credit really depends on what we believe is +going to be the effect of this war upon our trade and our industry. + +The Command of the Sea. + +I hope the House will not think that I am too optimistic, but I do think +there is a danger of our taking too gloomy a view of what the effects +will be, ["Hear, hear!"] and, by taking that gloomy view, helping to +bring about the very state of things which we all desire to avert. Again +I wish to guard myself against seeming to be too hopeful; but let us +look at the effect as if we were examining a chess problem. If we keep +the command of the sea, what is going to happen? It all depends on that. +I admit that if that goes the position is gloomy indeed; but of that I +have no fear. [Cheers.] If we keep the command of the sea what is going +to happen? Five-sixths of our production is employed in the home trade. +What goes abroad is very important, and, of course, if the population +which supplies this one-sixth were thrown out of work that would react +on the whole. But, after all, the total amount of our exports to all the +European countries which are now at war is only a small part of our +total exports. There is here no question of fiscal policy. We are far +beyond that. It is a question of fact. Our total exports to all the +countries which are now at war do not, in my belief--I have not looked +into the figures--exceed our exports to India and Australia taken alone. +Now, consider this, we shall have freedom of trade, if the command of +the sea is maintained, with the colonies and with the whole of the +American Continent, while, unfortunately for them, both our allies and +our enemies will not be competing with us in these markets. Look at it +as a problem. I think we have a right to believe, not that trade will be +good, but that it will be much more nearly normal than is generally +supposed. [Cheers.] I hope the House will not think that that is a +useless thing to say at such a time. [Cheers.] + +There is one thing more only I wish to say. This is the affair of the +nation. Every one would desire to help. There will be a great deal of +work to be done which cannot be done by the Government. I was glad the +Prime Minister has already asked the co-operation of my right honorable +friends the members for West Birmingham and the Strand. They gladly +came. But I am sure I speak not for this bench but for the whole of our +party when I say that the Government has only got to requisition any one +of us and we will serve them and our country to the best of our ability. +[Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +PACT OF TRIPLE ENTENTE. + +Statement Issued by British Foreign Office, Sept. 5. + + + + +DECLARATION. + + +The undersigned duly authorized thereto by the respective Governments +hereby declare as follows: + +The British, French, and Russian Governments mutually engage not to +conclude peace separately during the present war. The three Governments +agree that when terms of peace come to be discussed no one of the Allies +will demand terms of peace without the previous agreement of each of +the other Allies. In faith whereof the undersigned have signed this +declaration and have affixed thereto their seals. + +Done at London in triplicate the 5th day of September, 1914. + + E. GREY, his Britannic Majesty's + Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. + + PAUL CAMBON, Ambassador Extraordinary + and Plenipotentiary of the French Republic. + + BENCKENDORFF, Ambassador Extraordinary + and Plenipotentiary of his + Majesty the Emperor of Russia. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A COUNTERSTROKE. + +Semi-Official Statement in The London Times, Sept. 6. + + +The declaration of the Allied Governments that they will not conclude +peace separately during the war or demand terms of peace without +previous agreement with each other is an opportune counterstroke to the +campaign initiated by Germany for the purpose of detaching France from +Russia and especially from Britain. Overtures in this sense have +doubtless been made to France. + +The German Government has not yet realized the strength of the moral +forces it has ranged against itself by its wanton attack upon European +civilization. It appears to imagine that, after having been sufficiently +"punished" for her temerity in opposing the Kaiser's hosts, France would +be open to a bargain, under which she would be "let off" lightly on +condition that she should agree to become the ally of Germany. + +This idea has been clearly expressed of late in the German press. It is +based on the belief that the war was prepared by skillful British +intrigues inspired by jealousy of Germany. German statesmen cannot +conceive that nations should fight for any cause loftier than material +"interests." Hence the constant mistakes of their diplomacy and its +failure to foresee that little Belgium would resist German pretensions +or that England would go to war for "a scrap of paper." Now they imagine +that the determination of France to fight to the last in defense of her +honor and her superior civilization can be undermined by an offer to +mitigate the material losses she may suffer from the war. + +The German view was most clearly expressed in the remarkable dispatch to +the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant from its Berlin correspondent, which +was reproduced in The Times of yesterday. Politicians in Berlin, he +wrote, + + see in England the land which has brought about the outbreak of the + war by finely played intrigue, in order to let dangerous Russia + bleed herself to death, to the end that against Germany, even a + victorious Germany, she may herself acquire great advantages, both + in trade and on the sea, and in order to make France entirely + dependent upon her. The consequence of this opinion is in the + highest degree remarkable. Whether you speak with a politician or + with a porter or shoemaker, the same wish will always be expressed. + We must, when we have beaten France, offer her peace on very + acceptable terms in order to make her our ally to fight--against + England. + +The German error, which the declaration of the Allies should go far to +correct, is all the more remarkable in view of the stipulations of the +Austro-German Treaty of Alliance. Concluded in 1879 by Bismarck and +Andrássy, this treaty still governs the relationship between Germany and +Austria-Hungary. Its first clause runs: + + Should, contrary to the hope and against the sincere wish of the + two high contracting parties, one of the two empires be attacked by + Russia, the high contracting parties are bound to stand by each + other with the whole of the armed forces of their empires, and, _in + consequence thereof, only to conclude peace jointly and in + agreement_. + +However low the German estimate of the moral cohesion of France, Russia, +and England, German statesmen must be singularly lacking in shrewdness +if they suppose the Allies to be less alive than were Bismarck and +Andrássy to the need for complete co-operation between allies, not only +in war, but also in the negotiation of peace. + +The futile German campaign for the detachment of France from her allies +is, indeed, the most striking indication yet forthcoming of the +misgivings with which the resolute action of the Allies is beginning to +inspire the Kaiser and his Government. + + + * * * * * + + + + +IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS. + +King George V. to the Self-Governing Peoples and the Empire of India, +Sept. 9, 1914. + + +To the Governments and Peoples of my Self-Governing Dominions: During +the past few weeks the peoples of my whole empire at home and overseas +have moved with one mind and purpose to confront and overthrow an +unparalleled assault upon the continuity of civilization and the peace +of mankind. + +The calamitous conflict is not of my seeking, my voice has been cast +throughout on the side of peace. My Ministers earnestly strove to allay +the causes of strife and to appease differences with which my empire was +not concerned. Had I stood aside when, in defiance of pledges to which +my kingdom was a party, the soil of Belgium was violated and her cities +laid desolate, when the very life of the French Nation was threatened +with extinction, I should have sacrificed my honor and given to +destruction the liberties of my empire and of mankind. I rejoice that +every part of the empire is with me in this decision. + +Paramount regard for treaty faith and the pledged word of rulers and +peoples is the common heritage of Great Britain and of the empire. + +My peoples in the self-governing dominions have shown beyond all doubt +that they wholeheartedly indorse the grave decision which it was +necessary to take. + +My personal knowledge of the loyalty and devotion of my oversea +dominions had led me to expect that they would cheerfully make the great +efforts and bear the great sacrifices which the present conflict +entails. The full measure in which they have placed their services and +resources at my disposal fills me with gratitude and I am proud to be +able to show to the world that my peoples oversea are as determined as +the people of the United Kingdom to prosecute a just cause to a +successful end. + +The Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, and the Dominion +of New Zealand have placed at my disposal their naval forces, which have +already rendered good service for the empire. Strong expeditionary +forces are being prepared in Canada, in Australia, and in New Zealand +for service at the front, and the Union of South Africa has released all +British troops and has undertaken important military responsibilities +the discharge of which will be of the utmost value to the empire. +Newfoundland has doubled the numbers of its branch of the royal naval +reserve and is sending a body of men to take part in the operations at +the front. From the Dominion and Provincial Governments of Canada large +and welcome gifts of supplies are on their way for the use both of my +naval and military forces and for the relief of the distress in the +United Kingdom which must inevitably follow in the wake of war. All +parts of my oversea dominions have thus demonstrated in the most +unmistakable manner the fundamental unity of the empire amid all its +diversity of situation and circumstance. + +Message to India. + +To the Princes and peoples of my Indian Empire: Among the many incidents +that have marked the unanimous uprising of the populations of my empire +in defense of its unity and integrity, nothing has moved me more than +the passionate devotion to my throne expressed both by my Indian +subjects and by the Feudatory Princes and the ruling chiefs of India, +and their prodigal offers of their lives and their resources in the +cause of the realm. Their one-voiced demand to be foremost in the +conflict has touched my heart, and has inspired to the highest issues +the love and devotion which, as I well know, have ever linked my Indian +subjects and myself. I recall to mind India's gracious message to the +British Nation of good-will and fellowship which greeted my return in +February, 1912, after the solemn ceremony of my Coronation Durbar at +Delhi, and I find in this hour of trial a full harvest and a noble +fulfillment of the assurance given by you that the destinies of Great +Britain and India are indissolubly linked. + + + * * * * * + + + + +438,000 MEN RECRUITED. + +Statements in House of Commons, Sept. 10, by Prime Minister Asquith and +Bonar Law. + +The House went into Committee of Supply, Mr. Whitley in the chair. + + + On the question that an additional number of land forces not + exceeding 500,000 of all ranks be maintained for the service of the + United Kingdom, in consequence of the war in Europe, for the year + ending March 31, 1915. + + +_Mr. Asquith_ (Fife E.) said: The House of Commons voted earlier in the +session, before any outbreak of war was anticipated, under normal +conditions, under Vote A, 186,000-odd men for the regular army. It is +perhaps not necessary to point out, but it may be convenient to put it +on record, that the total number of men under Vote A does not include +either the army reserve, the special reserve, or the territorial forces. +When we come to vote the financial provision under Vote 1 of the army +estimates, which is consequential upon the passing of Vote A, we make +provision not only for the 186,000 men already sanctioned for the +regular army, but also for the army reserve. In the subsequent Votes 3 +and 4 provision is made for the special reserve and territorial force. +The army reserve and the special reserve are not called upon to serve +until, under regular constitutional machinery, consequent upon the +outbreak or imminence of war, they are summoned to do so. It may be +convenient to the committee to know that at the time when war broke out +and when the reserves were called to the colors the state of things was +this: Parliament had voted 186,000-odd men--call it roughly 200,000. The +army reserve and the special reserve then became available as part of +the regular forces of the country, amounting also roughly to another +200,000 men. That was altogether 400,000 men. On Aug. 6, after war had +been declared, I made a motion in committee which was assented to in +committee and by the House on report, for the addition of 500,000 men to +the regular forces. These 500,000 men, assuming them all to have been +raised, would, in addition to the 400,000 I have just mentioned, amount +to a total of 900,000 men. I think it will be interesting to the +committee before I state the reasons for which I am going to ask them to +make this further vote to know what has actually happened in consequence +of the vote of Aug. 6. + +Enlistments Since the War. + +The number of recruits who have enlisted in the army since the +declaration of war--that is, exclusive of those who have joined the +territorial force--is 438,000, [cheers,] practically 439,000. That is up +to the evening of Sept. 9. The committee will therefore see that, having +sanctioned, as it did, very little more than a month ago, the addition +to the regular forces of the Crown of half a million of men, we are now +within some 60,000 of having attained that total. The numbers enlisted +in London since Sunday, Aug. 30, have exceeded 30,000 men, and the stamp +and character of the recruits has been in every way satisfactory and +gratifying. [Cheers.] The high-water mark was reached on Sept. 3, when +the total recruits enlisted in the United Kingdom on one day was 33,204. +[Cheers.] I may mention--I am sure it will be gratifying to honorable +members on both sides who represent Lancashire constituencies--that on +that day 2,151 men were enlisted in Manchester alone. That is a very +satisfactory result, but it by no means exhausts the requirements of the +case. The response to the call for recruits has been in every way +gratifying. But I am aware, not only from a discussion that took place +in the House yesterday, but from communications which reached us from +various parts of the country, that there are complaints of grievances, +causing legitimate or otherwise deeply felt dissatisfaction at the +manner in which some parts--I say advisedly only some parts--of this +operation of recruiting have been conducted. I should like the +committee to realize what were the conditions of the case. ["Hear, +hear!"] + +A Year's Recruits in a Day. + +We have been recruiting during the last ten days every day substantially +the same number of recruits that in past years we have recruited in +every year. [Cheers.] I suppose our annual recruiting amounts to about +35,000 men for the regular army. As I pointed out a moment ago, on Sept. +3 we recruited 33,200 men. No machinery in the world which man has ever +contrived or conceived could suddenly meet in an emergency and under +great pressure the difficulty of bringing in to the colors and making +adequate provision in a day for that in which past experience we only +had to provide for in the course of a year, and that, be it observed, by +a department which during the whole of this time has been engaged in +superintending and executing an operation I believe unexampled in the +history of war--the dispatch to a foreign country of an expeditionary +force--I will not give the exact number, but roughly 150,000 men, which +has had to be, as the committee I am sure is well aware, in consequence +of the necessary and regrettable losses caused by the operations of war, +constantly repaired by reinforcements of men, guns, supplies, transport, +and every other form of warlike material. [Cheers.] + +War Office's Double Task. + +If our critics--I do not complain of legitimate criticism even at times +like this--but if they will try to imagine themselves equipped with the +machinery which was possessed by the War Office at the time the war +broke out, and then consider that side by side with the smooth, +frictionless, and most successful dispatch of the expeditionary force +[cheers] which left these shores and arrived at its destination--I am +speaking the literal truth--without the loss of a horse or a man, +[cheers,] the wastage day by day and week by week has had to be repaired +in men and in material, repaired often at a moment's notice, and it has +been necessary to keep constantly in reserve, and not only in reserve, +but ready for immediate use, the material to replace further wastage as +days and weeks rolled on--if you remember that that was the primary call +on the War Office, and that side by side with that they had to provide +for recruits in these few weeks of no less than 430,000 men, he will be +a very censorious, and, I venture to say, a very unpatriotic, critic who +would make much of small difficulties and friction and who would not +recognize that in a great emergency this department has played a worthy +part. [Cheers.] My tenure at the War Office was a brief one, but no one +who has ever had the honor to preside over that department can possibly +exaggerate the degree of efficiency to which it has been brought under +the administration of recent years. Everything, as the experience of +this war has shown, was foreseen and provided for in advance with the +single exception of the necessity of this enormous increase in our +regular forces. + +Steps for Dealing with Recruits. + +What provision has been made for dealing with this influx of recruits? +In the first place, and I think very wisely, my noble friend the +Secretary of State for War appealed for the assistance of the county +associations, which rendered such great and patriotic services in +connection with the territorial forces. The great bulk of these county +associations have responded to the call and enormously facilitated the +work of providing for this large body of new recruits. Next, he, in +conjunction with his advisers, has largely multiplied, and is continuing +to multiply, the various training centres. There has been--unfortunately, +no one can deny that there has been--a congestion of men ready and +willing to recruit and actually enlisting at particular places which +has produced, for the moment at any rate, a certain amount of +discomfort and a certain amount of difficulty in the provision of food +and all the other requirements of such a body. But in that connection I +should like, although I think the difficulty is now being almost got +over, to make an appeal strongly to local authorities--county councils, +town councils, urban and rural district councils--that when a situation +of this kind arises in consequence of a national necessity they should +show themselves--and I am sure they are most willing to do so--not only +zealous, but able to provide accommodation for the moment in the public +buildings which are under their charge. I think a great deal of the +congestion which has taken place could have been avoided if more +liberal use had been made, and could be made--I am not reproaching any +one: the circumstances were exceptional and the pressure very great on +our public buildings, our town halls, schools, and the other edifices +which are under the control of municipal and county authorities for the +purpose, at any rate at the moment, of relieving the great pressure of +recruiting, and I am quite sure that appeal will not go unheeded. But +we recognize fully, and no one more fully than my noble friend Lord +Kitchener, the necessity of facilitating this process and rendering it +more easy. We do not think the time has come in which we ought in any +way to relax our recruiting efforts, [cheers,] and when people tell me, +as they do every day, "These recruits are coming in in their tens of +thousands; you are being blocked by them and you cannot provide +adequately either for their equipment or for their training," my answer +is, "We shall want more rather than less, and let us get the men," +[Cheers.] That is the first necessity of the State--let us get the men. +Knowing as we all do the patriotic spirit which now, as always--now, of +course, with increased emphasis and enthusiasm--animates every class of +the community, I am perfectly certain they will be ready to endure +hardship and discomforts for the moment if they are satisfied that +their services are really required by the State, and that in due course +of time they will be supplied with adequate provision for training and +equipment and for rendering themselves fit for taking their places in +the field. + +Two Important Steps. + +With that object a few days ago--and the process is now in complete +operation--a very important step was taken which I am sure will be +generally welcomed by the committee and by the country--whenever it is +necessary to allow men who are recruited and have gone through the +process of attestation, medical examination, and actual enrollment, so +that they are not only potential but actual members of the regular +army--to allow these men to go back to their own homes until the +occasion arises for them to be called upon for actual training. In that +way we hope to relieve--indeed relief has already been given and will be +given more amply in the near future--the undoubted block and congestion +which have taken place in certain districts to the natural +disappointment of the men who have come forward under an impulse of +public duty to serve their country and, finding themselves sent back +home and put for the time being in the reserve, have felt perhaps that +their services were not duly appreciated by the country. That, I think, +the committee will agree is a very important step in advance. I have to +announce another step which I believe will give universal satisfaction +and will go a long way to solve the practical difficulty, such as it is. +We propose from today that there shall be given to those recruits for +whom we are unable to find accommodation for the time being 3s. per day. +[Cheers.] This is not an extravagant proposal, or anything in the nature +of a bribe. A shilling a day is their pay. [An Honorable Member--1s. +3d.] I am speaking in round figures; we will call it a shilling. Then if +we take the value of what we may roughly call the board and lodging of a +soldier receiving 1s. a day when accommodated in barracks and price that +at 2s., I do not think you are putting it extravagantly high. We think +that these men who have come forward to join the colors and have been +actually enrolled, and are, in fact, members of the regular army, for +whom we cannot make immediate provision by way of accommodation, should +be no worse off than they would be if they were actually in barracks. I +believe the provision of that 3s. a day for these men will put them in +a position in which they are entitled to say that they have not been +prejudiced or penalized by their patriotic desires. + + +_Mr. Lawson_ (Mile End, Opp.)--And their return railway fares? + + +_An Honorable Member--_And their separation allowances? + + +_Mr. Asquith_--The separation allowance does not begin, but as the +honorable member has interjected that phrase I will add--because +honorable members generally have been very good in not pressing us in +regard to the separation allowances to soldiers who are actually +serving--that that matter is receiving our daily and constant +consideration, and I hope before the session comes to an end to be able +to make a further announcement. But it does not arise with regard to +this vote. Having made that defense, if defense were needed--I do not +think it was--having made that statement of what has actually been done +by the War Office in these very anxious days, and also having indicated +that in those two important respects we are endeavoring to facilitate +the process of recruitment and to remove any possibility of hardship, +either to the individual recruit or to recruits collectively, I hope the +committee will agree to pass a vote for another 500,000 men. I am +perfectly certain if they do so the response will be no less keen--keen +in spirit--and no less ample in scale than it has been in the days which +have just gone by. + +An Army of 1,200,000. + +We shall then be in a position, as is apparent from the figures I have +already read, to put something like--I am not giving exact +figures--something like 1,200,000 men in the field. + + +_Mr. Long_ (Strand)--Does that include the Indians? + + +_Mr. Asquith_--No, it is entirely exclusive of them. This is the +provision made by the mother country. And of course it is exclusive of +the territorials. + + +_Mr. F. Hall_--And of the national reserve? + + +_Mr. Asquith_--Exclusive of the territorials, exclusive of the national +reserve, and exclusive of the magnificent contributions promised from +India and from our dominions, we here in these islands, this mother +country, will be in a position to put into the field, enrolled as our +regular army, something like 1,200,000 men. That is an effort which it +is worth while making great sacrifices to attain. As regards money, I am +perfectly certain that this House will be ready, willing, and even eager +to grant it, if and when the occasion arises. What we want now is to +make it clear, to those who are showing all over the kingdom this +patriotic desire to assist their country in one of the most supreme and +momentous crises in the whole of its long history, that they are not +going to be treated either in a niggardly or unaccommodating spirit; but +that they are going to be welcomed and that every possible provision is +going to be made for their comfort and well-being, so that under the +best possible conditions they will take their place and play their part +in that magnificent army of ours which, as every one who has read the +moving dispatch Sir John French [cheers] published this morning, will +realize has never done its work better, never shown itself more worthy +of long centuries of splendid tradition than in the last fortnight. +[Cheers.] I ask the House to pass this vote for 500,000 men. + +Bonar Law's Support. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_--The right honorable gentleman in the statement he has +just made has left me nothing to say except to express our hearty +support of all the measures which the Government are taking in this +crisis. From the point of view of the Government and of this House we +welcome the putting down of this vote as showing that both the +Government and the House of Commons are determined, whatever the cost, +whatever the sacrifice, to see this thing through. [Cheers.] I agree +entirely with the words which I heard the Prime Minister use in another +place the other day, that in what has taken place so far we have every +ground for encouragement and every reason for pride in what is being +done by our troops. I agree entirely with what the Prime Minister has +said about the action of our soldiers on the field of battle. It does +not surprise us. We knew that the old spirit was there still. But I +think it has to some extent at least surprised our enemies. But while we +have reason to be gratified by the action which the Government has taken +and which this House has supported them in taking, I think as a nation +we have quite as much reason to be proud of the spirit which is shown by +our countrymen in rushing to the standard as we have even in what has +been done by our soldiers on the field of battle. I never sympathized +with--I always resented--the view expressed at one time that our +citizens were holding back. There was no justification for it. [Cheers.] +At the outset they did not realize what it meant, but the moment they +did realize it they have shown that they are prepared to do their share +to fight the battles of their country. I am not going to say anything +about the difficulties in connection with recruiting this great force to +which the Prime Minister has referred. No one could have doubted that +difficulties of that kind would arise and that hardships would occur. +Criticism, I am sure, is not deprecated by the right honorable +gentleman, and ought not to be, if it is framed entirely with this +view--to make sure that everything that can be done is being done to +minimize the hardships and difficulties with which the authorities were +confronted. As the Prime Minister said, the machine was not framed to +deal with an emergency like this. No one could expect it to deal with it +smoothly. But we have a right to expect that the difficulties are +understood at the War Office, and we have the right also to ask that +since they cannot be met by the central machine, every effort should be +made in the direction of devolution, and that the difficulties shall be +met where they locally arise. I am sure it is a satisfaction to the +House, as it was to me, to find that before the discussion arose +yesterday not only had Lord Kitchener realized the difficulties, but +that he had taken every step possible to meet them, and that the step +which he did take was in the direction, which we all feel is a wise one, +of putting the responsibility on those at a distance from the War Office +and expecting them to bear it. Many of us have been asked to take part +in helping the recruiting. When I was asked to join in this I had in my +mind the feeling to which I gave expression the other day, that I was +not satisfied that too much sacrifice was not being required from those +who are going to fight our battles and that a full share of sacrifice +was being borne by those who remain behind. Nothing could be more unfair +than that this country should expect all the sacrifice to come from the +men who are actually going to risk their lives in our behalf. [Cheers.] +We know with what splendid spirit they are coming forward. I suppose +every member of the House could give instances that would surprise us +all. Perhaps it would interest the House if I give one. The son of a +friend of mine, who is well off, had been writing to the War Office, +taking every step to try to be accepted in order to fight. He was a +partner in a big business in Glasgow and with splendid prospects; he +threw them all up. He came and hung about the doors of the War Office as +if he was seeking some fat job, when all he wanted was to be placed, not +as an officer, but as a private, in one of the most dangerous branches +of the service. [Cheers.] That is a spirit which is universal. I do not +say in what way further provision should be made, but I am sure the +House welcomes the statement of the Prime Minister that the Government +are going to reconsider the whole question of separation allowances for +the families of the men and for the pensions. I am sure I am expressing +the view not of our own party, but of the whole House, when I say that +the country realizes that when these men risk their lives for us they +are making a big enough sacrifice, and that the country will be glad +that in every way every possible generosity at the expense of those who +remain behind should be extended to those who go out to fight. [Cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS + +Delivered in the House of Lords, Sept. 17. + + +Your lordships will expect that some statement should be made by me on +the general military situation before the session ends, and I will, +therefore, endeavor as briefly as possible to supplement the remarks +which I had the honor to address to your lordships' House three weeks +ago. + +I need not retell the story of the British expeditionary force in +France, which has been read and appreciated by us all in Sir John +French's dispatch. The quiet restraint of his account of their +achievements only brings into relief the qualities which enabled our +troops successfully to carry out the most difficult of all military +operations. There is, however, one aspect of this feat of arms upon +which the dispatch is naturally silent. I refer to the consummate skill +and calm courage of the Commander in Chief himself, [cheers,] in the +conduct of this strategic withdrawal in the face of vastly superior +forces. His Majesty's Government appreciate to the full the value of the +service which Sir John French has rendered to this country and to the +cause of the Allies, and I may perhaps be permitted here and now, on +their behalf, to pay a tribute to his leadership, as well as to the +marked ability of the Generals under his command, and the bravery and +endurance of the officers and men of the expeditionary force. + +The German Retirement. + +As your lordships are aware the tide has now turned, and for some days +past we have received the gratifying intelligence of the forced +retirement of the German armies. The latest news from Sir John French +does not materially change the published statement describing the +military situation. In his telegram Sir John reports that the troops are +all in good heart and are ready to move forward when the moment arrives. +The gallant French armies, with whom we are so proud to be co-operating, +will receive every support from our troops in their desire effectually +to clear their country of the invading foe, and the undaunted and +vigilant activity of the Belgian Army in the north materially conduces +to this end. I would also like to take this opportunity of offering our +respectful congratulations to Russia upon the conspicuous successes +which have added fresh lustre to her arms. Although, therefore, we have +good grounds for quiet confidence, it is only right that we should +remind ourselves that the struggle is bound to be a long one, and that +it behooves us strenuously to prosecute our labors in developing our +armed forces to carry on and bring to a successful issue the mighty +conflict in which we are engaged. + +Troops in the Field. + +There are now in the field rather more than six divisions of British +troops and two cavalry divisions. These are being, and will be, +maintained at full strength by a steady flow of reinforcements. To meet +the wastage of war in this field force our reserve units are available. +To augment the expeditionary force further regular divisions and +additional cavalry are now being organized from units withdrawn from +oversea garrisons, whose places, where necessary, will be taken by +territorial troops, who, with fine patriotism, have volunteered to +exchange a home for an imperial service obligation. On their way from +India are certain divisions from the Indian Army, composed of highly +trained and very efficient troops, and a body of cavalry, including +regiments of historic fame. The dominions beyond the seas are sending us +freely of their best. Several divisions will be available, formed of men +who have been locally trained in the light of the experience of the +South African war, and, in the case of Australia and New Zealand, under +the system of general national training introduced a few years ago. + +The Call to Arms. + +In the response to the call for recruits for the new armies which it is +considered necessary to raise we have had a most remarkable +demonstration of the energy and patriotism of the young men of this +country. We propose to organize this splendid material into four new +armies, and, although it takes time to train an army, the zeal and +good-will displayed will greatly simplify our task. If some of those who +have so readily come forward have suffered inconvenience, they will not, +I am sure, allow their ardor to be damped. They will reflect that the +War Office has had in a day to deal with as many recruits as were +usually forthcoming in twelve months. No effort is being spared to meet +the influx of soldiers, and the War Office will do its utmost to look +after them and give them the efficient training necessary to enable them +to join their comrades in the field. The divisions of the first two +armies are now collected at our training centres; the third army is +being formed on new camping grounds; the fourth army is being created by +adding to the establishment of the reserve battalions, from which the +units will be detached and organized similarly to the other three +armies. The whole of the special reserve and extra special reserve units +will be maintained at their full establishments as feeders to the +expeditionary force. In addition to the four new armies a considerable +number of what may be designated local battalions have been specially +raised by the public-spirited initiative of cities, towns, or +individuals. Several more are in course of formation, and I have +received many offers of this character. The territorial force is making +great strides in efficiency and will before many months be ready to take +a share in the campaign. This force is proving its military value to the +empire by the willing subordination of personal feelings to the public +good in the acceptance of whatever duty may be assigned to it in any +portion of the empire. A division has already left for Egypt, a brigade +for Malta, and a garrison for Gibraltar. The soldierlike qualities +evinced by the force are an assurance to the Government that they may +count to the full upon its readiness to play its part wherever the +exigencies of the military situation may demand. Nor must I omit to +refer to the assistance which we shall receive from the division of the +gallant royal marines and bluejackets now being organized by my right +honorable friend the First Lord of the Admiralty; their presence in the +field will be very welcome, for their fighting qualities are well known. + +The Supply of Officers. + +The creation of the new armies referred to is fraught with considerable +difficulties, one of which is the provision of regimental officers. I +hope the problem of supplying officers may be solved by the large +numbers coming forward to fill vacancies, and by promotions from the +non-commissioned officer ranks of the regular forces. In a country which +prides itself on its skill in and love of outdoor sports, we ought to be +able to find sufficient young men who will train and qualify as officers +under the guidance of the nucleus of trained officers which we are able +to provide from India and elsewhere. If any retired officer competent to +train troops has not yet applied or has not received an answer to a +previous application, I hope he will communicate with me at the War +Office in writing. But our chief difficulty is one of material rather +than personnel. It would not be in the public interest that I should +refer in greater detail to this question, beyond saying that strenuous +endeavors are being made to cope with the unprecedented situation, and +that, thanks to the public spirit of all grades in the various +industries affected to whom we have appealed to co-operate with us, and +who are devoting all their energy to the task, our requirements will, I +feel sure, be met with all possible speed. + +I am confident that by the Spring we shall have ready to take the field +armies which will be well trained and will prove themselves formidable +opponents to the enemy. The Government fully recognize the fine spirit +which animates those who have come forward to fight for their country, +and will spare no effort to secure that everything is done that can be +done to enable them worthily to contribute to the ultimate success of +our arms. [Cheers.] + +The Secretary of State for War concluded his speech by giving details +of the increase in the separation allowances made to wives of soldiers, +both regular and territorial, which Mr. Asquith had announced in the +House of Commons. + +Tribute of the Opposition. + + +_The Marquess of Lansdowne_--I feel that it would be almost impertinent +on my part to say a word after the extraordinarily interesting statement +to which we have just listened. But I should be sorry if complete +silence on our part lent itself to the interpretation that we are +indifferent to the great topics which the Secretary of State for War has +dealt with in his speech. May we be permitted to say that we regard with +the profoundest admiration and gratitude what the noble Field Marshal +described as the great feat of arms which has been accomplished by the +British force since its arrival at the seat of war, and to add also that +we share the feelings which the noble and gallant lord has expressed +with regard to the immense services rendered by Sir John French to this +country, services which he, of course, could not bear witness to in the +dispatch he sent home? [Cheers.] There are only two other remarks which, +with great deference, I would venture to make. One has reference to the +noble and gallant lord's statement in regard to the response made to his +appeal to the country for recruits. That response has been memorable and +admirable and, considering the immense influx of recruits which have +come in, we can scarcely be surprised that in the early days the strain +should have been rather greater than either the War Office or the local +authorities were able to cope with. But we have every reason to believe +that that has been corrected, and I have no doubt that all will now go +smoothly and well. We have all heard with the greatest satisfaction the +announcement that the separation allowances to the wives of regulars and +territorials are to be considerably increased. ["Hear, hear!"] +Considering what our soldiers are doing for us at the seat of war, the +least we can do is to provide liberally for the relatives whom they have +left behind in this country. [Cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. + +Speech by King George V. Read Before Both Houses, Sept. 18. + + +The Lord Chancellor read the King's speech, which was in the following +terms: + + My Lords and Gentlemen: I address you in circumstances that call + for action rather than for speech. + + After every endeavor had been made by my Government to preserve the + peace of the world, I was compelled, in the assertion of treaty + obligations deliberately set at nought, and for the protection of + the public law of Europe and the vital interests of my empire, to + go to war. + + My navy and army have, with unceasing vigilance, courage, and + skill, sustained, in association with gallant and faithful allies, + a just and righteous cause. + + From every part of my empire there has been a spontaneous and + enthusiastic rally to our common flag. + + Gentlemen of the House of Commons: I thank you for the liberality + with which you have met a great emergency. + + My Lords and Gentlemen: We are fighting for a worthy purpose, and + we shall not lay down our arms until that purpose has been fully + achieved. + + I rely with confidence upon the loyal and united efforts of all my + subjects, and I pray that Almighty God may give us His blessing. + +Then a commission for proroguing the Parliament was read, after which +the Lord Chancellor said: + + My Lords and Gentlemen: By virtue of his Majesty's commission, + under the great seal, to us and other lords directed, and now read, + we do, in his Majesty's name and in obedience to his commands, + prorogue this Parliament to Tuesday the twenty-seventh day of + October, one thousand nine hundred and fourteen, to be then here + holden; and this Parliament is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the + twenty-seventh day of October, one thousand nine hundred and + fourteen. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Summons of the Nation to Arms + +British People Roused by Their Leaders. + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Earl Curzon of Kedleston Suggests Holding of Public Meetings. + + Hackwood, Basingstoke, Aug. 27. + + _To the Editor of The Times:_ + + Sir: Many of us are wondering what we can do to serve our country + in this crisis. We sit on local or on larger committees. We + attempt, within the narrow range of our influence, to gain + recruits, we organize relief, we help to provide or furnish + hospitals, we subscribe both to the national and to private funds; + and, apart from this, we go about our ordinary duties with as much + composure as we can, wondering where, when, and how it will be open + to us who are no longer young and cannot bear arms, but have + perhaps had some experience of affairs, to render more effective + aid. + + Does not a path lie open to the class of so-called "public men," + and does not the very name which is given to them indicate the + nature of this duty? Surely it is to place themselves at the + disposal of the public. The two great needs of the moment are more + men--hundreds of thousands more men--for the army, and a clearer + understanding by the masses of the population, not merely of the + justice of our cause, but of the supreme issues, both for our own + country and for the whole empire, that are involved. + + No one would propose that jingo speeches should be shouted from + public platforms, or that an attempt should be made to inflame + crude or unworthy passions. But the man who, when his country is + engaged in a righteous war and is fighting for her existence, + preaches the cause of that war is not a jingo; and the passions to + which he appeals are not unworthy, but are the noblest of which + human nature is capable. + + I wish, therefore, to say that if the Government, with whom the + initiative must primarily lie--since no one would wish to do + anything that is contrary to their conception of sound + policy--desire that public meetings should be held in our great + centres of population, to explain the cause and circumstances of + the war, and the duty that lies upon the manhood of the nation, I + and, I am convinced, many others are ready to throw ourselves into + the task. + + I have told the Prime Minister that I would be proud to appear on a + public platform with any member of the Government to state or + defend a case in which party is dead and where we are all united. I + doubt not that if they are required many others will be willing to + do the same. We have no desire to deluge the country with a flood + of noisy rhetoric, or to start a miniature electioneering campaign. + But if in any great city where recruiting is slow or the issues are + not apprehended, or the public conscience is not quick to respond + to the national summons, I, or any of those who share my views, can + be of any service on the platform I am sure that we are willing to + respond and that we shall welcome any organization that may be set + on foot for the purpose. I am, yours obediently, + + CURZON OF KEDLESTON. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER. + + +Addressed to the Lord Mayor of London, the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, +the Lord Mayor of Dublin, and the Lord Mayor of Cardiff. + + + My Lords: The time has come for combined effort to stimulate and + organize public opinion and public effort in the greatest + conflict in which our people has ever been engaged. + + No one who can contribute anything to the accomplishment of this + supremely urgent task is justified in standing aside. + + I propose, as a first step, that meetings should be held without + delay, not only in our great centres of population and industry, + but in every district, urban and rural, throughout the United + Kingdom, at which the justice of our cause should be made plain, + and the duty of every man to do his part should be enforced. + + I venture to suggest to your lordships that the four principal + cities over which you respectively preside should lead the way. + + I am ready myself, so far as the exigencies of public duty + permit, to render such help as I can, and I should be glad, with + that object, to address my fellow-subjects in your cities. + + I have reason to know that I can count upon the co-operation of + the leaders of every section of organized political opinion. Your + faithful servant, + + H.H. ASQUITH. + + 28th August, 1914. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH IN LONDON. + +Speech at the Guildhall, Sept. 5. + + +My Lord Mayor and Citizens of London: It is three and a half years since +I last had the honor of addressing in this hall a gathering of the +citizens. We were then met under the Presidency of one of your +predecessors, men of all creeds and parties, to celebrate and approve +the joint declaration of the two great English-speaking States that for +the future any differences between them should be settled, if not by +agreement, at least by judicial inquiry and arbitration, and never in +any circumstances by war. [Cheers.] Those of us who hailed that great +Eirenicon between the United States and ourselves as a landmark on the +road of progress were not sanguine enough to think, or even to hope, +that the era of war was drawing to a close. But still less were we +prepared to anticipate the terrible spectacle which now confronts us of +a contest which for the number and importance of the powers engaged, the +scale of their armaments and armies, the width of the theatre of +conflict, the outpouring of blood and the loss of life, the incalculable +toll of suffering levied upon non-combatants, the material and moral +loss accumulating day by day to the higher interests of civilized +mankind--a contest which in every one of these aspects is without +precedent in the annals of the world. ["Hear, hear!"] We were very +confident three years ago in the rightness of our position, when we +welcomed the new securities for peace. We are equally confident in it +today, when reluctantly, and against our will, but with a clear judgment +and a clean conscience, [cheers,] we find ourselves involved with the +whole strength of this empire in a bloody arbitration between might and +right [Cheers.] The issue has passed out of the domain of argument into +another field, but let me ask you, and through you the world outside, +what would have been our condition as a nation today if we had been base +enough through timidity or through perverted calculation of +self-interest, or through a paralysis of the sense of honor and duty, +[cheers,] if we had been base enough to be false to our word and +faithless to our friends? + +Blind Barbarian Vengeance. + +Our eyes would have been turned at this moment with those of the whole +civilized world to Belgium, a small State, which has lived for more than +seventy years under the several and collective guarantee to which we in +common with Prussia and Austria were parties, and we should have seen at +the instance and by the action of two of these guaranteeing powers her +neutrality violated, her independence strangled, her territory made use +of as affording the easiest and the most convenient road to a war of +unprovoked aggression against France. We, the British people, would at +this moment have been standing by with folded arms and with such +countenance as we could command while this small and unprotected State, +in defense of her vital liberties, made a heroic stand against +overweening and overwhelming force; we should have been admiring as +detached spectators the siege of Liége, the steady and manful resistance +of a small army to the occupation of their capital, with its splendid +traditions and memories, the gradual forcing back of the patriotic +defenders of their native land to the ramparts of Antwerp, countless +outrages inflicted by buccaneering levies exacted from the unoffending +civil population, and, finally, the greatest crime committed against +civilization and culture since the Thirty Years' War, the sack of +Louvain, [cries of "Shame!"] with its buildings, its pictures, its +unique library, its unrivaled associations--a shameless holocaust of +irreparable treasures lit up by blind barbarian vengeance. [Prolonged +cheers.] What account should we, the Government and the people of this +country, have been able to render to the tribunal of our national +conscience and sense of honor if, in defiance of our plighted and solemn +obligations, we had endured, nay, if we had not done our best to +prevent, yes, and to avenge, [renewed cheers,] these intolerable +outrages? For my part I say that sooner than be a silent witness--which +means in effect a willing accomplice--of this tragic triumph of force +over law and of brutality over freedom, I would see this country of ours +blotted out of the pages of history. [Prolonged cheers.] + +Germany's Aim--to Crush Freedom. + +That is only a phase--a lurid and illuminating phase in the contest in +which we have been called by the mandate of duty and of honor to bear +our part. The cynical violation of the neutrality of Belgium was, after +all, but a step--the first step--in a deliberate policy of which, if not +the immediate, the ultimate, and the not far distant aim, was to crush +the independence and autonomy of the free States of Europe. First +Belgium, then Holland, then Switzerland, countries, like our own, imbued +and sustained with the spirit of liberty, were one after another to be +bent to the yoke, and these ambitions were fed and fostered by a body of +new doctrines and new philosophies preached by professors and learned +men. The free and full self-development which to these small States, to +ourselves, to our great and growing dominions over the seas, to our +kinsmen across the Atlantic, is the well-spring and life-breath of +national existence--that free self-development is the one capital +offense in the code of those who have made force their supreme divinity, +and who upon its altars are prepared to sacrifice both the gathered +fruits and the potential germs of the unfettered human spirit. [Cheers.] +I use this language advisedly. This is not merely a material; it is also +a spiritual conflict. [Cheers.] Upon its issues everything that contains +promise and hope, that leads to emancipation and a fuller liberty for +the millions who make up the mass of mankind will be found sooner or +later to depend. + +Our Efforts for Peace. + +Let me now just for a moment turn to the actual situation in Europe. How +do we stand? For the last ten years, by what I believe to be happy and +well-considered diplomatic arrangements, we have established friendly +and increasingly intimate relations with the two powers, France and +Russia, with whom, in days gone by, we have had in various parts of the +world occasions for constant friction, and now and again for possible +conflict. Those new and better relations, based in the first instance +upon business principles of give and take, matured into a settled temper +of confidence and good-will. They were never in any sense or at any +time, as I have frequently said in this hall, directed against other +powers. No man in the history of the world has ever labored more +strenuously or more successfully than my right honorable friend Sir +Edward Grey [cheers] for that which is the supreme interest of the +modern world, a general and abiding peace. It is, I venture to think, a +very superficial criticism which suggests that under his guidance the +policy of this country has ignored, still less that it has counteracted +and hampered, the concert of Europe. It is little more than a year ago +that under his Presidency, in the stress and strain of the Balkan +crisis, the Ambassadors of all the great powers met here day after day +curtailing the area of possible differences, reconciling warring +ambitions and aims, and preserving against almost incalculable odds the +general harmony. And it was in the same spirit and with the same +purpose, when a few weeks ago Austria delivered her ultimatum to Servia, +that our Foreign Secretary put forward the proposal for a mediating +conference between the four powers who were not directly +concerned--Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves. If that proposal had +been accepted actual controversy would have been settled with honor to +everybody, and the whole of this terrible welter would have been +avoided. ["Hear, hear!"] + +Germany's Responsibility. + +And with whom does the responsibility rest [cries of "The Kaiser!"] for +this refusal and for all the illimitable suffering which now confronts +the world? One power and one power only, and that power--Germany. [Loud +hisses.] That is the fount and origin of this worldwide catastrophe. We +are persevering to the end. No one who has not been confronted as we +were with the responsibility of determining the issues of peace and war +can realize the strength and energy and persistency with which we +labored for peace. We persevered by every expedient that diplomacy could +suggest, straining almost to the breaking point our most cherished +friendships and obligations, even to the last making effort upon effort, +and hoping against hope. Then, and only then, when we were at last +compelled to realize that the choice lay between honor and dishonor, +between treachery and good faith, when at last we reached the dividing +line which makes or mars a nation worthy of the name, it was then, and +then only, that we declared for war. [Cheers.] Is there any one in this +hall or in this United Kingdom or in the vast empire of which we here +stand in the capital and centre who blames or repents our decision? +[Cries of "No!"] For these reasons, as I believe, we must steel +ourselves to the task, and in the spirit which animated our forefathers +in their struggle against the domination of Napoleon we must and we +shall persevere to the end. [Cheers.] + +Memorable and Glorious Example of Belgium. + +It would be a criminal mistake to underestimate either the magnitude, +the fighting quality, or the staying power of the forces which are +arrayed against us. But it would be equally foolish and equally +indefensible to belittle our own resources, whether for resistance or +attack. [Cheers.] Belgium has shown us by a memorable and a glorious +example what can be done by a relatively small State when its citizens +are animated and fired by the spirit of patriotism. In France and Russia +we have as allies two of the greatest powers of the world engaged with +us in a common cause, who do not mean to separate themselves from us any +more than we mean to separate ourselves from them. [Cheers.] We have +upon the seas the strongest and most magnificent fleet that has ever +been seen. The expeditionary force which left our shores less than a +month ago has never been surpassed, as its glorious achievements in the +field have already made clear, not only in material and equipment but in +the physical and the moral quality of its constituents. [Cheers.] + +Work of the Navy. + +As regards the navy, I am sure my right honorable friend (Mr. Winston +Churchill) will tell you there is happily little more to be done. I do +not flatter it when I say that its superiority is equally marked in +every department and sphere of its activity. [Cheers.] We rely on it +with the most absolute confidence, not only to guard our shores against +the possibility of invasion, not only to seal up the gigantic +battleships of the enemy in the inglorious seclusion of his own ports +[laughter] whence, from time to time, he furtively steals forth to sow +the seeds of murderous snares, which are more full of menace to neutral +ships than to the British fleet. Our navy does all this, and while it is +thirsting, I do not doubt, for that trial of strength in a fair and open +fight, which is so far prudently denied it, it does a great deal more. +It has hunted the German mercantile marine from the high seas. It has +kept open our own sources of food supply and has largely curtailed +those of the enemy, and when the few German cruisers which still infest +the more distant ocean routes have been disposed of, as they will be +disposed of very soon, [cheers,] it will achieve for British and neutral +commerce passing backward and forward, from and to every part of our +empire, a security as complete as it has ever enjoyed in the days of +unbroken peace. Let us honor the memory of the gallant seamen who, in +the pursuit of one or another of these varied and responsible duties, +have already laid down their lives for their country. + +Call for United Effort. + +In regard to the army there is call for a new, a continuous, a +determined, and a united effort. For, as the war goes on, we shall have +not merely to replace the wastage caused by casualties, not merely to +maintain our military power at its original level, but we must, if we +are to play a worthy part, enlarge its scale, increase its numbers, and +multiply many times its effectiveness as a fighting instrument. +[Cheers.] The object of the appeal which I have made to you, my Lord +Mayor, and to the other chief Magistrates of our capital cities, is to +impress upon the people of the United Kingdom the imperious urgency of +this supreme duty. Our self-governing dominions throughout the empire, +without any solicitation on our part, have demonstrated with a +spontaneousness and a unanimity unparalleled in history their +determination to affirm their brotherhood with us and to make our cause +their own. [Cheers.] From Canada, from Australia, from New Zealand, from +South Africa, and from Newfoundland the children of the empire assert, +not as an obligation, but as a privilege, their right and their +willingness to contribute money and material, and, what is better than +all, the strength and sinews, the fortunes, and the lives of their best +manhood. [Cheers.] India, too, with no less alacrity, has claimed her +share in the common task. [Cheers.] Every class, and creed, British and +natives, Princes and people, Hindus and Mohammedans, vie with one +another in noble and emulous rivalry. Two divisions of our magnificent +Indian Army are already on their way. [Cheers.] We welcome with +appreciation and affection their proffered aid. In an empire which knows +no distinction of race or cause we all alike as subjects of the +King-Emperor are joint and equal custodians of our common interests and +fortunes. We are here to hail with profound and heartfelt gratitude +their association, side by side and shoulder to shoulder, with our home +and dominion troops, under the flag which is the symbol to all of a +unity that a world in arms cannot dissever or dissolve. With these +inspiring appeals and examples from our fellow-subjects all over the +world, what are we doing and what ought we to do here at home? + +Over a Quarter of a Million Men Enrolled. + +Mobilization was ordered on the 4th of August; immediately afterward +Lord Kitchener issued his call for 100,000 recruits for the regular +army, which has been followed by a second call for another 100,000. The +response up to today gives us between 250,000 and 300,000. [Cheers.] I +am glad to say that London has done its share. The total number of +Londoners accepted is not less than 42,000. [Cheers.] I need hardly say +that that appeal involves no disparagement or discouragement of the +territorial force. The number of units in that force who have +volunteered for foreign service is most satisfactory and grows every +day. We look to them with confidence to increase their numbers, to +perfect their organization and training, and to play efficiently the +part which has always been assigned to them, both offensive and +defensive, in the military system of the empire. But to go back to the +expansion of the regular army. We want more men--men of the best +fighting quality, and if for a moment the number who offer themselves +and are accepted should prove to be in excess of those who can at once +be adequately trained and equipped, do not let them doubt that prompt +provision will be made for the incorporation of all willing and able +men in the fighting forces of the kingdom. We want, first of all, men, +and we shall endeavor to secure them. Men desiring to serve together +shall, wherever possible, be allotted to the same regiment or corps. The +raising of battalions by counties or municipalities with this object +will be in every way encouraged. But we want not less urgently a larger +supply of ex-non-commissioned officers, and the pick of the men with +whom in past days they served, men, therefore, whom in most cases we +shall be asking to give up regular employment and to return to the work +of the State, which they alone are competent to do. The appeal we make +is addressed quite as much to their employers as to the men themselves. +The men ought to be absolutely assured of reinstatement in their +business at the end of the war. [Cheers.] Finally, there are numbers of +commissioned officers now in retirement who are much experienced in the +handling of troops and have served their country in the past. Let them +come forward, too, and show their willingness, if need be, to train +bodies of men for whom at the moment no cadre or unit can be found. + +Abundant Ground for Pride and Confidence. + +I have little more to say. Of the actual progress of the war I will not +say anything, except that in my judgment in whatever direction we look +there is abundant ground for pride and for confidence. [Cheers.] I say +nothing more, because I think we should all bear in mind that we are at +present watching the fluctuations of fortune only in the early stages of +what is going to be a protracted struggle. We must learn to take long +views, and to cultivate, above all, other faculties--those of patience, +endurance, and steadfastness. Meanwhile, let us go, each of us, to his +or her appropriate place in the great common task. Never had a people +more or richer sources of encouragement and inspiration. Let us realize, +first of all, that we are fighting as a united empire, in a cause worthy +of the highest traditions of our race. Let us keep in mind the patient +and indomitable seamen, who never relax for a moment, night or day, +their stern vigil of the lonely sea. Let us keep in mind our gallant +troops, who today, after a fortnight's continuous fighting under +conditions which would try the metal of the best army that ever took the +field, maintain not only an undefeated but an unbroken front. [Cheers.] +Finally, let us recall the memories of the great men and the great deeds +of the past, commemorated, some of them, in the monuments which we see +around us on these walls, not forgetting the dying message of the +younger Pitt, his last public utterance, made at the table of one of +your predecessors, my Lord Mayor, in this very hall: "England has saved +herself by her exertions, and will, as I trust, save Europe by her +example." The England of those days gave a noble answer to his appeal, +and did not sheath the sword until, after nearly twenty years of +fighting, the freedom of Europe was secured. Let us go and do likewise. +[Prolonged cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY SPEAKS. + +T. von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial Chancellor, in Statement to +Ritzau's Danish Press Bureau, Sept. 13, 1914. + + +The English Prime Minister, in his Guildhall speech, reserved to England +the role of protector of the smaller and weaker States, and spoke about +the neutrality of Holland, Belgium and Switzerland as being exposed to +danger from the side of Germany. It is true that we have broken +Belgium's neutrality because bitter necessity compelled us to do so, but +we promised Belgium full indemnity and integrity if she would take +account of this state of necessity. If so, she would not have suffered +any damage, as, for example, Luxemburg. If England, as protector of the +weaker States, had wished to spare Belgium infinite suffering she should +have advised Belgium to accept our offer. England has not "protected" +Belgium, so far as we know; I wonder, therefore, whether it can really +be said that England is such a disinterested protector. + +We knew perfectly well that the French plan of campaign involved a march +through Belgium to attack the unprotected Rhineland. Does any one +believe England would have interfered to protect Belgian freedom against +France? + +We have firmly respected the neutrality of Holland and Switzerland; we +have also avoided the slightest violation of the frontier of the Dutch +Province of Limburg. + +It is strange that Mr. Asquith only mentioned the neutrality of Belgium, +Holland and Switzerland, but not that of the Scandinavian countries. He +might have mentioned Switzerland with reference to France, but Holland +and Belgium are situated close to England on the opposite side of the +Channel, and that is why England is so concerned for the neutrality of +these countries. + +Why is Mr. Asquith silent about the Scandinavian countries? Perhaps +because he knows that it does not enter our head to touch these +countries' neutrality; or would England possibly not consider Denmark's +neutrality as a noli me tangere for an advance in the Baltic or for +Russia's warlike operations. + +Mr. Asquith wishes people to believe that England's fight against us is +a fight of freedom against might. The world is accustomed to this manner +of expression. In the name of freedom, England, with might and with the +most recklessly egotistic policy, has founded her mighty colonial +empire, in the name of freedom she has destroyed for a century the +independence of the Boer republics, in the name of freedom she now +treats Egypt as an English colony and thereby violates international +treaties and solemn promises, in the name of freedom one after another +of the Malay States is losing its independence for England's benefit, in +the name of freedom she tries, by cutting German cables, to prevent the +truth being spread in the world. + +The English Prime Minister is mistaken. When England joined with Russia +and Japan against Germany she, with a blindness unique in the history of +the world, betrayed civilization and handed over to the German sword the +care of freedom for European peoples and States. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GREAT BRITAIN REPLIES. + +Sir Edward Grey, Answering Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, London, +Sept. 15. + + +"Does any one believe," asks the German Chancellor, "that England would +have interfered to protect Belgian freedom against France?" The answer +is that she would unquestionably have done so. Sir Edward Grey, as +recorded in the "White Paper," asked the French Government "whether it +was prepared to engage to respect the neutrality of Belgium so long as +no other power violates it." The French Government replied that they +were resolved to respect it. The assurance, it was added, had been given +several times, and had formed the subject of conversation between +President Poincaré and the King of the Belgians. + +The German Chancellor entirely ignores the fact that England took the +same line about Belgian neutrality in 1870 that she has taken now. In +1870 Prince Bismarck, when approached by England on the subject, +admitted and respected the treaty obligations in relation to Belgium. +The British Government stands in 1914 as it stood in 1870; it is Herr +von Bethmann-Hollweg who refused to meet us in 1914 as Prince Bismarck +met us in 1870. + +Scandinavian Neutrality. + +The Imperial Chancellor finds it strange that Mr. Asquith, in his +Guildhall speech, did not mention the neutrality of the Scandinavian +countries, and suggests that the reason for the omission was some +sinister design on England's part. It is impossible for any public +speaker to cover the whole ground in each speech. The German +Chancellor's reference to Denmark and other Scandinavian countries can +hardly be considered very tactful. With regard to Denmark, the Danes are +not likely to have forgotten the parts played by Prussia and England +respectively in 1863-4, when the Kingdom of Denmark was dismembered. +And the integrity of Norway and Sweden was guaranteed by England and +France in the Treaty of Stockholm in 1855. + +The Imperial Chancellor refers to the dealings of Great Britain with the +Boer republics, and suggests that she has been false therein to the +cause of freedom. Without going into controversies now happily past, we +may recall what Gen. Botha said in the South African Parliament a few +days ago when expressing his conviction of the righteousness of +Britain's cause and explaining the firm resolve of the South African +Union to aid her in every possible way. "Great Britain had given them a +Constitution under which they could create a great nationality, and had +ever since regarded them as a free people and as a sister State. +Although there might be many who in the past had been hostile toward the +British flag, he could vouch for it that they would ten times rather be +under the British than under the German flag." + +Loyalty of the Empire. + +The German Chancellor is equally unfortunate in his references to the +"Colonial Empire." So far from British policy having been "recklessly +egotistic," it has resulted in a great rally of affection and common +interest by all the British dominions and dependencies, among which +there is not one which is not aiding Britain by soldiers or other +contributions or both in this war. + +With regard to the matter of treaty obligations generally, the German +Chancellor excuses the breach of Belgian neutrality by military +necessity--at the same time making a virtue of having respected the +neutrality of Holland and Switzerland, and saying that it does not enter +his head to touch the neutrality of the Scandinavian countries. A virtue +which admittedly is only practiced in the absence of temptation from +self-interest and military advantage does not seem greatly worth +vaunting. To the Chancellor's concluding statement that "to the German +sword" is intrusted "the care of freedom for European peoples and +States," the treatment of Belgium is a sufficient answer. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH. + +Speech in Usher Hall, Sept. 18. + + +A fortnight ago today, in the Guildhall of the City of London, I +endeavored to present to the nation and to the world the reasons which +have compelled us, the people of all others which have the greatest +interest in the maintenance of peace, to engage in the hazards and +horrors of war. I do not wish to repeat tonight in any detail what I +then said. + +The war has arisen immediately and ostensibly, as every one knows, out +of a dispute between Austria and Servia, in which we in this country had +no direct concern. The diplomatic history of those critical weeks--the +last fortnight in July and the first few days of August--is now +accessible to all the world. It has been supplemented during the last +few days by the admirable and exhaustive dispatch of our late Ambassador +at Vienna, Sir Maurice de Bunsen, a dispatch which I trust everybody +will read, and no one who reads it can doubt that, largely through the +efforts of my right honorable friend and colleague Sir Edward Grey [loud +cheers] the conditions of a peaceful settlement of the actual +controversy were already within sight when, on July 31, Germany [hisses] +by her own deliberate act made war a certainty. + +The facts are incontrovertible. They are not sought to be controverted, +except, indeed, by the invention and circulation of such wanton +falsehoods as that France was contemplating, and even commencing, the +violation of Belgian territory as a first step on her road to Germany. +The result is that we are at war, and, as I have already shown +elsewhere, and as I repeat here tonight, we are at war for three +reasons--in the first place, to vindicate the sanctity of treaty +obligations ["Hear, hear!"] and of what is properly called the public +law of Europe, ["Hear, hear!";] in the second place, to assert and to +enforce the independence of free States, relatively small and weak, +against the encroachments and the violence of the strong, [cheers,] and, +in the third place, to withstand, as we believe in the best interests +not only of our own empire but of civilization at large, the arrogant +claim of a single power to dominate the development of the destinies of +Europe. [Cheers.] + +Meeting a Challenge. + +Since I last spoke some faint attempts have been made in Germany to +dispute the accuracy and the sincerity of this statement of our attitude +and aim. It has been suggested, for instance, that our professed zeal +for treaty rights and for the interests of small States is a newborn and +simulated passion. What, we are asked, has Great Britain cared in the +past for treaties or for the smaller nationalities except when she had +some ulterior and selfish purpose of her own to serve? I am quite ready +to meet that challenge, and to meet it in the only way in which it could +be met, by reference to history. And out of many illustrations which I +might take I will content myself here tonight with two, widely removed +in point of time, but both, as it happens, very apposite to the present +case. + +I will go back first to the war carried on first against the +revolutionary Government of France and then against Napoleon, which +broke out in 1793, and which lasted for more than twenty years. We had +then at the head of the Government in this country one of the most +peace-loving Ministers who have ever presided over our fortunes--Mr. +Pitt. For three years, from 1789 to 1792, he resolutely refused to +interfere in any way with the revolutionary proceedings in France or in +the wars that sprang out of them, and as lately, I think, as February in +1792, in a memorable speech in the House of Commons, which shows among +other things the shortness of human foresight, he declared that there +never was a time when we in this country could more reasonably expect +fifteen years of peace. + +And what was it, gentlemen, that, within a few months of that +declaration, led this pacific Minister to war? It was the invasion of +the treaty rights guaranteed by ourselves of a small European State, the +then States General of Holland. [Cheers.] For nearly 200 years the great +powers of Europe had guaranteed to Holland the exclusive navigation of +the River Scheldt. The French revolutionary Government invaded what is +now Belgium, and as a first act of hostility to Holland declared the +navigation of the Scheldt to be open. Our interest in that matter then, +as now, was relatively small and insignificant, but what was Mr. Pitt's +reply? + +Defense of Small States. + +I quote you the exact words he used in the House of Commons, they are so +applicable to the circumstances of the present moment. This is in 1793: + + England will never consent that another country should arrogate the + power of annulling, at her pleasure, the political system of + Europe, established by solemn treaties and guaranteed by the + consent of the powers. [Cheers.] + +He went on to say: + + This House [the House of Commons] means substantial good faith to + its engagements. If it retains a just sense of the solemn faith of + treaties, it must show a determination to support them. + +And it was in consequence of that stubborn and unyielding determination +to maintain treaties to defend small States, to resist the aggressive +domination of a single power, that we were involved in a war which we +had done everything to avoid, and which was carried on upon a scale, +both as to area and as to duration, up to then unexampled in the history +of mankind. That is one precedent. Let me give you one more. + +I come down to 1870, when this very treaty to which we are parties, no +less than Germany, and which guarantees the integrity and independence +of Belgium, was threatened. Mr. Gladstone was then Prime Minister of +this country, [cheers,] and he was, if possible, a stronger and more +ardent advocate of peace even than Mr. Pitt himself. ["Hear, hear!"] + +Mr. Gladstone's Dictum. + +Mr. Gladstone, pacific as he was, felt so strongly the sanctity of our +obligations that--though here again we had no direct interest of any +kind at stake--he made agreements with France and Prussia to co-operate +with either of the belligerents if the other violated Belgian territory, +and I should like to read a passage from a speech ten years later, +delivered in 1880, by Mr. Gladstone himself in this city, in which he +reviewed that transaction and explained his reasons for it. He said: "If +we had gone to war"--which he was prepared to do--"we should have gone +to war for freedom; we should have gone to war for public right; we +should have gone to war to save human happiness from being invaded by +tyrannous and lawless power." That is what I call a good cause, though I +detest war, and there are no epithets too strong if you will supply me +with them that I will not endeavor to heap upon its head. + +So much for our own action in the past in regard to treaties and small +States. But faint as is this denial of this part of our case, it becomes +fainter still, it dissolves into the thinnest of thin air, when it has +to deal with our contention that we and our allies are withstanding a +power whose aim is nothing less than the domination of Europe. ["Hear, +hear!"] + +It is, indeed, the avowed belief of the leaders of German thought--I +will not say of the German people--of those who for many years past have +controlled German policy, that such a domination, carrying with it the +supremacy of what they call German culture [laughter] and the German +spirit is the best thing that could happen to the world. + +German "Culture." + +Let me then ask for a moment what is this German culture, what is this +German spirit of which the Emperor's armies are at present the +missionaries in Belgium and in France? [Laughter.] Mankind owes much to +Germany, a very great debt for the contributions she has made to +philosophy, to science and to the arts; but that which is specifically +German in the movement of the world in the last thirty years has been, +on the intellectual side, the development of the doctrine of the supreme +and ultimate prerogative in human affairs of material forces, and, on +the practical side, taking of the foremost place in the fabrication and +the multiplication of the machinery of destruction. + +To the men who have adopted this gospel, who believe that power is the +be all and end all of the State, naturally a treaty is nothing more than +a piece of parchment, and all the Old World talk about the rights of the +weak and the obligations of the strong is only so much threadbare and +nauseating cant, for one very remarkable feature of this new school of +doctrine is, whatever be its intellectual or its ethical merits, that it +has turned out as an actual code for life to be a very purblind +philosophy. + +The German culture, the German spirit, did not save the Emperor and his +people from delusions and miscalculations as dangerous as they were +absurd in regard to the British Empire. + +A Fantastic Dream. + +We were believed by these cultivated observers [laughter] to be the +decadent descendants of a people who, by a combination of luck and of +fraud, [laughter,] had managed to obtain dominion over a vast quantity +of the surface and the populations of the globe. + +This fortuitous aggregation [laughter and cheers] which goes by the name +of the British Empire was supposed to be so insecurely founded, and so +loosely knit together, that at the first touch of serious menace from +without it would fall to pieces and tumble to the ground. [Cheers.] + +Our great dominions were getting heartily tired of the imperial +connection. India, [loud cheers,] it was notorious to every German +traveler, [laughter,] was on the verge of open revolt, and here at home +we, the people of this United Kingdom, were riven by dissension so deep +and so fierce that our energies, whether for resistance or for attack, +would be completely paralyzed. + +What a fantastic dream, ["Hear, hear!"] and what a rude awakening! +[Laughter and cheers.] And in this vast and grotesque and yet tragic +miscalculation is to be found one of the roots, perhaps the main root, +of the present war. + +But let us go one step more. It has been said, "By their fruits ye shall +know them," and history will record that when the die was cast and the +struggle began, it was the disciples of that same creed who revived +methods of warfare which have for centuries past been condemned by the +common sense as well as by the humanity of the great mass of the +civilized world. [Cheers.] + +Branded on the Brow. + +Louvain, Malines, Termonde--these are names which will henceforward be +branded on the brow of German culture. The ruthless sacking of the +ancient and famous towns of Belgium is fitly supplemented by the story +that reaches us only today from our own headquarters in France of the +proclamation issued less than a week ago by the German authorities, who +were for a moment, and happily for little more than a moment, in +occupation of the venerable city of Rheims. + +Mr. Asquith then read the concluding paragraph of the proclamation which +appeared in these columns yesterday. + +Do not let it be forgotten that it is from a power whose intellectual +leaders are imbued with the idea that I have described, and whose +Generals in the field sanction and even direct those practices--it is +from that power the claim proceeds to impose its culture, its spirit, +which means its domination, upon the rest of Europe. That is a claim, I +say to you, to all my fellow-countrymen, to every citizen and subject of +the British Empire whose ears and eyes my words can reach--that is a +claim that everything that is great in our past and everything that +promises hope or progress in our future summons us to resist to the end. +[Loud cheers.] + +The task--do not let us deceive ourselves--will not be a light one. Its +full accomplishment--and nothing short of full accomplishment +[cheers]--is worthy of our traditions or will satisfy our resolve--will +certainly take months. It may even take years. + +I have come here tonight not to ask you to count the cost, for no price +can be too high to pay when honor and freedom are at stake, but to put +before you, as I have tried to do, the magnitude of the issue and the +supreme necessity that lies upon us as a nation, nay as a brotherhood +and family of nations, to rise to its height and acquit ourselves of our +duty. + +Our Favorable Position. + +The war has now lasted more than six weeks. Our supremacy at sea [great +cheers] has not been seriously questioned. [Laughter.] Full supplies of +food and of raw materials are making their way to our shores from every +quarter of the globe. [Cheers.] Our industries, with one or two +exceptions, maintain their activities. + +Unemployment is so far not seriously in excess of the average. The +monetary situation has improved, and every effort that the zeal and the +skill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, [cheers,] with the +co-operation and expert advice of the bankers and business men of the +country, can devise--every effort is being made to achieve what is most +essential, the complete re-establishment of the foreign exchanges. + +Meanwhile, the merchant shipping of the enemy has been hunted from the +seas [cheers] and our seaman are still patiently, or impatiently, +[laughter,] waiting for a chance to try conclusions with the opposing +fleet. Great and incalculable is the debt which we have owed during +these weeks, and which in increasing measure we shall continue to owe, +to our navy. [Cheers.] The navy needs no help, and as the months roll +on--thanks to a far-sighted policy in the past--its proportionate +strength will grow. [Cheers.] + +Army's Glorious Record. + +If we turn to our army [cheers] we can say with equal justice and pride +that during these weeks it has rivaled the most glorious records of its +past. [Cheers.] Sir John French [cheers] and his gallant officers and +men live in our hearts, as they will live in the memories of those who +come afterward. [Cheers,] + +But splendid achievements such as these--equally splendid in retirement +and in advance ["Hear, hear!"]--cannot be won without a heavy +expenditure of life and limb, of equipment and supplies. Even now, at +this very early stage, I suppose there is hardly a person here who is +not suffering from anxiety and suspense. Some of us are plunged in +sorrow for the loss of those we love; cut off, some of them, in the +springtime of their young lives. We will not mourn for them overmuch. +One crowded hour of glorious life is worth an age without a name. +[Cheers.] + +These gaps have to be filled. The wastage of modern war is relentless +and almost inconceivable. We have--I mean his Majesty's Government +have--since the war began dispatched to the front already considerably +over 200,000 men [cheers] and the amplest provision has been made for +keeping them supplied with all that was necessary in food, in stores, +and in equipment. They will very soon be reinforced by regular troops +from India, from Egypt, and the Mediterranean, and in due time by the +contingents which our dominions are furnishing with such magnificent +patriotism and liberality. [Cheers.] + +Eager Territorials. + +We have with us here our own gallant territorials, becoming every day a +fitter and a finer force, eager and anxious to respond to any call +either at home or abroad that may be made upon them. [Cheers.] But that +is not enough. We must do still more. Already, in little more than a +month, we have 500,000 recruits for the four new armies which, as Lord +Kitchener told the country yesterday, he means to have ready to bring +into the field. In a single day we have had as many men enlist as we +have been accustomed to enlist in the course of a whole year. It is not, +I think, surprising that the machinery has been overstrained, and there +have been many cases of temporary inconvenience and hardship and +discomfort. With time and patience and good organization these things +will be set right, and the new scale of allowances which was announced +in Parliament yesterday [cheers] will do much to mitigate the lot of +wives and children and dependents who are left behind. [Cheers.] + +We want more men, and, perhaps most of all, the help for training them. +Every one in the whole of this kingdom who has in days gone by, as +officer or as non-commissioned officer, served his country never had a +greater or more fruitful opportunity for service than is presented to +him today. [Cheers.] We appeal to the manhood of the three kingdoms. To +such an appeal I know well, coming from your senior representative in +the House of Commons, that Scotland will not turn a deaf ear. [Cheers.] + +Scotland is doing well, and, indeed, more than well, and no part of +Scotland I believe, in proportion, better than Edinburgh. I cannot say +with what pleasure I heard the figures given out by the Lord Provost and +those which have been supplied to me by the gallant gentleman who has +the Scottish command [cheers,] which show, indeed, as we expected, that +Scotland is more than holding her own. In that connection let me repeat +what I said two weeks ago in London. We think it of the highest +importance that so far as possible, and subject to the accidents of war, +people belonging to the same place, breathing the same atmosphere, +having the same associations, should be kept together. + +Our recruits come to us spontaneously, under no kind of compulsion, +[cheers,] of their own free will to meet a national and an imperial +need. We present to them no material inducement in the shape either of +bounty or bribe, and they have to face the prospect of a spell of hard +training from which most of the comforts and all the luxuries that any +of them have been accustomed to are rigorously banished. But then, when +they are fully equipped for their patriotic task, they will have the +opportunity of striking a blow, it may be even of laying down their +lives, not to serve the cause of ambition or aggression, but to maintain +the honor and the good faith of our country, to shield the independence +of free States, to protect against brute force the principles of +civilization and the liberties of Europe. [Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH AT DUBLIN. + +Speech in the Round Room of the Mansion House, Sept. 25. + + +My Lord Mayor: Some weeks ago I took it upon myself to suggest to the +four principal Magistrates of the United Kingdom that they should afford +me an opportunity of making a personal appeal to their citizens at a +great moment in our national history. I have already delivered my +message in London and in Edinburgh. To the first of those great +communities I was able to speak as an Englishman by birth and as a +Londoner by early association and long residence. To the second, the +capital of the ancient Kingdom of Scotland, I had special credentials as +having been for the best part of thirty years one of their +representatives in the House of Commons, ["Hear, hear!"] and now, +indeed, by one of the melancholy privileges of time the senior among the +Scottish members. [Laughter.] But, my Lord Mayor, tonight when I come to +Dublin I can put forward neither the one claim nor the other. [A +Voice--Home Rule.] I base my title, such as it is, to your hospitality +and your hearing upon such service as during the whole of my political +life I have tried with a whole heart and to the best of my faculties and +opportunities to render to Ireland. [Cheers.] I come here, not as a +partisan, not even as a politician, but I come here as for the time +being the head of the King's Government, [cheers,] to summon Ireland, a +loyal and patriotic Ireland, to take her place in the defense of our +common cause. [Cheers.] My Lord Mayor, it is no part of my mission +tonight, it is indeed at this time of day wholly unnecessary, to +justify, still less to excuse, the part which the Government of the +United Kingdom has taken in this supreme crisis in our national +affairs. There have been wars in the past in regard to which there has +been among us diversity of opinion, uneasiness as to the wisdom of our +diplomacy, anxiety as to the expediency of our policy, doubts as to the +essential righteousness of our cause. + +Unity of the Empire. + +That, my Lord Mayor, as you said, is not the case today. [Cheers.] Even +in the memorable struggle which we waged a hundred years ago against the +domination of Napoleon there was always a minority, respectable not +merely in number, but in the sincerity and in the eminence of its +adherents, which broke the front of our national unity. Again I say that +is not the case today. We feel as a nation--or rather I ought to say, +speaking here and looking round upon our vast empire in every quarter of +the globe--as a family of nations, [prolonged cheers,] without +distinction of creed or party, of race or climate, class or section, +that we are united in defending principles and in maintaining interests +which are vital, not only to the British Empire, but to all that is +worth having in our common civilization, [cheers,] and all that is worth +hoping for in the future progress of mankind. [Loud cheers.] What better +or higher cause, my Lord Mayor, whether we succeed or fail? [Cries of +"No failure."] We are going not to fail, but to succeed. [Enthusiastic +cheers.] What higher cause than to arouse and enlist the best qualities +of a free people, than to be engaged at one and the same time in the +vindication of international good faith, in the protection of the weak +against the violence of the strong, [cheers,] and in the assertion of +the best ideals of all the free communities in all the ages of time and +in every part of the world against the encroachments of those who +believe and who preach and who practice the religion of force? It is +not--I am sure you will agree with me--it is not necessary to +demonstrate once more that of this war Germany is the real and the +responsible author. [Cheers.] The proofs are patent, manifold and +overwhelming. [Cheers.] Indeed, on the part of Germany herself we get +upon this point, if denial at all, a denial only of the faintest and the +most formal kind. For a generation past she has been preparing the +ground, equipping herself, both by land and sea, fortifying herself with +alliances, and, what is perhaps even more important, teaching her youth +to seek and to pursue as the first and the most important of all human +things the supremacy of the German power and the German spirit, and all +that time biding her opportunity. Gentlemen, many of the great wars of +history have been almost accidentally brought about by the blindness of +blundering statesmen, or by some wave of popular passion. That is not so +today. ["Hear, hear!"] There was nothing in a quarrel such as this +between Austria and Servia that could not have been and that would not +have been settled by pacific means. [Cheers.] + +Germany's Profound Mistakes. + +But in the judgment of those who guide and control German policy the +hour had come to strike the blow that had been long and deliberately +prepared. In their hands lay the choice between peace and war, and their +election was for war. In so deciding, as everybody now knows, Germany +made two profound miscalculations. [Cheers.] Both of them natural enough +in a man who had come to believe that in international matters +everything can be explained and measured in terms of material force. +What, gentlemen, were those mistakes? The first was that Belgium, +[cheers,] a small and prosperous country entirely disinterested in +European quarrels, guaranteed by the joint and several compacts of the +great powers, that Belgium would not resent, and certainly would not +resist, the use of her territory as a highroad for an invading German +force into France. How could they imagine that this little country, +rather than allow her neutrality to be violated and her independence +insulted and menaced, was prepared that her fields should be drenched +with the blood of her soldiers, her towns and villages devastated by +marauders, her splendid heritage of monuments and of treasures, built up +for her by the piety, art, and learning of the past, ruthlessly laid in +ruins? The passionate attachment of a numerically small population to +the bit of territory, which looks so little upon the map, the pride and +the unconquerable devotion of a free people to their own free State, +these were things which apparently had never been dreamed of in the +philosophy of Potsdam. [Laughter and "Hear, hear!"] Rarely in history +has there been a greater material disparity between the invaders and the +invaded, but the moral disparity was at least equally great. [Cheers.] +For, gentlemen, the indomitable resistance of the Belgians did more than +change the whole face of the campaign. [Cheers.] It proved to the world +that ideas which cannot be weighed or measured by any material calculus +can still inspire and dominate mankind. [Cheers.] And that is the reason +why the whole sympathy of the civilized world at this moment is going +out to these small States--Belgium, Servia, and Montenegro--that have +played so worthy a part in this historic struggle. [Cheers.] + +The Moral Bond of Civilization. + +But, my Lord Mayor, Germany was guilty of another and a still more +capital blunder in relation to ourselves. ["Hear, hear!"] I am not +referring for the moment to the grotesque understanding upon which I +dwelt a week ago at Edinburgh, their carefully fostered belief that we +here were so rent with civil distraction, [laughter,] so paralyzed by +luke-warmness or disaffection in our dominions and dependencies, that if +it came to fighting we might be brushed aside as an impotent and even a +negligible factor. [Cheers and cries of "Never!"] The German +misconception went even deeper than that. They asked themselves what +interest, direct or material, had the United Kingdom in this conflict? +Could any nation, least of all the cold, calculating, phlegmatic, +egotistic British nation, [laughter,] embark upon a costly and bloody +contest from which it had nothing in the hope of profit to expect? +["Hear, hear!"] They forgot--they forgot that we, like the Belgians, had +something at stake which cannot be translated into what one of our +poets has called "The law of nicely calculated less or more." What was +it we had at stake? First and foremost, the fulfillment to the small and +relatively weak country of our plighted word [cheers] and behind and +beyond that the maintenance of the whole system of international +good-will which is the moral bond of the civilized world. [Cheers.] Here +again they were wrong in thinking that the reign of ideas, Old World +ideas like those of duty and good faith, had been superseded by the +ascendency of force. My Lord Mayor, war is at all times a hideous thing; +at the best an evil to be chosen in preference to worse evils, and at +the worst little better than the letting loose of hell upon earth. The +prophet of old spoke of the "confused noise of battle and the garments +rolled in blood," but in these modern days, with the gigantic scale of +the opposing armies and the scientific developments of the instruments +of destruction, war has become an infinitely more devastating thing than +it ever was before. The hope that the general recognition of a humaner +code would soften or abate some of its worst brutalities has been rudely +dispelled by the events of the last few weeks. ["Shame!"] + +Shameful and Cynical Desecration. + +The German invasion of Belgium and France contributes, indeed, some of +the blackest pages to its sombre annals. Rarely has a non-combatant +population suffered more severely, and rarely, if ever, have the +monuments of piety and of learning and those sentiments of religion and +national association, of which they are the permanent embodiment, even +in the worst times of the most ruthless warriors, been so shamefully and +cynically desecrated; and behind the actual theatre of conflict with its +smoke and its carnage there are the sufferings of those who are left +behind, the waste of wealth, the economic dislocation, the heritage, the +long heritage of enmities and misunderstanding which war brings in its +train. Why do I dwell upon these things? It is to say this, that great +indeed is the responsibility of those who allow their country--as we +have done--to be drawn into such a welter; but there is one thing much +worse than to take such a responsibility, and that is, upon a fitting +occasion, to shirk it. [Cheers.] Our record in the matter is clear. We +strove up to the last moment for peace [cheers] and only when we were +satisfied that the price of peace was the betrayal of other countries +and the dishonor and degradation of our own we took up the sword. +[Prolonged cheers.] I should like, if I might for a moment, beyond this +inquiry into causes and motives, to ask your attention and that of my +fellow-countrymen to the end which in this war we ought to keep in view. +Forty-four years ago, at the time of the war of 1870, Mr. Gladstone used +these words. He said: "The greatest triumph of our time will be the +enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea of +European politics." Nearly fifty years have passed. Little progress, it +seems, has yet been made toward that good and beneficent change, but it +seems to me to be now at this moment as good a definition as we can have +of our European policy. The idea of public right; what does it mean when +translated into concrete terms? It means, first and foremost, the +clearing of the ground by the definite repudiation of militarism as the +governing factor in the relation of States, and of the future molding of +the European world. It means, next, that room must be found and kept for +the independent existence and the free development of the smaller +nationalities, [cheers,] each with a corporate consciousness of its own. + +The Recognition of Nationality. + +Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland and the Scandinavian countries, +Greece, and the Balkan States, they must be recognized as having exactly +as good a title as their more powerful neighbors--more powerful in +strength and in wealth--exactly as good a title to a place in the sun. +[Prolonged cheers and some laughter.] And it means, finally, or it ought +to mean, perhaps by a slow and gradual process, the substitution for +force, for the clash of competing ambition, for grouping and alliances +and a precarious equipoise, the substitution for all these things of a +real European partnership, based on the recognition of equal right and +established and enforced by a common will. [Cheers.] A year ago that +would have sounded like a Utopian idea. It is probably one that may not +or will not be realized either today or tomorrow. If and when this war +is decided in favor of the Allies, it will at once come within the +range, and, before long, within the grasp of European statesmanship. +[Cheers.] I go back for a moment, if I am not keeping you too long, ["Go +on,"] to the peculiar aspects of the actual case upon which I have +dwelt, because it seems to me that they ought to make a special appeal +to the people of Ireland. Ireland is a loyal country, [cheers,] and she +would, I know, respond with alacrity to any summons which called upon +her to take her share in the assertion and the defense of our common +interests. But, gentlemen, the issues raised by this war are of such a +kind that, unless I mistake her people and misrepresent her history, +they touch a vibrating chord both in her imagination and in her +conscience. How can you Irishmen be deaf to the cry of the smaller +nationalities to help them in their struggle for freedom [cheers] +whether, as in the case of Belgium, in maintaining what she has won, or +as in the case of Poland or the Balkan States in regaining what they +have lost or in acquiring and putting upon a stable foundation what has +never been fully theirs? + +The Appeal to Ireland. + +How again can you Irishmen--if I understand you--sit by in cool +detachment and with folded arms while we, in company of our gallant +allies of France and Russia, are opposing a worldwide resistance to +pretensions which threaten to paralyze and sterilize all progress and +the best destinies of mankind? [Cheers.] During the last few weeks Sir +John French and his heroic forces have worthily sustained our cause. The +casualties have been heavy. Ireland has had her share, although they +have been increased during the last week from the ranks of our gallant +navy by one of the hazards of warfare at sea. But of those who have +fallen in both services we may ask how could men die better? [Cheers.] + +The Indian Contingent. + +They have left behind them an example and an appeal. From all quarters +of the empire its best manhood is flowing in. The first Indian +contingent is, I believe, landing today at Marseilles, [loud cheers,] +and in all parts of our great dominions the convoys are already +mustering. Over half a million recruits have joined the colors here at +home, [cheers,] and I come to ask you in Ireland, though you don't need +my asking, to take your part. [Cheers and shouts of "We must."] There +was a time when, through the operations of laws which every one now +acknowledges to have been both unjust and impolitic, ["Hear, hear!"] the +martial spirit of and the capacity for which Irishmen have always been +conspicuous, found its chief outlet in the alien armies of the +Continent. I have seen it computed--I do not know whether with precise +accuracy--but I have seen it computed upon good authority that in the +first fifty years of the eighteenth century, when the penal laws were +here in full swing, nearly half a million Irishmen enlisted under the +banners of the empire of France and Spain, and we at home in the United +Kingdom suffered a double loss; for, gentlemen, not only were we drained +year by year of some of our best fighting material, ["Hear, hear!"] but +over and over again we found ourselves engaged in battle array suffering +and inflicting deadly loss upon those who might have been, and under +happier conditions would have been, fellow-soldiers of our own. +[Cheers.] The British Empire has always been proud, and with reason, of +those Irish regiments [cheers] and their Irish leaders, [more cheers,] +and was never prouder of them that it is today. [Great cheering.] We ask +you here in Ireland to give us more, [cheers, and a Voice, "You'll get +them,"] to give them without stinting. We ask Ireland to give of her +sons, the most in number, the best in quality that a proud and loyal +daughter of the empire ought to devote to the common cause. [Cheers.] + +The Volunteers of Ireland. + +The conditions seem to me to be exceptionally favorable for the purpose. +We have of late been witnessing here in Ireland a spontaneous enrollment +and organization in all parts of the country of bodies of volunteers. I +say nothing--for I wish tonight to avoid trespassing upon even a square +inch of controversial ground--I say nothing of the causes or motives +which brought them originally into existence, [laughter,] and have +fostered their growth and strength. I will only say--and this is my +nearest approach to politics tonight--that there are two things which to +my mind have become unthinkable. The first is that one section of +Irishmen are going to fight. [Loud cheers.] The second is that Great +Britain is going to fight either. [Renewed cheers.] Speaking here in +Dublin, I may perhaps address myself for a moment particularly to the +National Volunteers, and I am going to ask them all over Ireland--not +only them, but I make the appeal to them particularly--to contribute +with promptitude and enthusiasm a large and worthy contingent of +recruits to the second new army of half a million, which is growing up +as it were out of the ground. [Cheers.] I should like to see, and we all +want to see, an Irish brigade, [cheers,] or, better still, an Irish army +corps. [Loud cheers.] Do not let them be afraid that by joining the +colors they will lose their identity and become absorbed in some +invertebrate mass, or, what is perhaps equally repugnant, be +artificially redistributed in units which have no national cohesion or +character. We wish to the utmost limit that military exigencies will +allow that men who have been already associated in this or that district +in training and in common exercises should be kept together and continue +to recognize the corporate bond which now unites them. ["Hear, hear!"] +And of one thing further I am sure. We are in urgent need of competent +officers, and we think that if the officers now engaged in training +these men are proved equal to the test, there is no fear that their +services will not be gladly and gratefully retained. I repeat that the +empire needs recruits, and needs them at once, that they may be fully +trained and equipped in time to take their part in what may well be the +decisive fields of the greatest struggle in the history of the world. +That is our immediate necessity, and no Irishman in responding to it +need be afraid that he is prejudicing the future of the volunteers. +[Cheers.] I do not say, and I can not say, under what precise form or +organization, but I trust and believe, and indeed I am certain, that the +volunteers will become a permanent part, an integral and a +characteristic part, of the defensive forces of the Crown. [Cheers.] I +have only one more thing to say to you. [Cries of "Go on."] If our need +is great your opportunity is also great. [Cheers.] The call which I am +making is, as you know well, backed by the sympathy of your +fellow-Irishmen in all parts of the empire and the world. Old +animosities between us are dead. [Loud and prolonged cheers.] Scattered +like the Autumn leaves to the four winds of heaven, we are a united +nation, [renewed cheers,] owing and paying to our sovereign the +heartfelt allegiance of men who at home not only love but enjoy for +themselves the liberty which our soldiers and our sailors are fighting +by land and by sea to maintain and to extend for others. There is no +question of compulsion or bribery. What we want we believe you are ready +and eager to give as the free-will offering of a free people. [Great +cheering.] + +The Earl of Meath, Lord Lieutenant of County Dublin, who was next called +on, declared that their gathering would be historic because for the +first time in her history Irishmen of all classes, creeds, and politics +had met on the same platform. The modern Attila might be known, as his +predecessor was known, as the scourge of God. But for the constant +vigilance of our army and our fleet Ireland might have met the fate of +Belgium. He suggested that Earl Kitchener should, as far as possible, +see that the Irish corps at the front should act together. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH AT CARDIFF. + +Speech in the Skating Rink, Oct. 2. + + +In the course of the last month I have addressed meetings in London, +Edinburgh, and Dublin, and now in the completion of the task which I set +myself and which the kindness of our great municipalities has allowed me +to perform I have come to Cardiff. [Cheers.] England, Scotland, and +Ireland have each of them a definite and a well-established capital +city, but I have always understood that there was some doubt where the +capital of the Principality of Wales was to be found on the map. +[Laughter.] Wales is a single and indivisible entity with a life of its +own, drawing its vitality from an ancient past, and both, I believe, in +the volume and in the reality of its activity, never more virile than it +is today. [Cheers.] But I do not know that there is any general +agreement among Welshmen as to where their capital is to be found, +[laughter, and a voice, "Here,"] and without attempting as an outsider +to differentiate or to reconcile competing claims I stand here tonight +on what I believe to be a safe coign of vantage under the hospitality +and the authority of the Lord Mayor of Cardiff. + +Though I am not altogether a stranger to Wales, you may nevertheless ask +why I have requested your permission to address this great audience here +tonight. I am not altogether an idle man, and during the last few months +I can honestly say that there has hardly been a day, indeed there have +been very few hours, which have not been preoccupied with grave cares +and responsibility. But throughout them all I have been, and I am, +sustained by a profound and unshakable belief in the righteousness of +our cause [cheers] and by overwhelming evidence that in the pursuit and +the maintenance of that cause the Government have behind them, without +distinction of race, of party, or of class, the whole moral and material +support of the British Empire. [Cheers.] Let me take the opportunity to +acknowledge and to welcome the calm, reasoned, and dignified statement +of our cause which the Christian Churches of the United Kingdom, +through some of their most distinguished leaders and ministers, have +this week presented to the world. [Cheers.] + +The United Voice of the Empire. + +I will not repeat, and I certainly cannot improve upon it, and indeed I +am not here tonight to argue out propositions which British citizens in +every part of the world today regard as beyond the reach of controversy. +I do not suppose that in the history of mankind there has ever been in +such a vast and diverse community agreement so unanimous in purpose and +so concentrated, a corporate conscience so clear and so convinced, +co-operation so spontaneous, so ardent, and so resolute. [Cheers.] Just +consider what it means, here in this United Kingdom--England, Scotland, +Ireland, and Wales--to hear one plain, harmonious, great united voice +over the seas from our great dominions. [Cheers.] Canada, Australia, +South Africa, New Zealand, our crown colonies, swell the chorus. + +In India [cheers]--where whatever we won by the sword we hold and we +retain by the more splendid title of just and disinterested rule by the +authority, not of a despot, but of a trustee [cheers]--the response to +our common appeal has moved all our feelings to their profoundest +depths, and has been such as to shiver and to shatter the vain and +ignorant imaginings of our enemies. [Cheers,] That is a remarkable and +indeed a unique spectacle. + +What is it that stirred the imagination, aroused the conscience, +enlisted the manhood, welded into one compact and irresistible force the +energies and the greatest imperial structure that the world has ever +known? [Cheers.] That is a question which, for a moment at any rate, it +is well worth asking and answering. Let me say, then, first negatively, +that we are not impelled, any of us, by some of the motives which have +occasioned the bloody struggles of the past. In this case, so far as we +are concerned, ambition and aggression play no part. What do we want? +What do we aim at? What have we to gain? + +We are a great, worldwide, peace-loving partnership. By the wisdom and +the courage of our forefathers, by great deeds of heroism and adventure +by land and sea, by the insight and corporate sagacity, the tried and +tested experience of many generations, we have built up a dominion which +is buttressed by the two pillars of liberty and law. [Cheers.] We are +not vain enough or foolish enough to think that in the course of a long +process there have not been blunders, or worse than blunders, and that +today our dominion does not fall short of what in our ideals it might +and it ought and, we believe, it is destined to be. But such as we have +received it and such as we hope to have it, with it we are content. +[Cheers.] + +Why We Are at War. + +We do not covet any people's territory. We have no desire to impose our +rule upon alien populations. The British Empire is enough for us. +[Laughter and cheers.] All that we wished for, all that we wish for now, +is to be allowed peaceably to consolidate our own resources, to raise +within the empire the level of common opportunity, to draw closer the +bond of affection and confidence between its parts, and to make it +everywhere the worthy home of the best traditions of British liberty. +[Cheers.] Does it not follow from that that nowhere in the world is +there a people who have stronger motives to avoid war and to seek and +ensue peace? Why, then, are the British people throughout the length and +breadth of our empire everywhere turning their plowshares into swords? +Why are the best of our ablebodied men leaving the fields and the +factory and the counting house for the recruiting office and the +training camp? + +If, as I have said, we have no desire to add to our imperial burdens, +either in area or in responsibility, it is equally true that in entering +this war we had no ill-will to gratify nor wrongs of our own to avenge. +["Hear, hear!"] In regard to Germany in particular [groans] our +policy--repeatedly stated in Parliament, resolutely pursued year after +year both in London and in Berlin--our policy has been to remove one by +one the outstanding causes of possible friction and so to establish a +firm basis for cordial relations in the days to come. + +We have said from the first--I have said it over and over again, and so +has Sir Edward Grey--we have said from the first that our friendships +with certain powers, with France, [cheers,] with Russia, and with Japan, +were not to be construed as implying cold feelings and still less +hostile purposes against any other power. But at the same time we have +always made it clear, to quote words used by Sir Edward Grey as far back +as November, 1911--I quote his exact words--"One does not make new +friendships worth having by deserting old ones." New friendships by all +means let us have, but not at the expense of the ones we have. That has +been, and I trust will always be, the attitude of those whom the Kaiser +in his now notorious proclamation describes as the treacherous English. +[Laughter and "Oh, oh!"] + +Germany's Demand in 1912. + +We laid down, and I wish to call not only your attention but the +attention of the whole world to this, when so many false legends are now +being invented and circulated, in the following year--in the year +1912--we laid down in terms carefully approved by the Cabinet, and which +I will textually quote, what our relations with Germany ought in our +view to be. We said, and we communicated this to the German Government, +"Britain declares that she will neither make nor join in any unprovoked +attack upon Germany. Aggression upon Germany is not the subject and +forms no part of any treaty, understanding, or combination to which +Britain is now a party, nor will she become a party to anything that has +such an object." There is nothing ambiguous or equivocal about that. +["Hear, hear!"] + +But that was not enough for German statesmanship. They wanted us to go +further. They asked us to pledge ourselves absolutely to neutrality in +the event of Germany being engaged in war, and this, mind you, at a +time when Germany was enormously increasing both her aggressive and +defensive resources, and especially upon the sea. They asked us, to put +it quite plainly, for a free hand, so far as we were concerned, when +they selected the opportunity to overbear, to dominate the European +world. + +To such a demand but one answer was possible, and that was the answer we +gave. [Cheers.] None the less we have continued during the whole of the +last two years, and never more energetically and more successfully than +during the Balkan crisis of last year, to work not only for the peace of +Europe but for the creation of a better international atmosphere and a +more cordial co-operation between all the powers. [Cheers.] From both +points of view, that of our domestic interests as a kingdom and an +empire, and that of our settled attitude and policy in the counsels of +Europe, a war such as this, which injures the one and frustrates the +other, was and could only be regarded as among the worst of +catastrophes--among the worst of catastrophes, but not the worst. +[Cheers.] + +"The Blackest Annals of Barbarism." + +Four weeks ago, speaking at the Guildhall, in the City of London, when +the war was still in its early days, I asked my fellow-countrymen with +what countenance, with what conscience, had we basely chose to stand +aloof, we could have watched from day to day the terrible unrolling of +events--public faith shamelessly broken, the freedom of a small people +trodden in the dust, the wanton invasion of Belgium and then of France +by hordes who leave behind them at every stage of their progress a +dismal trail of savagery, of devastation, and of desecration worthy of +the blackest annals in the history of barbarism. [Cheers.] That was four +weeks ago. The war has now lasted for sixty days, and every one of those +days has added to the picture its share of sombre and repulsive traits. +We now see clearly written down in letters of carnage and spoliation the +real aims and methods of this long-prepared and well-organized scheme +Against the liberties of Europe. [Cheers.] + +I say nothing of other countries. I pass no judgment upon them. But if +we here in Great Britain had abstained and remained neutral, forsworn +our word, deserted our friends, faltered and compromised with the plain +dictates of our duty--nay, if we had not shown ourselves ready to strike +with all our forces at the common enemy of civilization and freedom, +there would have been nothing left for our country but to veil her face +in shame and to be ready in her turn--for her time would have come--to +share the doom which she would have richly deserved, and after centuries +of glorious life to go down to her grave, unwept, unhonored, and unsung. +[Loud cheers.] + +Let us gladly acknowledge what becomes clearer and clearer every day, +that the world is just as ready as it ever was, and no part of it +readier than the British Empire, to understand and to respond to moral +issues. [Cheers.] The new school of German thought has been teaching for +a generation past that in the affairs of nations there is no code of +ethics. According to their doctrine force and nothing but force is the +test and the measure of right. As the events which are going on before +our eyes have made it plain, they have succeeded only too well in +indoctrinating with their creed--I will not say the people of Germany; +like Burke, I will not attempt to draw up an indictment against a +nation--I will not say the people of Germany, but those who control and +execute German policy. [Cheers.] + +But it is one of those products of German genius which, whether or not +it was intended exclusively for home consumption, [laughter,] has not, I +am happy to say, found a market abroad, and certainly not within the +boundaries of the British Empire. [Cheers.] We still believe here, +old-fashioned people as we are, in the sanctity of treaties, [cheers,] +that the weak have rights and that the strong have duties, that small +nationalities have every bit as good a title as large ones to life and +independence, and that freedom for its own sake is as well worth +fighting for today as it ever was in the past. [Cheers.] And we look +forward at the end of this war to a Europe in which these great and +simple and venerable truths will be recognized and safeguarded forever +against the recrudescence of the era of blood and iron. [Cheers.] Stated +in a few words that is the reason for our united front, the reason that +has brought our gallant Indian warriors to Marseilles, that is +extracting from our most distant dominions the best of their manhood, +and which in the course of two months has transformed the United Kingdom +into a vast recruiting ground. [Cheers.] + +Greatest Emergency in Our History. + +Now I have come here tonight not to talk but to do business. [Laughter +and cheers.] Before I sit down I want to say to you a few practical +words. We are confronted, as you all know and recognize, by the greatest +emergency in our history. Every part of the United Kingdom and every man +and every woman in every part of it is called upon to make his or her +contribution and to do his or her share, [cheers,] and our primary +business is to fill the ranks. There is, I find, in some quarters an +apprehension that the recruiting for the new army and the functions to +be assigned to that army when it is formed and trained may interfere +with or may in some way belittle or disparage the territorial force. +Believe me, no delusion could be more mischievous or more complete. + +No praise could be too high for the patriotic and sustained efforts of +the county associations or for the quality and efficiency of the +territorial troops. It is a comparatively easy thing to make great +efforts and sacrifices under the stress and strain, which we are now +experiencing, of a supreme crisis. The territorials, without any such +stimulus in the piping times of peace, when war and the sufferings and +the struggles and glories of war were contingent and remote, these men +gave their time, sacrificed their leisure--not only in their annual +training, but in thousands of cases both officers and men devoted their +spare hours to preparing themselves in the study and the practice of the +art of war. They have now been embodied for two months, and I am +expressing the considered opinion of one of the most eminent Generals +when I say that the divisions now in camp in various parts of the +country, and improving every day in efficiency, have completely +justified their title to play any part that may be assigned to them, +either in home defense, in the manning of our garrisons, or in the +battle lines at the front. [Loud cheers.] + +It is, then, no want of appreciation of the patriotism and of the +efficiency of the territorial forces that leads me to ask you tonight +for recruits for the regular army. We wish, so far as military +exigencies permit, that the new battalions and squadrons and batteries +should retain their local associations and their corporate and +distinctive national character. [Cheers.] Why, the freedom and the +autonomy of the smaller nationalities is one of the great issues of this +gigantic contest. + +A Welsh Army Corps. + +I went a week ago to Dublin to make an appeal to Ireland. I asked +Irishmen then, as I do now, on behalf of the Government and of the War +Office, to enlist in and to make up the complement of an Irish army +corps. I repeat that appeal tonight to the men of Wales. [Cheers.] We +want that. We want you to fill up the ranks of the Welsh army corps. +[Cheers.] We believe that the preservation of local and national ties, +of the genius of a people which has a history of its own, is not only +not hostile to or inconsistent with, but, on the contrary, fosters and +strengthens and stimulates the spirit of a common purpose, of, a +corporate brotherhood, of an underlying and binding imperial unity +throughout every section and among all ranks of the forces of the Crown. +[Cheers.] + +Men of Wales, of whom I see so many thousands in this splendid +gathering, let me say one last word to you. Remember your past. +[Cheers.] Think of the villages and the mountains which in old days were +the shelter of the recruiting ground of your fathers in the struggles +which adorn and glorify your annals. Never has a stronger or a more +compelling appeal been made to you of all that you as a nation honor and +hold true. Be worthy of those who went before you, and leave to your +children the richest of all inheritances--the memory of fathers who in a +great cause put self-sacrifice before ease and honor above life itself. +[Loud cheers.] + +Lord Plymouth moved a resolution pledging support to the Prime +Minister's appeal to the nation and to measures necessary for the +prosecution of the war to a victorious conclusion, whereby alone the +lasting peace of Europe could be assured. + +Thomas Richards, M.P., seconded the resolution, which was carried with +enthusiasm. The meeting concluded with the singing of "Men of Harlech" +and the national anthem. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE. + +Union of All Parties Noted in Letter to The London Times. + + _To the Editor of The Times_: + + Sir: Perhaps, after an experience of ten days in which I have had + the opportunity of speaking nightly about the war to great + audiences of my fellow-countrymen in places so wide apart but so + populous and important as Hull, Aberdeen, Glasgow, Dundee, Reading, + and other towns, I may be permitted to send you a few observations + on the subject of the campaign for which I pleaded in your columns + a fortnight ago, and which has been prosecuted energetically by a + multitude of speakers ever since. + + In the first place, the meetings have shown the absolute fusion of + all parties and the disappearance of all minor issues in the face + of a national crisis. In each case the chair has been taken by the + Lord Mayor or Lord Provost or civic head of the town. On the + platform have been seated members of all parties and denominations; + and Lords Lieutenant, M.P.'s of all sides, including labor members, + and representative clergy, have addressed the meetings. The + interest taken by the people has been shown by the fact that the + largest halls, though sometimes holding audiences of 3,000 to 4,000 + men and more, have been unable to accommodate the crowds, and in + every case overflow meetings have had to be held. + + I have not found anywhere the slightest misapprehension as to the + causes of the war. The fears that were entertained that we should + be thought to be fighting on account of Servia or some remote + international quarrel, in which we were only indirectly engaged, + are groundless. The people realize clearly that we are fighting, + not merely for our own honor and good faith, but for ourselves and + our own national existence. + + Further, I think that the policies and ideals which are represented + by our opponents are becoming much more widely understood. The + circulation of books such as von Bernhardi's and the clear + exposition on many platforms and in the press of the objects + preached with such amazing frankness by German writers for at least + thirty years and treated with such characteristic indifference by + ourselves are bearing fruit, and our people realize that German + victory is inconsistent not merely with the continued existence of + such an empire as ours, but with the conception of self-respect, + humanity and freedom upon which modern civilization and democratic + government in particular take their stand. + + No doubt the German proceedings in Belgium have done much to + accelerate this conviction; and the mercilessness and savagery of + the methods by which the war has been fought by them (and for which + no vestige of an apology has been forthcoming) have taught men that + here is not only an enemy to be beaten but an evil spirit to be + driven out. + + The response to the appeal for recruits has, on the whole, been + wonderful and inspiriting. Employers of labor, whether on a large + or a small scale, have, as a rule, behaved with generosity both as + regards releasing their employees and in making provision for them + and their families. A good example has been set by families and + persons in leading positions. Domestic servants have come forward + in great numbers. The working class population have awakened more + slowly--as was inevitable until the nature of the war and the + urgency of the call were brought clearly home to them--but are now + responding with alacrity. The brave deeds of their countrymen in + France have proved the surest stimulus, and disaster, as, for + instance, that reported to the Gordon Highlanders, at once raised + the tide of recruits. This is a very typical and encouraging + feature, showing that all that is wanted to convert interest into + enthusiasm and to blow the embers into flame is that the case + should be brought home by the sense of patriotic achievement or + national loss. + + Unquestionably the two incidents that have appealed most to the + public sentiment have been the heroic resistance and tragic + sufferings of Belgium--to be compensated by all that our national + generosity can provide and atoned for by whatever reparation the + Allies think it ultimately right to exact--and the splendid + contribution from India. These events excite the loudest cheers and + touch the deepest chords of emotion. + + In some cases, where recruiting has been slow, men have been + affected by a too exclusive but quite pardonable regard for the + interests of themselves and their families. The provision made from + various sources for the bread winner who has joined the colors or + is at the front might easily be made more generous. But the outlook + for those who are wounded or disabled, or for the families of those + who lose their lives, and perhaps most of all for those who on + their return may find it difficult to secure re-employment, is + thought by many to be insufficiently assured. Private employers and + business firms have, on the whole, met the situation with + liberality; and a similar attitude on the part of the Government + would meet with its immediate reward. It is perhaps a selfish + utterance if a man is heard to say, "How am I going to come out of + it?" or still more, "What good is it going to do to me?"; but if he + put the same question on behalf of those who depend upon him for + subsistence he is entitled to a definite and a not ungenerous + reply. + + Two dangers may have to be faced as the war proceeds. One is that + the nation, exhilarated by smaller successes, may think that the + war will soon be over, and that no excessive effort is therefore + required. Traces of this feeling are sometimes visible in the + published letters (how admirable, as a rule, they are!) of soldiers + at the front, telling their families to expect them back in a month + or two's time. The other danger is that, harassed by the + continuance of the struggle, or attracted by delusive offers of + peace or affected by economic or industrial conditions which have + fortunately not so far developed, a section of the nation may cry + out for peace before the victory has been consummated and before + the peril we are fighting to avert is forever destroyed. + + It may be that renewed platform activity may be required as time + goes on to sustain the spirit and fortify the constancy of the + nation. In the meanwhile, speakers, from my experience, cannot do + better than dilate upon the immense magnitude of the stakes + involved, and probable long duration of the struggle, and the + supreme importance that our country should, by the strength and + effectiveness of its material contribution to the common cause, + exercise a powerful influence both upon the issue of the struggle + and in the resettlement of territories and forces which will follow + upon its conclusion. I am, Sir, yours obediently, + + CURZON OF KEDLESTON. + + 1 Carlton House Terrace, Sept. 14. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: W.L. SPENCER CHURCHILL, +British First Lord of the Admiralty. +(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)] + + + + +NOW THE WAR HAS COME. + +Speech by Winston Spencer Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, at +the London Opera House, Sept. 11. + + +These are serious times, and though we meet here in an abode of +diversion and of pleasure in times of peace, and although we wish and +mean to rouse and encourage each other in every way, yet we are not here +for purposes of merriment or jollification. I am quite sure I associate +my two friends who are here tonight and who are to speak after me, and +my noble friend, your Chairman, with me when I say that we regard the +cheers with which you have received us as being offered to us only +because they are meant for our soldiers in the field and our sailors +upon the sea, [cheers,] and it is in that sense that we accept them and +thank you for them. + +We meet here together in serious times, but I come to you tonight in +good heart, [cheers,] and with good confidence for the future and for +the task upon which we are engaged. It is too soon to speculate upon the +results of the great battle which is waging in France. Everything that +we have heard, during four long days of anxiety seems to point to a +marked and substantial turning of the tide. + +German Plans Miscarried. + +We have seen the forces of the French and British Armies strong enough +not only to contain and check the devastating avalanche which had swept +across the French frontier, but now at last, not for an hour or for a +day, but for four long days in succession, it has been rolled steadily +back. [Cheers.] With battles taking place over a front of 100 or 150 +miles one must be very careful not to build high hopes on results which +are achieved even in a great area of the field of war. We are not +children looking for light and vain encouragement, but men engaged upon +a task which has got to be put through. Still, when every allowance has +been made for the uncertainty with which these great operations are +always enshrouded, I think it only fair and right to say that the +situation tonight is better, far better, than a cold calculation of the +forces available on both sides before the war should have led us to +expect at this early stage. [Cheers.] + +It is quite clear that what is happening now is not what the Germans +planned, [laughter,] and they have yet to show that they can adapt +themselves to the force of circumstances created by the military power +of their enemies with the same efficiency that they have undoubtedly +shown in regard to plans long prepared, methodically worked out, and +executed with the precision of deliberation. + +The battle, I say, gives us every reason to meet together tonight in +good heart. But let me tell you frankly that if this battle had been as +disastrous as, thank God, it appears to be triumphant, I should come +before you with unabated confidence and with the certainty that we have +only to continue in our efforts to bring this war to the conclusion +which we wish and intend. [Cheers.] + +We did not enter upon this war with the hope of easy victory; we did not +enter upon it in any desire to extend our territory, or to advance and +increase our position in the world; or in any romantic desire to shed +our blood and spend our money in Continental quarrels. We entered upon +this war reluctantly after we had made every effort compatible with +honor to avoid being drawn in, and we entered upon it with a full +realization of the sufferings, losses, disappointments, vexations, and +anxieties, and of the appalling and sustained exertions which would be +entailed upon us by our action. The war will be long and sombre. It will +have many reverses of fortune and many hopes falsified by subsequent +events, and we must derive from our cause and from the strength that is +in us, and from the traditions and history of our race, and from the +support and aid of our empire all over the world the means to make this +country overcome obstacles of all kinds and continue to the end of the +furrow, whatever the toil and suffering may be. + +Making Sure of Victory. + +But though we entered this war with no illusions as to the incidents +which will mark its progress, as to the ebb and flow of fortune in this +and that part of the gigantic field over which it is waged, we entered +it, and entered it rightly, with the sure and strong hope and +expectation of bringing it to a victorious conclusion. [Cheers.] I am +quite certain that if we, the people of the British Empire, choose, +whatever may happen in the interval, we can in the end make this war +finish in accordance with our interests and the interests of +civilization. [Cheers.] Let us build on a sure foundation. Let us not +be the sport of fortune, looking for victories here and happy chances +there; let us take measures, which are well within our power, which are +practical measures, measures which we can begin upon at once and carry +through from day to day with surety and effect. Let us enter upon +measures which in the long run, whatever the accidents and incidents of +the intervening period may be, will secure us that victory upon which +our life and existence as a nation not less than the fortune of our +allies and of Europe absolutely depends. [Cheers.] + +The Deeds of the Navy. + +I think we are building on a sure foundation. [Cheers.] Let us look +first at the navy. [Cheers.] The war has now been in progress between +five and six weeks. In that time we have swept German commerce from the +seas. [Cheers.] We have either blocked in neutral harbors or blockaded +in their own harbors [laughter] or hunted down the commerce destroyers +of which we used to hear so much and from which we anticipated such +serious loss and damage. All our ships, with inconsiderable exceptions, +are arriving safely and punctually at their destinations, carrying on +the commerce upon which the wealth and industry and the power of making +war for this country depends. We are transporting easily, not without an +element of danger, but hitherto safely and successfully, great numbers +of soldiers across the seas from all quarters of the world to be +directed upon the decisive theatre of the land struggle. [A voice, +"Russians," and laughter.] And we have searched the so-called German +Ocean without discovering the German flag. [Cheers.] Our enemies, in +their carefully worked out calculations, which they have been toiling +over during a great many years, when the people of this country, as a +whole, credited them with quite different motives, ["Hear, hear!"] have +always counted upon a process of attrition and the waste of shipping by +mines and torpedoes and other methods of warfare of the weaker power, by +which the numbers and strength of our fleet would be reduced to such a +point that they would be able to steel their hearts and come out and +fight. [Cheers.] We have been at war for five or six weeks, and so +far--though I would certainly not underrate the risks and hazards +attending upon warlike operations and the vanity of all +overconfidence--but so far the attrition has been on their side and not +on ours, [cheers,] while the losses which they have suffered greatly +exceed any that we have at present sustained. + +I have made careful inquiries as to the condition of our sailors in the +fleet under the strain put upon them, and this continued watching and +constant attention to their duty under war conditions, and I am glad to +say that it is reported to me that the health of the fleet has been much +better since the declaration of war than it was in time of peace, [loud +cheers and laughter,] both as to the percentage of sickness and the +character of the sickness, [laughter,] and that there is no reason why +we should not keep up the same process of naval control and have the +same exercises of sea power, on which we have lived and are living, for +what is almost an indefinite period. + +The Nose of the Bulldog. + +By one of those dispensations of Providence, which appeals so strongly +to the German Emperor, [laughter,] the nose of the bulldog has been +slanted backward so that he can breathe with comfort without letting go. +[Laughter and cheers.] We have been successful in maintaining naval +control thus far in the struggle, and there are also sound reasons for +believing that as it progresses the chances in our favor will not +diminish but increase. In the next 12 months the number of great ships +that will be completed for this country is more than double the number +which will be completed for Germany, [cheers,] and the number of +cruisers three or four times as great. [Cheers.] Therefore I think I am +on solid ground when I come here tonight and say that you may count upon +the naval supremacy of this country being effectively maintained as +against the German power for as long as you wish. [Cheers.] + +The Army's Share. + +Now we must look at the army.... + + [Transcriber's Note: + Interlinear typesetter's error indicated by ellipses.] + +... Government and during all periods of modern history the darling of +the British Nation. On it have been lavished whatever public funds were +necessary, and to its efficiency has been devoted the unceasing care and +thought of successive Administrations. The result is that when the need +came the navy was absolutely ready, [cheers,] and, as far as we can see +from what has happened, thoroughly adequate to the task which was +required from it. But we have not been in times of peace a military +nation. The army has not had the facilities of obtaining the lavish +supplies of men and money for its needs which have in times of peace and +in the past, to our good fortune at the moment, been so freely given to +the navy. And what you have to do now is to make a great army. [Cheers.] +You have to make an army under the cover and shield of the navy strong +enough to enable our country to play its full part in the decision of +this terrible struggle. [Cheers.] + +A Million Men Needed. + +The sure way--the only sure way--to bring this war to an end is for the +British Empire to put on the Continent and keep on the Continent an army +of at least 1,000,000 men. [Cheers.] I take that figure because it is +one well within the compass of the arrangements which are now on foot +and because it is one which is well within the scope of the measures +which Lord Kitchener--[Loud cheers drowned the rest of the sentence.] + +I was reading in the newspapers the other day that the German Emperor +made a speech to some of his regiments in which he urged them to +concentrate their attention upon what he was pleased to call "French's +contemptible little army." [Laughter.] Well, they are concentrating +their attention upon it [laughter and cheers] and that army, which has +been fighting with such extraordinary prowess, which has revived in a +fortnight of adverse actions the ancient fame and glory of our arms +upon the Continent, [cheers,] and which tonight, after a long, +protracted, harassed, unbroken, and undaunted rearguard action--the +hardest trial to which troops can be exposed--is advancing in spite of +the loss of one-fifth of its numbers, and driving its enemies before +it--that army must be reinforced and backed and supported and increased +and enlarged in numbers, in power by every means and every method that +every one of us can employ. + +There is no reason why, if you set yourselves to it--I have not come +here to make a speech of words, but to point out to you necessary and +obvious things which you can do--there is no doubt that, if you set +yourselves to it, the army which is now fighting so valiantly on your +behalf and our allies can be raised from its present position to 250,000 +of the finest professional soldiers in the world, and that in the new +year something like 500,000 men, and from that again when the early +Summer begins in 1915 to the full figure of twenty-five army corps +fighting in line together. The vast population of these islands and all +the empire is pressing forward to serve, its wealth is placed at your +disposal, the navy opens the way for the passage of men and everything +necessary for the equipment of our forces. Why should we hesitate when +here is the sure and certain path to ending this war in the way we mean +it to end? [Cheers.] + +A Decisive Weight. + +There is little doubt that an army so formed will in quality and +character, in native energy, in the comprehension which each individual +has of the cause for which he is fighting, exceed in merit any army in +the world. We have only to have a chance of even numbers or anything +approaching even numbers to demonstrate the superiority of +free-thinking, active citizens over the docile sheep who serve the +ferocious ambitions of drastic Kings. [Cheers.] Our enemies are now at +the point which we have reached fully extended. On every front of the +enormous field of conflict the pressure upon them is such that all their +resources are deployed. With every addition to the growing weight of +the Russian Army, [cheers,] with every addition to the forces at the +disposal of Sir John French, [cheers,] the balance must sag down +increasingly against them. + +Fixing a Term to the War. + +You have only to create steadily week by week and month by month the +great military instrument of which I have been speaking to throw into +the scales a weight which must be decisive. There will be no +corresponding reserve of manhood upon which Germany can draw. There will +be no corresponding force of soldiers and of equipment and of war +material which can be brought into the line to face the forces which we +in this island and in this empire can undoubtedly create. That will turn +the scale. That will certainly decide the issue. Of course, if victory +comes sooner so much the better. [Cheers.] But let us not count on +fortune and good luck. [Cheers.] Let us assume at every point that +things will go much less well than we hope and wish. Let us make +arrangements which will override that. [Cheers.] We have it in our power +to make such arrangements, and it is only common prudence, aye, and +common humanity, to take steps which at any rate will fix some certain +term to this devastating struggle throughout the whole of the European +Continent. + +Let me also say this. Let us concentrate all our warlike feeling upon +fighting the enemy in the field and creating a great military weapon to +carry out the purposes of the war. There is a certain class of person +who likes to work his warlike feelings off upon the unfortunate alien +enemy within our gates. + +Fight Like Gentlemen. + +Of course all necessary measures must be taken for the security of the +country and for the proper carrying out of military needs; but let us +always have this feeling in our heart that after the war is over people +shall not only admire our victory but they shall say they fought like +gentlemen. [Cheers.] The Romans had a motto-- + + _Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos._ + +Let that be the spirit in which we conduct this war. Let all those who +feel under the horrible provocations of the struggle their hearts +suffused with anger and with wrath--let them turn it into a practical +channel--going to the front or if circumstances prevent them, helping +others to go, keeping them maintained in the highest state of +efficiency, giving them the supplies and weapons which they require, and +looking after those they have left behind. + +The Eloquence of Brutal Facts. + +I have not spoken to you much about the justice of our cause, because it +has been most eloquently set out by the Prime Minister, [cheers,] and +Sir Edward Grey, [cheers,] and by Mr. Bonar Law, [cheers,] and other +leaders of the Opposition; and much more eloquently than by any speakers +in this or any other country the justice of our cause has been set out +by the brutal facts which have occurred and which have marched upon us +from day to day. [Cheers.] Some thought there would be a German war, +some did not; but no one supposed that a great military nation would +exhibit all the vices of military organization without those redeeming +virtues which, God knows, are needed to redeem warlike operations from +the taint of shame. We have been confronted with an exhibition of +ruthlessness and outrage enforced upon the weak, enforced upon women and +children. We have been confronted with repeated breaches of the law of +enlightened warfare, practices analogous to those which in private life +are regarded as cheating, and which deprive persons or country adopting +them, or condoning them, of the credit and respect due to honorable +soldiers. + +We have been confronted with all this. Let us not imitate it. [Cheers.] +Let us not try to make small retaliations and reprisals here and there. +Let us concentrate upon the simple, obvious task of creating a military +force so powerful that the war, even in default of any good fortune, can +certainly be ended and brought to a satisfactory conclusion. However the +war began, now that it is started it is a war of self-preservation for +us. Our civilization, our way of doing things, our political and +Parliamentary life, with its voting and its thinking, our party system, +our party warfare, the free and easy tolerance of British life, our +method of doing things and of keeping ourselves alive and +self-respecting in the world--all these are brought into contrast, into +collision, with the organized force of bureaucratic Prussian militarism. + +That is the struggle which is opened now and which must go forward +without pause or abatement until it is settled decisively and finally +one way or the other. On that there can be no compromise or truce. It is +our life or it is theirs. We are bound, having gone so far, to go +forward without flinching to the very end. [Cheers.] + +"The Terror of Europe." + +This is the same great European war that would have fought in the year +1909 if Russia had not humbled herself and given way to German threats. +It is the same war that Sir Edward Grey stopped last year. [Loud +cheers.] Now it has come upon us. If you look back across the long +periods of European history to the original cause, you will, I am sure, +find it in the cruel terms enforced upon France in the year 1870, +["Hear, hear!"] and in the repeated bullyings and attempts to terrorize +France which have been the characteristic of German policy ever since. +[Cheers.] The more you study this question the more you will see that +the use the Germans made of their three aggressive and victorious wars +against Denmark, against Austria, and against France has been such as to +make them the terror and the bully of Europe, the enemy and the menace +of every small State upon their borders, and a perpetual source of +unrest and disquietude to their powerful neighbors. [Cheers.] + +Claims of Nationality. + +Now the war has come, and when it is over let us be careful not to make +the same mistake or the same sort of mistake as Germany made when she +had France prostrate at her feet in 1870. [Cheers.] Let us, whatever we +do, fight for and work toward great and sound principles for the +European system. And the first of those principles which we should keep +before us is the principle of nationality [cheers]--that is to say, not +the conquest or subjugation of any great community or of any strong race +of men, but the setting free of those races which have been subjugated +and conquered [cheers]; and if doubt arises about disputed areas of +country we should try to settle their ultimate destination in the +reconstruction of Europe which must follow from this war with a fair +regard to the wishes and feelings of the people who live in them. + +That is the aim which, if it is achieved, will justify the exertions of +the war and will make some amends to the world for the loss and +suffering, the agony of suffering, which it has wrought and entailed, +and which will give to those who come after us not only the pride which +we hope they will feel in remembering the martial achievements of the +present age of Britain, but which will give them also a better and +fairer world to live in and a Europe free from the causes of hatred and +unrest which have poisoned the comity of nations and ruptured the peace +of Christendom. + +The Unity of the Empire. + +I use these words because this is a war in which we are all together, +[cheers,] all classes, all races, all States, principalities, dominions, +and powers throughout the British Empire--we are all together. [Cheers.] +Years ago the elder Pitt urged upon his countrymen the compulsive +invocation, "Be one people." It has taken us till now to obey his +appeal, but now we are together, and while we remain one people there +are no forces in the world strong enough to beat us down or break us up. +[Cheers.] + +I hope, even in this dark hour of strife and struggle, that the unity +which has been established in our country under the pressure of war will +not cease when the great military effort upon which we are engaged and +the great moral causes which we are pursuing have been achieved. I hope, +and I do not think my hope is a vain one, that the forces which have +come together in our islands and throughout our empire may continue to +work together, not only in a military struggle, but to try to make our +country more quickly a more happy and more prosperous land, where social +justice and free institutions are more firmly established than they have +been in the past. [Cheers.] If that is so we shall not have fought in +vain at home as well as abroad. + +With these hopes and in this belief I would urge you, laying aside all +hindrance, thrusting away all private aims, to devote yourselves +unswervingly and unflinchingly to the vigorous and successful +prosecution of the war. [Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE GREAT WAR. + +Speech by David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, at Queen's +Hall, London, Sept. 19. + + +My Lords, Ladies and Gentlemen: I have come here this afternoon to talk +to my fellow-countrymen about this great war and the part that we ought +to take in it. I feel my task is easier after we have been listening to +the greatest war song in the world ("The March of the Men of Harlech"). +[Applause.] + +Why Our National Honor Is Involved. + +There is no man in this room who has always regarded the prospect of +engaging in a great war with greater reluctance and with greater +repugnance than I have done throughout the whole of my political life. +["Hear, hear!"] There is no man either inside or outside of this room +more convinced that we could not have avoided it without national +dishonor. [Great applause.] I am fully alive to the fact that every +nation who has ever engaged in any war has always invoked the sacred +name of honor. Many a crime has been committed in its name; there are +some being committed now. All the same, national honor is a reality, +and any nation that disregards it is doomed. ["Hear, hear!"] Why is our +honor as a country involved in this war? Because, in the first instance, +we are bound by honorable obligations to defend the independence, the +liberty, the integrity, of a small neighbor that has always lived +peaceably. [Applause.] She could not have compelled us; she was weak; +but the man who declines to discharge his duty because his creditor is +too poor to enforce it is a blackguard. [Loud applause.] We entered into +a treaty--a solemn treaty--two treaties--to defend Belgium and her +integrity. Our signatures are attached to the documents. Our signatures +do not stand alone there; this country was not the only country that +undertook to defend the integrity of Belgium. Russia, France, Austria, +Prussia--they are all there. Why are Austria and Prussia not performing +the obligations of their bond? It is suggested that when we quote this +treaty it is purely an excuse on our part--it is our low craft and +cunning to cloak our jealousy of a superior civilization--[Laughter]--that +we are attempting to destroy. Our answer is the action we took in 1870. +["Hear, hear!"] What was that? Mr. Gladstone was then Prime Minister. +[Applause.] Lord Granville, I think, was then Foreign Secretary. I have +never heard it laid to their charge that they were ever Jingoes. + +France and Belgium in 1870. + +What did they do in 1870? That treaty bound us then. We called upon the +belligerent powers to respect it. We called upon France, and we called +upon Germany. At that time, bear in mind, the greatest danger to Belgium +came from France, and not from Germany. We intervened to protect Belgium +against France, exactly as we are doing now to protect her against +Germany. [Applause.] We proceeded in exactly the same way. We invited +both the belligerent powers to state that they had no intention of +violating Belgian territory. What was the answer given by Bismarck? He +said it was superfluous to ask Prussia such a question in view of the +treaties in force. France gave a similar answer. We received at +that time the thanks of the Belgian people for our intervention in a +very remarkable document. It is a document addressed by the Municipality +of Brussels to Queen Victoria after that intervention, and it reads: + + The great and noble people over whose destinies you preside have + just given a further proof of its benevolent sentiment toward our + country.... The voice of the English nation has been heard above + the din of arms, and it has asserted the principles of justice and + right. Next to the unalterable attachment of the Belgian people to + their independence, the strongest sentiment which fills their + hearts is that of an imperishable gratitude. [Great applause.] + +That was in 1870. Mark what followed. Three or four days after that +document of thanks a French army was wedged up against the Belgian +frontier, every means of escape shut out by a ring of flame from +Prussian cannon. There was one way of escape. What was that? Violating +the neutrality of Belgium. What did they do? The French on that occasion +preferred ruin and humiliation to the breaking of their bond. [Loud +applause.] The French Emperor, the French Marshals, 100,000 gallant +Frenchmen in arms, preferred to be carried captive to the strange land +of their enemies rather than dishonor the name of their country. +[Applause.] It was the last French army in the field. Had they violated +Belgian neutrality the whole history of that war would have been +changed, and yet, when it was the interest of France to break the treaty +then, she did not do it. + +"A Scrap of Paper." + +It is the interest of Prussia today to break the treaty, and she has +done it. [Hisses.] She avows it with cynical contempt for every +principle of justice. She says: "Treaties only bind you when it is your +interest to keep them." [Laughter.] "What is a treaty?" says the German +Chancellor, "A scrap of paper." Have you any five-pound notes about you? +[Laughter and applause.] I am not calling for them. [Laughter.] Have you +any of those neat little Treasury one-pound notes? [Laughter.] If you +have, burn them; they are only scraps of paper. [Laughter and +applause.] What are they made of? Rags. [Laughter.] What are they worth? +The whole credit of the British Empire. [Loud applause.] Scraps of +paper! I have been dealing with scraps of paper within the last month. +One suddenly found the commerce of the world coming to a standstill. The +machine had stopped. Why? I will tell you. We discovered--many of us for +the first time, for I do not pretend that I do not know much more about +the machinery of commerce today than I did six weeks ago, and there are +many others like me--we discovered that the machinery of commerce was +moved by bills of exchange. I have seen some of them, [laughter,] +wretched, crinkled, scrawled over, blotched, frowsy, and yet those +wretched little scraps of paper move great ships laden with thousands of +tons of precious cargo from one end of the world to the other. +[Applause.] What is the motive power behind them? The honor of +commercial men. [Applause.] Treaties are the currency of international +statesmanship. [Applause.] Let us be fair--German merchants, German +traders, have the reputation of being as upright and straightforward as +any traders in the world, ["Hear, hear"] but if the currency of German +commerce is to be debased to the level of that of her statesmanship, no +trader from Shanghai to Valparaiso will ever look at a German signature +again. [Loud applause.] This doctrine of the scrap of paper, this +doctrine which is proclaimed by Bernhardi, that treaties only bind a +nation as long as it is to its interest, goes under the root of all +public law. It is the straight road to barbarism. ["Hear, hear!"] It is +as if you were to remove the magnetic pole because it was in the way of +a German cruiser. [Laughter.] The whole navigation of the seas would +become dangerous, difficult, and impossible; and the whole machinery of +civilization will break down if this doctrine wins in this war. ["Hear, +hear!"] We are fighting against barbarism, [applause,] and there is only +one way of putting it right. If there are nations that say they +will only respect treaties when it is to their interest to do so, we +must make it to their interest to do so for the future. [Applause.] + +Germany's Perjury. + +What is their defense? Consider the interview which took place between +our Ambassador and the great German officials. When their attention was +called to this treaty to which they were parties, they said: "We cannot +help that. Rapidity of action is the great German asset." There is a +greater asset for a nation than rapidity of action, and that is honest +dealing. [Loud applause.] What are Germany's excuses? She says Belgium +was plotting against her; Belgium was engaged in a great conspiracy with +Britain and France to attack her. Not merely is it not true, but Germany +knows it is not true. ["Hear, hear!"] What is her other excuse. That +France meant to invade Germany through Belgium. That is absolutely +untrue. ["Hear, hear!"] France offered Belgium five army corps to defend +her if she were attacked. Belgium said: "I do not require them; I have +the word of the Kaiser. Shall Caesar send a lie?" [Laughter and +applause.] All these tales about conspiracy have been vamped up since. A +great nation ought to be ashamed to behave like a fraudulent bankrupt, +perjuring its way through its obligations. ["Hear, hear!"] What she says +is not true. She has deliberately broken this treaty, and we were in +honor bound to stand by it. [Applause.] + +Belgium's "Crime." + +Belgium has been treated brutally. ["Hear, hear!"] How brutally we shall +not yet know. We already know too much. But what had she done? Had she +sent an ultimatum to Germany? Had she challenged Germany? Was she +preparing to make war on Germany? Had she inflicted any wrong upon +Germany which the Kaiser was bound to redress? She was one of the most +unoffending little countries in Europe. ["Hear, hear!"] There she +was--peaceable, industrious, thrifty, hard working, giving offense to +no one. And her cornfields have been trampled, her villages have been +burned, her art treasures have been destroyed, her men have been +slaughtered--yea, and her women and children too. [Cries of "Shame!"] +Hundreds and thousands of her people, their neat, comfortable little +homes burned to the dust, are wandering homeless in their own land. What +was their crime? Their crime was that they trusted to the word of a +Prussian King. [Applause.] I do not know what the Kaiser hopes to +achieve by this war. [Derisive laughter.] I have a shrewd idea what he +will get; but one thing he has made certain, and that is that no nation +will ever commit that crime again. + +"The Right to Defend Its Homes." + +I am not going to enter into details of outrages. Many of them are +untrue, and always are in a war. War is a grim, ghastly business at best +or at worst, ["Hear, hear!"] and I am not going to say that all that has +been said in the way of outrages must necessarily be true. I will go +beyond that, and I will say that if you turn two millions of +men--forced, conscript, compelled, driven--into the field, you will +always get among them a certain number who will do things that the +nation to which they belong would be ashamed of. I am not depending on +these tales. It is enough for me to have the story which Germans +themselves avow, admit, defend and proclaim--the burning and massacring, +the shooting down of harmless people. Why? Because, according to the +Germans, these people fired on German soldiers. What business had German +soldiers there at all? ["Hear, hear!" and applause.] Belgium was acting +in pursuance of the most sacred right, the right to defend its homes. +But they were not in uniform when they fired! If a burglar broke into +the Kaiser's Palace at Potsdam, destroyed his furniture, killed his +servants, ruined his art treasures--especially those he had made +himself, [laughter and applause], and burned the precious manuscripts of +his speeches, do you think he would wait until he got into uniform +before he shot him down? [Laughter.] They were dealing with +those who had broken into their household. ["Hear, hear!"] But the +perfidy of the Germans has already failed. They entered Belgium to save +time. The time has gone. [Loud and continued applause.] They have not +gained time, but they have lost their good name. ["Hear, hear!"] + +The Case of Servia. + +But Belgium is not the only little nation that has been attacked in this +war, and I make no excuse for referring to the case of the other little +nation, the case of Servia. ["Hear, hear!"] The history of Servia is not +unblotted. Whose history, in the category of nations, is unblotted? +["Hear, hear!"] The first nation that is without sin, let her cast a +stone at Servia. She was a nation trained in a horrible school, but she +won her freedom with a tenacious valor, and she has maintained it by the +same courage. [Applause.] If any Servians were mixed up in the +assassination of the Grand Duke, they ought to be punished. ["Hear, +hear!"] Servia admits that. The Servian Government had nothing to do +with it. Not even Austria claims that. The Servian Prime Minister is one +of the most capable and honored men in Europe. ["Hear, hear!"] Servia +was willing to punish any one of her subjects who had been proved to +have any complicity in that assassination. What more could you expect? +What were the Austrian demands? Servia sympathized with her +fellow-countrymen in Bosnia--that was one of her crimes. She must do so +no more. Her newspapers were saying nasty things about Austria; they +must do so no longer. That is the German spirit; you had it in Zabern. +["Hear, hear!" and applause.] How dare you criticise a Prussian +official? [laughter,] and if you laugh, it is a capital offense--the +Colonel in Zabern threatened to shoot if it was repeated. In the same +way the Servian newspapers must not criticise Austria. I wonder what +would have happened if we had taken the same line about German +newspapers. ["Hear, hear!"] Servia said: "Very well, we will give orders +to the newspapers that they must in future criticise neither Austria, +nor Hungary, nor anything that is theirs." [Laughter.] Who can doubt the +valor of Servia, when she undertook to tackle her newspaper editors? +[Laughter and applause.] She promised not to sympathize with Bosnia, she +promised to write no critical articles about Austria; she would have no +public meetings in which anything unkind was said about Austria. + +"Servia Faced the Situation with Dignity." + +But that was not enough. She must dismiss from her army the officers +whom Austria should subsequently name. Those officers had just emerged +from a war where they had added lustre to the Servian arms; they were +gallant, brave, and efficient. ["Hear, hear!"] I wonder whether it was +their guilt or their efficiency that prompted Austria's action! But, +mark you, the officers were not named; Servia was to undertake in +advance to dismiss them from the army, the names to be sent in +subsequently. Can you name a country in the world that would have stood +that? [Cries of "No."] Supposing Austria or Germany had issued an +ultimatum of that kind to this country, saying, "You must dismiss from +your army, and from your navy, [laughter,] all those officers whom we +shall subsequently name." Well, I think I could name them now. +[Laughter.] Lord Kitchener [loud applause] would go. Sir John French +[applause] would be sent away; Gen. Smith-Dorrien [applause] would go, +and I am sure that Sir John Jellicoe [applause] would have to go. And +there is another gallant old warrior who would go, Lord Roberts. +[Applause.] It was a difficult situation for a small country. Here was a +demand made upon her by a great military power that could have put half +a dozen men in the field for every one of Servia's men, and that power +was supported by the greatest military power in the world. How did +Servia behave? It is not what happens to you in life that matters; it is +the way in which you face it, ["Hear, hear!"] and Servia faced the +situation with dignity. She said to Austria: "If any officers +of mine have been guilty, and are proved to be guilty, I will dismiss +them." Austria said: "That is not good enough for me." It was not guilt +she was after, but capacity. ["Hear, hear!"] + +Russia's Turn. + +Then came Russia's turn. Russia has a special regard for Servia; she has +a special interest in Servia. Russians have shed their blood for Servian +independence many a time, for Servia is a member of Russia's family, and +she cannot see Servia maltreated. Austria knew that. Germany knew it, +and she turned round to Russia and said: "I insist that you shall stand +by with your arms folded while Austria is strangling your little brother +to death." What answer did the Russian Slav give? He gave the only +answer that becomes a man. ["Hear, hear!"] He turned to Austria, and +said: "You lay hands on that little fellow, and I will tear your +ramshackle empire [loud applause and laughter] limb from limb." And he +is doing it! [Loud applause.] + +The Little Nations. + +That is the story of two little nations. The world owes much to little +nations--and to little men! [Laughter and applause.] This theory of +bigness, this theory that you must have a big empire, and a big nation, +and a big man--well, long legs have their advantage in a retreat. +[Laughter and applause.] The Kaiser's ancestor chose his warriors for +their height, and that tradition has become a policy in Germany. Germany +applies that ideal to nations, and will only allow six-foot-two nations +to stand in the ranks. [Laughter.] But ah! the world owes much to the +little five-foot-five nations. The greatest art in the world was the +work of little nations; the most enduring literature of the world came +from little nations; the greatest literature of England came when she +was a nation of the size of Belgium fighting a great empire. The heroic +deeds that thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of little +nations fighting for their freedom. Yes, and the salvation of mankind +came through a little nation. God has chosen little nations as the +vessels by which He carries His choicest wines to the lips of humanity, +to rejoice their hearts, to exalt their vision, to stimulate and +strengthen their faith; and if we had stood by when two little nations +were being crushed and broken by the brutal hands of barbarism, our +shame would have rung down the everlasting ages. [Loud applause.] + +"The Test of Our Faith." + +But Germany insists that this is an attack by a lower civilization upon +a higher one. [Derisive cries.] As a matter of fact, the attack was +begun by the civilization which calls itself the higher one. I am no +apologist for Russia; she has perpetrated deeds of which I have no doubt +her best sons are ashamed. What empire has not? But Germany is the last +empire to point the finger of reproach at Russia. ["Hear, hear!"] Russia +has made sacrifices for freedom--great sacrifices. Do you remember the +cry of Bulgaria when she was torn by the most insensate tyranny that +Europe has ever seen? Who listened to that cry? The only answer of the +higher civilization was that the liberty of the Bulgarian peasants was +not worth the life of a single Pomeranian grenadier. But the "rude +barbarians of the North" sent their sons by the thousand to die for +Bulgarian freedom. What about England? Go to Greece, the Netherlands, +Italy, Germany, France--in all those lands I could point out places +where the sons of Britain have died for the freedom of those peoples. +[Loud applause.] France has made sacrifices for the freedom of other +lands than her own. Can you name a single country in the world for the +freedom of which modern Prussia has ever sacrificed a single life? +["No!"] By the test of our faith, the highest standard of civilization +is the readiness to sacrifice for others. [Applause.] + +German "Civilization." + +I will not say a single word in disparagement of the German people. They +are a great people, and have great qualities of head and hand +and heart. I believe, in spite of recent events, that there is as great +a store of kindliness in the German peasant as in any peasant in the +world; but he has been drilled into a false idea of civilization. It is +efficient, it is capable; but it is a hard civilization; it is a selfish +civilization; it is a material civilization. They cannot comprehend the +action of Britain at the present moment; they say so. They say, "France +we can understand; she is out for vengeance; she is out for +territory--Alsace and Lorraine." [Applause.] They say they can +understand Russia; she is fighting for mastery--she wants Galicia. They +can understand you fighting for vengeance--they can understand you +fighting for mastery--they can understand you fighting for greed of +territory; but they cannot understand a great empire pledging its +resources, pledging its might, pledging the lives of its children, +pledging its very existence, to protect a little nation that seeks to +defend herself. [Applause.] God made man in His own image, high of +purpose, in the region of the spirit; German civilization would recreate +him in the image of a Diesel machine--precise, accurate, powerful, but +with no room for soul to operate. ["Hear, hear!"] + +A Philosophy of Blood and Iron. + +Have you read the Kaiser's speeches? If you have not a copy I advise you +to buy one; they will soon be out of print, and you will not have many +more of the same sort. [Laughter and applause.] They are full of the +glitter and bluster of German militarism--"mailed fist," and "shining +armor." Poor old mailed fist! Its knuckles are getting a little bruised. +Poor shining armor! The shine is being knocked out of it. [Applause.] +There is the same swagger and boastfulness running through the whole of +the speeches. The extract which was given in The British Weekly this +week is a very remarkable product as an illustration of the spirit we +have to fight. It is the Kaiser's speech to his soldiers on the way to +the front:-- + + Remember that the German people are the chosen of God. On me, the + German Emperor, the spirit of God has descended. I am His sword, + His weapon, and His viceregent. Woe to the disobedient, and death + to cowards and unbelievers. + +Lunacy is always distressing, but sometimes it is dangerous; and when +you get it manifested in the head of the State, and it has become the +policy of a great empire, it is about time that it should be ruthlessly +put away. [Loud applause.] I do not believe he meant all these speeches; +it was simply the martial straddle he had acquired. But there were men +around him who meant every word of them. This was their religion. +Treaties? They tangle the feet of Germany in her advance. Cut them with +the sword! Little nations? They hinder the advance of Germany. Trample +them in the mire under the German heel! The Russian Slav? He challenges +the supremacy of Germany and Europe. Hurl your legions at him and +massacre him! Britain? She is a constant menace to the predominancy of +Germany in the world. Wrest the trident out of her hand! Christianity? +Sickly sentimentalism about sacrifice for others! Poor pap for German +digestion! We will have a new diet. We will force it upon the world. It +will be made in Germany--[Laughter and applause]--a diet of blood and +iron. What remains? Treaties have gone. The honor of nations has gone. +Liberty has gone. What is left? Germany! Germany is left!--"Deutschland +über Alles!" + +That is what we are fighting--["Hear, hear!"]--that claim to +predominancy of a material, hard civilization, a civilization which if +it once rules and sways the world, liberty goes, democracy vanishes. And +unless Britain and her sons come to the rescue it will be a dark day for +humanity. [Applause.] + +Have you followed the Prussian Junker and his doings? We are not +fighting the German people. The German people are under the heel of this +military caste, and it will be a day of rejoicing for the German +peasant, artisan and trader when the military caste is broken. You know +its pretensions. They give themselves the airs of demi-gods. They walk +the pavements, and civilians and their wives are swept into the gutter; +they have no right to stand in the way of a great Prussian soldier. Men, +women, nations--they all have to go. He thinks all he has to say is "We +are in a hurry." That is the answer he gave to Belgium--"Rapidity of +action is Germany's greatest asset," which means "I am in a hurry; clear +out of the way." You know the type of motorist, the terror of the roads, +with a sixty horse-power car, who thinks the roads are made for him, and +knocks down anybody who impedes the action of his car by a single mile +an hour. The Prussian Junker is the road-hog of Europe. [Applause.] +Small nationalities in his way are hurled to the roadside, bleeding and +broken. Women and children are crushed under the wheels of his cruel +car, and Britain is ordered out of his road. All I can say is this: If +the old British spirit is alive in British hearts, that bully will be +torn from his seat. [Loud applause.] Were he to win, it would be the +greatest catastrophe that has befallen democracy since the day of the +Holy Alliance and its ascendency. + +"Through Terror to Triumph." + +They think we cannot beat them. It will not be easy. It will be a long +job; it will be a terrible war; but in the end we shall march through +terror to triumph. [Applause.] We shall need all our qualities--every +quality that Britain and its people possess--prudence in counsel, daring +in action, tenacity in purpose, courage in defeat, moderation in +victory; in all things faith! [Loud applause.] + +It has pleased them to believe and to preach the belief that we are a +decadent and degenerate people. They proclaim to the world through their +professors that we are a non-heroic nation skulking behind our mahogany +counters, while we egg on more gallant races to their destruction. This +is a description given of us in Germany--"a timorous, craven nation, +trusting to its fleet." I think they are beginning to find their mistake +out already, [applause,] and there are half a million young men of +Britain who have already registered a vow to their King that they will +cross the seas and hurl that insult to British courage against its +perpetrators on the battlefields of France and Germany. We want half a +million more; and we shall get them. [Loud applause.] + +Wales must continue doing her duty. That was a great telegram that you, +my Lord, read from Glamorgan. ["Hear, hear!"] I should like to see a +Welsh Army in the field. [Loud applause.] I should like to see the race +that faced the Norman for hundreds of years in a struggle for freedom, +the race that helped to win Crécy, the race that fought for a generation +under Glendower against the greatest captain in Europe--I should like to +see that race give a good taste of its quality in this struggle in +Europe; and they are going to do it. + +The Sacrifice. + +I envy you young people your opportunity. They have put up the age limit +for the army, but I am sorry to say I have marched a good many years +even beyond that. It is a great opportunity, an opportunity that only +comes once in many centuries to the children of men. For most +generations sacrifice comes in drab and weariness of spirit. It comes to +you today, and it comes today to us all, in the form of the glow and +thrill of a great movement for liberty, that impels millions throughout +Europe to the same noble end. [Applause.] It is a great war for the +emancipation of Europe from the thralldom of a military caste which has +thrown its shadows upon two generations of men, and is now plunging the +world into a welter of bloodshed and death. Some have already given +their lives. There are some who have given more than their own lives; +they have given the lives of those who are dear to them. I honor their +courage, and may God be their comfort and their strength. But their +reward is at hand; those who have fallen have died consecrated deaths. +They have taken their part in the making of a new Europe--a new world. I +can see signs of its coming in the glare of the battlefield. + +The people will gain more by this struggle in all lands than they +comprehend at the present moment. ["Hear, hear!"] It is true they will +be free of the greatest menace to their freedom. That is not +all. There is something infinitely greater and more enduring which is +emerging already out of this great conflict--a new patriotism, richer, +nobler, and more exalted than the old. [Applause.] I see among all +classes, high and low, shedding themselves of selfishness, a new +recognition that the honor of the country does not depend merely on the +maintenance of its glory in the stricken field, but also in protecting +its homes from distress. ["Hear, hear!"] It is bringing a new outlook +for all classes. The great flood of luxury and sloth which had submerged +the land is receding, and a new Britain is appearing. We can see for the +first time the fundamental things that matter in life, and that have +been obscured from our vision by the tropical growth of prosperity. +["Hear, hear!"] + +"The Vision." + +May I tell you in a simple parable what I think this war is doing for +us? I know a valley in North Wales, between the mountains and the sea. +It is a beautiful valley, snug, comfortable, sheltered by the mountains +from all the bitter blasts. But it is very enervating, and I remember +how the boys were in the habit of climbing the hill above the village to +have a glimpse of the great mountains in the distance, and to be +stimulated and freshened by the breezes which came from the hilltops, +and by the great spectacle of their grandeur. We have been living in a +sheltered valley for generations. We have been too comfortable and too +indulgent, many, perhaps, too selfish, and the stern hand of fate has +scourged us to an elevation where we can see the great everlasting +things that matter for a nation--the great peaks we had forgotten, of +honor, duty, patriotism, and, clad in glittering white, the great +pinnacle of sacrifice pointing like a rugged finger to Heaven. We shall +descend into the valleys again; but as long as the men and women of this +generation last, they will carry in their hearts the image of those +great mountain peaks whose foundations are not shaken, though Europe +rock and sway in the convulsions of a great war. [Enthusiastic and +continued applause.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi + +By Viscount (James) Bryce. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +London, Oct. 3. + +The present war has had some unexpected consequences. It has called the +attention of the world outside of Germany to some amazing doctrines +proclaimed there, which strike at the root of all international morality +as well as of all international law, and which threaten a return to +primitive savagery, when every tribe was wont to plunder and massacre +its neighbors. + +These doctrines may be found set forth in the widely circulated book of +Gen. von Bernhardi, entitled "Germany and the Next War," published in +1911, and professing to be mainly based on the teachings of the famous +professor of history, Heinrich von Treitschke. To readers in other +countries, and I trust to most readers in Germany also, they will appear +to be an outburst of militarism run mad, a product of a brain +intoxicated by love of war and by superheated national self-consciousness. + +They would have deserved little notice, much less refutation, but for +one deplorable fact, viz., that action has recently been taken by the +Government of a great nation (though, as we hope and trust, without the +approval of that nation) which is consonant with them and seems to imply +belief in their soundness. + +Acting on Bernhardi's Doctrines. + +This fact is the conduct of the German Imperial Government in the +violation of the neutrality of Belgium, which Prussia, as well as Great +Britain and France, had solemnly guaranteed by treaty (made in 1839 and +renewed in 1870); in invading Belgium when she refused to allow her +armies to pass, although France, the other belligerent, had explicitly +promised not to enter Belgium; and in treating Belgian cities and people +against whom she had no cause of quarrel with a harshness unprecedented +in the history of modern European warfare. + +What are these doctrines? I do not for a moment attribute them to the +learned class in Germany, for whom I have profound respect, recognizing +their immense services to science and learning; nor to the bulk of the +civil administration, a body whose capacity and uprightness are known to +all the world, and least of all to the German people generally. That the +latter hold no such views appears from Bernhardi's own words, for he +repeatedly complains of and deplores the pacific tendencies of his +fellow countrymen. + + [_Note--See Pp. 10-14 of the English translation and note the + phrase: "Aspirations for peace seem to poison the soul of the + German people._"] + +Nevertheless, the fact that the action referred to, which these +doctrines seem to have prompted, and which cannot be defended except by +them, has been actually taken and has thus brought into this war Great +Britain, whose interests and feelings made her desire peace, renders it +proper to call attention to them and to all that they involve. + +I have certainly no prejudice in the matter, for I have been one of +those who for many years labored to promote good relations between the +German and English peoples, that ought to be friendly, and that never +before had been enemies; and I had hoped and believed till the beginning +of August last that between them at least there would be no war, because +Belgian neutrality would be respected. + +Nor was it only for the sake of Great Britain and Germany that English +friends of peace sought to maintain good feeling. We had hoped, as some +leading German statesmen had hoped, that a friendliness with Germany +might enable Great Britain, with the co-operation of the United States, +our closest friends, to mitigate the long antagonism of Germany and of +the French, with whom we were already on good terms, and to so improve +their relations as to secure the general peace of Europe. + +Into the causes which frustrated these efforts and so suddenly brought +on this war I will not enter. Many others have dealt with them; +moreover, the facts, at least as we in England see and believe them, and +as the documents seem to prove them to be, appear not to be known to the +German people, and the motives of the chief actors are not yet fully +ascertained. + +One thing, however, I can confidently declare: It was neither commercial +rivalry nor jealousy of German power that brought Great Britain into the +field, nor was there any hatred in the British people for the German +people, nor any wish to break their power. The leading political +thinkers and historians of England had given hearty sympathy to the +efforts made by the German people, from 1815 to 1866 and 1870, to attain +political unity, and they had sympathized with the parallel efforts of +the Italians. The two nations, German and British, were of kindred race +and linked by many ties. To the German people even now we feel no sort +of enmity. In both countries there were doubtless some persons who +desired war and whose writings, apparently designed to provoke it, did +much to misrepresent general national sentiment; but these persons were, +as I believe, a small minority in both countries. + +So far as Great Britain was concerned, it was the invasion of Belgium +that arrested all efforts to avert war and made the friends of peace +themselves join in holding that the duty of fulfilling their treaty +obligations to a weak State was paramount to every other consideration. + +Bernhardi's Praise of War. + +I return to the doctrines set forth by von Bernhardi and apparently +accepted by the military caste to which he belongs. Briefly summed up, +they are as follows--his own words are used except when it becomes +necessary to abridge a lengthened argument: + + * War is in itself a good thing. It is a biological necessity of + the first importance. (P. 18.) + + * The inevitableness, the idealism, the blessing of war as an + indispensable and stimulating law of development must be repeatedly + emphasized. (P. 37.) + + * War is the greatest factor in the furtherance of culture and + power. Efforts to secure peace are extraordinarily detrimental as + soon as they influence politics. (P. 28.) + + * Fortunately these efforts can never attain their ultimate + objects in a world bristling with arms, where healthy egotism still + directs the policy of most countries. God will see to it, says + Treitschke, that war always recurs as a drastic medicine for the + human race. (P. 36.) + + * Efforts directed toward the abolition of war are not only + foolish, but absolutely immoral, and must be stigmatized as + unworthy of the human race. (P. 34.) + + * Courts of arbitration are pernicious delusions. The whole idea + represents a presumptuous encroachment on natural laws of + development, which can only lead to the most disastrous + consequences for humanity generally. (P. 34.) + + * The maintenance of peace never can be or may be the goal of a + policy. + + * Efforts for peace would, if they attained their goal, lead to + general degeneration, as happens everywhere in nature where the + struggle for existence is eliminated. (P. 35.) + + * Huge armaments are in themselves desirable. They are the most + necessary precondition of our national health. (P. 11.) + + * The end all and be all of a State is power, and he who is not + man enough to look this truth in the face should not meddle with + politics, (quoted from Treitschke's "Politik"). + + * The State's highest moral duty is to increase its power. (P. + 45-6.) + + * The State is justified in making conquests whenever its own + advantage seems to require additional territory. (P. 46.) + + * Self-preservation is the State's highest ideal and justifies + whatever action it may take if that action be conducive to that + end. The State is the sole judge of the morality of its own action. + It is, in fact, above morality, or, in other words, whatever is + necessary is moral. Recognized rights (i.e., treaty rights) are + never absolute rights; they are of human origin, and, therefore, + imperfect and variable. There are conditions in which they do not + correspond to the actual truth of things. In this case infringement + of the right appears morally justified. (P. 49.) + + * In fact, the State is a law unto itself. Weak nations have not + the same right to live as powerful and vigorous nations. (P. 34.) + + * Any action in favor of collective humanity outside the limits + of the State and nationality is impossible. (P. 25.) + + + * * * * * + + +A Doctrine 2,200 Years Old. + +These are startling propositions, though propounded as practically +axiomatic. They are not new, for twenty-two centuries ago the sophist +Thrasymachus in Plato's "Republic" argued--Socrates refuting him--that +justice is nothing more than the advantage of the stronger; might is +right. + + [_Note.--Plato laid down that the end for which the State exists is + justice._] + +The most startling among them are (1) denial that there are any duties +owed by the State to humanity, except that of imposing its own superior +civilization upon as large a part of humanity as possible, and (2) +denial of the duty of observing treaties which are only so much paper to +modern German writers. + +The State is a much more tremendous entity than it is to Englishmen or +Americans; it is the supreme power, with a sort of mystic sanctity--a +power conceived of, as it were, self-created; a force altogether +distinct from and superior to the persons who compose it. But a State +is, after all, only so many individuals organized under a Government. It +is no wiser, no more righteous than the human beings of whom at +consists, and whom it sets up to govern it. If it is right for persons +united as citizens into a State to rob and murder for their collective +advantage by their collective power, why should it be wicked for +citizens, as individuals, to do so? Does their moral responsibility +cease when and because they act together? Most legal systems hold that +there are acts which one man may lawfully do which become unlawful if +done by a number of men conspiring together; but now it would seem that +what would be a crime in persons as individuals, is high policy for +those persons united in a State. Has the State, then, no morality, no +responsibility? Is there no such thing as a common humanity? Are there +no duties owed to it? Is there none of that "decent respect to the +opinions of mankind," which the framers of the Declaration of +Independence recognized? No sense that even the greatest States are +amenable to the sentiment of the civilized world? + +How Weaker States Are Affected. + +Let us see how these doctrines affect smaller and weaker States which +have hitherto lived in comparative security beside great powers. They +will be absolutely at the mercy of the stronger, even if protected by +treaties guaranteeing their neutrality and independence. They will not +be safe, for treaty obligations are worthless "when they do not +correspond to facts," i.e., when the strong power finds that they stand +in its way its interests are paramount. + +If a State hold valuable minerals, as Sweden has iron, and Belgium coal, +and Rumania oil, or if it has abundance of water power, like Norway, +Sweden, and Switzerland; or if it holds the mouth of a navigable river, +the upper course of which belongs to another nation, a great State may +conquer and annex that small State as soon as it finds that it needs +minerals or water power or river mouth. It has the power, and power +gives right. The interests, sentiments of patriotism, and love of +independence of the small people go for nothing. Civilization has turned +back upon itself; culture is to expand itself by barbaric force; +Governments derive their authority, not from the consent of the +governed, but from the weapons of the conqueror; law and morality +between nations have vanished. Herodotus tells us that the Scythians +worshipped as their god a naked sword; that is the deity to be installed +in the place once held by the God of Christianity, the God of +righteousness and mercy. + +States--mostly despotic States--have sometimes applied parts of this +system of doctrine; but none have proclaimed it. The Roman conquerors of +the world were not a scrupulous people, but even they stopped short of +these principles; certainly they never set them up as an ideal; neither +did those magnificent Teutonic Emperors of the Middle Ages, whose fame +Gen. von Bernhardi is fond of recalling. They did not enter Italy as +conquerors, claiming her by right of the strongest; they came on the +faith of a legal title which, however fantastic it may seem to us today, +the Italians themselves, and, indeed, the whole of Latin Christendom, +admitted. Dante, the greatest and most patriotic of Italians, welcomed +the Emperor Henry VII. into Italy, and wrote a famous book to prove his +claims, vindicating them on the ground that he, as heir of Rome, stood +for law and right and peace. The noblest title which these Emperors +chose to bear was that of Imperator Pacificus. + +In the Middle Ages, when men were always fighting, they appreciated the +blessings of war much less than does Gen. von Bernhardi, and they valued +peace, not war, as a means to civilization and culture. They had not +learned in the school of Treitschke that peace means decadence and war +is the true civilizing influence. + +Great Achievements of Small States. + +The doctrines above stated are, as I have tried to point out, well +calculated to alarm small States which prize their liberty and their +individuality, and have been thriving under the safeguard of treaties; +but there are other considerations affecting those States which ought to +appeal to men in all countries, to strong nations as well as to weak +nations. + +The small States whose absorption is now threatened have been a potent +and useful--perhaps the most potent and useful--factor in the advance of +civilization. It is in them and by them that most of what is most +precious in religion, in philosophy, in literature, in science, and in +art has been produced. + +The first great thoughts that brought man into true relation with God +came from a tiny people inhabiting a country smaller than Denmark. The +religions of mighty Babylon and populous Egypt have vanished; the +religion of Israel remains in its earlier as well as in that later form +which has overspread the world. + +The Greeks were a small people, not united in one great State, but +scattered over coasts and among hills in petty city communities, each +with its own life. Slender in numbers, but eager, versatile, and +intense, they gave us the richest, most varied, and most stimulating of +all literatures. + +When poetry and art reappeared after the long night of the Dark Ages, +their most splendid blossoms flowered in the small republics of Italy. + +In modern Europe what do we not owe to little Switzerland, lighting the +torch of freedom 600 years ago and keeping it alight through all the +centuries when despotic monarchies held the rest of the European +Continent? And what to free Holland, with her great men of learning and +her painters surpassing those of all other countries save Italy? + +So the small Scandinavian nations have given to the world famous men of +science, from Linnaeus downward; poets like Tegnor and Björnson; +scholars like Madvig; dauntless explorers like Fridtjof Nansen. + +England had in the age of Shakespeare, Bacon, and Milton a population +little larger than that of Bulgaria today. The United States in the days +of Washington and Franklin and Jefferson and Hamilton and Marshall +counted fewer inhabitants than Denmark or Greece. In the most brilliant +generations of German literature and thought, the age of Kant and +Lessing and Goethe, of Hegel and Schiller and Fichte, there was no real +German State at all, but a congeries of principalities and free +cities--independent centres of intellectual life in which letters and +science produced a richer crop than the two succeeding generations have +raised, just as Great Britain also, with eight times the population of +the year 1600, has had no more Shakespeares or Miltons. + +Culture Decayed in Imperial Rome. + +No fiction is more palpably contradicted by history than that relied on +by the school to which von Bernhardi belongs--that culture, literary, +scientific, and artistic, flourishes best in great military States. The +decay of art and literature in the Roman world began just when Rome's +military power had made that world one great and ordered State. The +opposite view would be much nearer the truth, though one must admit that +no general theory regarding the relations of art and letters to +Governments and political conditions has ever yet been proved to be +sound. + + [_Note--Gen. von Bernhardi's knowledge of current history may be + estimated by the fact that he assumes_ (1) _that trade rivalry + makes war probable between Great Britain and the United States;_ + (2) _that he believes that the Indian princes and peoples are + likely to revolt against Great Britain should she be involved in + war, and_ (3) _that he expects her self-governing colonies to take + such an opportunity of severing their connection with her._] + +The world is already too uniform and is becoming more uniform every day. +A few leading languages, a few forms of civilization, a few types of +character, are spreading out from the seven or eight greatest States and +extinguishing weaker languages, forms, and types. Although great States +are stronger and more populous, their peoples are not necessarily more +gifted, and the extinction of the minor languages and types would be a +misfortune for the world's future development. + +We may not be able to arrest the forces which seem to be making for that +extinction, but we certainly ought not strengthen them. Rather we ought +to maintain and defend the smaller States and to favor the rise and +growth of new peoples. Not merely because they were delivered from the +tyranny of Sultans like Abdul Hamid did the intellect of Europe welcome +the successively won liberations of Greece, Servia, Bulgaria, and +Montenegro; it was also in the hope that those countries would in time +develop out of their present crude conditions new types of culture, new +centres of productive intellectual life. + +Gen. von Bernhardi invokes history as the ultimate court of appeal. He +appeals to Caesar; to Caesar let him go. "Die Weltgeschichte ist das +Weltgericht", ("World history is world tribunal.") History declares that +no nation, however great, is entitled to try to impose its type of +civilization on others. No race, not even the Teutonic or Anglo-Saxon, +is entitled to claim the leadership of humanity. Each people has in its +time contributed something that was distinctively its own, and the world +is far richer thereby than if any one race, however gifted, had +established its permanent ascendency. + +We of the Anglo-Saxon race do not claim for ourselves, any more than we +admit in others, any right to dominate by force or to impose our own +type of civilization on less powerful races. Perhaps we have not that +assured conviction of its superiority which the school of von Bernhardi +expressed for the Teutons of North Germany. We know how much we owe, +even within our own islands, to the Celtic race; and, though we must +admit that peoples of Anglo-Saxon stock have, like others, made some +mistakes and sometimes abused their strength, let it be remembered what +have been the latest acts they have done abroad. + +Praises American Altruism. + +The United States have twice withdrawn their troops from Cuba, which +they could easily have retained; they have resisted all temptations to +annex any part of the territories of Mexico, in which the lives and +property of their citizens were for three years in constant danger. So +Great Britain also six years ago restored the amplest self-government to +two South African republics, having already agreed to the maintenance on +equal terms of the Dutch language; and the citizens of those republics, +which were in arms against her thirteen years ago, have now +spontaneously come forward to support her by arms under the gallant +leader who then commanded the Boers; and I may add that one reason why +the Princes of India have rallied so promptly and heartily to Great +Britain in this war is because for many years past we have avoided +annexing the territories of those Princes, allowing them to adopt heirs +when the successors of their own families failed, and leaving to them as +much as possible of the ordinary functions of government. + +Service the Test of Greatness. + +It is only vulgar minds that mistake bigness for greatness; for +greatness is of the soul, not of the body. In the judgment which history +will hereafter pass upon the forty centuries of recorded progress toward +civilization that now lie behind us, what are the tests it will apply to +determine the true greatness of a people? Not population, not territory, +not wealth, not military power; rather will history ask what examples of +lofty character and unselfish devotion to honor and duty has a people +given? What has it done to increase the volume of knowledge? What +thoughts and what ideals of permanent value and unexhausted fertility +has it bequeathed to mankind? What works has it produced in poetry, +music, and other arts to be an unfailing source of enjoyment to +posterity? The small peoples need not fear the application of such +tests. + +The world advances, not, as the Bernhardi school supposes, only or even +mainly by fighting; it advances mainly by thinking and by the process of +reciprocal teaching and learning; by the continuous and unconscious +co-operation of all its strongest and finest minds. Each race--Hellenic, +Italic, Celtic, Teutonic, Iberian, Slavonic--has something to give, each +something to learn; and when their blood is blended the mixed stock may +combine gifts of both. Most progressive races have been those who +combined willingness to learn with strength, which enabled them to +receive without loss to their own quality, retaining their primal vigor, +but entering into the labors of others, as the Teutons who settled +within the dominions of Rome profited by the lessons of the old +civilization. + +Let me disclaim once more before I close, any intention to attribute to +the German people the principles set forth by the school of Treitschke +and Bernhardi--the school which teaches hatred of peace and +arbitration, disregard of treaty obligations, scorn for weaker peoples. +We in England would feel even deeper sadness than weighs upon us now if +we could suppose that such principles had been embraced by the nation +whose thinkers have done so much for human progress and who have +produced so many shining examples of Christian saintliness; but when +those principles have been ostentatiously proclaimed, when a peaceful +neutral country which the other belligerent had solemnly and repeatedly +undertaken to respect has been invaded and treated as Belgium has been +treated, and when attempts are made to justify these deeds as incidental +to a campaign for civilization and culture, it becomes necessary to +point out how untrue and how pernicious such principles are. + +Most Wars Needless and Unjust. + +What are the teachings of history to which Gen. Bernhardi is fond of +appealing? That war has been the constant handmaid of tyranny and the +source of more than half the miseries of man; that, although some wars +have been necessary and have given occasion for a display of splendid +heroism--wars of defense against aggression or to succor the +oppressed--most wars have been needless or unjust; that the mark of an +advancing civilization has been the substitution of friendship for +hatred and of peaceful for warlike ideals; that small peoples have done +and can do as much for the common good of humanity as large peoples; +that treaties must be observed, (for what are they but records of +national faith, solemnly pledged, and what could bring mankind more +surely and swiftly back to that reign of violence and terror from which +it has been slowly rising for the last ten centuries than the +destruction of trust in the plighted faith of nations?) + +No event has brought out that essential unity which now exists in the +world so forcibly as this war has done, for no event has ever so +affected every part of the world. Four continents are involved, the +whole of the Old World, and the New World suffers grievously in its +trade, industry, and finances. Thus the whole world is interested in +preventing the recurrence of such a calamity and there is a general +feeling throughout the world that the causes which have brought it upon +us must be removed. + +We are told that armaments must be reduced; that the baleful spirit of +militarism must be quenched; that peoples must everywhere be admitted to +a fuller share in the control of foreign policy; that efforts must be +made to establish a sort of league of concord--some system of +international relations and reciprocal peace alliances by which weaker +nations may be protected and under which differences between nations may +be adjusted by courts of arbitration and conciliation of wider scope +than those that now exist. + +All these things are desirable, but no scheme for preventing future wars +will have any chance of success unless it rests upon the assurance that +the States which enter into it will loyally and steadfastly abide by it, +and that each and all of them will join in coercing by their +overwhelming united strength any State which may disregard obligations +it has undertaken. The faith of treaties is the only solid foundation on +which the temple of peace can be built up. + +JAMES BRYCE. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Entrance of France Into War + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +By President Poincare and Premier Viviani. + + Proclamation Issued to the People of France by President Poincare, + Paris, Aug. 1. + + + For some days the condition of Europe has become considerably more + serious in spite of the efforts of diplomacy. The horizon has + become darkened. + + At this hour most of the nations have mobilized their forces. + + Some countries, even though protected by neutrality, have thought + it right to take this step as a precaution. + + Some powers, whose constitutional and military laws do not resemble + our own, have without issuing a decree of mobilization begun and + continued preparations which are in reality equivalent to + mobilization and which are nothing more or less than an + anticipation of it _(qui n'en sont que l'exécution anticipée_). + + France, who has always declared her pacific intentions, and who has + at the darkest hours (_dans des heures tragiques_) given to Europe + counsels of moderation and a living example of prudence + (_sagesse_), who has multiplied her efforts for the maintenance of + the world's peace, has herself prepared for all eventualties and + has taken from this moment the first indispensable measures for the + safety of her territory. + + But our legislation does not allow us to complete these + preparations without a decree of mobilization. + + Careful of its responsibility and realizing that it would be + failing in a sacred task to leave things as they were, the + Government has issued the decree which the situation demands. + + Mobilization is not war. In the present circumstances it appears, + on the contrary, to be the best means of assuring peace with honor. + + Strong in its ardent desire to arrive at a peaceful solution of the + crisis the Government, protected by such precautions as are + necessary, will continue its diplomatic efforts, and it still hopes + to succeed. + + It relies upon the calm of this noble nation not to give rein to + emotions which are not justified. It relies upon the patriotism of + all Frenchmen, and it knows that there is not one who is not ready + to do his duty. + + At this moment parties no longer exist; there remains only France, + the eternal, the pacific, the resolute. There remains only the + fatherland of right and of justice, entirely united in calm + vigilance and dignity. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: RENE VIVIANI, +French Premier. +(_Photograph from Bain News Service._)] + + + + +NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED. + +Telegram from M. Viviani, French Premier and Minister for Foreign +Affairs, to the Ministry in Luxembourg, Published Aug. 3. + +Please declare to the President of the Council that, in accordance with +the Treaty of London of 1867, the Government of the Republic intended to +respect the neutrality of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, as it has shown +by its attitude. The violation of this neutrality by Germany is, +however, of a nature which compels France to take henceforth the +measures in this respect required by her defense and interests. + +The Prime Minister of Luxembourg has protested to the German Government, +and has brought this protest to the notice of the German Embassy in +Paris, stating the following facts: + + On Sunday, Aug. 2, early in the morning, the Germans entered + Luxembourg territory by the bridges of Wasserbourg(?) and Remleh, + proceeding toward the south of the country and Luxembourg, its + capital. They have also brought toward this point armored trains, + with troops and munitions of war. Further, the special French + Commissioner at Petitcroix has announced to the Sûreté Générale + that the Germans have just opened fire on the frontier station of + Delle-Petitcroix. Two German cavalry officers have just been killed + at Roncray and Boxson, ten kilometers on our side of the frontier. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE NATION IN ARMS. + + Address to the French Parliament by President Poincare, Aug. 4. + + Our nation is in arms and trembling with eagerness to defend the + land of our fathers. + + France is faithfully supported by her ally, Russia. She is upheld + by the loyal friendship of England, and, already, from all points + of the civilized world, go out to her expressions of sympathy and + good-will, for she represents today, once again before the + universe, liberty, justice, and reason. + + Lift up your hearts! Long live France! + + + * * * * * + + + + +POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC. + +Address of Premier Viviani to the French Senate and House of Deputies, +Aug. 4. + +_This speech has been called by M. Jusserand, French Ambassador to the +United States, "the chief document printed up to now [Nov. 1] in +which the French situation, with reference to the present war, has been +expounded._" + + +Gentlemen, the German Ambassador left Paris yesterday, after having +notified us of the existence of a state of war. + +The Government is in duty bound to give Parliament a truthful recital of +the events which, within less than ten days, have brought about war in +Europe and obliged France, peaceful and strong, to defend her frontier +against an attack the premeditated suddenness of which emphasizes its +odious injustice. + +This attack, entirely inexcusable and begun before any declaration of +war notified us of it, is the last act in a plan whose origin and aim I +intend to lay bare before our republic and before civilized public +opinion. + +After the abominable crime which cost the lives of the heir to the +Austro-Hungarian throne and of the Duchess of Hohenberg, trouble arose +between the Governments of Vienna and Belgrade. + +Most of the great powers were not informed of this except +semi-officially up to Friday, the 24th day of July, on which day the +Ambassadors of Austria-Hungary sent them a circular note, which has been +published in the newspapers. + +The object of this note was to explain and justify an ultimatum sent the +evening before to Servia, through the Austrian Minister at Belgrade. + +This ultimatum asserted that a number of Servian subjects and +associations were implicated in the crime of Serajevo, and implied that +members of the Servian Government themselves were not without +complicity in it. It demanded a reply from Servia, giving Saturday, +July 25, at 6 in the evening, as the time limit. + +Austria Amazes Allies. + +The reparations demanded, or, at least, some among them, unquestionably +were derogatory to the rights of a sovereign nation. But in spite of +their extreme character Servia, on July 25, declared that she submitted +to them almost without a reservation of any sort. + +The advice transmitted by France, Russia, and Great Britain from the +very first to Belgrade was not without its effect in bringing about this +submission, which was a success for Austria-Hungary and likewise a +guarantee toward the maintenance of European peace. + +This advice was all the more valuable in view of the fact that +Austria-Hungary's demands had been inadequately foreshadowed to the +Governments of the Triple Entente, to whom, during the three preceding +weeks, the Austro-Hungarian Government had repeatedly given assurances +that its demands would be extremely moderate. + +It was, therefore, with justified astonishment that the Cabinets of +Paris, St. Petersburg, and London heard, on July 26, that the Austrian +Minister at Belgrade, after an examination lasting only a few minutes, +had declared the Servian reply unacceptable and broken off diplomatic +relations. + +Germany the Stumbling Block. + +This astonishment was rendered greater by the fact that, on Friday, the +21st, the German Ambassador had visited the French Minister of Foreign +Affairs for the purpose of reading to him a note to the effect that the +Austro-Servian dispute should be localized and not made the subject of +intervention by the great powers, and that, unless such were the case, +"incalculable consequences" were to be feared. Like action was taken on +Saturday, the 25th, at London and St. Petersburg. + +Is it necessary, gentlemen, to point out to you the difference between +the menacing methods employed by the German Ambassador at Paris and the +conciliatory sentiments of which the powers of the Triple Entente had +just given proof by their advice to Servia to submit? + +Nevertheless, passing over the abnormal character of the German action, +we, in conjunction with our allies and friends, immediately instituted +measures of conciliation and invited Germany to take part in them. + +From the very first we were chagrined to find that our acts and efforts +found no echo at Berlin. + +Not only did Germany seem unwilling to give Austria-Hungary the amicable +advice which her situation authorized her to give, but, from that very +time and even more in the ensuing days, she seemed to place herself +between the Vienna Cabinet and the propositions of a compromise +emanating from the other powers. + +On Tuesday, July 28, Austria-Hungary declared war on Servia. This +declaration of war, complicating forty-eight hours after the situation +brought about by the rupture of diplomatic relations, lent color to the +assumption that there had been a premeditated plan to make war, a +systematic programme for the subjugation of Servia. + +Thus not only the independence of a brave nation became involved, but +also the balance of power in the Balkans, set forth in the Treaty of +Bucharest of 1913, and sanctioned by the moral adhesion of all the great +powers. + +Notwithstanding, at the suggestion of the British Government, always +interested in the most steadfast manner in the maintenance of European +peace, the negotiations continued, or, to be more exact, the powers +constituting the Triple Entente tried to continue them. + +To their common desire was due the proposition for quadruple action, +viz., by England, France, Germany, and Italy, with the object of +assuring to Austria all legitimate reparation and bringing about an +equitable arrangement of the difficulty. On Wednesday, the 29th, the +Russian Government, noting the persistent blocking of these attempts, +Austria's mobilization and her declaration of war, and fearing that +Servia would be crushed by military force, decided, as a preventive +measure, to mobilize her troops in four military zones, namely, only +those stationed along the Austro-Hungarian frontier. + +In doing this it took care to notify the German Government that this +step, limited in character and not constituting an offensive move +against Austria, was not in any way directed against Germany. + +In a conversation with the Russian Ambassador at Berlin the German +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs showed no objection to +recognizing this. + +Germany Becomes Warlike. + +On the other hand, all the attempts of Great Britain, backed by Russia +and with the support of France, for establishing contact between Austria +and Servia under the moral auspices of Europe, was met in Berlin by a +premeditated negative attitude, the existence of which is absolutely +proved by the diplomatic communications. + +This made a troublous state of affairs which pointed to the existence at +Berlin of certain mental reservations. A few hours later these +suppositions and fears were destined to be changed into certainties. + +For the negative attitude of Germany was transformed thirty-six hours +later into truly alarming initiative. On July 31, Germany, by declaring +a state of war, cut off the communication between herself and the rest +of Europe, and gave herself perfect freedom to make military +preparations against France, in complete secrecy, which nothing, as you +have seen, could justify. + +During several days and under conditions difficult to explain Germany +had been preparing to change her army from a peace to a war footing. + +From July 25 in the morning, that is even before the expiration of the +time limit set Servia by Austria, she had brought to their full strength +the garrisons in Alsace-Lorraine. On the same day she had placed the +works close to the frontier in a state of effective armament. On the +26th she had prescribed for the railroads the preparatory measures for +concentration. On the 27th she had made requisitions and placed her +covering troops in position. On the 28th the summoning of individual +reservists began, including those distant from the frontier. + +Could we be left in doubt as to Germany's intentions after her taking +all these measures with relentless thoroughness? + +France Forced to Act. + +This, then, was the situation when, on July 31, in the evening, the +German Government, which had not taken any positive part since the 24th +in the conciliatory efforts of the Triple Entente, sent to the Russian +Government an ultimatum alleging that Russia had ordered the general +mobilization of her armies, and demanding the cessation of this +mobilization within twelve hours. + +This demand, all the more offensive as to form when it is borne in mind +that a few hours earlier Emperor Nicholas, actuated by a spontaneous +feeling of confidence, had asked the German Emperor to mediate, was made +at the moment when, at the request of England and with the knowledge of +Germany, the Russian Government was accepting a proposition of a kind +calculated to bring about an amicable arrangement of the Austro-Servian +conflict and of the Austro-Russian difficulties by means of the +simultaneous cessation of military operations and preparations. + +On the same day there were added to this unfriendly step toward Russia +acts of distinct hostility toward France; rupture of communications by +roads, railways, telegraph, and telephone, seizure of French locomotives +upon arrival at the frontier, placing of rapid-fire guns in the middle +of railway lines which had been torn up, and concentration of troops on +our frontier. + +From that moment it was impossible for us to believe any longer in the +sincerity of the pacific protestations which the representative of +Germany continued to lavish upon us. + +We were aware that, under the shelter of the declaration of a state of +war which Germany had made, she was mobilizing. + +We learned that six classes of reservists had been summoned and that +concentration of army corps was under way, even of those corps stationed +a long distance from the frontier. + +In proportion as these events developed, the Government, alert and +vigilant, took day by day, even hour by hour, the precautionary measures +made necessary by the situation; general mobilization of our land and +sea forces was ordered. + +The same evening, at 7:30, Germany, ignoring the acceptance by the St. +Petersburg Cabinet of the English proposition to which I have already +referred, declared war upon Russia. + +Denies Hostile Acts by French. + +The next day, Sunday, Aug. 2, despite the extreme moderation of France +and the pacific statements of the German Ambassador in Paris, and +scorning the rules of international law, German troops crossed our +frontier at three different points. + +At the same time, in violation of the Treaty of 1867 guaranteeing the +neutrality of Luxemburg, of which Prussia was a signatory, they invaded +the territory of the Grand Duchy, thus evoking a protest from the +Luxemburg Government. + +Finally, even the neutrality of Belgium was menaced. On the evening of +Aug. 2 the German Minister handed to the Belgian Government an ultimatum +demanding that military operations against France be facilitated by +Belgium under the lying pretext that Belgian neutrality was threatened +by us. + +The Belgian Government refused, announcing that it had resolved to +defend energetically its neutrality respected by France and guaranteed +by treaties, especially by the King of Prussia. + +Since then, gentlemen, acts of aggression have been repeated, +multiplied, and accentuated. Our frontier has been crossed at more than +fifteen places. Rifle shots have been fired at our soldiers and customs +officials. There have been killed and wounded. Yesterday a German +military aviator dropped three bombs on Lunéville. + +The German Ambassador, to whom, as well as to the other great powers, we +communicated these acts did not deny them, nor even express regret. On +the contrary, he came to me yesterday evening to ask for his passport +and notify us of the existence of a state of war, alleging without +justification hostile acts committed by French aviators on German +territory in the Eiffel region, and even on the railway from Karlsruhe +to Nuremberg. Here is the letter on this subject which he handed to me: + + Mr. President: German civil and military authorities have taken + note of a certain number of acts of a hostile character committed + on German territory by French military aviators. Several of the + latter have clearly violated the neutrality of Belgium by flying + over the territory of that nation. One tried to destroy buildings + near Wesel, others were seen over the Eiffel region, another threw + bombs on the railway line between Karlsruhe and Nuremberg. + + I have been charged with informing your Excellency, and now have + the honor of doing so, that in view of these acts of aggression the + German Empire now considers itself in a state of war with France as + a result of the acts of the latter power. + + I have at the same time the honor of bringing to your Excellency's + knowledge that the German authorities will detain French merchant + vessels in German ports, but will release them if within + forty-eight hours complete reciprocity is assured. + + My diplomatic mission having terminated, all that remains for me to + do is to request your Excellency to provide me with my passports + and take whatever measures your Excellency may deem necessary to + effect my return to Germany with the personnel of the embassy and + of the Bavarian Legation and the Consulate General of Germany at + Paris. + + With sentiments of my highest consideration. + + SCHOEN. + + * * * * * + + +Is it necessary, gentlemen, that I should call attention to the +absurdity of the pretexts brought forward as grievances? Never at any +time has any French aviator gone into Belgium; no French aviator has +committed an act of hostility either in Bavaria or any other part of +Germany. European public opinion has already done justice to these +miserable inventions. + +We immediately took all needed steps against this attack, which violates +all laws of equity and rules of public law. The carrying out of these is +progressing with thorough system and absolute calm. + +The mobilization of the Russian Army is also being continued with +remarkable energy and boundless enthusiasm. + +The Belgian Army, mobilized up to 250,000 men, is preparing with +magnificent spirit to defend the neutrality and independence of its +country. + +The English fleet is entirely mobilized, and the order has been given +for the mobilization of the land forces. + +Since 1912 there have been consultations between the English and French +General Staffs. These had resulted in an exchange of letters between Sir +Edward Grey and M. Paul Cambon. The Secretary of State made these known +yesterday in the House of Commons, and, in accordance with the wishes of +the British Government, I shall have the honor of reading these two +documents to this Parliament: + + + London, Foreign Office, Nov. 22, 1912. + + My Dear Ambassador: + + From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and + military experts have consulted together. It has always been + understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of + either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to + assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation + between experts is not and ought not to be regarded as an + engagement that commits either Government to action in a + contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The + disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets + respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement + to co-operate in war. + + You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave + reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might + become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon + the armed assistance of the other. + + I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an + unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened + the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other + whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression + and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be + prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the + plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into + consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect + should be given to them. Yours, &c., + + E. GREY. + + + * * * * * + + +M. PAUL CAMBON TO SIR EDWARD GREY. + + + London, Nov. 23, 1912. + + Dear Sir Edward: You reminded me in your letter of yesterday, 22d + November, that during the last few years the military and naval + authorities of France and Great Britain had consulted with each + other from time to time; that it had always been understood that + these consultations should not restrict the liberty of either + Government to decide in the future whether they should lend each + other the support of their armed forces; that, on either side, + these consultations between experts were not and should not be + considered as engagements binding our Governments to take action in + certain eventualities; that, however, I had remarked to you that, + if one or other of the two Governments had grave reasons to fear an + unprovoked attack on the part of a third power, it would become + essential to know whether it could count on the armed support of + the other. + + Your letter answers that point, and I am authorized to state that, + in the event of one of our two Governments having grave reasons to + fear either an attack from a third power, or some event threatening + the general peace, that Government would immediately examine with + the other the question whether both Governments should act together + in order to prevent aggression or preserve peace. If so, the two + Governments would deliberate as to the measures which they would be + prepared to take in common. If those measures involved action the + two Governments would take into immediate consideration the plans + of their General Staffs and would then decide as to the effect to + be given to those plans. + + Yours, &c., + + PAUL CAMBON. + + +Government's Acts Beyond Reproach. + +In the House of Commons the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs spoke +of France, amid the applause of the members, in lofty and impassioned +words, which have already elicited genuine response from all French +hearts. + +In the name of the Government of the Republic I wish, from this rostrum, +to thank the British Government for the cordiality of its words, and the +French Parliament will join me in this. + +The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs made this declaration +particularly: + +That in case the German fleet entered the Channel or steamed northward +in the North Sea to go around the British Isles with the purpose of +attacking the French Coast or the French Navy, and to harass the French +merchant marine, the English fleet would interfere by giving the French +fleet its entire protection, in such manner that from that moment +England and Germany would be in a state of war. + +Thus, from the present moment, the English fleet is guarding our +northern and western coast against German aggression. + +Gentlemen, those are the facts. I think that, taken as a close-knit +whole, they are sufficient to justify the acts of the Government of the +Republic. Nevertheless, I wish to conclude by giving the true meaning of +this unprecedented aggression of which France is the victim. + +The victors of 1870, as you know, have felt at various times the desire +of renewing the blows which they had dealt us. In 1875 the war for +finishing vanquished France was prevented only by the intervention of +the two powers destined to be united to us later by the ties of alliance +and friendship--by the intervention of Russia and Great Britain. + +Since then the French Republic, by the restoration of its strength and +the making of diplomatic agreements, invariably lived up to, has +succeeded in freeing itself from the yoke which Bismarck had been able +to impose upon Europe even in days of peace. + +It re-established the European balance of power, that guarantee of the +liberty and dignity of each nation. + +Gentlemen, I do not know whether I am deceiving myself, but it seems to +me that it is this work of pacific reparation, liberation, and dignity, +definitely sealed in 1904 and 1907 with the support of King Edward VII. +of England and of the royal Government, which the German Empire desires +to destroy today by an audacious piece of violence. + +Germany can reproach us with nothing. + +We have made an unprecedented sacrifice to peace by bearing in silence +for half a century the wound inflicted by Germany. + +We have acquiesced in other sacrifices in all the disputes which, since +1904, imperial diplomacy has systematically provoked either in Morocco +or elsewhere, in 1905 as well as in 1906, in 1908 as well as in 1911. + +Italy's Attitude. + +Russia also has given proof of great moderation, both in the events of +1908 and the present crisis. She acted with the same moderation--and the +Triple Entente with her--when, in the Eastern crisis of 1912, Austria +and Germany formulated against Servia and Greece demands amenable to +discussion, as the result proved. + +Useless sacrifices, sterile compromises, futile efforts--today, while +actually engaged in efforts at conciliation, we and our allies are +suddenly attacked. + +Nobody can believe in good faith that we are the aggressors; in vain the +sacred principles of law and liberty, which rule nations as well as +individuals, are assailed. Italy, with the clear conscience of Latin +genius, has informed us that she will remain neutral. + +This decision has aroused the sincerest joy throughout France. I made +myself the spokesman of this to the Italian Chargé d'Affaires, telling +him how delighted I was that the two Latin sisters, who have the same +origin and ideals, and a glorious past in common, are not opposed to +each other. + +What is being attacked, I repeat, gentlemen, is that independence, +dignity, and security which the Triple Entente has restored to the +balance of power in the service of peace. + +What is being attacked are the liberties of Europe, whose defenders +France, her allies, and her friends are proud to be. + +We shall defend these liberties, for it is they which are in jeopardy; +all else is merely a pretext. + +France, unjustly provoked, did not desire war. She has done everything +to prevent it. But since it is forced upon her, she will defend herself +against Germany, and against every power which has not as yet announced +its position but which should later on take sides with Germany in the +war between the two. + +A free and strong nation, strengthened by venerable ideals, firmly +united in defense of its existence, a democracy which has known how to +discipline its military acts, and which did not fear last year to impose +upon itself additional military burdens to offset those of neighboring +countries, an armed nation fighting for its own life and for the +independence of Europe--that is the spectacle which we are proud to show +the witnesses of this formidable struggle, which has been in preparation +for some days amid methodical quiet. + +We are without reproach. We shall be without fear. + +France has often proved, under less favorable conditions, that she is +the most formidable adversary when she fights, as she now does, for +liberty and right. + +In placing our acts before you, gentlemen, who are our judges, we have +the comfort of a clear conscience and the certainty of having done our +duty to help us bear the weight of our heavy responsibility. + + + * * * * * + + + + +BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE. + +Proclamation by the Government Announcing Transfer of Capital to +Bordeaux, Sept. 3. + + + People of France: For several weeks relentless battles have engaged + our heroic troops and the army of the enemy. The valor of our + soldiers has won for them, at several points, marked advantages; + but in the north the pressure of the German forces has compelled us + to fall back. + + This situation has compelled the President of the Republic and the + Government to take a painful decision. + + In order to watch over the national welfare it is the duty of the + public powers to remove themselves temporarily from the City of + Paris. + + Under the command of an eminent chief, a French Army, full of + courage and zeal, will defend the capital and its patriotic + population against the invader. + + But the war must be carried on at the same time on the rest of its + territory. + + Without peace or truce, without cessation or faltering, the + struggle for the honor of the nation and the reparation of violated + right must continue. + + None of our armies is impaired. If some of them have sustained very + considerable losses, the gaps have immediately been filled up from + the reserves, and the appeal for recruits assures us of new + reserves in men and energy tomorrow. + + Endure and fight! Such must be the motto of the allied British, + Russian, Belgian, and French Armies. + + Endure and fight, while at sea the British aid us, cutting the + communication of our enemy with the world. + + Endure and fight, while the Russians continue to advance to strike + the decisive blow at the heart of the German Empire. + + It is the duty of the Government of the republic to direct this + stubborn resistance. + + Everywhere Frenchmen will rise for their independence; but to + insure the utmost spirit and efficacy in the formidable fight it is + indispensable that the Government shall remain free to act. At the + request of the military authorities, the Government is therefore + temporarily transferring its headquarters to a place where it can + remain in constant touch with the whole of the country. + + It requests members of Parliament not to remain away from it, in + order that they may form, with their colleagues, a bond of national + unity. + + The Government only leaves Paris after having assured the defense + of the city and of the intrenched camp by every means in its power. + + It knows that it does not need to recommend to the admirable + population of Paris that calm, resolution and coolness which it is + showing every day, and which is on a level with its highest + traditions. + + People of France, let us all be worthy of these tragic + circumstances. We shall gain the final victory; we shall gain it by + unflagging will, endurance, and tenacity. + + A nation which refuses to perish, and which, in order to live, does + not flinch either from suffering or sacrifice, is sure of victory. + + The manifesto is signed by President Poincaré and all the + Ministers. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Russia to Her Enemy + +Slav Emperor Announces New Policies. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Pledge of Czar Nicholas II. to Russia's Statesmen and Soldiers, +in Winter Palace, St. Petersburg, Aug. 2. + + + War has been forced upon us. I hereby take a solemn pledge not to + conclude peace so long as a single enemy remains on Russian soil. + + I wish godspeed to my soldiers represented here by the St. + Petersburg military district, and I am sure that they will fully + justify my confidence in them. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A MANIFESTO. + + +Czar Outlines Events Leading to War, St. Petersburg, Aug. 3. + + + By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., Emperor and Autocrat of all + the Russias, King of Poland, and Grand Duke of Finland, &c., to all + our faithful subjects make known that Russia, related by faith and + blood to the Slav peoples and faithful to her historical + traditions, has never regarded their fates with indifference. + + But the fraternal sentiments of the Russian people for the Slavs + have been awakened with perfect unanimity and extraordinary force + in these last few days, when Austria-Hungary knowingly addressed to + Servia claims inacceptable for an independent State. + + Having paid no attention to the pacific and conciliatory reply of + the Servian Government and having rejected the benevolent + intervention of Russia, Austria-Hungary made haste to proceed to an + armed attack, and began to bombard Belgrade, an open place. + + Forced by the situation thus created to take necessary measures of + precaution, we ordered the army and the navy put on a war footing, + at the same time using every endeavor to obtain a peaceful + solution. Pourparlers were begun amid friendly relations with + Germany and her ally, Austria, for the blood and the property of + our subjects were dear to us. + + Contrary to our hopes in our good neighborly relations of long + date, and disregarding our assurances that the mobilization + measures taken were in pursuance of no object hostile to her, + Germany demanded their immediate cessation. Being rebuffed in this + demand, Germany suddenly declared war on Russia. + + Today it is not only the protection of a country related to us and + unjustly attacked that must be accorded, but we must safeguard the + honor, the dignity, and the integrity of Russia and her position + among the great powers. + + We believe unshakably that all our faithful subjects will rise with + unanimity and devotion for the defense of Russian soil; that + internal discord will be forgotten in this threatening hour; that + the unity of the Emperor with his people will become still more + close, and that Russia, rising like one man, will repulse the + insolent attack of the enemy. + + With a profound faith in the justice of our work, and with a humble + hope in omnipotent Providence in prayer, we call God's blessing on + holy Russia and her valiant troops. + + NICHOLAS. + + + * * * * * + + + + +CZAR AT THE KREMLIN. + + +Response to Deputies of Moscow, Aug. 18. + + At this stormy, warlike hour, which, suddenly and against my + wishes, has fallen upon my peaceful people, I seek, according to + the custom of my ancestors, to strengthen the forces of my soul in + the sanctuaries of Moscow. + + Within the walls of the old Kremlin I greet in you, inhabitants of + Moscow, my beloved ancient capital, all my people, who everywhere, + in the villages of their birth, in the Duma, and in the Council of + the Empire, unanimously replied to my appeal and rose with vigor + throughout the country, forgetting all private differences, to + defend the land of their birth and the Slav race. + + In a powerful common impulse all nationalities, all tribes of our + vast empire, have united. Russia, like myself, will never forget + these historic days. + + This union of thought and sentiment in all my people affords me + deep consolation and a calm assurance for the future. From here, + from the heart of the Russian land, I send a warm greeting to my + gallant troops and to our brave Allies who are making common cause + with us to safeguard the down-trodden principles of peace and + truth. May God be with us. + + + * * * * * + + + + +APPEAL TO THE POLES. + +By Grand Duke Nicholas, Generalissimo of the Russian Forces, St. +Petersburg, Aug. 15. + + + Poles: The hour has sounded when the sacred dream of your fathers + and your grandfathers may be realized. A century and a half has + passed since the living body of Poland was torn in pieces, but the + soul of the country is not dead. It continues to live, inspired by + the hope that there will come for the Polish people an hour of + resurrection, and of fraternal reconciliation with Great Russia. + The Russian Army brings you the solemn news of this reconciliation + which obliterates the frontiers dividing the Polish peoples, which + it unites conjointly under the sceptre of the Russian Czar. Under + this sceptre Poland will be born again, free in her religion and + her language. Russian autonomy only expects from you the same + respect for the rights of those nationalities to which history has + bound you. With open heart and brotherly hand Great Russia advances + to meet you. She believes that the sword, with which she struck + down her enemies at Grünwald, is not yet rusted. From the shores of + the Pacific to the North Sea the Russian armies are marching. The + dawn of a new life is beginning for you, and in this glorious dawn + is seen the sign of the cross, the symbol of suffering and of the + resurrection of peoples. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE POLISH RESPONSE. + +Statement Issued by Four Political Parties, Aug. 16. + + + The representatives of the undersigned political parties, assembled + in Warsaw on the 16th August, 1914, welcome the Proclamation issued + to the Poles by his Imperial Highness the Commander in Chief of the + Russian forces as an act of the foremost historical importance, and + implicitly believe that upon the termination of the war the + promises uttered in that proclamation will be formally fulfilled, + that the dreams of their fathers and forefathers will be realized, + that Poland's body, torn asunder a century and a half ago, will + once again be made whole, that the frontiers severing the Polish + nation will vanish. + + The blood of Poland's sons, shed in united combat against the + Germans, will serve equally as a sacrifice, offered upon the altar + of her resurrection. + + THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL PARTY. + + THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE PARTY. + + THE REALIST PARTY. + + THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE UNION. + + + * * * * * + + + + +NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY + +Editorial Appeal in the Gazeta Warszawska, Aug. 15. + + +Fellow-countrymen! A danger threatens us, greatest, perhaps, among the +many calamities which war brings to a country; the misdirection of the +nation's mind and understanding. + +Various instigations are pressing the Poles to go against their own +instinct and the dictates of political reason in their attitude toward +the armies now invading our Polish lands, armies ringing with German +words of command, which even resound through Galician detachments lured +into belief that Poland may be saved through alliance with the Germans. +Various agitators on both the German and Austrian sides, having their +own interests at stake, are seeking to make our people take active part +in the terrific conflicts now to be fought out upon our soil. + +To attain this end by throwing dust into our eyes, various manifestos +signed by the leaders of the armies beyond the frontier have promised +the Poles extensive liberties and privileges at the close of the war. +Certain Polish organizations, having lost, in the general excitement, +their healthy sense of judgment, are doing likewise. Do not let +yourselves be hoodwinked by these promises. They are lies. Neither of +the invading armies has any intention of fighting for Poland's sake. +Each is fighting in the interests of its own empire, and to those +empires we are of no account. They only want, in a moment of necessity, +to make the Poles passive instruments serving their own ends. Whoever +tells you that Austria in alliance with Prussia intends to build up +Poland once again is a blinded dreamer. The result of a victory for the +Germans and Austrians would mean a new partitioning of Poland, a yet +greater wreckage of our nation. Grasp this, listen to no seducers. +Remain passive, watchful, insensible to temptation. + +During the coming struggle the Kingdom of Poland will be the marching +ground of various armies, we shall see temporary victors assuming +lordship for a while; but change of authority will follow, and +inevitable retaliation; this several times, perhaps, in the course of +the campaign. Therefore every improvident step will meet with terrible +revenge. By holding firm through the present conflict you best can serve +the Polish cause. In the name of the love you bear your country, of your +solicitude for the nation's future, we entreat you, fellow-countrymen, +to remain deaf to evil inspirations, unshakable in your determination +not to expose our land to yet greater calamities, and Poland's whole +future to incalculable perils. + + + * * * * * + + + + +POLISH AMERICAN OPINION. + +Kazinirz Jaworowski, Manager Polish National Alliance, New York, Aug. +16. + + +The Poles are treated better in Russia now than they are in Germany. +Although Russia has done its best to Russianize Poland by crushing the +Polish national feeling, imprisoning Polish patriots, and attempting +even to suppress the Polish language, Germany has gone still further in +its efforts to Germanize its Polish territory. + +Bismarck's idea was to force German civilization upon the world and the +most extreme measures have been taken to enforce this policy in German +Poland. Taking advantage of every possible pretext, the Germans have +dispossessed the Poles of their land and handed it over to Germans. The +Russians have not gone so far as this. They, as a general rule, have +allowed the Poles to keep their land. + +For my own part, I would do anything to defeat Germany, and I think the +Poles of Germany and Austria for the most part wish to see France and +Russia successful The Poles are Slavs. The fight is between the Germans +and the Slavs. + +I hope that if the Czar is successful, he carries out his promises to +reunite Poland and grant it autonomy. That would not mean Poland would +be free, but it would enjoy more freedom than now. The Czar would be the +King of Poland and the Government of Poland undoubtedly would be carried +on largely by men appointed by the Czar. However, if Poland got the +right to have a share in its Government, even if the Czar remained +supreme, the country would be greatly benefited. + +Autonomy would mean that efforts to suppress the Polish language, the +Polish national spirit, and the Polish traditions would be at an end. +Under a despotic government in Russia and under more despotic +governments still in Germany and Austria, the Polish race has existed +under the most crushing of burdens. Reunited and granted partial liberty +and the right to live under fair conditions, it would flourish and again +take its place as a great race. + + + * * * * * + + + + +RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY. + +By Prince Eugene Troubetskoi, Ex-Member of the Imperial Cabinet, St. +Petersburg, Aug. 15. + + +Russia against Germany is an instance of real patriotism against the +curse of nationalism. Our people are athrill now, not from hate but from +an ardent desire to serve and protect. Our war cry does not result from +the ancient pagan conception of the self-sufficiency of the State, but +from the desire for the well-being of all men. + +Our people are not filled by that fierce and implacable lust for power +which leads a nation into the gulf whose depths reach down to hell. With +us God is not conceived as merely a tribal deity, but the father of all. +Upon these things, upon this supernational impulse which has now set our +people on fire, we rely for victory, and in our victory we expect to see +a great step taken in the coming freedom of the world. + + + * * * * * + + + + +DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN. + +President Rodzianko of the Imperial Duma's Telegram to the House of +Commons, Aug. 26. + + The Duma of the empire, assembled in extraordinary session in view + of the exceptional events passing in the civilized world, begs the + House of Commons of Great Britain to accept their warm and sincere + greeting and sentiments of profound friendship which unite our two + great nations. The whole of Russia has welcomed with enthusiasm the + resolution of the British people to give their support to the + friendly nations in the historic struggle which is developing at + this moment. May God bless the armies of the friendly nations of + the Triple Entente! Long live his Majesty King George and his + valiant people! Long live the British Parliament, and long live + Great Britain! + + + * * * * * + + + + +NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS. + +Special Cable to The New York Times, London, Aug. 18. + + +Ever since the Czar's promise of autonomy to Poland reports have been +current that the next step likely to be taken by the Russian Government +along the same lines of initiative will be a proclamation assuring the +Jews of equal civil and political rights. A Paris dispatch today goes +the length of stating that such a proclamation is shortly to be issued. + +From inquiries made in authoritative quarters THE NEW YORK TIMES is able +to state that, while there is no official authority for such a +prediction, there is good reason to believe that some measure of reform +along the lines indicated is likely. Both in France and England, +Russia's reactionary policy is the only element which has aroused any +misgivings regarding what it is hoped in the two first-named countries +will be the results of the war. + +The enthusiasm aroused in France by the decree affecting Poland gives +the measure of relief caused by the removal of these misgivings, so far +as one section of the non-orthodox subjects of the Czar are concerned. +Equal relief would be felt among a large and representative body of the +British public were definite action taken by the Russian Government to +remove the disabilities under which the Jews in Russia labor. I have +authority for stating that steps have been taken to bring this point of +view to the attention of the Russian Government. + +Officially, the British Government can take no action which could be +regarded as an interference with the domestic affairs of a friendly +power, and certain overzealous representations which have been made to +Sir Edward Grey overshoot the mark. Sir Edward Grey's liberal principles +are sufficiently well recognized to make it certain that what he is able +to do he is doing to remove all causes for the misgivings with which a +good number of his fellow-citizens regard the Russian alliance in its +moral aspect and its possible ultimate developments. + +Great hopes are felt that these very delicate representations will meet +with success. Predictions are made that the final outcome of the +combined grant of autonomy to Poland and the removal of at least some of +the civil and religious disqualifications now weighing upon the Jews in +Russia will be the growth of a new State, in which the Jew and the Pole +will find an equal place in the sun and flourish exceedingly. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WAR ON GERMAN TRADE. + +M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Correspondent of +The London Times, Petrograd, Sept. 15. + + +The eyes of the world just now are fixed on the fortunes of the armies +in the field. It is, perhaps, not spectacular from the point of view of +the average newspaper reader to speak at this time of mere business and +trade relations. I quite well realize that it is accounts of victories +and routs, acts of heroism and magnificent assaults by troops that sell +the newspapers, but beyond and above all this there now exists a +situation and an opportunity in trade and commerce with Russia which to +England and America may mean more in decades to come than it is easy to +realize. + +For years past Germany has been steadily and vigorously pushing her +trade into all quarters of the Russian Empire, and now sells us above +£60,000,000 worth of products yearly. The ground has been broken by +Germany, and these enormous markets for machinery, chemicals, and all +sorts of manufactured products are now suddenly cut off from the avenues +through which they have been supplied. Herein lies the greatest +commercial opportunity for England and America that has ever been +offered. + +It has been said in the Maxims of Pascal that to govern is to foresee. +This is not only true of politics and affairs of government, but applies +as well to trade relations. It is that country which foresees the +situation commercially in Russia that will reap the enormous benefits +that these markets now offer. + +It is not merely sufficient that merchants and manufacturers should +offer their goods here. They that would profit permanently by the new +trade conditions of this empire must take up the task seriously. Experts +should be sent here now, even while the war is still in progress, to +study and examine the wants of our country. Our duties, our manner of +doing business, our present and future wants and growing demands, should +be studied scientifically and fundamentally, so that when peace comes +those channels which have for decades flowed deeply with German products +may continue to flow with products from America and England. + +For America especially does Russia open an opportunity for an industrial +outlet such as can hardly be overestimated. We have an empire of +170,000,000 souls, and the £60,000,000 yearly that we have been paying +Germany is but the beginning of a demand that will soon make Russia +among the most desirable and valuable markets in the world. Railroad +building and new developments everywhere are a prelude to an era of +prosperity in this country such as has never been seen here before. + +I cannot too emphatically express the hope that merchants abroad will +realize this wonderful opportunity and act promptly, for when the war is +over will come realization of this situation everywhere, and he who +would profit should take the first steps with the least possible delay. + + + * * * * * + + + + +FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM. + +Statement to Americans by Prince Imeretinsky, Sept. 10. + + +We are a peace-loving people as you in America are, but, of course, the +people of Russia are not so well educated as you are. + +Russia did not want this war, but she has known for years that it was +coming and consequently was preparing for it. It is her determination, +now that it has been brought on by Germany, to see it through, no matter +how long it takes or how much it costs. + +Russia is waging war against militarism. If continued, this militarism +would economically cripple all Europe. The burden is too heavy for +people to bear, and Russia means to put an end to militarism as +expounded by Germany. + + + * * * * * + + + + +NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE. + +Statement by Baron Korff, Imperial Russian Vice Consul, New York, Sept. +6. + + +The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria at Serajevo, in +the light of present conditions, appears to be the pretext which led to +the present great European war, involving the Empires of Germany and +Russia, the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Belgium, and the Republic of +France. It is rather difficult for the average American to find the real +causes that have led to this struggle of nations, as they lie solely in +the conditions and latest developments of the political life of Middle +Europe generally, and Germany and Austria particularly. + +In order to ascertain the real cause it will be necessary for me to +explain the policy of the above-named two Governments on one side and +the evolution of the character of the German Nation on the other side. +In glancing at the map of Germany, and particularly her frontiers and +geographical position, she being wedged in between two powerful +neighbors, Russia in the east and France backed up by England in the +west, it is apparent that her situation is very delicate, owing to the +lack of marked natural boundaries. + +Tremendous military power and highly developed diplomatic ability are +the two necessary elements to create friendly relations with her +neighbors. After the creation of the great German Empire in 1870, Prince +Bismarck succeeded in establishing and maintaining for Germany friendly +relations with the other great powers. It was his policy to acquire +colonies for Germany outside of Europe, and to carefully avoid any +territorial encroachments on the neighboring States. He sounded his +warning to his countrymen not to try to increase German territory at +the expense of Russian territory. + +Germany's colonial acquisitions created a new era in her policy, and, if +I may be permitted to so express myself, changed completely the face of +the German Empire. The protection and development of her colonial +possessions and her commerce required a strong navy. England's +competition of the commerce controlled by Germany started the tremendous +growth of England's naval power, and gave Germany second place. Her +rivalry with England compelled Germany to increase her army, too, and we +observed how from a quiet, inoffensive, modest State Germany gradually +became very strong and endeavored to play the first violin in the +concert not only of all Europe, but also of the whole world. Such seems +to be the fate of all nations that acquire sudden power--they get +conceited and aggressive. + +The political events of the last ten years prove sufficiently the +aggressiveness of the German policy--the events at Agadir, the +annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria, the ultimatum sent by +the latter to Servia are only passing instances in the growing conceit +of the German policy. It should be remembered that in March, 1909, +Chancellor von Bülow announced to the German Reichstag that Germany +would support Austria in her annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by +force, even if the whole of Europe were to oppose it. + +Europe at that time did not oppose the Germans, but it seems to me that +just then Europe began to realize how dangerous and unsafe it was to +have in the heart of that Continent a power with such bellicose and +driving intentions. Her political acts were too uncanny and alarmed the +whole of Europe, which began to seek ways and means to get rid of this +German hegemony, coupled with its rough militarism and unscrupulous ways +of acting. + +The military and economical developments of Germany induced her to go +further in her tendency to enlarge her territory. Emperor William feels +that his empire is not big enough to suit his ambition and for the part +which he intends to play in Europe. He therefore endeavors to enter into +an agreement with the heir of the Austrian throne, Franz Ferdinand, a +man of great energy and wide political views, to the effect to mold out +of Austria an exclusive Slavish power and to surrender to Germany the +Archduchy of Austria with Vienna and Tyrol, and annex Servia to Austria. + +Franz Ferdinand could afford to agree to this plan most readily, because +he knew that Austria in her present state could not continue her +existence, as she was on the brink of an insurrection of 25,000,000 +Austrian Slavs against the continuance of a Government over them of +9,000,000 Austrian Germans. There is no doubt that this question was +fully discussed at the conference at Konopish, where the German Emperor, +accompanied by Admiral von Tirpitz, went to pay a visit to Franz +Ferdinand one month before the latter was assassinated. + +The tragedy of Serajevo found Germany after a course of action already +had been agreed upon, and the sending of the ultimatum by Austria to +Servia can be explained only by the desire of the two nations to fully +complete their preparations. + +Now, why do we find at this important moment of the world's history such +opposition not only against Germany but also an upheaval of other +nations? + +The German press of the United States endeavors to prove that the +underlying reason for the struggle is the eventual triumph in Europe +either of Teutonic or Slavish civilization, and denounces Russian +barbarism and extols German culture. + +I will not discuss the respective merits of Teutonic and Slavic culture +and civilization, as in my opinion these are questions absolutely +foreign to the events leading up to the war. The Russian, French, +English, and Servian nations are not fighting against German culture, +as represented by intellectual giants, such as Goethe, Wagner, and many +others, but against German militarism, accompanied by systematic +oppression of the individual residing in German territory. + +This internal German policy created a national spirit against which the +Allies now are fighting--the national spirit of Germany, which the whole +world knows, and which is rough, conceited, arrogant, and intolerant +toward foreigners beyond all measures, and admits nothing good unless it +is German or made in Germany. This kind of German national spirit is in +the majority in the empire of Germany and particularly in Prussia; the +real cultured, good-hearted, sentimental German is about to die out +completely, and the few remaining representatives of this type have no +voice in Germany. + +The pronounced antipathy to the above-described present majority type of +Germans united all European nations against Germany, and supports their +respective Governments in their efforts to put a stop to the furor +teutonicus of the twentieth century. + +For this reason the task of the allied Governments will find unlimited +support of the nations and this war against Germany in Europe will prove +to be most popular. + + + * * * * * + + + + +RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER." + +Statement by George Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador to the United +States, New York, Oct. 11. + + +It will be a long time, I suppose, before the American will be able +fully to understand Russia's reasons for entering the present war and +the great racial thought that lies back of it. The whole situation in a +nutshell is that Germany entered the war from racial hate and motives of +commercial greed, while Russia drew her sword out of motives of humane +and kindly sympathy for a small and oppressed nation of her own kindred. +Germany had been grabbing and wished to grab more; Russia rose in arms +to stand by and protect her "little brother." + +Indeed you are quite right when you say that there are spiritual forces +back of Russia's deeds in battle far more than there can be in the case +of any other of the warring nations. The reasons lie deep within our +national life, and I doubt if any American will be able fully to +comprehend them without coming to see us in our own country and seeing +us as we are. The great and really wonderful achievements of the German +are visible and material, while ours are things of the spirit--invisible, +modest, resigned. The representative spirit of Germany's materialism +and heartless aggressiveness is that of the megalomaniac Nietzsche and +his followers, Treitschke and von Bernhardi. The spokesmen of what is +more truly Russian today are Tolstoy and Dostoievski, who have recorded +forever the spirit of self-sacrifice, humility and piety in the Russian +soul. + +Yes, it is true that those who have learned to know us in Russia are +aware that the epithets of "Hun" and "barbarian" used against us are +stark lies promulgated by bitter enemies who take ignoble advantage of +the tradition in America fostered by the melodramatic exploitation of +the Jewish problem and the occasional brutalities by our drunken soldier +to make you believe that a Russian is a sort of treacherous bandit with +a knife in his teeth ready to betray and slay. We regret exceedingly +that that tradition has taken root in the United States. We admire and +emulate Americans because they have mellowed and complemented their +industrial and political achievements with national charity and +religious ideals. + +In Russia the Jewish question, as such, has not arisen since the opening +of the war. Political promises have been made to Poland and these +promises will be kept. It is a mistaken idea here that any overtures +have been made to the Jews as a class. You think we are as anxious as +all that to have them enlist as soldiers? No. We do not wish to make +them any special inducements to enlist. You are well aware that nobody +hates the Jews more cordially than the Pole himself. Our offer was to +the Poles, who have a national entity and a country and home of their +own. The Jews have none of these things. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"The Facts About Belgium" + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Statement Issued by the Belgian Legation at Washington. + + +_The Belgian Legation at Washington has compiled the following statement +of the Belgian case, in the present European War, in answer to the many +inquiries that have been received on the subject._ + +By the treaty of April 19th, 1839, Prussia, France, England, Austria, +and Russia declared themselves guarantors of the treaty concluded on the +same day between the King of the Belgians and the King of the +Netherlands. This treaty provides: + + Belgium forms an independent State of perpetual neutrality. + +That is to say, Belgium was forbidden, in case of war, to take the part +of any of the belligerents. + +Since then Belgium has fulfilled all her neutrality obligations; she has +acted in a spirit of absolute impartiality. She has left nothing undone +to maintain and make respected her neutrality. Germany's obligation to +respect Belgian neutrality was even more emphatically affirmed by one of +Germany's greatest men, by the creator of the empire. Prince, then +Count, Bismarck, wrote to Baron Nothomb, Belgian Minister in Berlin, on +the 22nd of July, 1870, as follows: + + In confirmation of my verbal assurances, I have the honor to give + in writing a declaration which, in view of the treaties in force, + _is quite superfluous_, that the Confederation of the North and its + allies will respect the neutrality of Belgium on the understanding, + of course, that it is respected by the other belligerents. + +On July 31 of the present year the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs +and the Secretary General of the Foreign Office had a long conversation +with the German Minister in Brussels. It was pointed out to him that in +the course of the controversy raised in 1911 by the introduction of the +Dutch project for the fortification of the Scheldt, that his +predecessor, Herr von Flotow, had assured the Belgian Government that in +the event of a Franco-German war Germany would not violate Belgian +neutrality; that Mr. Bethmann-Hollweg, the Imperial Chancellor, had +given similar assurance; that in 1913 Herr von Jagow, the German Foreign +Secretary, had made similar statements of a reassuring character in the +budget committee of the Reichstag concerning the neutrality of Belgium; +to which the German Minister replied that he was aware of the +conversation with his predecessor, and that "he was certain that the +sentiments expressed at that epoch had not changed." + +On August 2nd, in the course of the day, the German Minister in +Brussels, M. De Below Saleske, gave an interview to the newspaper Le +Soir, and declared that Belgium had nothing to fear from Germany. He +went so far as to employ this expression: + + You will see, perhaps, your neighbor's house on fire, but your + house will remain intact. + +The same day, at 7 o'clock in the evening, he communicated the following +note to the Belgian Government: + +The German Note. + + The German Government has received unimpeachable news to the effect + that the French forces have the intention of marching on the Meuse + by Givet and Namur. This news leaves no doubt as to the intention + of France to march upon Germany from Belgian territory. The + Imperial Government of Germany cannot help fearing that Belgium, in + spite of the best intentions, will not be in a position to repulse + without help an incursion by the French of such great magnitude. In + this case it is sufficiently certain that Germany is seriously + threatened. It is the urgent business of Germany to forestall this + attack on the part of the enemy. The German Government would be + filled with lively regret if Belgium were to regard as an act of + hostility against her the fact that her precautionary measures + oblige her to violate on her side Belgian territory. + + In order to avoid the possibility of misunderstanding, the German + Government makes the following comment: + + 1st. Germany contemplates no act of hostility against Belgium. If + Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence + the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German + Government on its side engages, when peace is restored, to + guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions. + + 2nd. Germany engages herself, on the aforesaid conditions, to + evacuate Belgian territory as soon as peace is concluded. + + 3rd. If Belgium observes a friendly attitude, Germany is ready, in + co-operation with the authorities of the Government of Belgium, to + buy for cash everything that is necessary for her troops, and to + pay indemnities for damage done in Belgium; but if Belgium behaves + in a hostile manner against the troops, and in particular places + difficulties in the way of their advance by opposition by the + fortifications of the Meuse, or by the destruction of roads, + railways, tunnels, or other works, Germany will be obliged to + consider Belgium as an enemy. + + In that case Germany will enter into no agreement with the kingdom, + but will allow the further relationship of the two States to be + left to the decision of arms. The German Government feels that it + is justified in hoping that this eventuality will not materialize + and that the Belgian Government will know how to take appropriate + measures to prevent its materialization. In that case the friendly + relations which unite the two neighboring States will become closer + and more lasting. + +Such is the German note. It will be noticed that there is no question of +the alleged entry of French aviators and officers into Belgium, as has +been stated in several papers here. The document, in fact, knocks that +fable on the head. The only reason given for the violation of Belgian +territory is the alleged intention of the French Army to march upon +Givet and Namur. This assertion is supported by no proof, and is denied +by the French Government, which officially declared to Belgium and +England its intention of not violating Belgian territory. On the +contrary, the premeditated intention of Germany to violate Belgian +neutrality is proved in the most irrefutable way, namely, by the +affirmation of the German Secretary of State himself, and by that of the +German Chancellor. + +To the request of Sir William Goschen, the English Ambassador in Berlin, +to be allowed to know if Germany would pledge herself to respect the +neutrality of Belgium, the German Secretary of State replied that "this +neutrality had already been violated by Germany." Herr von Jagow went +again into the + + reasons why the Imperial Government had been obliged to take this + step, namely, that they had to advance into France by the quickest + and easiest way so as to be able to get well ahead with their + operations and endeavor to strike some decisive blow as early as + possible. It was a matter of life and death to them, for, if they + had gone by the more southern route, they could not have hoped, in + view of the paucity of the roads and the strength of the + fortresses, to have got through without formidable opposition + entailing great loss of time. This loss of time would mean time + gained by the Russians for the bringing up of their troops to the + German frontier. Rapidity of action was the great German asset, + while that of Russia was the inexhaustible supply of troops. + [Official Report of the British Ambassador in Berlin to the British + Government.] + +"A Scrap of Paper." + +This conversation preceded by a few minutes that in which the German +Chancellor, giddy at the sight of the abyss into which Germany was +falling, uttered these celebrated words: + + Just for a word, NEUTRALITY, a word which in war times has been so + often disregarded; just for A SCRAP OF PAPER, Great Britain is + going to make war on a kindred nation. At what price would that + compact [neutrality] have been kept? Has the British Government + thought of that? + +Sir William Goschen replied, that fear of consequences would hardly be +regarded as an excuse for breaking a solemn engagement. [Official report +of the British Ambassador in Berlin to his Government.] + +It is very clear from these documents that Germany had for a long time +premeditated the violation of the neutrality of Belgium and that she has +even reconciled herself to the terrible danger of war with Great +Britain, rather than renounce the advantages she thought she would gain +by not respecting the treaty. In the face of these confessions the +allegations that France wished to violate the neutrality of Belgium, an +allegation supported by no proof, falls to the ground. + +To continue the analysis of the German note: + + If Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence + the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German + Government, on its side, engages, when peace is restored, to + guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions. + +Could Belgium, without being false to her duties of neutrality, take up +the position which the German Government calls "friendly neutrality"? +That is to say, could she allow the German armies to pass without +opposition through her territory? Can the German Government itself +answer that question? + +It is enough to reread the conversation given above between the British +Ambassador and the German Secretary of State to come to a clear +conclusion in that respect. If the violation of Belgian territory was to +procure so signal an advantage to Germany that she had no fear of +bringing on war with England to attain it, then for Belgium to lend +herself to the passage of German troops must have meant the certainty of +fatal consequences for France. Thus for Belgium to have yielded to the +German ultimatum would _ipso facto_ have conferred a considerable +advantage to Germany, to the detriment of the other belligerent, and +would have constituted a breach of neutrality. + +Germany concludes her note by threats. She engages, on the condition +already defined, to evacuate Belgian territory at the conclusion of +peace. If Belgium behaves in a hostile manner [_that is to say, if she +does her duty_] Germany will be obliged to consider Belgium as an enemy. +She would then leave the ultimate arrangements of the relations of the +two States to the decision of arms. In other words, if Belgium does not +agree to violate the treaty, Germany will treat her as an enemy, and she +adds a veiled threat of annexing a part or the whole of her territory. + +The moral fibre of nations is not always measured by their size or +power. Belgium is small and weak, but her answer bears witness to her +love of justice and to her respect of the right. She would rather die +with honor than live dishonored. + +That was made clear by the answer of her Government. The answer was as +follows: + +Reply to German Note. + + The German note has been a painful surprise to the Belgian + Government. The intentions which the note attributes to France are + in contradiction to the formal declarations which were made to us + on the 1st of August in the name of the republic. Besides, if + contrary to our expectations, France is about to violate the + neutrality of Belgium, Belgium would be prepared to fulfil its + neutrality obligations, and her army would offer to the invader the + most vigorous resistance. The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the + treaties of 1870, commit to the guarantee of the powers and notably + to the Government of his Majesty the King of Prussia the + independence and neutrality of the Kingdom of Belgium. + +The Chancellor of the German Empire said in a sitting of the Reichstag +on the 4th of August: + + We are in a state of legitimate defense _Necessity knows no law_. + Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and have perhaps already + penetrated into Belgium. This is against the law of nations. + France, it is true, has declared to Brussels that she is determined + to respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as her adversary + respects it, but we know that France was ready to invade Belgium. + France can afford to wait; we cannot. A French attack on our flank + in the region of the lower Rhine might have been fatal. It is for + that reason we have been compelled to ignore the just protests of + the Governments of Luxemburg and Belgium. The _injustice_ which we + thus commit we will _repair_ as soon as our military object has + been attained. + +It has been shown how much value can be attached to the assertion of the +alleged intention of France to invade Belgium. That intention, and the +realization of that intention belongs exclusively to Germany and they +must be left in her possession. This is especially the case in view of +the fact that the military dispositions undertaken by France absolutely +refute the allegations of the German Chancellor. So true is this that +when the violation of Belgian territory became an accomplished fact, and +when the King of Belgium appealed under the terms of the treaty of 1839 +for support, in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium which these powers +had guaranteed, France was so little prepared to invade Belgium that it +took her more than ten days to get her troops into the country. + +The world is familiar with the way Germany has repaired in Belgium the +injustice of which she was guilty, to use the words of the German +Chancellor. + +Atrocities in Belgium. + +Under the pretext that her troops were attacked by civilians, and even +under no pretext at all, whole villages have been razed to the ground. +Important towns whose boast it was to represent part of the common +inheritance of civilization were not spared. Their monuments, which have +been respected during the centuries in all of the constant wars of which +Belgium has been the theatre, were deliberately destroyed. Open cities +were bombarded. Exorbitant taxation was imposed upon conquered towns, +and when the inhabitants were unable to pay the taxes, a large number of +their houses were set on fire. That is what happened to Wavre, among +other cities, whose 8,500 inhabitants were unable to pay a tax of +$600,000. Termonde, with 10,000 inhabitants, was utterly destroyed. On +the 15th of September, there only remained in that town 282 houses out +of 1,400. The town of Aerschot, with 8,000 inhabitants, is now nothing +but a mass of ruins and more than 150 of its inhabitants have been shot. +Dirigible balloons have thrown bombs at night upon Antwerp. It cannot be +maintained by those who were in the balloons that they were trying to +hit the forts, as the forts are outside the boundaries of the town, and +a good distance outside them as well. Nor could the bombs thrown have +had any effect upon the forts, which are even stronger than those of +Liége. There was no warning of this bombardment, a fact which +constitutes a violation of Article 26 of the Fourth Convention of The +Hague, and more than a dozen people were killed, all of them +non-combatants and several of them women and children. + +The town of Louvain, with its 42,000 inhabitants, was one of the centres +of Belgian culture. It had no mercy shown to it and has been nearly +obliterated. Several quarters of the town were set on fire, the Church +of St. Pierre, a marvelous example of Gothic art; the buildings of the +University, including the Library with more than 70,000 volumes, of +which a large number were ancient manuscripts, the collections belonging +to the University; nearly all the scientific institutions, and nearly +all the houses of the town were _deliberately_ burned. They are now +nothing more than heaps of ashes. Their destruction has been a loss to +the whole civilized world. + +Numbers of absolutely innocent women and children lost their lives in +the fire which was started by order of the German military officials. Of +those who were saved, several thousand, including women enfeebled by +age, and children in arms, are today wandering homeless over the roads, +without food or clothing. They are not to blame for anything, unless it +is because they belong to a nation which has refused to purchase peace +at the price of dishonor. That can be the only crime accounted to them +and it is for that they have lost all their possessions upon the earth. + +From the declaration made by the Imperial German Chancellor it may be +seen that the German Government is conscious of its wrongdoing. As one +of the guarantors of Belgium's neutrality, it wanted to force Belgium to +relinquish its neutrality for Germany's benefit. Because Belgium would +not consent to this injustice and because Germany could not reproach her +with anything else, Germany invaded and covered with blood and ruin a +small peaceful country of hard-working and honest people, a country +which it had promised to protect. + +This attack upon her neutrality is the first violation for which Belgium +asks judgment from the universal conscience. + +The entire Belgo-German question today is dominated by the fact of this +violation of the neutrality of Belgium. Therefore, there is not a single +shot fired by a German soldier in Belgium, which is not manifestly and +avowedly belying most sacred things: the keeping of a solemn pledge, and +the right for an honest nation that never wanted war, nor showed +aggressive dispositions, to be allowed to live its peaceful and neutral +life. + +Such is the Belgian case. Humanity will judge it. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany + +Statement Issued by German Embassy at Washington, Oct. 13. + +The German Ambassador drew special attention today to the telegram which +came from German headquarters. This telegram proves the German +contention that the Allies did not intend to respect Belgian neutrality. +It even proves more, namely, that Belgian neutrality practically did not +exist and that the Belgian Government was conspiring with the Allies +against Germany. Notwithstanding the denials coming from French sources +it is a fact that French prisoners were taken at Liége and Namur, who +acknowledged that they had been in those fortresses before the German +troops entered Belgium. + +On the French side it has been asserted that the German Chancellor in +Parliament had acknowledged that Germany was doing wrong in violating +Belgian neutrality. It must, however, not be overlooked that the +Chancellor further said: + + We know that the Allies do not intend to respect Belgian + neutrality, and Germany, in the position she is in, attacked from + three sides, cannot wait, while the Allies can wait. + +At that time the Belgian archives were not at the disposal of the German +Government. If the Chancellor had known at the time he made his speech +that Belgium was not neutral he would certainly have spoken of the +alleged Belgian neutrality in a different way. + +Germany has violated the frontiers of no really neutral country, while +the Allies are on record for disregarding all obligations toward China. + +Text of Wireless Message. + +Headquarters report German military authorities searching archives of +Belgian General Staff at Brussels, found portfolio inscribed +"Intervention Anglaise-Belgique," containing important documents: + + 1. Report to Belgian War Minister, dated April 10, 1906, containing + result detailed negotiations between Chief of Belgian General Staff + and British Military Attaché at Brussels, Lieut. Col. Barnardiston. + Plan of English origin sanctioned by Major Gen. Grierson, Chief + English General Staff, contains strength, formation, landing + places, expeditionary-force 100,000 men; continuing, settles plan + Belgian General Staff transport accommodations, feeding in Belgium, + Belgian interpreters, gendarmerie, landing places at Dunkirk, + Calais, Boulogne. Details Barnardiston remarks for present Holland + cannot be relied upon. Further confidential communication that + English Government after destruction of German Navy will direct + supply provision via Antwerp. Finally suggestion from England + military attaché that Belgian espionage service should be organized + in Prussian Rheinland. + + 2. Map showing strategical drawing up of French Army demonstrating + existence of French-Belgian agreement. + + 3. Report of Baron Greindl, Belgian Minister to Berlin, to Belgian + Foreign Office, dated Dec. 23, 1911. Greindl, commenting on plan of + Belgian General Staff for defense of Belgo-German frontier in + Franco-German war, points to threatening violation of neutrality by + France, saying: "Danger French attack threatening us, not only near + Luxemburg, but on whole length of common frontier, This assertion + no guess work, but founded upon positive facts." + + Minister further thoroughly discusses Entente's plans for passage + through Belgium, Calais, and England. France doubtful protectors, + Barnardiston's insinuations relative Flushing question, both + perfidious and naïve postulates dressing plan of battle against + threatening Franco-British invasion into Belgium in Franco-German + war. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GREAT BRITAIN'S DENIAL. + +Statement Issued by British Foreign Office, London, Oct. 14. + +The story of an alleged Anglo-Belgian agreement of 1906, published in +the German press and based on documents said to have been found at +Brussels is only a press edition of a story which has been reproduced in +various forms and denied on several occasions. No such agreement has +ever existed as Germans well know. Gen. Grierson is dead and Col., now +Gen., Barnardiston is commanding the British forces before Tsing-tau. + +In 1906 Gen. Grierson was on the General Staff at the War Office and +Col. Barnardiston was military attaché at Brussels. In view of the +solemn guarantee given by Great Britain to protect the neutrality of +Belgium against violation from any side some academic discussions may, +through the instrumentality of Col. Barnardiston, have taken place +between Gen. Grierson and the Belgian military authorities as to what +assistance the British Army might be able to afford to Belgium should +one of her neighbors violate that neutrality. Some notes with reference +to the subject may exist in the archives at Brussels. + +It should be noted that the date mentioned, namely 1906, was the year +following that in which Germany had, as in 1911, adopted a threatening +attitude toward France with regard to Morocco and in view of the +apprehensions existing of an attack on France through Belgium it was +natural that possible eventualities should be discussed. + +The impossibility of Belgium having been a party to any agreement of the +nature indicated or to any design for violation of Belgian neutrality is +clearly shown by reiterated declarations that she has made for many +years past that she would resist to the utmost any violation of her +neutrality from whatever quarter and in whatever form such violation +might come. It is worthy of attention that these charges of aggressive +designs on the part of other powers are made by Germany who, since 1906, +has established an elaborate network of strategical railways leading +from the Rhine to the Belgian frontier through a barren, thinly +populated tract, deliberately constructed to permit of the sudden attack +upon Belgium which was carried out two months ago. + + + * * * * * + + + + +REPLY TO GREAT BRITAIN. + +Statement by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador, Washington, Oct. +15. + + +Concerning the Anglo-Belgian military agreement existing since 1906, a +formal denial has been issued by England, which proves nothing. The +documents are in the hands of the German authorities, and will be +published in full. The facts remain that a so-called "neutral" country +concluded a military agreement with England, which provided for landing +of British troops in this "neutral" country. The document proves that by +its own free will "neutral Belgium" accepted the British offer and +decided to fight on the side of the Allies. + +England instigated Belgium to go to war, and when the time came to +protect the unfortunate little country it was left to its own resources. +Germany, on the other hand, which had heard of Belgium's agreement with +England at the beginning of this war, offered to protect Belgium and to +pay full indemnity for all her losses. Germany would have religiously +kept her promise. + +The documents found in Brussels further prove that as far back as 1906 +England was systematically trying to bring about the coalition which has +now forced war on Germany. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GRAY BOOK'S TESTIMONY. + +Statement by E. Havenith, Belgian Minister to the United States, +Washington, Oct. 22. + +The Belgian Legation has just received the copies of the "Gray Book." It +is evident from these documents that there has never existed any +military agreement between Belgium and England, either offensive or +defensive, such as the German Government asserts to have been in +existence since 1906. The following extracts speak for themselves: + + _No. 28--Offer of intervention by England. Note handed to Sir + Francis H. Villiers, British Minister to Belgium, to M. Davignon, + Minister of Foreign Affairs._ + + Brussels, Aug. 4, 1914. + + I am instructed to inform the Belgium Government that, if Germany + exercises pressure for the purpose of compelling Belgium to abandon + her position of a neutral country, the Government of his Britannic + Majesty expects Belgium to resist by every possible means. + + The Government of his Britannic Majesty is ready in that event to + join with Russia and France, if desired by Belgium, to offer to the + Belgian Government at once common action for the purpose of + resisting the use of force by Germany against Belgium and at the + same time to offer a guarantee to maintain the independence and + integrity of Belgium in the future. + + _No. 37--Offer of England for an alliance for the object of + assuring the neutrality of Belgium against the pressure of + Germany._ + + London, Aug. 4, 1914. + + The Minister of Foreign Affairs has informed the British Ministers + in Norway, Holland, and Belgium that Great Britain expects that + these three kingdoms will resist the pressure of Germany and + maintain neutrality. They will be supported in their resistance by + England, who in such a case is ready to co-operate with France and + Russia, if such is the desire of these three Governments, in + offering an alliance to the said Governments to repel the + employment of force against them by Germany and a guarantee for the + future maintenance of the independence and the integrity of the + three kingdoms. + + I pointed out that Belgium is neutral in perpetuity. The Minister + for Foreign Affairs replied: "It is for the event of neutrality + being violated." + + (Signed) LALAING, + + Belgium Minister in London. + + _No. 40--Belgium appeals to the powers after the invasion of + Belgium._ + + Brussels, Aug. 4, 1914. + + Monsieur le Ministre--The Belgium Government regrets to have to + announce to your Excellency that this morning the armed forces of + Germany penetrated into Belgian territory, violating the + engagements which they have undertaken by treaty. + + The Belgian Government are firmly decided to resist by all means in + their power. + + Belgium appeals to England, to France, and to Russia to co-operate + as guarantors in the defense of her territory. + + There should be a concerted and common action, having as its object + to resist the measures of force employed by Germany against Belgium + and at the same time to guarantee the maintenance of the + independence and integrity of Belgium for the future. + + Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she will undertake the + defense of the fortified places. I am, &c., + + (Signed) DAVIGNON, + + Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belgium. + +Where is to be found the alleged military convention said to have been +concluded in 1906 with England? Where is the agreement said to have +existed since 1906 between the Allies to force war on Germany? These +documents clearly prove that such compact never existed. + +The Belgian nation preferred ruin and death to the shameful perjury +proposed to her by Germany. For this reason Germany has devastated and +immersed in blood a peaceful little country. Today she seeks to rob her +of honor, her only remaining treasure. + +The official documents, the confessions of the German statesmen, the +ruins of Louvain, Malines, Aerschot, Termonde, and of so many villages +burned and razed to the ground, the blood of her children unjustly +massacred are the testimonies which the Belgian people cites before the +tribunal of public conscience. To this tribunal, without fear, the +Belgian Nation confides the cause of her honor. + + + * * * * * + + + + +BELGIUM'S ANSWER. + +Transmitted to The London Times and Published Oct. 23. + + +The Times of Oct. 14 reproduces a long article from The North-German +Gazette commenting on the discovery in the archives at Brussels of a map +entitled "English Intervention in Belgium" and of a memorandum to the +Belgian Minister of War which goes to prove that in the month of April, +1906, the Chief of the General Staff, on the suggestion of the British +Military Attaché and with the approval of Gen. Grierson, had worked out +a plan of co-operation between British expeditionary forces and the +Belgian Army against Germany in the event of a Franco-German war. This +agreement is assumed to have been preceded in all probability by a +similar arrangement with the French General Staff. + +The North-German Gazette also publishes certain passages of a report of +the Belgian Minister at Berlin in December, 1911, relating to another +plan of the Belgian General Staff, in which the measures to be taken in +case of the violation of Belgian neutrality by Germany are discussed. +Baron Greindl pointed out that this plan dealt only with the precautions +to be taken in the event of an aggression on the part of Germany, while, +owing to its geographical situation, Belgium might just as well be +exposed to an attack by France and England. The North-German Gazette +draws from this discovery the strange conclusion that England intended +to drag Belgium into the war, and at one time contemplated the violation +of Dutch neutrality. + +We have only one regret to express on the subject of the disclosure of +these documents, and that is that the publication of our military +documents should be mangled and arranged in such a way as to give the +reader the impression of duplicity on the part of England and adhesion +by Belgium, in violation of her duties as a neutral State, to the policy +of the Triple Entente. We ask the North-German Gazette to publish in +full the result of its search among our secret documents. Therein will +be found fresh and striking proof of the loyalty, correctness, and +impartiality with which Belgium for 81 years has discharged her +international obligations. + +It was stated that Col. Barnardiston, the military representative at +Brussels of a power guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium, at the time +of the Algeciras crisis, questioned the Chief of the Belgian General +Staff as to the measures which he had taken to prevent any violation of +that neutrality. The Chief of the General Staff, at that time Lieut. +Gen. Ducarne, replied that Belgium was ready to repel any invader. Did +the conversation extend beyond these limits, and did Col. Barnardiston, +in an interview of a private and confidential nature, disclose to Gen. +Ducarne the plan of campaign which the British General Staff would have +desired to follow if that neutrality were violated? We doubt it, but in +any case we can solemnly assert, and it will be impossible to prove the +contrary, that never has the King or his Government been invited, either +directly or indirectly, to join the Triple Entente in the event of a +Franco-German war. By their words and by their acts they have always +shown such a firm attitude that any supposition that they could have +departed from the strictest neutrality is eliminated a priori. + +As for Baron Greindl's dispatch of Dec. 23, 1911, it dealt with a plan +for the defense of Luxembourg, due to the personal initiative of the +Chief of the First Section of the War Ministry. This plan was of an +absolutely private character and had not been approved by the Minister +of War. If this plan contemplated above all an attack by Germany, there +is no cause for surprise, since the great German military writers, in +particular T. Bernhardi, V. Schlivfeboch, and von der Goltz, spoke +openly in their treatises on the coming war of the violation of Belgian +territory by the German armies. + +At the outbreak of hostilities the Imperial Government, through the +mouth of the Chancellor and of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, did +not search for vain pretexts for the aggression of which Belgium has +been the victim. They justified it on the plea of military interests. +Since then, in face of the universal reprobation which this odious +action has excited, they have attempted to deceive public opinion by +representing Belgium as bound already before the war to the Triple +Entente. These intrigues will deceive nobody. They will recoil on the +head of Germany. History will record that this power, after binding +itself by treaty to defend the neutrality of Belgium, took the +initiative in violating it, without even finding a pretext with which to +justify itself. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +ATROCITIES OF THE WAR + + + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X. +(_From a Painting by A. Muller-Ury._)] + + + + +By Pope Pius X., Kaiser Wilhelm II., President Poincare, and King +Albert of Belgium. + + +Official Message from Pope Pius X. at the Vatican, Aug. 2. + + At this moment, when nearly the whole of Europe is being dragged + into the vortex of a most terrible war, with its present dangers + and miseries and the consequences to follow, the very thought of + which must strike every one with grief and horror, we whose care is + the life and welfare of so many citizens and peoples cannot but be + deeply moved and our heart wrung with the bitterest sorrow. + + And in the midst of this universal confusion and peril we feel and + know that both Fatherly love and the Apostolic ministry demand of + us that we should with all earnestness turn the thoughts of + Christendom thither "whence cometh help"--to Christ, the Prince of + Peace, and the most powerful mediator between God and man. + + We charge, therefore, the Catholics of the whole world to approach + the throne of Grace and Mercy, each and all of them, and more + especially the clergy, whose duty furthermore it will be to make in + every parish, as their Bishops shall direct, public supplication so + that the merciful God may, as it were, be wearied with the prayers + of His children and speedily remove the evil causes of war, giving + to them who rule to think the thoughts of peace and not of + affliction. + + From the palace of the Vatican, the second day of August, 1914. + + + PIUS X. Pontifex Maximus. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE POPE'S DYING WORDS. + +Pronounced by Pius X. at the Vatican, Aug. 20. + + + In ancient times the Pope, with a word, might have stayed the + slaughter. Now I am impotent and forced to see the spectacle of my + own children, even those who yesterday worked here with me, leaving + for the war and abandoning their cassocks and cowls for soldiers' + uniforms. Yesterday, although belonging to different nationalities, + we were here studying in sympathetic companionship. Now we are in + different fields, armed against each other and ready to take each + other's lives. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST. + + +Addressed to Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, Aug. 7. + + I consider it my duty, Sir, to inform you, as the most notable + representative of the principles of humanity, that after the + capture of the French fort of Longwy my troops found in that place + thousands of dumdum bullets, which had been manufactured in special + works by the French Government. Such bullets were found not only on + French killed and wounded soldiers and on French prisoners, but + also on English troops. You know what terrible wounds and awful + suffering are caused by these bullets, and that their use is + strictly forbidden by the generally recognized rules of + international warfare. + + I solemnly protest to you against the way in which this war is + being waged by our opponents, whose methods are making it one of + the most barbarous in history. Besides the use of these awful + weapons, the Belgian Government openly incited the civil population + to participate in the fighting, and has for a long time carefully + organized their resistance. The cruelties practiced in this + guerrilla warfare, even by women and priests, toward wounded + soldiers, and doctors and hospital nurses--physicians were killed + and lazarets fired on--were such that eventually my Generals were + compelled to adopt the strongest measures to punish the guilty and + frighten the bloodthirsty population from continuing their shameful + deeds. + + Some villages and even the old town of Louvain, with the exception + of its beautiful town hall, (Hotel de Ville,) had to be destroyed + for the protection of my troops. + + My heart bleeds when I see such measures inevitable and when I + think of the many innocent people who have lost their houses and + property as a result of the misdeeds of the guilty. + + WILHELM I. R. + + + * * * * * + + + + +REPLY TO THE KAISER. + + +Made by President Wilson at Washington, Sept. 16. + + I received your Imperial Majesty's important communication of the + 7th and have read it with the gravest interest and concern. I am + honored that you should have turned to me for an impartial judgment + as the representative of a people truly disinterested as respects + the present war and truly desirous of knowing and accepting the + truth. + + You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Presently, I pray + God very soon, this war will be over. The day of accounting will + then come, when I take it for granted the nations of Europe will + assemble to determine a settlement. Where wrongs have been + committed, their consequences and the relative responsibility + involved will be assessed. + + The nations of the world have fortunately by agreement made a plan + for such a reckoning and settlement. What such a plan cannot + compass the opinion of mankind, the final arbiter in all such + matters, will supply. It would be unwise, it would be premature, + for a single Government, however fortunately separated from the + present struggle, it would even be inconsistent with the neutral + position of any nation which, like this, has no part in the + contest, to form or express a final judgment. + + I speak thus frankly because I know that you will expect and wish + me to do so as one friend speaks to another, and because I feel + sure that such a reservation of judgment until the end of the war, + when all its events and circumstances can be seen in their entirety + and in their true relations, will commend itself to you as a true + expression of sincere neutrality. + + WOODROW WILSON. + + + * * * * * + + + + +CHARGE AGAINST GERMANY. + + +President Poincare of the French Republic to President Wilson, Sept. +11. + + Mr. President: I am informed that the German Government is + attempting to abuse your Excellency's good faith by alleging that + dumdum bullets are manufactured in French State workshops, and are + used by our soldiers. The calumny is nothing but an audacious + attempt to reverse the rôles. Germany has since the beginning of + the war employed dumdum bullets, and has daily committed violations + of the laws of nations. + + On Aug. 18 and on several occasions since then we have had to + report crimes to your Excellency as well as to the powers signatory + to the Convention of The Hague. Germany, which was aware of our + protests, is now trying to deceive and to make use of pretexts and + lies in order to indulge in further acts of barbarity in the name + of right. Outraged civilization sends your Excellency an indignant + protest. + + RAYMOND POINCARE. + + + * * * * * + + + + +M. DELCASSE'S NOTE. + + +French Cabinet Minister Addresses the Danish Government, Sept. 10. + +The French Government protested on Aug. 18 to the Permanent Bureau of +The Hague Court of Arbitration against the use of dumdum bullets by the +Germans, producing proof obtained by surgeons that French soldiers had +been killed or wounded by these bullets. The German General Staff has +countered this by alleging that it was the French and English who used +the bullets, and the Imperial Chancellor has announced in fiery tones +that in the presence of the example given by the English and French the +German soldiers would henceforth use dumdum bullets; the responsibility +for this procedure, which he himself describes as an act of cruelty and +a violation of an international convention signed by Germany, will rest, +he says, upon the powers of the Triple Entente. + +By my Government's orders I have the honor to protest in the most formal +manner to the Danish Government against the lying German allegations. +French soldiers have never used dumdum bullets. The French Government +has never authorized, nor will authorize, its troops to use such +barbarous means of warfare, whatever be the infringements of law and the +cruelties committed by its adversaries. The "Instructions for French +Officers in Wartime" also lay down, and will continue to lay down, that +they are to forbid their men to use bullets at variance with the +stipulations of the Geneva and Hague conventions. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: ALBERT, KING OF THE BELGIANS] + + + + +THE BELGIAN MISSION. + + +Officially Explained to President Wilson at the White House, +Washington, Sept. 16. + +His Majesty the King of the Belgians has appointed a special envoy for +the purpose of acquainting the President of the United States of America +with the deplorable state of affairs prevailing in Belgium, whose +neutrality has been unjustly violated, and who since the beginning of +hostilities has been the theatre of the worst outrages on the part of +the invading German Army, in defiance of rules solemnized by +international treaty and customs consecrated by public right and law of +nations. + +Mr. Henry Carton de Wiart, Minister of Justice, has been chosen for this +mission. He is accompanied by Messrs. de Sadeleer, Hymans, and +Vandervelde, Ministers of State. Count Louis Lichtervelde is attached to +the mission as Secretary. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: CARTON DE WIART, +Minister of Justice, Spokesman of the Royal Belgian +Commission to the United States.] + + + + +M. DE WIART'S ADDRESS. + + +Made to the President at the White House, Washington, Sept. 16. + +Excellency: His Majesty the King of the Belgians has charged us with a +special mission to the President of the United States. + +Let me say to you how much we feel ourselves honored to have been called +upon to express the sentiments of our King and of our whole nation to +the illustrious statesman whom the American people have called to the +highest dignity of the Commonwealth. + +As far as I am concerned, I have already been able, during a previous +trip, to fully appreciate the noble virtues of the American Nation, and +I am happy to take this opportunity to express all the admiration with +which they inspire me. + +Ever since her independence was first established, Belgium has been +declared neutral in perpetuity. This neutrality, guaranteed by the +powers, has recently been violated by one of them. Had we consented to +abandon our neutrality for the benefit of one of the belligerents, we +would have betrayed our obligations toward the others. And it was the +sense of our international obligations as well as that of our dignity +and honor that has driven us to resistance. + +The consequences suffered by the Belgian Nation were not confined purely +to the harm occasioned by the forced march of an invading army. This +army not only seized a great portion of our territory, but it committed +incredible acts of violence, the nature of which is contrary to the law +of nations. + +Peaceful inhabitants were massacred, defenseless women and children were +outraged, open and undefended towns were destroyed, historical and +religious monuments were reduced to dust, and the famous library of the +University of Louvain was given to the flames. + +Our Government has appointed a judicial commission to make an official +investigation, so as to thoroughly and impartially examine the facts and +to determine the responsibility thereof, and I will have the honor, +Excellency, to hand over to you the proceedings of the inquiry. + +In this frightful holocaust which is sweeping all over Europe, the +United States has adopted a neutral attitude. + +And it is for this reason that your country, standing apart from either +one of the belligerents, is in the best position to judge, without bias +or partiality, the conditions under which the war is being waged. + +It is at the request, even at the initiative, of the United States that +all civilized nations have formulated and adopted at The Hague a law +regulating the laws and usage of war. + +We refuse to believe that war has abolished the family of civilized +powers, or the regulations to which they have freely consented. + +The American people has always displayed its respect for justice, its +search for progress, and an instinctive attachment for the laws of +humanity. Therefore, it has won a moral influence which is recognized by +the entire world. It is for this reason that Belgium, bound as she is to +you by ties of commerce and increasing friendship, turns to the American +people at this time to let it know the real truth of the present +situation. Resolved to continue unflinching defense of its sovereignty +and independence, it deems it a duty to bring to the attention of the +civilized world the innumerable grave breaches of rights of mankind of +which she has been a victim. At the very moment we were leaving +Belgium, the King recalled to us his trip to the United States and the +vivid and strong impression your powerful and virile civilization left +upon his mind. + +Our faith in your fairness, our confidence in your justice, in your +spirit of generosity and sympathy--all these have dictated our present +mission. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY. + + +Addressed to the Royal Belgian Commission in the White House, +Washington, Sept. 16. + +Permit me to say with what sincere pleasure I receive you as +representatives of the King of the Belgians, a people for whom the +people of the United States feel so strong a friendship and admiration, +a King for whom they entertain so sincere a respect, and express my hope +that we may have many opportunities of earning and deserving their +regard. + +You are not mistaken in believing that the people of this country love +justice, seek the true paths of progress, and have a passionate regard +for the rights of humanity. + +It is a matter of profound pride to me that I am permitted for a time to +represent such a people and to be their spokesman, and I am proud that +your King should have turned to me in time of distress as to one who +would wish on behalf of the people he represents to consider the claims +to the impartial sympathy of mankind of a nation which deems itself +wronged. + +I thank you for the document you have put in my hands containing the +result of an investigation made by a judicial committee appointed by the +Belgian Government to look into the matter of which you have come to +speak. It shall have my utmost attentive perusal and my most thoughtful +consideration. + +You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Presently, I pray God +very soon, this war will be over. The day of accounting will then come, +when, I take it for granted, the nations of Europe will assemble to +determine a settlement. Where wrongs have been committed their +consequences and the relative responsibility involved will be assessed. + +The nations of the world have, fortunately, by agreement made a plan for +such a reckoning and settlement. What such a plan cannot compass, the +opinion of mankind, the final arbiter in such matters, will supply. It +would be unwise, it would be premature for a single Government, however +fortunately separated from the present struggle, it would be +inconsistent with the neutral position of any nation, which, like this, +has no part in the contest, to form or express a final judgment. + +I need not assure you that this conclusion, in which I instinctively +feel that you will yourselves concur, is spoken frankly because in warm +friendship, and as the best means of perfect understanding between us, +an understanding based upon mutual respect, admiration, and cordiality. + +You are most welcome and we are greatly honored that you should have +chosen us as the friends before whom you could lay any matter of vital +consequence to yourselves, in the confidence that your cause would be +understood and met in the same spirit in which it was conceived and +intended. + + + * * * * * + + + + +OFFICIAL SUMMARY. + +Findings Presented by the Belgian Royal Commission to President Wilson +at Washington, Sept. 16. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +I. + +Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael. + + +Belgium, which wanted peace, has been obliged by Germany to resort to +arms and to oppose a legitimate defense to an aggression which nothing +can justify, and which is contrary to the solemn pledges of treaties. + +Belgium is bound in honor to fight loyally and to observe all the rules, +laws, and customs of war. + +From the beginning of the invasion of its territory by German troops, +the Belgian Government had posted each and every day, in all the towns, +and the papers have each day repeatedly printed, instructions warning +the non-combatant civilians not to offer any resistance to the troops +and soldiers invading the country. + +The information on which the German Government believes today that it +can base its contention that the Belgian population contravenes the law +of nations and is not worthy of respect is absolutely unfounded. + +The Government protests most vigorously against these allegations and +against the odious threats of retaliation. If any deed contrary to the +rules of warfare should ultimately be proved, to understand such fact it +is only necessary to realize the well-founded excitement which the +cruelties of the German soldiers are provoking among the Belgian +population--a population which is thoroughly honest but energetic in the +defense of its rights and in its respect for humanity. + +If we were to publish a list of these atrocities, of which the first +ones are here recorded, this would indeed be a long list. + +Whole regions have been ravaged and abominable deeds perpetrated in the +towns. + +A committee attached to the Department of Justice is drawing up a list +of these horrors with scrupulous impartiality. + +As an example, a few facts are here published, facts which will depict +the state of mind and the procedure of certain German troops: + + 1. German cavalry, occupying the village of Linsmeau, were attacked + by some Belgian infantry and two gendarmes. A German officer was + killed by our troops during the fight, and subsequently buried at + the request of the Belgian officer in command. None of the civilian + population took part in the fighting at Linsmeau. Nevertheless the + village was invaded at dusk Aug. 10 by a strong force of German + cavalry, artillery and machine guns. In spite of formal assurances + given by the Burgomaster that none of the peasants had taken part + in the previous fighting, two farms and six outlying houses were + destroyed by gun fire and burned. All the male population were + then compelled to come forward and hand over whatever arms they + possessed. No recently discharged firearms were found. Nevertheless + the invaders divided these peasants into three groups. Those in one + group were bound and eleven of them placed in a ditch, where they + were afterward found dead, their skulls fractured by the butts of + German rifles. + + 2. During the night of Aug. 10 German cavalry entered Velm in great + numbers; the inhabitants were asleep. The Germans without + provocation fired on Mr. Deglimme-Gever's house, broke into it, + destroyed furniture, looted money, burned barns, hay, corn stacks, + farm implements, six oxen, and the contents of the farm-yard. They + carried off Mme. Deglimme half-naked to a place two miles away. She + was then let go and fired upon as she fled; without being hit. Her + husband was carried away in another direction and fired upon; he is + dying. The same troops sacked and burned the house of a railway + watchman. + + 3. Farmer Jef Dierchx of Neerhespen bears witness to the following + acts of cruelty committed by German cavalry at Orsmael and + Neerhespen on Aug. 10, 11, and 12. An old man of the latter village + had his arm sliced in three longitudinal cuts; he was then hanged + head downward and burned alive. Young girls have been raped and + little children outraged at Orsmael, where several inhabitants + suffered mutilations too horrible to describe. A Belgian soldier + belonging to a battalion of cyclist carbineers, who had been + wounded and made prisoner, was bound to a telegraph pole on the St. + Trond road and shot. + + 4. On Wednesday, Aug. 12, after an engagement at Haelen, Commandant + Van Damme, so severely wounded that he was lying on his back, was + finally murdered by German infantrymen firing their revolvers into + his mouth. + + 5. On Monday, Aug. 9, at Orsmael the Germans picked up Commandant + Knappen very seriously wounded, propped him against a tree and shot + him. Finally they hacked his corpse with swords. + + 6. Numerous soldiers, disarmed and unable to defend themselves, + have been ill-treated or killed by certain German soldiers. The + inquiry brings forth new facts of this kind every day. + + 7. In different places, notably at Hellonge-sur-Geer, at Barchon, + at Pontisse, at Haelen, at Zelk, German troops have fired on + doctors, nurses, ambulances, and ambulance wagons. + + 8. At Boncelles a body of German troops went into a battle carrying + a Belgian flag. + + 9. On Thursday, Aug. 6, before a fort at Liége, German soldiers + continued to fire on a party of Belgian soldiers, who were unarmed + and had been surrounded while digging a trench, after these had + hoisted the white flag. + + 10. On Thursday, Aug. 10, at Vootem, near the Fort of Loncin, a + group of German infantry hoisted the white flag. When Belgian + soldiers approached to take them prisoners the Germans suddenly + opened fire on them at close range. + + + * * * * * + + + + +II. + +Report on Aerschot. + + +Antwerp, Aug. 28, 1914. + +The commission of inquiry on violation of the laws of nations and the +laws and customs of warfare, after an impartial and careful +investigation, can make the following report of its findings: + +It appears from precise and concurring testimony that in the entire +region of Aerschot the Germans have committed veritable atrocities. The +majority of the population fled in terror. On their passage the German +troops set fire to farms and houses and furniture, shooting inoffensive +citizens whom they found along the road or who were working in the +field. + +At Hersselt, north of Aerschot, thirty-two houses of the village were +set on fire; the miller and his son, who fled, and about twenty-one +other persons were killed; and all this while no Belgian troops were +visible. + +The German troops penetrated into Aerschot, a town of 8,000 inhabitants, +on Wednesday, Aug. 19, in the morning. No Belgian forces remained +behind. No sooner did the Germans enter the town than they shot five or +six inhabitants whom they caused to leave their houses. In the evening, +pretending that a superior German officer had been killed on the Grand +Place by the son of the Burgomaster, or, according to another version of +the story, that a conspiracy had been hatched against the superior +commandant by the Burgomaster and his family, the Germans took every man +who was inside of Aerschot; they led them, fifty at a time, some +distance from the town, grouped them in lines of four men, and, making +them run ahead of them, shot them and killed them afterward with their +bayonets. More than forty men were found thus massacred. + +They gave up the town to be pillaged, taking from private residences all +they could take, breaking furniture, and forcing safes. The following +day they lined up, three by three, the villagers whom they had arrested +the day before, taking one man out of each line. These they led to a +distance of about 100 meters from the town, taking with them the +Burgomaster of the town, Mr. Tielmans, and his son, aged 15½ years, and +his brother, and shot them. + +Later on they forced the remaining villagers to dig holes to bury their +victims. + +For three whole days they continued to pillage and set fire to +everything in sight. + +About 150 inhabitants of Aerschot are supposed to have been thus +massacred. + +The largest part of the city is totally destroyed. Five times the +Germans tried to set fire to the large church, the interior of which has +been sacked. The records of the town have been carried away. + +The ambulance attendants, although wearing the Red Cross badge, were not +respected. One of them reports that German troops fired upon him while +he was collecting his wounded, and that they continued to fire even +though he displayed his Red Cross armband. Moreover, during the entire +day of the 19th, while he was engaged in hospital service, he was +threatened and ill-used. A German officer, among others, took him by the +head, thrusting against his forehead the butt of a revolver. A +collector, wearing the insignia of the Red Cross, was killed in the Rue +de l'Hospital on the evening of Aug. 19 by Germans. + +Deny Any Civilian Attack. + +From all the testimony taken it appears that the civil population of +Aerschot has in no wise participated in the hostilities, that no shot +was fired by them; that all the witnesses agree in pointing out the +improbability of the German version, according to which the +Burgomaster's son, a youth of 15½ years, and of extremely gentle +disposition, is said to have fired upon a superior German officer during +the night of Aug. 19. Still more improbable is the version of the +conspiracy organized by the Burgomaster. It is to be remarked that if--a +thing which is not known--a German officer has been hit on the Grand +Place, it might have happened by a stray bullet, German soldiers being +engaged in shooting in the neighboring streets in order to frighten the +populace. + +Moreover, the Burgomaster, a very quiet man, had repeatedly warned his +fellow-citizens, by means of posters and circulars addressed to every +inhabitant of the town, that in case of invasion they were to abstain +from any hostility. These posters were still in evidence when the +Germans entered the city, and they were shown to them. + +The German troops which were traversing localities situated on this side +of Aerschot indulged in the same horrors. They shot fleeing citizens and +set fire to and sacked private houses, all this without provocation. + +At Rotselaer, for instance, they set fire to about fifteen houses. A +German officer, addressing an inhabitant whose house was afire, wanted +to make him declare, at the point of a pistol, that the fire had been +started by the Belgians. When this inhabitant protested, claiming that +the Belgians had left the town the previous evening, this officer +declared that if the Germans had set fire to the town it was due +probably to the fact that the civilians had fired at them, a fact which +is also denied by all the witnesses. + +There, too, the German troops pillaged everything they could lay their +hands on during their passage. + +Up to this writing the Commission of Inquiry has been unable to obtain +the testimony of inhabitants of Diest and Tirlemont, which towns were +occupied by the Germans on the 18th and 19th of August, 1914, and which +are cut off from communication. + +However, the inhabitants of Schaffen, a town near Diest, have stated +that the same abominations were committed in their locality and in the +adjoining communities, Lummen and Molenstede. The whole region has been +laid waste. German troops, at an hour's distance from Diest, had begun +their work of destruction all along the highway from Diest to Beeringen. +Turning upon Diest they set fire to everything they could lay hands +on--farms, houses, furniture. Arriving at the village of Schaffen, the +Germans set fire to the town, massacring the few inhabitants who +remained behind, and whom they found in their houses or in the streets. + +The witness gives the names and addresses of eighteen persons whom he +knows to have been massacred. + +Among them are: + +The wife of Francois Luyck, 45 years old, and her 12-year-old daughter, +who were discovered in a sewer and shot. + +The daughter of Jean Ouyen, 9 years old, who was shot. + +Andre Willem, 23 years old, sexton, who was tied to a tree and burned +alive. + +Joseph Reynders, forty years old, who was killed together with his +nephew, a lad of ten years. + +Gustave Lodt, forty years old, and Jean Marken, also aged forty, +probably buried alive. + +The witness testifies that he personally proceeded to exhume these two +bodies, and that he afterward buried them in the town cemetery. + +The village of Rethy, near Turnhout, was the object of devastation and +shooting during the day of Aug. 22 by seventeen cavalrymen who had +penetrated into the village. A young woman of fifteen years was killed +by a bullet. + +Still more horrible crimes, if that were possible, have been committed +by the German troops on account of their defeat at the hands of the +Belgian Army before Malines. The City of Louvain, with its artistic and +scientific riches, has not been spared. + +New reports will be submitted very shortly. + +GOOREMAN, President, +ERNST DE BUNSWYCK, +Secretary of the Commission. + + + * * * * * + + + + +III. + +Destruction of Louvain. + + +Antwerp, Aug. 31, 1914 + +To the Minister of Justice: + +Sir: The Commission of Inquiry begs to make the following report on the +deeds of which the City of Louvain and the surrounding localities and +the vicinity of Malines have been the theatre. + +The German Army penetrated into Louvain on Wednesday, Aug. 19, after +having set fire to the towns through which it had passed. + +From the moment of their entrance into the City of Louvain the Germans +requisitioned lodgings and victuals for their troops. They entered every +private bank of the city and took over the bank balances. German +soldiers broke the doors of houses abandoned by their inhabitants, +pillaged them and indulged in orgies. + +The German authorities took hostages--the Mayor of the city, Senator +Vander Kelm, the Vice Rector of the Catholic University, the Dean of the +city; magistrates and Aldermen were also detained. All arms, down to +fencing foils, had been handed over to the town administration and +deposited by the said authorities in the Church of St. Peter. + +In a neighboring village, Corbeek-Loo, a young matron, 22 years old, +whose husband was in the army, was surprised on Wednesday, Aug. 19, with +several of her relatives, by a band of German soldiers. The persons who +accompanied her were locked in an abandoned house, while she was taken +into another house, where she was successively attacked by five +soldiers. + +In the same village, on Thursday, Aug. 20, German soldiers were +searching a house where a young girl of 16 years lived with her parents. +They carried her into an abandoned house, and while some of them kept +the father and mother off, others went into the house, the cellar of +which was open, and forced the young woman to drink. Afterward they +carried her out on the lawn in front of the house and attacked her +successively. She continued to resist, and they pierced her breast with +their bayonets. Having been abandoned by the soldiers after these +abominable attacks, the girl was carried off by her parents, and the +following day, owing to the gravity of her condition, she was +administered the last rites of the Church by the priest of the parish +and carried to the hospital at Louvain. At that time her life was in +danger. + +On Aug. 24 and 25 Belgian troops, leaving the intrenched camp in +Antwerp, attacked the German Army which was outside of Malines. + +The German troops were driven back as far as Louvain and Vilvorde. + +Penetrating the towns which had been occupied by the enemy, the Belgian +Army found the whole country devastated. The Germans, while retiring, +had ravaged and set fire to the villages, taking with them all the male +inhabitants, driving them before them. + +Old Woman Killed by Bayonets. + +Upon entering Hofstade, on Aug. 25, the Belgian soldiers found there the +corpse of an old woman who had been killed by bayonet thrusts; she still +held in her hands the needle with which she was sewing when she was +attacked; one mother and her son, aged about 15 or 16 years, lay there, +pierced with bayonet wounds; one man was found hanging. + +In Sempst, a neighboring village, were found the corpses of two men +partially burned. One of them was found with his legs cut off at the +knees, the other was minus his arms and legs. A workman (whose charred +body several witnesses have seen) had been pierced with bayonets, and +afterward, while still living, the Germans soaked him with petroleum and +locked him in a house, which they set on fire. An old man and his son +had been killed by bullets; a woman coming out of her house had been +stricken down in the same manner. + +A witness whose declaration has been received by Edward Hertslet, son of +Sir Cecil Hertslet, Consul General of Great Britain in Antwerp, +testifies to have seen not far from Malines on Aug. 26 (that is, during +the last attack of the Belgian troops) an old man attached by the arms +to a beam of a barn. The body was completely burned; the head, the arms, +and the feet were intact. Further on was a body all over stabbed with +bayonet thrusts. Numerous corpses of peasants were found in positions of +supplication, arms lifted and hands folded in prayer. The Belgian Consul +to Unganda, who had entered the Belgian Army as a volunteer, reports +that everywhere the Germans had passed through the country was +devastated. The few inhabitants who remained in the villages told of +horrors committed by the enemy. Thus in Wacherzeel seven Germans are +said to have consecutively attacked a woman, afterward killing her. In +the same village they had stripped a young boy, threatening him with +death by pointing a revolver at his breast, piercing him with their +lances, and chasing him into the open fields and shooting after him, +without, however, hitting him. + +Everywhere there was ruin and devastation. At Bulcken numerous +inhabitants, including the priest, a man more than 80 years old, were +killed. + +Between Impde and Wolverthem two wounded Belgian soldiers were lying +near a house which was burning. The Germans threw these two unfortunate +men into the raging fire. + +The German troops repulsed by our soldiers entered Louvain in full +panic. Various witnesses assure us that at that moment the German +garrison occupying Louvain was advised erroneously that the enemy was +entering the town. Immediately the German garrison withdrew toward the +station, where it met with the German troops that had been repulsed and +pursued by the Belgian troops. Everything seems to indicate that a +collision took place between the two German regiments. From that moment, +under pretext that the Louvain civilians had fired upon them, a fact +which is contradicted by all witnesses, and which would hardly have been +possible inasmuch as all the inhabitants of Louvain, for several days +past, had been obliged to hand their arms over to the local +authorities, the German soldiers began to bombard the city. Moreover, +not one of the witnesses has seen the body of a single civilian at the +place where the affray happened. The bombarding lasted until 10 o'clock +at night. Afterward the Germans set fire to the city. + +Burning of the Town. + +The houses which had not taken fire were entered by German soldiers, who +threw fire grenades, which seem to have been provided for the occasion. +The largest part of the City of Louvain, especially the quarters of the +Ville Haute, comprising the modern houses, the Cathedral of St. Peter, +the University Halls, with the whole library of the university, its +manuscripts, its collections, the largest part of the scientific +institutions, and the town theatres, were at the moment being consumed +by flames. + +The commission deems it necessary, in the midst of these horrors, to +insist on the crime of lèse humanity which the deliberate annihilation +of an academic library--a library which was one of the treasures of our +time--constitutes. + +Numerous corpses of civilians covered the street and squares. On the +route from Louvain to Tirlemont alone one witness testifies having seen +more than fifty of them. On the threshholds of houses were found burned +corpses of people who, surprised in their cellars by the fire, had tried +to escape and fell into the heap of live embers. The suburbs of Louvain +have been completely annihilated. + +A group of seventy-five persons, among whom were several notables of the +city, such as Father Coloboet and a Spanish priest, and also an American +priest, were conducted during the morning of Wednesday, Aug. 26, to the +square in front of the station. The men were brutally separated from +their wives and children, and after having received the most abominable +treatment, and after repeated threats of being shot, they were driven in +front of the German troops as far as the village of Campenhout. They +were locked in the church during the night. The following day at 4 +o'clock a German officer came to inform them that they might all confess +themselves, and that they would be shot half an hour later. But at 4:30 +o'clock they were allowed to go, and shortly afterward they were again +arrested by a German brigade, which forced them to march in front of +them to Malines. Answering a question on the part of one of the +prisoners, a German officer told them that they were going to taste some +of the Belgian grapeshot before Antwerp. At last they were liberated on +Thursday afternoon at the entrance of Malines. + +Further testimony shows that several thousand male inhabitants of +Louvain who had escaped the shooting and burning were sent toward +Germany. We do not at this writing know for what purpose. + +The fire continued for several days. An eye-witness, who on Aug. 30 left +Louvain, describes the state of the city as follows: + + "From Weert St. Georges," he says, "I have seen nothing except + burned towns and crazed villagers lifting to each comer their arms + as a mark of submission. From each house was hanging a white flag, + even from those that had been set on fire, and rags of them were + found hanging from the ruins. + + At Weert St. Georges I inquired from the inhabitants the cause of + the German reprisals. They all assured me that absolutely none of + the inhabitants had fired; that all arms had been previously given + up, and that the Germans had taken vengeance on the population + because a Belgian soldier of the Gendarme Corps had killed a Uhlan. + + The population which remained in Louvain took refuge in the suburb + of Heverle, where they are all piled up, the population having been + driven from the town by the troops and by the fire. + + The fire in Louvain began a little above the American College, and + the city is entirely destroyed, with the exception of the Town Hall + (Hôtel de Ville) and the depot. Today the fire continued, and the + Germans--far from trying to stop it--seem rather to maintain it by + throwing straw into the fire, as I have myself seen in the streets + behind the Hôtel de Ville. The cathedral and the theatres have been + destroyed and have fallen in, also the library. The town resembles + an old city in ruins, in the midst of which drunken soldiers are + circulating, carrying bottles of wine and liquor; the officers + themselves being installed in armchairs, sitting around tables and + drinking like their own men. + + In the streets dead horses are decaying, horses which are already + inflated, and the smell of the fire and of the decaying animals is + such that it has followed me for a long time." + +The commission up to this writing has been unable to obtain any +information regarding the fate of the Burgomaster of Louvain, nor +regarding the prominent persons taken for hostages. + +Conclusions of the Commission. + +By facts which have thus far been brought to its attention, the +commission reaches the following conclusions: + + In this war, German occupation of territory is systematically + followed by (and is at times preceded by and accompanied by) acts + of violence against the civil population, which acts of violence + are contrary to the conventional laws of war and to the most + elementary principles of humanity. + + The procedure of the Germans is everywhere the same. They advance + along the roads, shooting inoffensive passersby, particularly + cyclists and even peasants occupied in the fields which the Germans + traverse. + + In the towns and villages where they stop, the Germans first of all + requisition victuals and drinks which they consume to the point of + drunkenness; then they begin to shoot wildly, sometimes from the + interior of empty houses, declaring that the inhabitants have fired + the shots. It is then that the firing scenes begin, and murder and + especially pillage accompanied by acts of cold cruelty set in, acts + which respect neither sex nor age. Even where they claim to know + the perpetrator of the deeds which they allege, they do not content + themselves with executing the culprits summarily, but take + advantage of the occasions to decimate the population, to pillage + all the inhabitants, and to set fire to them. + + After a first massacre, somewhat at random, they shut the men into + the church of the town and order all women to go back to the houses + and leave the doors open during the night. + + In several localities the civil population has been sent to + Germany, to be compelled there, it appears, to labor in the fields, + as was done in the slave days of olden times. Numerous cases are + known where the inhabitants were forced to serve as guides and to + make trenches for the Germans. Numerous depositions reveal that in + their march, and even in their attacks, the Germans put before them + civilians, men and women, in order to prevent our soldiers from + firing. Other testimony proves that German detachments do not + hesitate to fly either a white flag or a Red Cross flag, so as to + approach our troops without being suspected. On the other hand they + fire on our ambulances and ill-treat our ambulance nurses. They + ill-treat and even kill our wounded. Clergymen seem to be + particularly the object of their attacks. Last, but not least, we + have in our possession explosive bullets left behind them by the + enemy at Wechter, and we are also in receipt of medical + certificates testifying that the wounds must have been inflicted by + bullets of the variety mentioned above. + + Documents and testimonials in support of these facts will be + published. + + (Signed) + + GOOREMAN, President. + COUNT GOBLET D'ALVIELLA. + + ERNST DE BUNSWYCK, + ORTS, Secretaries. + + + * * * * * + + + + +FURTHER REPORTS. + +Cabled to Royal Commission at Washington from Belgian Foreign Office. +Cablegram Received Sept. 8. + + +You have received the reports of the commission of Aug. 25 and 31. +Since then a great many localities, situated in the Vilvorde-Malines- +Louvain triangle, an extremely fertile and densely populated district, +have been partially pillaged and totally destroyed by fire. Their +inhabitants have fled, while a number of them, among others women and +children, were arrested and shot without trial, and without apparent +reason, except to inspire the population with terror. This was done in +Sempst, Weerde, Elewyt, Hofstade, Wespelaer, Wilsele, Bucken, Eppeghem, +Houthem, Tremeloo, Tistelt, Gelrode, Herent. At Wavre, where the +population was unable to pay a levy of 3,000,000 francs, fifty-six +houses were set on fire. The largest part of Cortenberg is burned. To +excuse these attacks the Germans allege that an army of civilians +resisted them. According to trustworthy testimony, no provocation can +be proved at Vise, Aerschot, Louvain, Wavre, and in other localities +situated in the Malines-Louvain-Vilvorde district, where fire was set +and massacres committed several days after the German occupation. + +Cablegram Received Sept. 15. + +Inform the Belgian Commission that the Belgian Committee on Inquiry +continues to report ruins and devastations and pillage, systematically +organized by German troops in the towns invested by them. The City of +Termonde was destroyed without any hostile participation on the part of +the civilian population. Out of 1,400 houses, only 295 remain standing, +others were destroyed by fire and razed from the ground, after the +Germans entered the city. Several civilians were imprisoned and executed +with bayonets in the presence of their relatives and fellow-citizens. In +Melle nine civilians were killed and forty-five properties destroyed, +without any reason. + +The re-occupation of Aerschot by the Belgian Army reveals disastrous +deeds. Dwellings, which were not destroyed by fire were completely +sacked and pillaged on Sept. 6 before the return of the Belgian troops. +Four hundred civilians, among them thirty clergymen, were locked since +Aug. 30 in the church without food, carried off, and sent to +destinations unknown. Localities in the neighborhood are completely +destroyed, and everywhere along the road are corpses. Women and young +girls were outraged. Systematic pillage. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A SUPPLEMENT. + +Published by Belgian Commission of Inquiry on Sept. 10 to Complete Its +Report of Aug. 31. + + +Of the two reports, dated August 28 and 31, which the Commission has had +the honor of addressing to you, the former recounted more particularly +the events which occurred at Aerschot and in the neighboring district, +while the latter dealt with the destruction of the town of Louvain by +the German troops. In order to complete its report of Aug. 31, the +Commission thinks it its duty to record that after the burning of +Louvain the houses which remained standing, the inhabitants of which had +been forced to flee, were pillaged under the eyes of German officers. On +Sept. 2 the Germans were seen setting fire to four houses. + +The "Chastisement" of Louvain. + +Another fact which emphasizes the ruthless character of the treatment to +which the peaceable population of Louvain was subjected has also been +established. On Aug. 28 a crowd of 6,000 to 8,000 persons, men, women +and children, of every age and condition, was conducted under the escort +of a detachment of the 162nd Regiment of German infantry to the riding +school of the town, where they spent the whole night. The place of +confinement was so small in proportion to the number of the occupants +that all had to remain standing, and so great were their sufferings that +in the course of this tragic night several women lost their reason and +children of tender years died in their mothers' arms. + +A communiqué from the German Great General Staff, the text of which is +published in the Cologne Gazette of Aug. 29, declares that the +"chastisement" inflicted upon Louvain was justified by the fact that a +battalion of Landwehr, which had been left unsupported in the town in +order to guard the communications, had been attacked by the civil +population, which was under the impression that the main German Army had +definitely retired. The same journal has published a narrative +purporting to come from a person who was a witness of the occurrence. + +The inquiry has established that this statement must be considered +false. It is, in fact, ascertained that the people of Louvain, who, +moreover, had been disarmed by the Communal Authority, did not provoke +the Germans by any act of hostility. + +The commission has resumed the inquiry begun at Brussels on the subject +of the occurrences at Visé. + +This place was the first Belgian town destroyed in pursuance of the +system applied subsequently by the invader to so many other of our +cities and villages. It is for this reason that we have been careful to +determine what truth there is in the German version according to which +the civilian population of Visé took part in the defense of the town or +rose against the Germans after the town had been occupied. + +Several witnesses now at Antwerp have been heard, notably soldiers +belonging to the detachment which disputed with the Germans the passage +of the Meuse, north of Liége, and a lady of German nationality, who +belongs to the religious community of the Sisters of Notre Dame at Visé. + +Innocent Vise. + +The result is to prove that the inhabitants took no part whatever in the +fighting which took place on Aug. 4 at the ford of Lixhe and at Visé +itself. + +Moreover, it was only in the night of Aug. 15-16 that the destruction of +the town began, the signal being given by several shots fired on the +evening of the 15th. The Germans asserted that the inhabitants had fired +upon them, particularly from a house the owner of which gave evidence +before the commission. + +The Germans discovered no arms in this house, any more than they did in +neighboring buildings, which, nevertheless, were burned after being +pillaged, and the male occupants of which were carried off to Germany. + +The evidence has brought to light the improbability of any rising among +a disarmed population against a numerous German garrison at a time when +the last Belgian troops had for eleven days evacuated the district, and +the witnesses have declared that the first shots were fired by +intoxicated German infantry soldiers at their own officers. This fact +appears not to be exceptional. It is, indeed, notorious that at +Maestricht, either by mistake or in consequence of a mutiny, Germans +about this same time killed one another during the night at a cavalry +camp which they had established at Mesch, close to the Dutch frontier in +Limbourg. + +It is confirmed that the town of Visé was entirely burned, with the +exception, it appears, of a religious establishment which seems to have +been respected, and that several citizens, both of the town and of the +village of Canne, were shot. + +A Deliberate System. + +A large number of places situated in the triangle between Vilvorde, +Malines, and Louvain--that is to say, in one of the most populous and, a +few days ago, one of the most prosperous regions in Belgium--have been +given over to plunder, partially or entirely destroyed by fire, their +population dispersed, while the inhabitants were indiscriminately +arrested and shot without trial and without apparent reason, the sole +object being, it seems, to inspire terror and to compel the migration of +the population. + +This was notably the case in the communes or hamlets of Sempst, Weerde, +Elewyt, Holstade, Wespelaer, Wilsele, Bueken, Eppeghem, Wackerzeele, +Rotselaer, Werchter, Thildonck, Boortmeerbeek, Houthem, Tremeloo. In +this last village only the church and the presbytery remained standing. +On the few houses which have been spared may be seen the following +inscriptions: "Nicht abbrennen," (do not burn,) "Bitte schonen," +(please spare,) "Gute leute, nicht plundren," (good people, do not +plunder.) These houses, however, were sacked afterward. + +In all these villages the women who have been unable to escape are +exposed to the brutal instincts of the German soldiers. + +The district immediately adjoins that of Aerschot, the devastation of +which was described in an earlier report. It extends at present to the +northwest of Brussels, where the important towns of Grimberghen and +Wolverthem have been sacked, while southeast of the capital, more than +twenty-five kilometers from the scene of military operations, the town +of Wavre, which was unable to furnish the exorbitant war levy of +3,000,000 francs (£120,000) imposed by the General Staff of the enemy, +has seen fifty-six of its houses destroyed by fire. + +We must also record that on Sept. 4 and 5 bombs were hurled from an +aeroplane upon Ghent and Escloo, which are open and undefended towns. + +Finally, you are aware, M. le Ministre, that the town of Malines, after +it had been completely evacuated by Belgian troops on Aug. 27, was +subjected for several days to a bombardment which has seriously damaged +the cathedral church of St. Rombaut, the pride of this ancient city. The +town of Heyst-opden-Berg was also bombarded without mercy, though there +was no strategic interest to warrant such an act. + +The Plea of Armed Resistance. + +The Germans, in order to excuse their violence, declare that, wherever +they have shot civilians or burned and pillaged towns and villages, +armed resistance has been offered by the inhabitants. While there may +possibly have been isolated instances of this kind, that is nothing more +than occurs in all wars, and if they had confined themselves to +executing the guilty persons we could only have bowed before the rigor +of military law. But in no case could individual and absolutely +exceptional acts of aggression justify the wholesale measures of +repression which have been adopted against the persons and the property +of the inhabitants of our towns and villages--the shooting, the burning, +the pillaging which has proceeded pretty well everywhere in our country, +not only by way of reprisals but with a refinement of cruelty. Moreover, +no provocation has been proved at Visé, Marsage, Louvain, Wavre, +Termonde, and other places which have been entirely and deliberately +destroyed several days after being occupied, not to mention the +systematic burning of isolated buildings situated in the line of march +of the troops, and the shooting of the unfortunate inhabitants who fled. + +The Germans have asserted in their newspapers that the Belgian +Government distributed to the civil population arms which were to be +used against the invaders. They add that the Catholic clergy preached a +sort of holy war and incited their flock everywhere to massacre the +Germans. Finally, they have declared, in order to justify the massacres +of women, that women showed themselves as ferocious as the men, and went +so far as to pour boiling oil from their windows upon the troops on the +march. + +A Tissue of Falsehoods. + +All these allegations are so many falsehoods. Far from having +distributed arms, the authorities everywhere on the approach of the +enemy disarmed the inhabitants. The Burgomasters everywhere warned the +townspeople against acts of violence, which would involve reprisals. The +clergy have unceasingly preached calm to their flock. As for the women, +if we except a story in a foreign newspaper, the source of which is +suspected, everything shows that their only anxiety was to escape the +horrors of a ruthless war. + +The true motives for the atrocities the moving evidence of which we have +gathered can only be, on the one hand, the desire to terrorize and +demoralize the people in accordance with the inhuman theories of German +military writers, and, on the other hand, the desire for plunder. A +shot fired, no one knows where, or by whom, or against whom, by a +drunken soldier, or an excited sentry, is enough to furnish a pretext +for the sack of a whole city. Individual plunder is succeeded by war +levies of a magnitude which it is impossible to satisfy and by the +taking of hostages who will be shot or kept in confinement until payment +of the ransom in full, according to the well-known procedure of classic +brigandage. It must also be stated that in order to establish the German +case all resistance offered by detachments of the regular army is laid +to the account of the civilian population, and that the invader +invariably avenges himself upon the civilians for the checks or even the +disappointments which he suffers in the course of the campaign. + +In the course of this inquiry we use only facts supported by trustworthy +evidence. It should be noted that up to the present we have been able to +record only a small part of the crimes committed against law, humanity, +and civilization, which will constitute one of the most sinister and +most revolting pages in contemporary history. If an international +inquiry, like that which was conducted in the Balkans by the Carnegie +Commission, could be conducted in our country, we are convinced that it +would establish the truth of our assertions. + +[Signed by M. Gooreman, Minister of State, President.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +"NOT A WORD OF TRUTH." + +Denial of Belgian Charges by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador at +Washington, Sept. 17. + + +All that I care to say about the Belgian charges is that I have +officially informed the State Department in Washington that there is not +one word of truth in the statements made to the President yesterday by +the Belgian Commission. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY'S VERSIONS. + +Official Dispatch from Berlin to German Embassy at Washington, Aug. +29. + +In consequence of a sudden attack of Belgian troops from Antwerp the +German garrison at Louvain meets the enemy, leaving only one battalion +of the last reserve and army service corps in Louvain. Thinking that +this meant the retreat of the German troops, priests at Louvain gave +arms and ammunition to the civilians, who began, at different places, +suddenly to shoot out of windows at unsuspecting German troops, of whom +many were wounded. A fight of twenty-five hours between German soldiers +and the civil population of Louvain took place. Parts of Louvain were +burning. Civilians met with arms are killed. The manifesto of the Chief +General speaks of bestial cruelties committed on wounded and makes the +magistrates responsible for the provocation and for providing people +with arms. + +The German Army protests against the news spread out by enemies about +the cruelty of German warfare. The German troops had to take severe +measures sometimes when provoked, the population making treacherous +attacks upon them and bestial atrocities against the wounded. The +responsibility for the recourse of warfare falls entirely upon the +authorities of the occupied territories who gave arms to the civil +population and stirred them up to take part in the war wherever the +population was not hostile. The German troops never did harm people or +property. The German soldier is not an incendiary nor pillager. He only +fights against a hostile army. The news published in foreign papers +about the Germans chasing the population means the characterizing +immorality of the authors. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Official Communication of the German General Staff. + + +BERLIN, Aug. 30, 1914. + +The City of Loewen (Louvain) had surrendered and was given over to us by +the Belgian authorities. On Monday, Aug. 24, some of our troops were +shipped there and intercourse with the inhabitants was developing in a +quite friendly manner. + +On Tuesday afternoon, Aug. 25, our troops, hearing about an imminent +Belgian sortie from Antwerp, left in that direction, the Commanding +General ahead in a motor car, leaving behind only a Colonel with +soldiers to protect railroad, (landsturm battalion "neuss.") + +As the rest of the Commanding General's staff, with the horses, was +going to follow, and collected on the market place, suddenly rifle fire +opened from all the surrounding houses, all the horses being killed and +five officers wounded, one of them seriously. + +Simultaneously fire opened at about ten different places in town, also +on some of our troops, just arrived and waiting on the square in front +of the station, and on incoming military trains. A designed co-operation +with the Belgian sortie from Antwerp established beyond doubt. Two +priests caught in handing out ammunition to the people were shot at once +in front of the station. + +Street fights lasted till Wednesday, the 26th, in the afternoon, +(twenty-four hours,) when stronger forces, arrived in the meantime, +succeeded in getting the upper hand. Town and northern suburbs were +burning at different places and by this time have probably burned down +altogether. + +On the part of the Belgian Government a general rising of the population +against the enemy had been organized for a long time; depots of arms +were found where to each gun was attached the name of the citizen to be +armed. + +A spontaneous rising of the people has been recognized, at the request +of the smaller States at The Hague Conference, as being within the law +of nations as far as weapons are carried openly and the laws of +civilized warfare are being observed; but such rising was only admitted +in order to fight the attacking. + +In the case of Loewen the town had already surrendered and the +population renounced, without any resistance, the town being occupied +by our troops. Nevertheless the population attacked on all sides and +with a murderous fire the occupying forces and newly arriving troops, +which came in trains and automobiles, considering the hitherto peaceful +attitude of the population. + +Therefore there can be no question of means of defense allowed by the +law of nations, neither of a warlike guet-apens, (ambush,) but only of a +treacherous attempt of the civil population all along the line, and all +the more to be condemned as it was apparently planned long beforehand +with simultaneous attack from Antwerp, as arms were not carried openly, +as women and young girls took part in the fight and blinded our wounded, +sticking their eyes out. + +The barbarous attitude of the Belgian population in all parts occupied +by our troops has not only justified our severest measures, but forced +them on us for the sake of self-preservation. The intensity of the +resistance of the population is shown by the fact that in Loewen +twenty-four hours were needed to break down their attack. + +We ourselves regret deeply that during these fights the town of Loewen +has been destroyed to a great extent. Needless to say that these +consequences are not intentional on our part, but cannot be avoided in +this infamous franc-tireur war being led against us. + +Whoever knows the good-natured character of our troops cannot seriously +pretend that they are inclined to needless or frivolous destruction. + +The entire responsibility for these events rests with the Belgian +Government, who with criminal frivolity have given to the Belgian people +instructions contrary to law of nations and incited the resistance, and +who, in spite of our repeated warnings, even after the fall of Luettich, +(Liége,) have done nothing to induce them to a peaceful attitude. + + + * * * * * + + +Official German Statement Published in Berlin, Sept. 7. + + +Belgium is officially spreading false representations about the +occurrences through which the City of Louvain was made to suffer. It is +claimed that German troops, having been repulsed by Belgians making a +sortie from Antwerp, were fired upon by mistake by the German garrison +of Louvain and that in this way fighting occurred there. But events +prove incontestably that the Germans repulsed the Belgian sortie. + +During this battle before Antwerp an undoubtedly organized attack was +made upon the German troops at many places in Louvain, after apparently +friendly relations between the Germans and the citizens of the town had +seemed for twenty-four hours to be beginning. The attack was at first +against a Landwehr battalion composed of older men of quiet disposition +and themselves mostly fathers of families; also against sections of the +General Staff that had remained in the city, and upon moving columns of +troops. The Germans had many wounded and killed. They won the upper +hand, however, owing to the arrival of fresh troops by rail, who were +fired upon at the station. The truth of the foregoing statements is +established beyond all cavil. The City Hall was saved, but further +attempts to extinguish the fire were unsuccessful. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES. + +Official Report by Superior Confidential Councilor von Falke After +Inspection of Louvain, Sept. 17. + + +The ancient Tuchhalle, which was used for university and library +purposes, was completely destroyed by fire, with the exception of the +front and rear facades in Gothic and Renaissance style. The library, +with its very valuable treasures of manuscripts and books, was therefore +a total loss. Officials of the library who might have called attention +to the saving of the imperiled treasures were not present when the +adjoining houses on both sides of the hall caught fire, and no hope +exists that any of the books or manuscripts, or even parts thereof, +might be found in the ruins. + +Apart from this--by far the worst damage--and the partial destruction +by fire of the Cathedral of St. Peter no other losses of extraordinary +importance took place at Louvain. + +The Rathaus, or City Hall, in late Gothic style, under reconstruction +for several years and on which work has not been finished yet, was +saved, thanks to the orders of the commander, Major von Manteuffel, who +ordered that the burning houses on the right side of the City Hall be +leveled to the ground. The military removed from a cellar of the City +Hall a quantity of ammunition which threatened to explode through +extreme heat of the fire. Four soldiers were severely injured thereby. +The Rathaus, thanks to the precautions taken by the German military, and +in spite of its nearness to the conflagration, was not damaged in the +interior, nor did its rich outer architecture suffer any at all. + +The roof of the Cathedral of St. Peter, which was set afire by sparks +from adjoining buildings, was very considerably damaged, however only to +such an extent as to allow its restoration to the original condition. +The roof frame is burned to the beginning of the curve of the dome. The +inner ceiling has prevented the fire from spreading to the inner part of +the church, containing rich art treasures. Above the choir, however, the +inner ceiling gave way, thereby partially damaging the upper part of the +rococo altar of stone which was without any particular artistic value. + +The small sacrament house standing next to the altar--a very fine and +rich stonework of late Gothic style by the builder of the City Hall, M. +de Layens--has been slightly damaged by the collapse of the ceiling, +which chipped off the upper phiales. These broken pieces have been +collected without any substantial loss and can easily be replaced. The +damage to the sacrament house can therefore be replaced. Close to the +main portal of the cathedral, following the fire in the bell tower, the +falling bells pierced the roof. Near the entrance in the southerly part +of the church at the right side the fire did some damage to the walls +and the stone balustrades in the side chapel. Notable art treasures +have, however, not been damaged. Only the ventilator in the main portal, +a beautiful Renaissance carving, (of wood,) was burned. An ancient glass +painting of the seventeenth century remained undamaged. + +The left side chapel to the north of the entrance, with its Gothic +bronze baptismal and the iron arm in Gothic style, (the cover being +missing for many years,) with its rococo carved altars and heavy +sideboards, are untouched, as well as the organ of the year 1556 in a +beautiful carved oak inclosure of the Renaissance period in the +northerly centre chapel. + +The paintings in the choir chapels, to which belong the most precious +art treasures of Louvain, such as the works of Dierik Bouts and the +Master of Flemalle, together with all movable art treasures of St. +Peter's Church, were saved by Lieut. Col. of Reserves Thelemann and +transferred to a hall in the Rathaus, where they are now under the +supervision of the Mayor. Here can be found "The Holy Communion" by +Dierik Bouts, and his "Martyrdom of the Holy Erasmus," the +"Kreuzabnahme" ("Removal from the Cross") by the Master of Flemalle, and +two side paintings representing the donors (apparently by another +artist.) Three paintings by J.v. Rillaerz and several later paintings of +lesser value are stored there. + +The oaken church treasure chest containing eight silver Holy Virgins, +some of them from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a Gothic +incense bowl, Gothic Renaissance monstrances of silver, highly artistic +and valuable ciboriums of the eighteenth century, also chandeliers, +candlesticks, swinging lamps, and other church regalia have been stored +in the City Hall. The report continues that an architect of Louvain has +been ordered to temporarily repair the damage of the roof regardless of +cost. + +Thus of the old art works of the Church of St. Peter only the ventilator +is destroyed; the stone structure of the building itself remains intact. +Until the framework of the roof is rebuilt a temporary roof should be +constructed to shelter the interior of the church. A Louvain architect +has been authorized by the Mayor to do this work. + +The semi-official Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, after publishing this +report, says: + +"The disastrous accidental fire, called forth by the revolt of the +populace and then spread further through the storm wind, devastated +especially the rows of houses near the railroad station, in the +Bahnhofstrasse and in the centre of the city. The remaining churches lie +outside of the zone touched by the fire, which comprised about one-sixth +the area of the city; they were therefore not touched by the fire. Thus +there remained undamaged the Church of St. Michael, the Church of St. +Jacob, the Church of St. Gertrude, with all their notable art works; +likewise the College du Saint Esprit, with its library." + + + * * * * * + + + + +Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Protest Issued to Neutral Powers from French Foreign Office, Bordeaux, +Sept. 21. + +Without being able to invoke even the appearance of military necessity, +and for the mere pleasure of destruction, German troops have subjected +the Cathedral of Rheims to a systematic and furious bombardment. At this +hour the famous basilica is but a heap of ruins. + +It is the duty of the Government of the republic to denounce to +universal indignation this revolting act of vandalism, which, in giving +over to the flames this sanctuary of history, deprives humanity of an +incomparable portion of its historic patrimony. + + + * * * * * + + + + +POPE BENEDICT SILENT. + +Authorized Dispatch to The London Daily News, Sept. 27. + +Although the Pope is greatly shocked and deeply grieved at the +destruction of the Rheims Cathedral, which he is convinced was entirely +unnecessary, and could easily have been averted, he still declines to +make a public statement. I am merely authorized to state that the Pope's +sorrow at the destruction of the magnificent cathedral is so great that +it is impossible for him to express it. + +The Pope is convinced that his sorrow is shared not only by Catholics, +but by all Christians, since all believers in God mourn the destruction +of His temples, which even war does not justify. + +A member of the Pope's entourage explained the reasons why a public +statement was not issued. He said: + + The Pope's sorrow is understood, if not publicly announced. It is + inconceivable that even if the destruction of the cathedral was + necessary for strategical reasons the intensity of the Pope's + sorrow would be lessened, but a public statement implies blame, + which the Pope thinks now is inopportune and inexpedient, hence he + refrains from any comment. God's mercy is undoubted; His justice + inevitable. Time will show whether the criminal destruction of one + of the most famous of the world's cathedrals will remain + unpunished. Vengeance is God's + + + * * * * * + + + + +ATTACK NOT WILLFUL. + +Statement by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador at Washington, +Sept. 23. + + +It would seem from certain published reports that the destruction of +this grand old edifice was the result of malice or envy. This is +ridiculous. All that I have to say on this matter is that I am positive +that the attack on the cathedral at Rheims was not willful. + +For my part, I feel much more for the thousands of men who have +sacrificed their lives, although I regret as much as any man the +destruction of such a beautiful work of art. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"SPARE THE CATHEDRAL." + +German Government Disclaimer Issued by Count von Bernstorff, +Washington, Sept. 23. + + +The German Government states officially in contradiction of the report +made by the Havas Agency that German artillery purposely destroyed +important buildings at Rheims, that, on the contrary, orders were given +to spare the cathedral by all means. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE FRENCH ARE BLAMED + +Official German Dispatch from Berlin, Received in Amsterdam, Sept. 23. + + +The Cathedral of Rheims was not used as a mark for a systematic +bombardment. During the last few days the French had strengthened the +fortress to defend their present position, and consequently the German +bombardment became necessary. Orders had been given to spare the +cathedral. + +If it should prove true that during the fire the cathedral suffered, +which cannot be yet ascertained, nobody would deplore it more than +ourselves, but the French who made Rheims a fortress in support of their +defense line are alone to blame. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE DAMAGE DONE. + +Official Report Made by Whitney Warren to the French Government, Sept. +28. + +On Friday, Sept. 25, I received word from the embassy that the French +Government had made arrangements to take me to Rheims in order that I +might make a report on general conditions and especially upon the +cathedral. So at 8 o'clock the next morning I started off with two +automobiles under the escort of Capt. Henri Charbonnel, accompanied by +two soldiers; one automobile, conducted by Mr. Hall of New York, +containing Major Morton Henry, Major Cosby, and Lieut. Boyd of the +embassy. + +We followed the route direct to Meaux, then to La Ferte-sur-Jouarre, +from there to Château-Thierry, where we picked up a third automobile +containing Capt. Perrin, with authority from Gen. Joffre to conduct us +anywhere we chose to go, providing it was safe. + +From there to Epernay, where we had luncheon, and then to +Chalons-sur-Marne, where was stationed the chef d'etat-major. There they +told us it was possible to go to Rheims, although the bombardment had +been rather severe the day before. So we turned northwest and proceeded +to Rheims, passing by Conde-sur-Marne and Verzy. Here we passed many +troops, who, although fagged, seemed to be in very good condition, and +we arrived at Rheims at 4:30, proceeding directly to the cathedral, +where I remained until dark, talking and visiting the monument with the +Curé Landrieux and the Abbé Thinot, who had been in charge of the +cathedral from the commencement. + +The next day I was again at the cathedral, from 7:30 in the morning +until 4:30 in the afternoon, visiting it in every particular, +endeavoring to realize the damage done, whether intentionally inflicted +or not. The following is as near as I am able to ascertain the different +phases of the bombardment: + +Four Bombs on First Day. + +On Sept. 4, when the Germans first entered Rheims, there was a first +bombardment by their guns, interpreted by the Germans themselves as +either a mistake or caused by the jealousy of some corps not allowed +that privilege. Four bombs fell upon the cathedral--one on the north +transept--doing but little damage, however. + +On Sept. 14 and 15, after the Germans had evacuated the city and the +French had entered, the bombardment recommenced, but without touching +the cathedral. On Sept. 17 two bombs struck, one on the apse and the +other on the north transept. + +On the 18th the cathedral was again hit on the southern flying +buttresses and on the roof, killing a gendarme and several German +wounded. + +On Sept. 19 the cathedral was fairly riddled by bombs during the entire +day, and at about 3:45 the scaffolding surrounding the north tower +caught fire. This fire lasted about one hour, and during that time two +further bombs struck the roof, setting it also on fire. The curé claims +that one of these bombs must have been incendiary, otherwise it would be +impossible to explain the extraordinary quickness with which the fire +spread throughout the roof timbers. + +The fire from the scaffolding descended until it reached the north door +of the main façade, which caught rapidly, burned through and +communicated to the straw with which the floor of the cathedral was +covered. This straw had been ordered on Sept. 12 by the German Commander +in order to prepare the cathedral to receive 3,000 German wounded but +the evacuation of the city by the Germans had prevented the cathedral +being used for that purpose. + +When the French came back the straw was gathered together with the +intention of removing it, but on the 17th the French General ordered it +to be re-spread, the flag of the Red Cross hoisted on the north tower +and the German wounded placed there, in the hopes that this might save +the cathedral. + +As I have said, on Sept. 19 the straw caught from the fire originating +in the scaffold, burning through the doors and destroying what was known +as the very fine wooden tambours, or vestibules, surrounding these doors +on the inside, and also calcinating the extraordinary stone sculptures +decorating the entire interior of this western wall. These sculptures +were peculiar to Rheims, being in high, full relief and cut out of the +mass of the stone itself instead of being applied. This is one of the +irreparable destructions occasioned. + +All the wonderful glass of the nave is absolutely gone; that of the apse +still exists, though greatly damaged. + +Decorative Motifs Lost. + +The fire on the outside calcinated the greater part of the façade, the +north tower and the entire clerestory, with the flying buttresses and +the turret crowning each of them. This stone, as far as its surface is +concerned, is irreparably damaged and when touched detaches itself; +consequently all decorative motifs wherever the flames reached are lost. + +The tresor was saved at the commencement of the fire by the priests and +the tapestries for which Rheims is so greatly renowned had been +fortunately removed before. Half the stalls have been destroyed. The +organ is intact and several crucifixes and pictures in the apse are +untouched. + +That anything remains of the monument is owing to the strong +construction of what might be called the carcass of the cathedral and, I +am firmly convinced, through no desire on the part of the bombarding +forces to spare this monument. The walls and vaults are of a robustness +which can resist even modern implements of destruction, for even on +Sept. 24, when the bombardment was again taken up, three bombs landed on +the cathedral, but the vaults resisted absolutely, not even being +perforated. + +Had the Cathedral of Amiens received the same punishment, because of the +lightness of its construction the vaults would undoubtedly have given +way, the flying buttresses would have crushed in the walls and nothing +would have remained but a mass of crumbled stone, with the exception of +perhaps the ruins of the towers. If anything therefore remains of Rheims +Cathedral it is due, as I have already said, to the robustness of its +construction and not to any desire on the part of those bombarding it to +spare it from utter destruction. + +The monument, about which no troops were massed, towers above the rest +of the town; to avoid it, in view of the uselessness of destroying it +and because it was serving as a hospital, would have been an easy +matter. The entire quarter of the city situated between it and the enemy +is destroyed, including the Episcopal Palace, which contained the +Archaeological Museum, the Episcopal Chapel, and what was known as the +"Apartment of the Kings." This quarter also contained the principal +commercial houses. + +"Blind Rage" Causes Attack. + +It would seem that the only explanation which can be offered was blind +rage upon the part of the besieging army. + +There are two monuments of almost equal importance to the world which +are in jeopardy of the same fate as the Cathedral of Rheims, viz., the +Cathedrals of Noyon and Laon. That these will be respected is to be +hoped, in spite of the ruthless and miserable attempt to reduce the +glorious monuments of Rheims to ruins. + +On Friday, Sept. 25, the Germans further shelled the Abbey of Rémy at +Rheims, one shell exploding in the interior and destroying an immense +quantity of glass. The civil hospital, which occupies the cloisters of +St. Rémy, received as its quota nine bombs, one of which killed four of +the patients in the beds, and another one of the attendants. Needless to +say that over this building also were flying flags of the Red Cross. + +On Sunday, Sept. 27, I spent about two hours on top of the north tower +of the cathedral, behind the parapets, where I could not be seen, +watching the bombardment of the French forces, which was going on in the +suburbs of the town, situated at about two kilometers from my point of +vantage. It was most interesting, the precision with which the German +shells arrived in groups of six at intervals of, I should say, three to +five minutes. The French troops were all wonderfully covered so that +they could not be seen, their guns being concealed under straw or beet +leaves, according to the character of the ground upon which the battery +was established. + +No smoke came from their guns, their powder being absolutely smokeless, +and yet the Germans seemed to have located them very thoroughly and kept +up a continual bombardment, their shells landing repeatedly over the +same place, seemingly, without any deviation whatever. + +Shot Proclaims "Lights Out." + +We all slept the Saturday and Sunday nights in Rheims, which was in a +state of siege, all lights being out at 8 o'clock. One of our party +foolishly left his window open while he had his light on; a pistol shot +from the police drew attention to the fact, and the entire electric +light of the hotel was immediately cut off. + +In the day time great numbers of the population would leave the city and +go out in the suburbs on the safe side to watch the combat, returning at +night to their homes to see what destruction had been occasioned and, if +possible, to get a night's rest. I had a large quantity of tobacco with +me, which was received by the troops and by the civilians with great +joy, for they had seen none for a month, the Germans having taken +everything. + +While the commercial part of the city had been absolutely destroyed, in +other parts one would find places where stray shells had fallen, doing +great damage. It all seemed absolutely ruthless and useless. The curé of +the cathedral told me that the Germans during their occupation had +established an observation post in the north tower with an electric +searchlight. This they took away with them, and some of the French +officers, during the first days of reoccupation, occasionally went up +there to have a look, but the curé had strongly objected and they had +given it up. + +I know that the two days that I was there nobody but myself went into +the tower and I did so unbeknown to the authorities, being very careful +not to show myself, as I was assured it would draw fire if the Germans +saw anybody moving about on it. I think, myself, that this is an +exaggeration, as their line of observation must be at least seven or +eight miles removed and at that distance, even with a very strong glass, +it would be almost impossible to distinguish a human silhouette. + +We left Rheims at 7 o'clock on Monday morning, proceeding to +Villers-Cotterets and stopping at Lafere-en-Tardenois, which was the +headquarters of the English. Here there were great quantities of +automobiles and considerable commotion that it was his honest opinion +that this was not the case. The village had been bombarded before the +arrival of the Germans, and the Mayor had taken refuge in the cellar of +the Mairie. When the Germans arrived at about 3 o'clock they dragged him +out and took him to a little place about three kilometers from Senlis, +where he is supposed to have been questioned, together with other +hostages. At 10 o'clock that night he was shot and buried where he fell. + +The next day seven other hostages were shot in view of the fact that +some civilians were accused of having fired upon the military. Three +days after this the Acting Mayor and a party of citizens recovered the +body of the Mayor, who had been buried under a very thin covering of +earth in a very shallow grave--so much so that his hands and feet were +uncovered. He had one bullet hole in his forehead, which would seem to +indicate that the execution was not a military one, but that some +officer had, for some reason, shot him--perhaps in a moment of +impatience. + +From Senlis we went to Clermont, which is the headquarters of the left +wing. There I had the great good fortune to be introduced to Gen. +Castelnau, who showed me his maps and the way a battle was fought on +paper. This is one of the greatest privileges I think I have ever +enjoyed, and the curious part of it was that their way of working in the +military art is very similar to the way we plot and scheme as +architects. The General interested me as a very fine, simple citizen. +Among other things he said to me: + + "My dear Sir, how is it possible to fight with these people? They + seem to have no mercy, no decency. It really seems impossible to + know how to meet them." + +He had with him several of his staff officers and one of them was +charged with making a report upon the atrocities committed. He allowed +me to read several of these reports and showed me photographs of one +incident that impressed me greatly. These photographs this officer had +taken himself and in order to prove that he had seen the incident and +was on the ground he was himself in the photograph. This special +happening was as follows: + +In some little town to the east the Germans had taken out sixteen +peasants and field laborers. They bound their hands either in front or +at the back, tied them in bunches of five, cut their suspenders and +unbuttoned their trousers so that escape was impossible and shot them in +an open field. The report contained the names and ages of these poor +chaps. The oldest, I remember, was 67, and several were over 50. The +French had been able to get no explanation whatever of what had +occurred, as the village was absolutely deserted. The persecution of +women seems to be quite prevalent. + +From here we returned to Paris, passing by Creil and Chantilly without +any incident, arriving in Paris at about 8 o'clock at night. + +WHITNEY WARREN. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +THE SOCIALISTS' PART + + + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: EMIL VAN DER VELDE, +Belgian Minister of State and Chairman International +Socialist Bureau. +(_Photo from Wiener Agency._)] + + + + +HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER. + + +Concluding Remarks of Emil Vandervelde, Belgian Minister of State, +Chairman International Socialist Bureau, in Harlem Casino, New York, +Sept. 21. + + +You in the United States represent the International within a nation. +You have undertaken to do what no nation of Europe has ever +accomplished. You have taken the men and women and children of all +nationalities and molded of them one uniform nation of peace. + +This meeting here tonight is a demonstration of this. The International, +unfortunately divided by war, has not been seen in Europe in weeks. I +find it again in the United States. These United States, which are to +be, not merely the United States of America, or the United States of +capitalism, but the United States of the Socialism of the world. + +At the last meeting of the International Socialist Bureau in Paris I can +see gathered at the same table, Hugo Haase, the Chairman of the +Parliamentary group of the German Social Democracy, drafting resolutions +of peace on behalf of the entire International. And at the same table +sat our unforgettable Jean Léon Jaurès, who fell at the first mad rush +of the war tide. What a frightful succession of events have taken place +since that time! + +Jaurès dead; Guesde, the uncompromising, the Marxist, the Socialist, a +member of the French Cabinet; Dr. Ludwig Frank, one of the most +promising of the young German Socialists, shot dead in battle! +Socialists become national! French, Russian, Belgian, German, Austrian +Socialists fighting one another, destroying one another! + +Who was right, who wrong? Did the majority of the German Socialists, +under the leadership of David, do right in voting the war credits asked +by the Kaiser? Or did the minority do right, under the direction of Dr. +Liebknecht, in refusing these credits? Who can pass judgment? But this +we do know and can truthfully say--not a single capitalistic Government +of all Europe but shares in the guilt. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"ENVOY OF MY PARTY." + + +Statement by Jules Guesde, Minister in France's War Cabinet and +Exponent of French Socialism, at Paris, Aug. 29. + + +I go into the Cabinet as an envoy of my party, not to govern, but to +fight. If I were younger, I would have shouldered a gun. But as my age +does not permit this I will, nevertheless, face the enemy and defend the +cause of humanity. + +I am confident of final victory, and without hesitation as to its +subsequent role in France, the party will never deviate from the line of +conduct laid out. As the solidarity of workmen does not shut out the +right to defend themselves against traitor workmen, so international +solidarity does not exclude the right of one nation to defend itself +against a Government traitor to the peace of Europe. + +France has been attacked, and she will have no more ardent defenders +than the workmen's party. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: JULES GUESDE, +French Cabinet Minister and Exponent of French Socialism. +(_Photo from Trans Atlantic Co._)] + + + + +MINISTER JULES GUESDE. + +Editorial Article in the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Aug. 28. + + +Who would have suspected in 1904 that Jules Guesde would come to be once +more a member of a Ministry, popular in its majority? Who would have +thought then--it was in the time of the memorable debates over +socialistic "ministerialism" in the Amsterdam Congress of the +International--that there ever could come a time when this clear-headed +and unswerving exponent of academic socialism would be forced by the +need of the hour to take a step which in ordinary circumstances would be +absolutely inconceivable for him? + +And now this has actually happened. Jules Guesde, who has been +called--in contrast to the easily moved emotional Jaurès--the +stiff-necked dogmatist, is not only become Minister, but with him +another proved Socialist champion, Marcel Sembat, who for his part too +would rather have split the party than to have approved the entrance of +Millerand into the Cabinet of Waldeck Rousseau. + +But now these two are sitting on the same Ministerial bench, not only +with this self-same Millerand, but with the much more deeply despised +renegade Briand, with the anti-Socialist abettor Ribot, and the +disgusting reactionary and favorite of the Czar, Pelcassi. The world +seems to be unhinged. + +Yet the incomprehensible is under the existing circumstances only too +easily understood, Guesde and Sembat have taken this difficult step, +because there was no other choice for them, they had to take it. They, +as representatives of a party which had sent 102 members to the Chamber +of Deputies, could not refuse, when this was the question, to create a +Ministry for Defense. + +That was the question! It was demanded of all the larger parties that +they put up their best--that is, their intellectually strongest--men for +a Cabinet whose sole task was the defense of France. When this task is +accomplished, when the war is ended in one way or the other, then the +Ministry will undoubtedly dissolve, and the Ministerial magnificance of +Comrades Guesde and Sembat will be at an end until the opportunity +offers of creating a Socialist Ministry. + +France, according to all news emanating from the scene of hostilities, +is in an extraordinarily difficult situation. Should the German Army +succeed, as seems already to have been the case in two places, in +breaking through the French-Belgian-English chain of defense, then the +way to Paris is as good as open. If nothing more, at least the reported +preparations of the Parisians indicate that a siege is expected there in +the very near future; and since Paris is still the heart of France, the +taking of that city would be one with the fall of the French Republic. + +If in such an hour of danger a nation calls upon its sons, there is for +them no choice; they must answer the call. + +Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat did no more than their duty! + + + * * * * * + + + + +"REVOLUTION!" + +Cry Raised by Jean Jaurès at Session of International Socialist Bureau, +Brussels, July 29. + +The diplomats negotiate. It seems that they will be satisfied to take +from Servia a little of its blood. We have, therefore, a little rest to +insure peace. But to what lesson is Europe submitted? When after twenty +centuries of Christianity, when after 100 years of the triumph of the +principles of the rights of men, how is it possible that millions of +persons, without knowing why, can kill each other? + +And Germany? If she knew of the Austrian note, it is inexcusable to have +permitted such a step. And if she did not know of this Austrian note, +what is her Governmental wisdom? You have an agreement which drags you +into war and you do not know what you have been dragged for? I ask, What +people have shown so much anarchy? + +Nevertheless the authorities hesitate. Let us profit by it and organize. +For us, French Socialists, our duty is simple. We do not need to impose +on our Government a policy of peace. They are practicing it. I, who have +never hesitated to bring upon my head the hatred of our patriots by my +desire to bring about a Franco-German understanding, have the right to +say that at this time the French Government desires peace. + +The French Government is the best ally for peace of the English +Government, which has taken the initiative in conciliation and gives to +Russia advice of prudence and patience. + +As for us, it is our duty to insist that it shall speak with force that +Russia may abstain. If unfortunately Russia does not abstain, it is our +duty to say, "We do not know of any other treaty except the one which +binds us to the human race." + +This is our duty, and in expressing it we find ourselves in accord with +our German comrades who demand of their Government to see to it that +Austria moderates its acts. It is possible that the telegram of which I +spoke is due partly to that desire of the German workers. One cannot go +against the wish of four millions of enlightened consciences. + +Do you know what the proletariat is? They are the men who have +collectively an affection for peace and a horror for war. The +chauvinists, the nationalists, &c., are men who have collectively an +affection for war and carnage. When they feel, however, over their heads +the menace of conflicts, or wars which may put an end to their +capitalist existence, then they remind themselves that they have friends +who seek to reduce the storm. But for the supreme masters the ground is +mined. In the drunkenness of the first battles they succeed in pulling +along the masses. In proportion as typhus completes the work of death +and misery these men will turn to the masters of Germany, France, +Russia, Austria, Italy, and so on, and will demand what reason they can +give for all those corpses. And then the revolution will tell them: Go +and demand grace from God and men. + + + * * * * * + + + + +COMPOSURE IS NECESSARY. + +Editorial Article for l'Humanite, Written by Jean Jaurès on the Night +He Was Assassinated, July 31. + + +If we put things at their worst, if we take, in view of the most +formidable hypothesis, the necessary precautions, let us keep the +lucidity of our spirit, the firmness of our reason. To judge from all +the common elements, it does not seem that the international situation +is desperate. To be sure, it is grave, but all chances of an amicable +adjustment have not disappeared. On one side it is evident that if +Germany had a design to attack us she would have proceeded according to +the famous sudden attack. On the contrary, she has allowed days to pass, +and France, like Russia, could have put to profit this delay, the one, +Russia, in order to proceed to a partial mobilization, the other, +France, to take precautions compatible with the maintenance of peace. + +On the other hand, Austria and Russia have entered into direct +negotiations. Russia demands of Austria what treatment she reserves for +Servia. Austria answers that she will respect her "territorial +integrity." Russia figures that it is not enough and that it must also +include that "the sovereign rights of Servia are guaranteed." + +Even if discord comes between the views of Austria and those of Russia, +one could measure the distance of the ideas and work on a solution of a +problem whose points are determined. It is then, it seems, that the +English idea of mediation which seeks a form, its means of expression, +but which in the end will prevail, for it embodies the profound +sentiments of the people, and without doubt the desire of the rulers +who feel rising toward them, like punishment, this peril of war, with +which for a moment they thought of playing like a diplomatic toy. + +If we judge what war itself will be and the effects it will produce by +panic, sinister rumors, economic difficulties, monetary difficulties, +and the financial disasters which the mere possibility of a conflict +creates; when we think that even now we must postpone payments, and +prepare to decree a forced circulation for the paper certificates, one +asks if the most crazy or the sanest of men are capable to open such a +crisis. + +The greatest danger at this time is not, if I can say it, in the events +themselves. It is not even in the real dispositions of the +chancelleries, however guilty they may be; it is not in the real will of +the people; it is in the nervousness which is gaining, in the worry +which is spread, in the sudden impulse which grows from fear, of the +growing uncertainty, prolonged anxiety. To these crazy panics the crowd +may give in, and it is not sure that the Governments, too, may give in. +They spend their time (delicious occupation) to frighten and to reassure +each other. And this, do not mistake, can last for weeks. Those who +imagine that a diplomatic crisis must be or can be settled in a few days +are mistaken. Just as the battles of modern war develop on an immense +front, last seven or eight days, the same way the diplomatic battles, +placing now in the game entire Europe and involving a number of powerful +nations, will spread necessarily over several weeks. To resist this test +one must have nerves of steel, or, better still, they need a firm +reasoning, clear and calm. It is to the intelligence of the people, it +is to their reasoning, that we must now make an appeal if we wish them +to remain masters of themselves, escape the panics, dominate the +excitement, and supervise the march of men and things, to spare the +human race from the horror of war. + +The danger is great, but it is not unavoidable if we preserve clearness +of mind and a strong will, if we have both heroism of patience and +heroism of action. The clear view of our duty will give us the power to +accomplish it. + +All the militant Socialist members of the Federation of the Seine are +called, for next Sunday morning, to Wagram Hall, to a meeting where the +situation will be explained, where the action which the International +expects of you will be defined. + +A number of meetings will keep in action the thought and will of the +proletariat and will prepare the magnificent demonstration which will be +a prelude to the labors of the International Congress. + +What counts now is the continuity of action, the constant awakening of +the reason and conscience of the workers. There lies true salvation. +There lies the guarantee of the future. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PRESSURE FOR PEACE. + +Resolutions of International Socialist Bureau at Brussels, July 29. + + +In assembly of July 29 the International Socialist Bureau has heard +declarations from representatives of all nations threatened by a world +war, describing the political situation in their respective countries. + +With unanimous vote, the bureau considers it an obligation for the +workers of all nations concerned not only to continue but even to +strengthen their demonstrations against war in favor of peace and of a +settlement of the Austro-Servian conflict by arbitration. + +The German and French workers will bring to bear on their Governments +the most vigorous pressure in order that Germany may secure in Austria a +moderating action, and in order that France may obtain from Russia an +undertaking that she will not engage in the conflict. On their side the +workers of Great Britain and Italy shall sustain these efforts with all +the power at their command. + +The congress urgently convoked in Paris [it was never held] will be the +vigorous expression of the absolutely peaceful will of the workers of +the whole world. + +It is further resolved that the International Socialist Bureau +congratulates the Russian workers on their revolutionary attitude, and +invites them to continue their heroic efforts against Czardom as being +one of the most effective guarantees against the threatened world war. + + + * * * * * + + + + +HUGO HAASE AT BRUSSELS. + +Speech of German Social Democratic Leader on July 30, Five Days Before +His Declaration in the Reichstag. + + +For twenty-five years Austria-Hungary has been attempting to strangle +Servia economically. Therefore, the ultimatum sent to Servia must be +regarded as a provocation to long desired war. As you know, Servia's +answer was so conciliatory in tone that if Austria had had the honest +desire peace could have been brought about. Austria wanted war. + +The most fearful thing about it all is that this criminal sport may +deluge all Europe with blood. A telegram says that Austria does not wish +to carry on a long war with Servia, but only intends taking the capital +city, Belgrade, by way of teaching Servia a lesson. This rôle of the +teacher punishing the pupils is both reprehensible and dastardly. + +Austria seems to count upon Germany's help. Nevertheless, the German +Socialists declare that secret negotiations have very little weight with +the proletariat. The German proletariat says that Germany is not to +involve herself, even if Russia enters in. The German capitalists, on +the other hand, demand that Germany step in because Austria makes war +with Servia. And on the same illogical, reprehensible grounds the French +capitalists are demanding war with Germany. The French proletariat is +one with the German proletariat. + +The people, sunk deep in want and despair, will at last awake and +establish socialism. Yesterday thousands and tens of thousands of them +in Berlin protested against the war. Their slogan was: "Long live peace, +and down with war!" + + + * * * * * + + + + +HAASE IN THE REICHSTAG. + +Speech of Aug. 4--"We Do Not Desert Our Fatherland." + + +We are face to face with a great crisis. The consequences of the +imperialistic policy by means of which an era of competitive preparation +for war has been inaugurated, and which has served to intensify hostile +feeling between nations, have swept down over Europe like a torrent. The +responsibility lies with those who have upheld this policy; we refuse +it. [Applause from the Socialists.] Social Democracy has fought this +disastrous development with all its strength, and even up to the very +last hour, by means of prodigious public demonstrations, particularly in +close co-operation with its brothers in France, [applause from the +Socialists,] it has labored for the maintenance of peace. Its endeavors +have been in vain. We now stand before the brazen facts of actual war; +the horrors of hostile invasion threaten us. It is not for us today to +decide for or against war, but to deliberate on the problem of the +available means of national defense. We have now to think of the +millions of our fellow-countrymen who, through no fault of theirs, have +been drawn into this disaster. [Applause.] They will be the ones to +suffer most heavily from the devastation of this war. + +Our warmest sympathy, accorded without reference to party, accompanies +all our brothers who have been called to the front. [Vigorous applause +from all sides of the House.] We are thinking also of the mothers who +must give up their sons, of the women and children robbed of their +mainstay and support, of those whom, to the anxiety of their loved ones, +the pangs of hunger threaten. To these will very soon be added tens of +thousands of wounded and crippled soldiers. To stand by them all, to +ease their misfortune, to alleviate their immeasurable need--this we +consider our compelling duty. [Vigorous applause.] + +With a victory of the Russian despotism, which is stained with the blood +of the best of its own people, much, if not all, which concerns our +people and their future in freedom will be at stake. [Storm of +applause.] + +It is necessary to ward off the danger in order to render secure the +culture and the independence of our own country. [Vigorous applause.] + +Thus do we actualize what we have always claimed--in the hour of danger +we do not desert our Fatherland! [Vigorous demonstrations of approval.] + +In this regard we feel ourselves in perfect accord with the +International, which has at all times recognized the right of every +people to natural independence and self-defense, just as we agree with +it in denouncing every war of conquest. + +We demand that as soon as this purpose of securing national safety is +achieved, and the combatants shall be disposed toward peace, that an end +be made to the war through a peace which shall facilitate friendship +between neighboring peoples. We demand this not only in the interests of +that international solidarity for which we have continually fought, but +also in the interests of the German people. We hope that the grisly +lessons learned from suffering in this conflict will waken in new +millions of hearts the horror of war, and will win them over to the +ideal of Socialism and peace between nations. + +Guided by these principles, we approve the proposed appropriations. +[Vigorous applause.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED. + +Letter from Dr. Carl Liebknecht, Social-Democratic Member of the +Reichstag, in the Burger Zeitung, Bremen, Sept. 18. + + +I understand that several members of the Socialist Party have written +all sorts of things to the press with regard to the deliberations of +the Socialist Party in the Reichstag on Aug. 3 and 4. + +According to these reports there were no serious differences of opinion +in our party in regard to the political situation, and our own position +and decision to assent to war credits are alleged to have been arrived +at unanimously. + +In order to prevent the dissemination of an inadmissible legend I feel +it to be my duty to put on record the fact that the issues involved gave +rise to diametrically opposite views within our parliamentary party, and +these opposing views found expression with a violence hitherto unknown +in our deliberations. + +It is also entirely untrue to say that assent to the war credits was +given unanimously. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN, +Chairman German Socialist Party and ex-Vice President +of the Reichstag.] + + + + +SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS. + +Letter from Philipp Scheidemann, Ex-Vice President of the Reichstag, in +the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Sept. 10. + + +BERLIN, Aug. 21. + +----, I send you a few facts. + +No one in Germany wanted this war. The fact that Germany declared war on +Russia and finally on France does not contradict this statement. If +Germany, who was exactly informed as to the preparations being made by +her neighbors, had delayed for ever so short a time, Russia would have +completed her mobilization which she had secretly been carrying on for +some time, and with her Cossacks would have swept down on our eastern +country which was only moderately well protected. And then woe to us! + +That the Government, after the failure of all its efforts to maintain +peace, promptly took the initiative, disturbed not a little the Czar of +Russia. This was perhaps indicated most dramatically by his manifesto to +the Jews. This same Czar, whose hands are stained with the blood of many +thousands of the Jews whom his servants of slaughter have murdered +during the pogroms, this same Czar who has degraded and abused the Jews +in the most inhuman fashion, has now, in order to create an agreeable +impression, issued a manifesto "to my beloved Jews!" Now when he has to +fear that the Poles and those Jews living in Russian Poland may rise up +against his army of shame, now does he begin to make bright promises for +the future! + +Russia to Blame. + +Upon Russia rests the entire responsibility for the present war. While +the Czar was still negotiating with the German Kaiser for the declared +purpose of bringing about peace, he was arming his troops not only +against Austria but against Germany. + +That France, republican France, has allied herself with Russian +absolutism for the purpose of murder and destruction, is an almost +inconceivable fact. And that England, parliamentarian England, +democratic England, is fighting side by side with the Russians for +"freedom and culture," that is a truly gigantic and shameless piece of +hypocrisy. + +I do not need to place before those of our readers who are schooled in +socialism any comments on the causes of this war--the fact itself as it +stands is of a stupendous, terrifying magnitude. And it is with this +fact that we have now to reckon. Russia, France, Belgium, England, +Servia, Montenegro and Japan are now involved in this battle for +"freedom and culture," which means fighting against Germany, against the +world which has given birth to Goethe, to Kant and to Karl Marx! It +would be laughable were the situation not so desperately grave. + +Socialism in each of the West European powers has done all it could to +prevent the war. Its strength could not sufficiently prevail--it was not +enough. On Aug. 1, 1914, socialism in each country found itself +confronted with the hideous certainty of war. What was to be done? + +On the 1st of August there was no longer any possibility whatsoever of +sending a letter or telegram across the German frontier. The telegram of +condolence which we sent to Paris on the assassination of Jean Jaurès +never arrived. Socialism in each country was forced back entirely upon +itself. + +At the time when I am writing this letter, Aug. 21, we in Germany know +absolutely nothing concerning the details of the action taken in the +Belgian and French Parliament. Only this much has penetrated to us, that +our comrades in all of the countries under consideration have come to +the same conclusion as we in Germany. The French have approved the war +credits, the Belgians have admitted Vandervelde to the Ministry for +Defense. That our comrades in England have come out for the strictest +neutrality is easily understood. Any other attitude on their part would +be a crime against socialism. No one would be so ignorant as to find +analogies between the situation of the German and the English +Socialists. We in Germany had to perform the duty of protecting +ourselves against Czarism, we had to accomplish the task of saving the +country in which Social Democracy has reached its highest point of +development, from impending subjection to Russia. In England the +decision had to be made only as to whether sides should be taken in the +conflict between Russia and Germany, or whether neutrality should be +preserved. + +A Germany under the yoke of the Czar would have set back a century the +Socialist movement not only of Germany itself but of the whole world. + +Moreover, we Social Democrats have never ceased to be Germans, because +we belong to the Socialist International. And if we in the Reichstag +have unanimously approved the war credit, we have done no more after all +than to carry out what has often been repeated by our greatest +Socialists from the Reichstag platform. + +Quotes Bebel and Elder Liebknecht. + +The words of Bebel and of the elder Liebknecht have always been heard +with favor in America. And what, for example, has Bebel said in this +connection? + + In the preservation of Germany's independence all the laboring + classes, to the very least among them, are just as much concerned + as those who consider themselves the chosen leaders and rulers of + the people, and the working class in nowise desires to bend its + back under any sort of foreign rule. + +Still more fully did Bebel declare himself during the session of the +Reichstag of March 7, 1904. At that time he said: + + Gentlemen: You cannot in the future carry on any successful wars + without our aid. ["Very true!" "Right!" from the Socialists.] If + you conquer you will conquer with us and not against us; without + our help you can no longer subsist. ["True!" "Right!" from the + Socialists.] I will go still further, we would have the greatest + possible interest were we to be involved in a war--a war in which + the existence of Germany was threatened, for--and I give you my + word for it--we are ready to the last and the oldest man among us + to shoulder arms and protect German soil not in service to you but + to ourselves--as far as I am concerned, in fact in defiance of you. + ["True indeed!" "Right!" from the Socialists.] + + We live and fight on this soil, the land of our fathers, as much if + not more our fatherland than yours, to the end that it will be a + joy even for the last and least among us to live therein. ["Very + good!" from the Socialists.] + + That is our endeavor and that it is which we are laboring to + achieve, and it is for this reason that we shall repulse with all + the power at our command and to our very last breath every attempt + to snatch from this Fatherland one inch of land. ["Very good!" from + the Socialists.] + +There are numerous declarations of similar nature which have been +uttered by our great friend, Wilhelm Liebknecht has also spoken in +similar fashion. On the 28th of November, 1888, he addressed the +Reichstag as follows: + + What the opponents of German consolidation over there in France and + Russia fear is a German people united for the defense of their + land. And in this regard--that I can assure you--I have personally + removed for our part every doubt, if any existed, among influential + French politicians; if France attacks, straightway there is no + party in Germany on which she can rely, and straightway every + Socialist in Germany is pledged and prepared to march against the + invader. + +For years we have been slandered by our enemies in Germany as traitors +and worse. The imperial anti-Socialist association has had an excellent +example of this alleged treachery of ours. Our vote has stretched the +anti-Socialists in the dust, together with all the other political +vultures who have lived by slandering us. + +As Socialists of firm conviction we have voted for the war credit and +moved this vote through a declaration from the party representative, +Haase. In our programme we have demanded that a volunteer army replace +the standing army. Why do we demand the volunteer army? Because we +consider it the best protection against every attack on the Fatherland. +This is it, then! We, too, wish to defend the Fatherland. Suppose that +instead we had said in the hour of need: Yes, we want to protect our +Fatherland against the knout regiments of the Czar all right enough, but +we demand that protection from the militia! Since we do not as yet have +the militia, we shall make no use of the standing army, for we would +rather let the Cossacks into the country! + +From whatever side we consider the situation, we German Socialists could +not have acted otherwise than we have. A party like that of Social +Democracy, the strongest in the country, cannot avoid the facts by +hiding its head in the sand; it must act! It is no exaggeration to state +that in the present crisis the entire German people is united. That +whole nation is determined, cost what it may, to end the war as speedily +as possible, but at the same time victoriously. There is no one here who +feels any resentment toward France, and every one wishes that a worthy +peace will be established between Germany and France as soon as +possible. + +England's Shameful Role. + +England is playing a perfectly shameful rôle in this war. Even though +France were allied to Russia by an unfortunate treaty, England was not +so allied! But England, who has ever been jealous of the industrial +development of our country, used the violation of our treaty of +neutrality with Belgium, which was incurred only in dire need and which +was yielded openly and honestly in the Reichstag by the Chancellor, as a +pretext to declare war against us. And England crowned this abhorrent +action by mobilizing against us an east-Asiatic nation. Japan, whose +sons have enjoyed the most genuine and far-reaching hospitality at our +hands, whose culture has been enriched through us, who has won from us +our industrial secrets, shows herself suddenly as the most despicable, +the most treacherous nation of this whole world. I do not need to go +into details over the demands which Japan has presented to Germany, for +I assume that your readers are already in full possession of the facts. + +Germany will perhaps lose a part of her colonial possessions in this +war. Germany is in no position to protect these against many enemies +during the war. Germany has steadily counted upon some colonial losses +in the struggle. We Socialists especially have in our opposition to +capitalistic colonial policy continually pointed to the fact that in the +event of war colonies cannot be retained. + +For the rest, however, Germany is of good courage. No one has the +slightest doubt that our country will claim victory against the hostile +oppression from without. In the meantime you in America have long since +learned that all announcements of defeats which Germany is said to have +suffered in the east, in the west, and on the sea, are lies. It is true +that at Schirmek in Alsace a few cannon were lost by our troops. But, on +the other hand, the fact is established that in the very first days +after mobilization all the enemies' troops were completely driven from +Germany, and further, that during the mobilization of our troops +victorious battles occurred at Mülhausen and Lagarde in Alsace; that in +the east they have made sharp inroads on the Russians; that they +overcame Lüttich with all its forts and captured Brussels on the 20th of +August. + +Here in Germany we are expecting every moment news of the taking of +Namur. The quicker decisive battles take place, by so much sooner will +there be some possibility of establishing peace with France. + +PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS." + +Karl Kautsky, in the Neue Zeit, Berlin, Aug. 8. + + +_Kautsky has for over a quarter of a century been one of the foremost +Socialist leaders in Germany; the founder and present editor of the Neue +Zeit. The present article on the war appeared before the periodical was +suppressed by the Government._ + +War, with all its attendant horrors, has broken loose, the "Critique of +Weapons" has been set up, and the weapons of criticism are consequently +broken. This is not merely the inevitable result of the automatic +limitations which would be imposed by any state of war, but +rather--though this is but a transitory phase--because of an absolute +lack of interest in any sort of critical estimate of the whole +situation. In breathless suspense, every man is concentrating the whole +of his mental energy on the news of the next moment, news concerning +which none can make even fairly clear surmise, and about which one fact +only is known in advance, that whatever it is, it is sure to be +horrible. For relief from this wretched suspense men are looking to +dispatches and decisions of battles, not to critical speculation. + +Yet by the time these lines come before the reader this stage may +already be giving way, and in all probability there will be beginning to +be felt the need of regaining our usual attitude, of taking account of +this monstrous event which has broken in on us so suddenly--so +unexpectedly that for the moment it has stunned us--of making ourselves +clear concerning the end toward which we are moving. + +Of course, to discuss the chances of each or any of the combatants +involved is out of the question; indeed, it would be a difficult task +for the shrewdest military expert to establish a sound estimate, for +there are probably few, perhaps none, to whom the armies under +consideration are sufficiently well known for that. Besides all this, +moreover, the present conflict is taking place under conditions +absolutely different from any we have before known, totally new to our +experience. + +Formerly, when the situation was more simple than at present, there were +always at the outbreak of war a few experienced experts who could +correctly estimate the prospects for each side in the struggle, for it +was usually fairly clear from the very beginning what each side wanted +to gain and what in the case of victory each would gain. But in the +present situation there is not a word of prophecy which can be uttered +in face of the fact that the most terrible war known to history has +broken out without any of the powers involved in the least wishing it. +It was in Russia first that at the last moment the war party seemed to +have gained the upper hand and to have set in motion the whole bloody +sport. We may rely on it that the statesmen of Austria were of the +honest belief that they could localize the conflict with Servia. + +But it is impossible any longer to consider this world war as a +continuation of that conflict. Servia has vanished completely from the +horizon, and in the moment when that end disappeared from view, each +nation found itself suddenly fighting for nothing else save its own +national integrity. The real purposes in this war will not come to the +surface until the balance of the power becomes a little more sharply +defined. Then in the victors' camp all manner of purposes and desires +will suddenly spring up wide awake. + +When Everything Is Over. + +Meanwhile, little as may be affirmed today concerning the prospects for +the parties in this struggle and the manner of the war's conclusion, +this assertion may safely be put forth; this world will wear a vastly +different appearance when everything is over. + +We hope, and may reasonably expect, that the war will be relatively +short. The Franco-Prussian war lasted from the middle of July to the end +of February; military operations began early in August and closed with +the truce of Jan. 28. That the present war will be dragged out to so +great a length, involving so incredible a number of men, demanding so +severe a straining of energies--especially the financial--on the part of +all the nations, is hardly conceivable. But however short a time it may +last, we shall emerge a world very different from before. + +The time is long since past when a great war brings in its train no +changes other than the ceding of a few square miles of conquered +territory. Under the capitalistic method of production, continual +changes, irreconcilable situations, constantly new problems pile up so +rapidly that no great war is any longer possible which does not bring +with it a prolonged breaking down as well as a building up of industrial +organisms. + +Especially is it clear that the non-European world will undergo a +powerful change. The non-European nations are already in the ascendency; +more and more they are becoming a strong opposition force to Europe. +Their advance must win tremendous impetus from a war which in every case +will weaken seriously the European nations, no matter how it may swing +the balance of power among them. + +The United States particularly will derive the greatest profit from the +struggle. Without any exertion whatsoever she is already able to control +the entire American market, and in the Far East it is possible for her +to exercise considerable restraint on her European competitors. In time +she will be in a position to constitute herself the only great money +power of that section of the world which employs the use of free +capital. Already there is a colossal stream of European securities +flowing to the United States, who is acquiring them at the very lowest +prices. The remedy for the economic wrongs of Europe which will be +created by this war as well as the fixing of indemnities will not be +possible without the aid of America. At the very least, the conquered +nations will be wholly dependent on American capital. + +Next to the United States in this amazingly swift advance stand the +nations of Asia and of Islam--Japan, China, India, Persia, Turkey with +her tributary possessions. The progress of these nations has been +considerably hampered by the control--both financial and +military--exerted over them by the European powers. In the free States +this control has been suddenly lifted; in the dependencies, such as +India, Persia, and Egypt, it has been materially weakened, and it will +be long before it can again operate with the same force. We must reckon +with the possibility of revolt among these nations and of their entrance +into the world war. Russia, England, France--these could be considerably +weakened by such a turn of affairs. Colonial policy would then show the +obverse side of the medal. It might well prove a decided source of +military and economic strength for Germany that her colonial possessions +are relatively unimportant. + +World Imperialism Doomed. + +The stronger the non-European nations become, the fewer grow the +possibilities for a continuation of the policy of empire. This world +war, born in the very midst of imperialism, can readily end in +circumstances which knock the supports from under the imperialistic +policy. + +It may be said similarly of our worldwide preparation for war, that it +too has been a direct consequence of imperialism; and our own party has +steadily maintained that it would create an atmosphere in which powder +would finally go off of itself--a spontaneous combustion. + +The burdens imposed by this war will be so terrible that from the +financial point of view it may be extremely difficult if not absolutely +impossible when peace shall at length have been concluded to add thereto +the burden of renewed preparation for war, especially in the face of +competition with America, strong and industrially intact. + +These changes must inevitably give an entirely new aspect to our +external as well as to our internal political state. To what extent will +follow changes in the political relations of the different classes it is +too early yet to surmise. But here also there is every assurance for the +assertion that political life will recommence stronger than ever +before. + +As soon as the "Critique of Weapons" ceases, immediately the weapons of +criticism are bound to take on a sharper edge. What forms critical +effort will assume, against what it will direct its force, what +circumstances will bring it to maturity, all of this lies in the lap of +Time. In any case, Social Democracy, like any other party, will in that +time need the full measure of its strength to assert itself and to +protect the interests of the class of which it is made up. To preserve +this strength through the vicissitudes which the future has in store is +presently to be the most important problem of our internal politics. + +We must hold intact the organizations and the party organs together with +the trade unions; we must guard their members from imprudences as well +as from defection. This goes without saying and there is no true comrade +who will not act in this spirit. + +No less necessary, however, is unity within the party, the absolute +relinquishing of all petty individual grievances. We are a party +committed to self-criticism, but in time of a great crisis criticism +must become mute. Never has it been more difficult, never, in fact, less +possible, to adopt and to maintain a position which would satisfy every +Socialist without exception. Every war brings Social Democracy into the +fatal dilemma between the necessity for defending our individual homes +on the one hand and, on the other, for preserving international +solidarity. The present war confronts us as well as the army staff with +particular difficulties, for it is a war possessing many faces. It is +not only a war against the Czar of Russia, but also against the +democracies of France and England, whose Governments felt themselves +forced out of fear of isolation and later subjection to stand by the +Russian Czar. + +We can very easily understand how to many this or that decision by our +party may seem a false step, but it would be still more false, still +more disastrous, were we, through any difference of opinion, to allow an +internal disagreement to arise. In time of war discipline is not for +the army alone; for a party it, too, is the first requirement. Under its +rule we must all stand together, more courageous, more firmly united +than ever before. Not criticism but faith is now the essential condition +of our success. + +KARL KAUTSKY. + + + * * * * * + + + + +SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM. + +Manifesto Resenting German Mission of Herr Sudekum Issued by Socialist +Party at Rome, Sept. 3. + + +We are Socialists, and we do not hesitate to proclaim that the sending +of a Socialist mission from Germany to Italy at this moment cannot be +free from insidious suspicion; and as such it offends the dignity and +the independence of Italian socialism, and offends it so much more +because international socialism knows that on German Socialists depended +the lesser or greater efficacy in the action of international socialism +to arrest the provocative struggle of armaments promoted by Germany, and +thus to prevent war. + +It offends it so much more because the German Socialist Party, assuming +for the justification of the aggressive policy of Germany and Austria +the same arguments as the Kaiser's diplomacy, has lost the right to +attach itself to the ties of international socialism. + +We have thus far kept silent, not to disturb the neutrality proclaimed +since the outbreak of the war by the Italian people, irrevocably decided +not to dishonor themselves before the world and before history in giving +aid to Austria and Germany, and requiring peace after two years of war +in Lybia. + +Today, however, we are no longer able to be silent in the presence of +German Socialist activity encouraging the obscure play of diplomatic +intrigues on the part of the Governments of the ex-Triple Alliance, +which tends to move Italian neutrality toward the tortuous and perilous +paths of indirect co-operation. We want to affirm that our wishes are +for the immediate cessation of the war without conquerors or conquered. + +But if now this hope is vain, we express our desire that this infamous +war may be concluded by the defeat of those who have provoked it; the +Austrian and German Empires, since the empires of Austria and Germany +form the rampart of European reaction, even more than Russia, which is +shaken by democratic and Socialist forces, which have shown that they +know how to attempt a heroic effort of liberation; since if the German +and Austrian Empires emerge victorious from the war it will mean the +triumph of military absolutism in its most brutal expression, of a +barbarian horde massacring, devastating, destroying, and conquering in +violation of every treaty and right and law. + +Nor do the German Socialists give us any confidence of knowing how to +restrain this; in the past they have only been able to realize +advantageous contrasts of labor and to attain gigantic election results +without exercising any influence in the policy of their own country. + +The defeat of the German Empire may instead offer German socialism the +opportunity of emerging from its voluntary impotence and redeem itself +by breaking down the feudal political régime of the empire, taking away +from Russian absolutism the assistance it has hitherto enjoyed, and +contributing to alter decisively the aims of all European policy. + +Since, finally, the victory of the French Republic, now imbued with +genuine socialism, and that of England, where the truest democracy +flourishes, signifies the victory of a European political régime open to +all social conquests and desiring peace, it signifies the agreement +between States at last free and nationally reinforced by the limitation +of armaments and the substitution of a system of national militia for +defense in the place of hordes professionally organized for aggression, +which would imply the liberation as well of the German people. + +Therefore, under actual conditions, while nearly the whole of Europe is +at war, we may well raise our cry of horror and of protest; but our +protest strikes only those who desired the war, not those who submit to +it to defend themselves against oppression. + +In this war is outlined on one side the defense of European reaction, on +the other the defense of all revolutions, past and future, brought about +by historical necessity stronger than the intentions of Governments. And +because of this we must confirm that there remains for us only one way +of being internationalists--namely, to declare ourselves loyally in +favor of whoever fights the empires of reaction, just as the Italian +Socialists residing in Paris have understood that one way only remains +to be anti-militarist--to arm and fight against the empires of +militarism. + +This is our answer as Italian Socialists to the German Socialists. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: KEIR HARDIE, M.P., +British Representative International Socialist Bureau.] + + + + +BRITISH MANIFESTO. + +Issued by Keir Hardie and Arthur Henderson, July 31. + + + The long-threatened European war is now upon us. For more than 100 + years no such danger has confronted civilization. It is for you to + take full account of the desperate situation and to act promptly + and vigorously in the interest of peace. You have never been + consulted about the war. + + Whatever may be the rights and wrongs of the sudden, crushing + attack made by the militarist Empire of Austria upon Servia, it is + certain that the workers of all countries likely to be drawn into + the conflict must strain every nerve to prevent their Governments + from committing them to war. + + Everywhere Socialists and the organized forces of labor are taking + this course. Everywhere vehement protests are made against the + greed and intrigues of militarists and armament mongers. + + We call upon you to do the same here in Great Britain upon an even + more impressive scale. Hold vast demonstrations against war in + every industrial centre. Compel those of the governing class and + their press who are eager to commit you to co-operate with Russian + despotism to keep silence and respect the decision of the + overwhelming majority of the people, who will have neither part nor + lot in such infamy. The success of Russia at the present day would + be a curse to the world. + + There is no time to lose. Already, by secret agreements and + understandings, of which the democracies of the civilized world + know only by rumor, steps are being taken which may fling us all + into the fray. + + Workers, stand together therefore for peace! Combine and conquer + the militarist enemy and the self-seeking imperialists today, once + and for all. + + Men and women of Britain, you have now an unexampled opportunity of + rendering a magnificent service to humanity and to the world! + + Proclaim that for you the days of plunder and butchery have gone + by; send messages of peace and fraternity to your fellows who have + less liberty than you. Down with class rule! Down with the rule of + brute force! Down with war! Up with the peaceful rule of the + people! (Signed on behalf of the British Section of the + International Socialist Bureau,) + + J. KEIR HARDIE, + + ARTHUR HENDERSON. + + + * * * * * + + + + +KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS. + +Directed at Sir Edward Grey, British Minister for Foreign Affairs, in +House of Commons, Aug. 27. + + +_Mr. Keir Hardie_ (Merthyr Tydvil, Lab.) asked the Secretary for Foreign +Affairs whether the suggestions for a peace settlement made by the +German Ambassador, ["White Paper," Page 66, Item No. 123,] together with +his invitation to the Foreign Secretary to put forward proposals of his +own which would be acceptable as a basis for neutrality, were submitted +to and considered by the Cabinet; and, if not, why proposals involving +such far-reaching possibilities were thus rejected. + +_Sir E. Grey_ (Northumberland, Berwick)--These were personal suggestions +made by the Ambassador on Aug. 1, and without authority to alter the +conditions of neutrality proposed to us by the German Chancellor in No. +85 in the "White Paper"--Miscellaneous, No. 6, [1914.] + +The Cabinet did, however, consider most carefully the next morning--that +is, Sunday, Aug. 2--the conditions on which we could remain neutral, and +came to the conclusion that respect for the neutrality of Belgium must +be one of these conditions. ["Hear, hear!"] The German Chancellor had +already been told on July 30 that we could not bargain that way. + +On Monday, Aug. 3, I made a statement in the House accordingly. I had +seen the German Ambassador again at his own request on Monday, and he +urged me most strongly, though he said that he did not know the plans of +the German military authorities, not to make the neutrality of Belgium +one of our conditions when I spoke in the House. It was a day of great +pressure, for we had another Cabinet in the morning, and I had no time +to record the conversation, and therefore it does not appear in the +"White Paper"; but it was impossible to withdraw that condition [loud +cheers] without becoming a consenting party to the violation of the +treaty, and subsequently to a German attack on Belgium. + +After I spoke in the House we made to the German Government the +communication described in No. 153 in the "White Paper" about the +neutrality of Belgium. Sir Edward Goschen's report of the reply to that +communication had not been received when the "White Paper" was printed +and laid. It will be laid before Parliament to complete the "White +Paper." + +I have been asked why I did not refer to No. 123 in the "White Paper" +when I spoke in the House on Aug. 3. If I had referred to suggestions to +us as to conditions of neutrality I must have referred to No. 85, the +proposals made, not personally by the Ambassador, but officially by the +German Chancellor, which were so condemned by the Prime Minister +subsequently, and this would have made the case against the German +Government much stronger than I did make it in my speech. ["Hear, +hear!"] I deliberately refrained from doing that then. + +Let me add this about personal suggestions made by the German +Ambassador, as distinct from communications made on behalf of his +Government. He worked for peace; but real authority at Berlin did not +rest with him and others like him, and that is one reason why our +efforts for peace failed. [Loud cheers.] + +_Mr. Keir Hardie_--May I ask whether any attempt was made to open up +negotiations with Germany on the basis of suggestions here set forth by +the German Ambassador? + +_Sir E. Grey_--The German Ambassador did not make any basis of +suggestions. It was the German Chancellor who made the basis of +suggestions. The German Ambassador, speaking on his own personal +initiative and without authority, asked whether we would formulate +conditions on which we would be neutral. We did go into that question, +and those conditions were stated to the House and made known to the +German Ambassador. + +_Mr. Keir Hardie_ [who was received with cries of "Oh!" from all parts +of the House]--May I ask whether the German authorities at Berlin +repudiated the suggestions of their Ambassador in London, and whether +any effort at all [renewed cries of "Oh!" and "Order!"] was made to find +out how far the German Government would have agreed to the suggestions +put before them by their own Ambassador? + + + * * * * * + + + + +REPLY TO MINISTER GREY. + +Made by J. Ramsay Macdonald, Member of Socialist Labor Party, in House +of Commons, Aug. 4. + + +I would have preferred to remain silent this afternoon, but +circumstances do not permit of it. I shall model what I have to say +upon the two speeches to which we have just listened. The right +honorable gentleman has delivered a speech the echoes of which will go +down in history. However much we may resist the conclusions to which we +have come, we have not been able to resist the moving character of his +appeal ["Hear, hear!"] + +I think, however, he is wrong, and I think the Government for which he +speaks is wrong. I think the verdict of history will be that they are +wrong. + +The effect of the right honorable gentleman's speech in this House will +not be its final effect. There may or may not be opportunities for us to +go into details, but I want to say to the House, and without +provocation, that if the right honorable gentleman had come here today +and told us that our country was in danger, then I do not care what +party he appealed to or to what class, we would be behind him. We would +vote him what money he wants, and we would go further, for we would +offer him ourselves--if the country was in danger. [Cries of "But it +is!"] He has not persuaded me that it is, and he has not persuaded +honorable friends with me that it is. + +I am perfectly certain that when the light honorable gentleman's speech +gets into cold print tomorrow he will not persuade a large section of +the country. If the nation's honor were in danger we would be with them. +There has been no crime committed by statesmen of this character without +those statesmen appealing to the nation's honor. + +We went into the Crimean war because of our honor; we rushed into the +South African war because of our honor, and the right honorable +gentleman is appealing to us today because of our honor. + +If the right honorable gentleman would come to us and say that a small +European nationality like Belgium is in danger [cries of "It is +invaded!"] and would assure us that he is going to confine the conflict +to that quarter, then we will support him. But what is the use of +talking about going to the aid of Belgium when you are really going +into a European war which will not leave the map of Europe as it was +before. + +The right honorable gentleman said nothing about Russia. We want to know +about that and try and find out what is going to happen after this is +all over. We are not going to go blindly into this conflict without +having at least some rough idea of what is going to happen afterward. + +At all events, so far as France is concerned, we can say solemnly and +definitely that no such friendship as is described by the right +honorable gentleman between one nation and another can ever justify one +of those nations going into war on behalf of the other. + +If France is really in danger, if as the result of all this we are going +to have the power, civilization and genius of France removed in European +history, let the right honorable gentleman say so. It is an absolutely +impossible conception. + +So far as we are concerned, whatever attacks may be made upon us, +whatever may be said about us, we will take the action that he will take +by saying that this country ought to have remained neutral [Labor +cheers] because in the deepest parts of our hearts we believe that that +was right and that that alone was consistent with the honor of the +country and the traditions of the party that are now in office. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. MACDONALD REPENTS. + +But Does Not Recant--Accusation of The London Times. + + +It is to be noted that while Mr. Macdonald has never withdrawn his +accusations of bad faith against the Government--while he allows them +still to be circulated as a broadsheet--he ventures to pose as having +abandoned them. Belgian neutrality was, he said in The Labour Leader, +and in effect in the House of Commons also, being used as an excuse--it +was "a pretty game of hypocrisy." But writing in The Leicester Daily +Post on Sept. 24 in vindication of his attitude he said: + + + On one point I wish to be quite clear.... We could not afford, + either from the point of view of honor or of interest, to see + Germany occupy Belgium. The war that comes nearest having a Divine + justification is the war in which a great and mighty State engages + to protect a small nation. From that position I have never receded. + In the controversies that have been raised I have doubted whether, + when our diplomacy is judged with the whole of the facts before the + judges, it will come well out of its trial on this point, but that + when the popular sentiment of the country is judged it will come + out clean and fine, so far as Belgium is concerned, I am quite + convinced. + + +This is the man who charges the Government with dragging the country +into war because it would not acquiesce in the German armies marching +through Belgium on the condition that the integrity and independence of +Belgium were respected! + +And will it be believed that Mr. Macdonald, whose indictment of the +Government for deliberately dragging us into an unnecessary war is still +in circulation, has actually ventured to associate himself with the +recruiting movement? + +In the House of Commons on Aug. 3 Mr. Macdonald predicted that Sir +Edward Grey's statement "would not persuade a large section of the +country." That prediction having been falsified, it has been necessary +for the prophet to hedge. So when a recruiting meeting was held in +Leicester on Sept. 11, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald wrote a letter to the Mayor +expressing his regret that he could not be present, and saying: + + Victory must be ours. England is not played out. Her mission is not + accomplished. She can, if she would, take the place of esteemed + honor among the democracies of the world, and if peace is to come + with healing on her wings the democracies of Europe must be her + guardians. There should be no doubt about that.... History will in + due time apportion the praise and the blame, but the young men of + the country must, for the moment, settle the immediate issue of + victory. Let them do it in the spirit of the brave men who have + crowned our country with honor in the times that are gone.... + Should, an opportunity arise to enable me to appeal to the pure + love of country ... I shall gladly take that opportunity. If need + be, I shall make it for myself. I want the serious men of the trade + union, the brotherhood, and similar movements to face their duty. + To such men it is enough to say "England has need of you." + +Thus the man who is doing his best to enfeeble sympathy abroad for his +country's cause, by representing that cause as one based on hypocrisy, +is at the same time exhorting his fellow-countrymen to make the +hypocrisy victorious! + +Clearly, when the officials of the Berlin news department described Mr. +Ramsay Macdonald as "Ramsay and Macdonald" they were not so ill-informed +as at first appeared. + +Though Mr. Macdonald is not two persons, he has at least two voices. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of New York Times Current History: The +European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2, by Various + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT *** + +***** This file should be named 16331-8.txt or 16331-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/3/3/16331/ + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, David Gundry and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 + Who Began the War, and Why? + +Author: Various + +Release Date: July 19, 2005 [EBook #16331] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT *** + + + + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, David Gundry and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="trans-note"> +<p class="center"><b>Transcriber's Note:</b></p> +<p class="center"><b>Table of Contents and List of Illustrations have been compiled by the transcriber.</b></p> +</div> + + +<h1>Current History: The European War.</h1> + + +<h2>From the Beginning to March 1915.</h2> + + +<h2>"Who Began the War, and Why?"</h2> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p class="center"><b>Published by the <i>New York Times.</i></b></p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + +<div class="toc"> +<h2 class="toc">TABLE OF CONTENTS.</h2> + + +<p>CHAPTER<span class="page_toc">PageNo</span></p> + + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#THE_CASE_FOR_GERMANY">WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br />THE CASE FOR GERMANY</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>209</small></span></h2> + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#SPEECHES_BY_KAISER_WILHELM_II">Speeches by Kaiser Wilhelm II.</a><span class="page_toc"><small>209</small></span> +</h2> + + +<p class="i5"><a href="#FORGIVES_ENEMIES">FORGIVES ENEMIES.</a> +<span class="page_toc">210</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#SPEECH_FROM_THE_THRONE">SPEECH FROM THE THRONE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">210</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#TO_THE_GERMAN_ARMY_AND_NAVY">TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">211</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#TO_THE_LAST_BREATH_OF_MAN_AND_HORSEquot">"TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE."</a> +<span class="page_toc">212</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#TO_GERMAN_WOMEN">TO GERMAN WOMEN.</a> +<span class="page_toc">211</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#JOY_IN_GLORIOUS_VICTORY">JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">212</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#FIRST_SUCCESSFUL_BATTLE">FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">212</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#A_PRAYER_FOR_VICTORY">A PRAYER FOR VICTORY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">212</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#UP_AND_AT_THE_FOESquot">"UP AND AT THE FOES."</a> +<span class="page_toc">212</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#ON_VICTORY_NEAR_METZ">ON VICTORY NEAR METZ.</a> +<span class="page_toc">213</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_SPIRIT_OF_THE_MEN">THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN.</a> +<span class="page_toc">213</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#HIS_INDISCRETION_WAS_CALCULATEDquot">HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED."</a> +<span class="page_toc">213</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#WILHELM_IIS_LETTER_TO_LORD_TWEEDMOUTH">WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH.</a> +<span class="page_toc">216</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#The_Mighty_Fate_of_Europe">The Mighty Fate of Europe</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>219</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#YOUR_HEARTS_FOR_GOD_YOUR_FISTS_ON_THE_ENEMYquot">"YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY."</a> +<span class="page_toc">219</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#AS_ONE_MAN_FOR_THE_KAISER">AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER.</a> +<span class="page_toc">219</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#DECLARES_FOR_WAR">DECLARES FOR WAR.</a> +<span class="page_toc">219</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#STATEMENT_TO_AMERICA">STATEMENT TO AMERICA.</a> +<span class="page_toc">222</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GERMANYS_ARMAMENTS">GERMANY'S ARMAMENTS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">223</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Austria_Hungarys_Version_of_the_War">Austria-Hungary's Version of the War</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>225</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MANIFESTO">MANIFESTO.</a> +<span class="page_toc">226</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#DECLARATION_OF_WAR">DECLARATION OF WAR.</a> +<span class="page_toc">226</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#DAYS_OF_WORLDS_HISTORYquot">"DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY."</a> +<span class="page_toc">226</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#WILL_OF_WILHELM_II_THAT_SWUNG_THE_SWORD">WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD.</a> +<span class="page_toc">226</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#pg_227A_PURELY_DEFENSIVE_WAR">A PURELY DEFENSIVE WAR.</a> +<span class="page_toc">227</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#A_DISCORDANT_NOTE">A DISCORDANT NOTE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">227</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#A_German_Review_of_the_Evidence">A German Review of the Evidence</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>228</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#I">I. THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION</a> +<span class="page_toc">229</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#II">II. GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS</a> +<span class="page_toc">233</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#III">III. THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE</a> +<span class="page_toc">239</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#IV">IV. BELGIAN NEUTRALITY</a> +<span class="page_toc">242</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Truth_About_Germanyquot">"Truth About Germany"</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>244</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#HOW_THE_WAR_CAME_ABOUT">HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT.</a> +<span class="page_toc">247</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#REICHSTAG_AND_EMPEROR">REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR.</a> +<span class="page_toc">251</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_GERMAN_MOBILIZATION">THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION.</a> +<span class="page_toc">253</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#ARMY_AND_NAVY">ARMY AND NAVY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">255</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#H_AIS_OF_GRANYS_NIS">THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES.</a> +<span class="page_toc">260</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#LIES_ABOUT_GERMANY">LIES ABOUT GERMANY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">263</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GERMANY_AND_THE_FOREIGNER">GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER.</a> +<span class="page_toc">267</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#COMMERCE_AND_TRADE_REL">COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS</a> +<span class="page_toc">269</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#WHO_IS_TO_BE_VICTORIOUS">WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS?</a> +<span class="page_toc">271</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Speculations_About_Peace_September_1914">Speculations About Peace, September, 1914<br />Report to President Wilson.</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>273</small></span></h2> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#CASE_FOR_THE_TRIPLE_ENTENTE">WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br />CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>276</small></span></h2> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#FIRST_WARNINGS_OF_EUROPES_PERIL">FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL.<br />Speeches by British Ministers.</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>276</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#A_CLOUD_OVER_EUROPEquot">"A CLOUD OVER EUROPE."</a> +<span class="page_toc">277</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#AUSTRO_SERVIAN_CRISIS">AUSTRO-SERVIAN CRISIS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">278</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#A_GRAVE_SITUATION">A GRAVE SITUATION.</a> +<span class="page_toc">278</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#RISK_OF_A_CATASTROPHE">RISK OF A CATASTROPHE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">279</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#OPPOSITION_CONCURS">OPPOSITION CONCURS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">279</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PEACE_THE_GREAT_OBJECT">PEACE THE GREAT OBJECT.</a> +<span class="page_toc">279</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#RUSSIAS_MOBILIZATION">RUSSIA'S MOBILIZATION.</a> +<span class="page_toc">280</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_GERMAN_INVASION">THE GERMAN INVASION.</a> +<span class="page_toc">280</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PEACE_OF_EUROPE_CANNOT_BE_PRESERVED">PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED. +<br />Sir Edward Grey's Speech in the House of Commons<br />Aug. 3.</a> +<span class="page_toc">282</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GERMANY_AND_BELGIUM">GERMANY AND BELGIUM.</a> +<span class="page_toc">290</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#UNHESITATING_SUPPORT">UNHESITATING SUPPORT.</a> +<span class="page_toc">291</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#CHANGED_IRISH_FEELING">CHANGED IRISH FEELING.</a> +<span class="page_toc">291</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GREAT_BRITAINS_ULTIMATUM_TO_GERMANY">GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">292</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PENETRATION_OF_BELGIAN_TERRITORY">PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">293</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Great_Britains_Mobilization">Great Britain's Mobilization</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>294</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#KING_TO_BRITAINS_FLEET">KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET.</a> +<span class="page_toc">294</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#NAPOLEONISM_ONCE_AGAIN">NAPOLEONISM ONCE AGAIN.</a> +<span class="page_toc">295</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PACT_OF_TRIPLE_ENTENTE">PACT OF TRIPLE ENTENTE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">297</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#A_COUNTERSTROKE">A COUNTERSTROKE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">298</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#IMPERIAL_MESSAGE_TO_THE_BRITISH_DOMINIONS">IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">298</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MEN_RECRUITED_438000">438,000 MEN RECRUITED.</a> +<span class="page_toc">299</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#EARL_KITCHENERS_SPEECH_ON_RECRUITS">EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS</a> +<span class="page_toc">304</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PARLIAMENT_PROROGUED">PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.</a> +<span class="page_toc">307</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Summons_of_the_Nation_to_Arms">Summons of the Nation to Arms</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>308</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PRIME_MINISTERS_LETTER">PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER.</a> +<span class="page_toc">309</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MR_ASQUITH_IN_LONDON">MR. ASQUITH IN LONDON.</a> +<span class="page_toc">309</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GERMANY_SPEAKS">GERMANY SPEAKS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">314</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GREAT_BRITAIN_REPLIES">GREAT BRITAIN REPLIES.</a> +<span class="page_toc">314</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MR_ASQUITH_AT_EDINBURGH">MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH.</a> +<span class="page_toc">316</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MR_ASQUITH_AT_DUBLIN">MR. ASQUITH AT DUBLIN.</a> +<span class="page_toc">320</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MR_ASQUITH_AT_CARDIFF">MR. ASQUITH AT CARDIFF.</a> +<span class="page_toc">325</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#LORD_CURZONS_EXPERIENCE">LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">329</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#NOW_THE_WAR_HAS_COME">NOW THE WAR HAS COME.</a> +<span class="page_toc">331</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_GREAT_WAR">THE GREAT WAR.</a> +<span class="page_toc">336</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Teachings_of_Gen_von_Bernhardi">Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>343</small></span></h2> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Entrance_of_France_Into_War">Entrance of France Into War</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>350</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#NEUTRALIZED_STATE_RESPECTED">NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED.</a> +<span class="page_toc">350</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_NATION_IN_ARMS">THE NATION IN ARMS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">351</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#POSITION_OF_THE_REPUBLIC">POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC.</a> +<span class="page_toc">351</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#BEFORE_THE_MARNE_BATTLE">BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">357</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Russia_to_Her_Enemy">Russia to Her Enemy +<br />Slav Emperor Announces New Policies.</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>358</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#A_MANIFESTO">A MANIFESTO.</a> +<span class="page_toc">358</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#CZAR_AT_THE_KREMLIN">CZAR AT THE KREMLIN.</a> +<span class="page_toc">359</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#APPEAL_TO_THE_POLES">APPEAL TO THE POLES.</a> +<span class="page_toc">359</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_POLISH_RESPONSE">THE POLISH RESPONSE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">359</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#NO_ALLIANCE_WITH_GERMANY">NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY</a> +<span class="page_toc">360</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#POLISH_AMERICAN_OPINION">POLISH AMERICAN OPINION.</a> +<span class="page_toc">360</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#RUSSIA_AGAINST_GERMANY">RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">361</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#DUMAS_MESSAGE_TO_BRITAIN">DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN.</a> +<span class="page_toc">361</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#NEW_POLICY_AND_THE_JEWS">NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">361</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#WAR_ON_GERMAN_TRADE">WAR ON GERMAN TRADE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">362</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#FOE_TO_GERMAN_MILITARISM">FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM.</a> +<span class="page_toc">363</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#NOT_A_QUESTION_OF_SLAV_PREDOMINANCE">NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">363</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#RUSSIAS_LITTLE_BROTHERquot">RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER."</a> +<span class="page_toc">365</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#The_Facts_About_Belgiumquot">"The Facts About Belgium"</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>365</small></span></h2> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Belgo_British_Plot_Alleged_by_Germany">Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>369</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GREAT_BRITAINS_DENIAL">GREAT BRITAIN'S DENIAL.</a> +<span class="page_toc">370</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#REPLY_TO_GREAT_BRITAIN">REPLY TO GREAT BRITAIN.</a> +<span class="page_toc">371</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GRAY_BOOKS_TESTIMONY">GRAY BOOK'S TESTIMONY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">371</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#BELGIUMS_ANSWER">BELGIUM'S ANSWER.</a> +<span class="page_toc">372</span></p> + + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#ATROCITIES_OF_THE_WAR">WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br />Atrocities of the War</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>374</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_POPES_DYING_WORDS">THE POPE'S DYING WORDS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">374</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GERMAN_KAISERS_PROTEST">GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST.</a> +<span class="page_toc">374</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#REPLY_TO_THE_KAISER">REPLY TO THE KAISER.</a> +<span class="page_toc">375</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#CHARGE_AGAINST_GERMANY">CHARGE AGAINST GERMANY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">375</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#M_DELCASSES_NOTE">M. DELCASSE'S NOTE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">376</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_BELGIAN_MISSION">THE BELGIAN MISSION.</a> +<span class="page_toc">376</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#M_DE_WIARTS_ADDRESS">M. DE WIART'S ADDRESS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">376</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PRESIDENT_WILSONS_REPLY">PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">377</span></p> + + +<p class="i5"><a href="#OFFICIAL_SUMMARY">OFFICIAL SUMMARY.<br />Belgian Royal Commission +Report presented to President Wilson at Washington, Sept. 16.</a> +<span class="page_toc">378</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#Ia">I. Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael.</a> +<span class="page_toc">378</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#IIa">II. Report on Aerschot.</a> +<span class="page_toc">379</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#IIIa">III. Destruction of Louvain.</a> +<span class="page_toc">381</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#FURTHER_REPORTS">FURTHER REPORTS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">385</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#A_SUPPLEMENT">A SUPPLEMENT.</a> +<span class="page_toc">385</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#NOT_A_WORD_OF_TRUTHquot">"NOT A WORD OF TRUTH."</a> +<span class="page_toc">388</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#GERMANYS_VERSIONS">GERMANY'S VERSIONS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">388</span></p> + +<p class="i10"><a href="#LOUVAINS_ART_TREASURES">LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES.</a> +<span class="page_toc">390</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#Bombardment_of_Rheims_Cathedral">Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral</a> +<span class="page_toc">392</span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#POPE_BENEDICT_SILENT">POPE BENEDICT SILENT.</a> +<span class="page_toc">392</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#ATTACK_NOT_WILLFUL">ATTACK NOT WILLFUL.</a> +<span class="page_toc">392</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#SPARE_THE_CATHEDRALquot">"SPARE THE CATHEDRAL."</a> +<span class="page_toc">392</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_FRENCH_ARE_BLAMED">THE FRENCH ARE BLAMED</a> +<span class="page_toc">393</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#THE_DAMAGE_DONE">THE DAMAGE DONE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">393</span></p> + + +<h2 class="toc"><a href="#THE_SOCIALISTS_PART">WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br />The Socialists' Part</a> +<span class="page_toc"><small>397</small></span></h2> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#HOW_INTERNATIONAL_SOCIALISTS_ARMED_AGAINST_EACH_OTHER">HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER.</a> +<span class="page_toc">397</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#ENVOY_OF_MY_PARTYquot">"ENVOY OF MY PARTY."</a> +<span class="page_toc">398</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MINISTER_JULES_GUESDE">MINISTER JULES GUESDE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">398</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#REVOLUTIONquot">"REVOLUTION!"</a> +<span class="page_toc">399</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#COMPOSURE_IS_NECESSARY">COMPOSURE IS NECESSARY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">400</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#PRESSURE_FOR_PEACE">PRESSURE FOR PEACE.</a> +<span class="page_toc">401</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#HUGO_HAASE_AT_BRUSSELS">HUGO HAASE AT BRUSSELS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">401</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#HAASE_IN_THE_REICHSTAG">HAASE IN THE REICHSTAG.</a> +<span class="page_toc">401</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#GERMAN_SOCIALISTS_DIVIDED">GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED.</a> +<span class="page_toc">402</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#SOCIALISTS_STILL_GERMANS">SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">402</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#CRITIQUE_OF_WEAPONSquot">"CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS."</a> +<span class="page_toc">405</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#SOCIALISTS_OF_ITALY_FIRM">SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM.</a> +<span class="page_toc">408</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#BRITISH_MANIFESTO">BRITISH MANIFESTO.</a> +<span class="page_toc">409</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#KEIR_HARDIES_QUESTIONS">KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">410</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#REPLY_TO_MINISTER_GREY">REPLY TO MINISTER GREY.</a> +<span class="page_toc">411</span></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#MR_MACDONALD_REPENTS">MR. MACDONALD REPENTS.</a> +<span class="page_toc">411</span></p> + +<h2 class="toc">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2> + + +<p class="i5"><a href="#kaiser_bill">WILHELM II.</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#kaiserin">AUGUSTA VICTORIA</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#hollweg">T. VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#berchtold">COUNT LEOPOLD BERCHTOLD.</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#sir_edward_grey">SIR EDWARD GREY</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#winston_churchill">W.L. SPENCER CHURCHILL</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#viviani">RENE VIVIANI</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#sazanof">STATE COUNCILLOR SAZONOF</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#pope_pius_x">HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X.</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#woodrow_wilson">WOODROW WILSON</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#king_albert">ALBERT KING OF THE BELGIANS</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#carton_de_wiart">CARTON DE WIART</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#philipp_scheidemann">PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#jules_guesde">JULES GUESDE</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#emil_van_der_velde">EMIL VAN DER VELDE</a></p> + +<p class="i5"><a href="#keir_hardie">KEIR HARDIE M.P.</a></p> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h1><a name="THE_CASE_FOR_GERMANY" id="THE_CASE_FOR_GERMANY"></a>WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br /> <br />THE CASE FOR GERMANY</h1> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[Pg 209]</span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="SPEECHES_BY_KAISER_WILHELM_II" id="SPEECHES_BY_KAISER_WILHELM_II"></a>SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II.</h2> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p><b>From the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, July 31, 1914.</b></p> + +<p>A fateful hour has fallen for Germany.</p> + +<p>Envious peoples everywhere are compelling us to our just defense.</p> + +<p>The sword is being forced into our hand. I hope that if my efforts +at the last hour do not succeed in bringing our opponents to see +eye to eye with us and in maintaining peace we shall with God's +help so wield the sword that we shall restore it to its sheath +again with honor.</p> + +<p>War would demand enormous sacrifices of blood and property from the +German people, but we should show our enemies what it means to +provoke Germany.</p> + +<p>And now I commend you to God. Go to church. Kneel down before God +and pray for His help for our gallant Army.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<h3><a name="FORGIVES_ENEMIES" id="FORGIVES_ENEMIES"></a>FORGIVES ENEMIES.</h3> + +<p><b>Kaiser Wilhelm's Speech from the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2.</b><span class="pagenum">[Pg 210]</span></p> + +<p>I thank you for the love and loyalty shown me. When I enter upon a +fight let all party strife cease. We are German brothers and +nothing else. All parties have attacked me in times of peace. I +forgive them with all my heart. I hope and wish that the good +German sword will emerge victorious in the right.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h3><a name="SPEECH_FROM_THE_THRONE" id="SPEECH_FROM_THE_THRONE"></a>SPEECH FROM THE THRONE.</h3> + +<p><b>Kaiser Wilhelm II., Opening Special Session of the Reichstag in White +Room of the Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 4.</b></p> +<div class="figright"><a name="kaiser_bill" id="kaiser_bill"></a><img alt="Kaiser_Bill (22K)" src="images/kaiser_bill.jpg" height="500" width="318" /> +<p class="center">WILHELM II., German Emperor.<br /> (<i>Photo from Charles E. +Ritzmann</i>.)</p></div> + +<p>Honored Sirs: It is in an hour fraught with fate that I have +assembled about me all the representatives of the German people. +For almost half a century we have been able to keep to the path of +peace. The attempts to attribute a warlike temperament to Germany +and to circumscribe its position in the world have often put to +severe tests the patience of our people. With unswerving honesty, +my Government, even in provoking circumstances, has pursued as its +highest aim the development of all moral, spiritual, and economic +powers. The world has been witness how tirelessly we strove in the +first rank during the pressure and confusion of the last few years +to spare the nations of Europe a war between the great powers.</p> + +<p>The very grave dangers which had arisen owing to the events in the +Balkans appeared to have been overcome, but then the murder of my +friend, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, opened up a great abyss. My +high ally, the Emperor and King Francis Joseph, was compelled to +take up arms to defend the security of his empire against dangerous +intrigues from a neighboring State. In the pursuit of her proper +interests the Dual Monarchy has found her path obstructed by the +Russian Empire. Not only our duty as an ally calls us to the side +of Austria-Hungary, but on us falls also the mighty task of +defending the ancient community of culture of the two kingdoms and +our own position in the world against the attack of hostile powers. +With a heavy heart I have been compelled to mobilize my army +against a neighbor with whom it has fought side by side on so many +fields of battle. With sincere sorrow I saw a friendship broken of +which Germany had given faithful proofs. The Imperial Russian +Government, yielding to the pressure of an insatiable nationalism, +has taken sides with a State which by encouraging criminal attacks +has brought on the evil of this war. That France, also, placed +herself on the side of our enemies could not surprise us. Too often +have our efforts to arrive at friendlier relations with the French +Republic come in collision with old hopes and ancient malice.</p> + +<p>Honored Sirs: What human insight and power could do to arm a people +against the last extremities has been done with your patriotic +help. The hostility which has been smouldering for a long time in +the East and in the West has now burst into bright flames. The +present situation did not proceed from transient conflicts of +interest or diplomatic entanglements, it is the result of an ill +will which has for many years been active against the strength and +the prosperity of the German Empire. We are not incited by lust for +conquest, we are inspired by the unyielding determination to keep +for ourselves and all future generations the place which God has +given us.</p> + +<p>From the proofs which have been given you, you will see how my +Government, and especially my Chancellor, strove up to the last +moment to avert the worst. We grasp the sword in compulsory +self-defense, with clean hands and a clean conscience.</p> + +<p>To the peoples and races of the German Empire my call goes forth to +defend with all their strength and in brotherly co-operation with +our ally that which we have created by peaceful labor. After the +example of our fathers, firmly and <span class="pagenum">[Pg 211]</span>faithfully, sincerely and with +chivalry, humbly before God and battling joyfully before the enemy, +let us place our trust in the eternal Omnipotence, and may He +strengthen our defense and bring it to a good end!</p> + +<p>To you, honored sirs, the whole German people, assembled about its +Princes and its leaders, look this day. Make your decision +unanimously and quickly. That is my heartfelt wish.</p> + +<p>Gentlemen (addressing the Deputies directly): You have read what I +said to my people the other day from the balcony of my castle. I +repeat now that I no longer know any parties. I know only Germans. +And in order to testify that you are firmly resolved without +distinction of party to stand by my side through danger and death, +I call upon the leaders of the different parties in this House to +come forward and lay their hands in mine as a pledge.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h3><a name="TO_THE_GERMAN_ARMY_AND_NAVY" id="TO_THE_GERMAN_ARMY_AND_NAVY"></a><b>TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY.</b></h3> + +<p><b>Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II.</b></p> + +<p>After three and forty years of peace I call the men of Germany to +arms.</p> + +<p>It has become necessary to protect our most sacred possessions, the +Fatherland, our very hearths against ruthless destruction.</p> + +<p>Enemies on every hand! That is the situation. A mighty struggle, a +great sacrifice confronts us.</p> + +<p>I trust that the old spirit of battle still lives on in the German +people, that powerful spirit of battle which grapples with the foe +wherever it meets it, be the cost what it may, which has ever been +the terror and fear of our enemies.</p> + +<p>Soldiers of Germany, in you I place my trust! In each one of you +lives the passionate will to conquer, which nothing can subdue. +Each one of you knows, if need be, how to die a hero's death.</p> + +<p>Remember our great and glorious past!</p> + +<p>Remember that you are Germans!</p> + +<p>God help us!</p> + +<p class="author">WILHELM.</p> + +<p>Berlin, Schloss, Aug. 6, 1914.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h3><a name="TO_GERMAN_WOMEN" id="TO_GERMAN_WOMEN"></a>TO GERMAN WOMEN.</h3> + +<p><b>An Appeal from the Kaiserin.</b></p> +<div class="figleft"><a name="kaiserin" id="kaiserin"></a><img alt="Kaiserin (21K)" src="images/kaiserin.jpg" height="500" width="314" /> +<p class="center">AUGUSTA VICTORIA, German Empress.<br /> + (<i>Photo from M.E. Berner</i>.)</p> +</div> + +<p>On the summons of the Emperor our people are preparing for an +unprecedented struggle, which it did not invoke and which it is +only carrying on in its defense. Whoever can bear arms will +joyfully hasten to the colors to defend the Fatherland with his +blood. The struggle will be gigantic and the wounds to be healed +innumerable, therefore I call upon you women and girls of Germany, +and all to whom it is not given to fight for our beloved home, for +help. Let every one now do what lies in her power to lighten the +struggle for our husbands, sons, and brothers. I know that in all +ranks of our people, without exception, the will exists to fulfill +this high ideal, but may the Lord God strengthen us in our holy +work of love, which summons us women to devote all our strength to +the Fatherland in its decisive struggle.</p> + +<p>The organizations primarily concerned who should be supported first +have already sent out notices regarding the mustering of volunteers +and the collection of gifts of all kinds.</p> + +<p class="author">AUGUSTE VICTORIA.</p> + +<p>Berlin, Aug. 6.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h3><a name="TO_THE_LAST_BREATH_OF_MAN_AND_HORSEquot" id="TO_THE_LAST_BREATH_OF_MAN_AND_HORSEquot"></a><b>"TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE."</b></h3> + +<p><b>Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II.</b></p> + +<p>Since the foundation of the empire it has been for forty-three +years the object of the efforts of myself and my ancestors to +preserve the peace of the world and to advance by peaceful means +our vigorous development. But our adversaries were jealous of the +successes of our work. There has been latent hostility on the east +and on the west and beyond the sea. It was borne by us till now, as +we were aware of our responsibility and power. Now, however, these +adversaries wish to humiliate us, asking that we should look on +with crossed arms and watch our enemies preparing themselves for a +coming attack. <span class="pagenum">[pg 212]</span>They will not suffer that we maintain resolute +fidelity to our ally who is fighting for its position as a great +power and with whose humiliation our power and honor would equally +be lost. So the sword must decide.</p> + +<p>In the midst of perfect peace the enemy surprises us. Therefore to +arms! Any dallying, any temporizing would be which our fathers +founded; to be or not to be, is the question for the empire which +our fathers founded. To be or not to be German power and German +existence. We shall resist to the last breath of man and horse, and +shall fight out the struggle even against a world of enemies. Never +has Germany been subdued when it was united. Forward with God, who +will be with us as He was with our ancestors!</p> + +<p class="author">Berlin, Aug. 6. WILHELM.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h3><a name="JOY_IN_GLORIOUS_VICTORY" id="JOY_IN_GLORIOUS_VICTORY"></a><b>JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY.</b></h3> + +<p><b>Speech of Kaiser at a Parade During Swift German Advance Toward Paris.</b></p> + +<p>Comrades: I have gathered you around me here in order to take joy +with you in the glorious victory which our comrades have in several +days of hot battle won with their swords. Troops out of every nook +and cranny of the empire helped one another in invincible bravery +and unshakable loyalty to win great results. There stood together +under the leadership of the son of the Bavarian King and fought, +with equal blades, troops of all ages, active, reservists, and +landwehr.</p> + +<p>For our victory we are thankful, in the first place, to our God, +(unserem alten Gott.) He will not desert us, since we stand for a +holy cause. Many of our comrades have already fallen in battle. +They died as heroes for the Fatherland. We will think of them with +honor here, and shout to the honor of those still in the field. +Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!</p> + +<p>We still have many a bloody battle before us. Let us hope for +further successes like this. We shall not relent, and we shall get +to the enemy's hide. We shall not lose our faith and trust in our +good old God up there, (unserem guten alten Gott dort oben.) We are +determined to win, and we must win.</p> + +<hr /> + + + + +<h3><a name="FIRST_SUCCESSFUL_BATTLE" id="FIRST_SUCCESSFUL_BATTLE"></a><b>FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE.</b></h3> + +<p><b>Telegram from Kaiser Wilhelm II. to Chief of Troops in Upper Alsace, +Aug. 15.</b></p> + +<p>Grateful to God, Who was with us. I thank you and your troops for +the first victory. Please convey to all the troops which took part +in the fight my imperial thanks in the name of the Fatherland.</p> + +<p class="author">YOUR CHIEF WAR CAPTAIN.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h3><a name="A_PRAYER_FOR_VICTORY" id="A_PRAYER_FOR_VICTORY"></a><b>A PRAYER FOR VICTORY.</b></h3> + +<p><b>By the Kaiser's Order to Supreme Council of the Evangelical Church—To +Be Included in the Liturgy Throughout the War.</b></p> + +<p>Almighty and merciful God! God of the armies! We beseech Thee in +humility for Thy almighty aid for our German Fatherland. Bless the +entire German war force, lead us to victory, and give us grace that +we may show ourselves to be Christians toward our enemies as well. +Let us soon arrive at the peace which will everlastingly safeguard +our free and independent Germany.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h3><a name="UP_AND_AT_THE_FOESquot" id="UP_AND_AT_THE_FOESquot"></a><b>"UP AND AT THE FOES."</b></h3> + +<p><b>Kaiser's Farewell Speech to First Regiment of Foot Guards at Potsdam.</b></p> + +<p>I draw the sword that with God's help I have kept all these years +in the scabbard. I have drawn the sword, which without victory and +without honor I cannot sheath again. All of you will see to it that +only in honor is it returned to the scabbard. You are my guarantee +that I can dictate peace to my enemies. Up and at the foes, and +down with the enemies of Brandenburg!</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h3><a name="ON_VICTORY_NEAR_METZ" id="ON_VICTORY_NEAR_METZ"></a><b>ON VICTORY NEAR METZ.</b> </h3> + +<p><b>From Cabinet Order of Kaiser Wilhelm II., Published in Berlin Aug. 23.</b><span class="pagenum">[Pg 213]</span></p> + +<p>The mobilization and concentration of the army is now complete, the +German railways having carried out the enormous transport movements +with unparalleled certainty and punctuality. With a heart filled +with gratitude my first thoughts turn to those who since 1870-71 +have worked quietly upon the development of an organization which +has emerged from its first serious test with such glorious success. +To all who have co-operated with them I wish to express my imperial +thanks for their loyal devotion to duty in making possible in +obedience to my call the transportation of armed masses of German +troops against my enemies. The present achievement [near Metz] +convinces me that the railways of the country will be equal to the +heaviest demands that might be made upon them during the course of +the gigantic struggle in which we are engaged for the future of the +German Nation.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + +<h3><a name="THE_SPIRIT_OF_THE_MEN" id="THE_SPIRIT_OF_THE_MEN"></a><b>THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN.</b></h3> + +<p><b>Kaiser's Telegram from Dresden to the King of Saxony, Oct. 2.</b></p> + +<p>I am very glad to be able to send you the best reports of the +Nineteenth Army Corps and the Twelfth Reserve Corps. I visited +yesterday the Third Army and greeted especially the brave 181st +Regiment, to which I expressed my recognition. I found your third +son and your brother Max as well as Laffert and Kirchbach in the +best of health. The spirit among the men is splendid. With such an +army we shall be able to complete victoriously the rest of our +difficult task. To this end may the Almighty stand by us.</p> + +<p class="author">WILHELM.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="HIS_INDISCRETION_WAS_CALCULATEDquot" id="HIS_INDISCRETION_WAS_CALCULATEDquot"></a><b>HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED."</b></h2> + +<p class="center"><b>Interview With Kaiser Wilhelm II., Oct. 28, 1908, and Its +Consequences.</b></p> + + +<p><i>An interview between the German Emperor and "a representative +Englishman, who long since passed from public to private life," +appeared in The London Telegraph on Oct. 28, 1908, and was the next day +authenticated by the German Foreign Office in Berlin with the comment +that it was "intended as a message to the English people." This last +expression of the Kaiser toward Great Britain—until his declarations on +the eve of the present war—deeply stirred the German people in protest +and resulted in the Kaiser's pledge to Chancellor von Buelow that +henceforth the imperial views would be subject to the bridle of the +Ministry and the Council of the Empire. The interview as recorded by the +"representative Englishman" was as follows:</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated +indiscretion proves of the highest public service. It is for this +reason that I have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy +conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with the +Emperor.</p> + +<p>I do so in the hope that it will help to remove that obstinate +misconception of the character of the Emperor's feelings toward +England, which I fear is deeply rooted in the ordinary Englishman's +breast. It is the Emperor's sincere wish that it should be +eradicated. He has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and +deed. But, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now; he +finds himself so continually misrepresented and has so often +experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary +improvement in relations is followed by renewed outbursts of +prejudice and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion.</p> + +<p>His Majesty spoke with impulsive and unusual frankness, saying: +"You English are as mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come +over you that you are completely given over to suspicions that are +quite unworthy of a great nation? What more can I do than I have +done? I declared with all the emphasis at my command in my speech +at the Guildhall that my heart was set upon peace and that it was +one of my dearest wishes to live on the best terms with England. +Have I ever been false to my word? Falsehood and prevarication are +alien to my nature. My actions ought to speak for themselves, but +you will not listen to them, but to those who misinterpret and +distort them."<span class="pagenum">[Pg 214]</span></p></div> + +<p><b>Resents a Personal Insult.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"This is a personal insult which I resent; to be forever misjudged, +to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized +with jealous, mistrustful eyes taxes my patience severely. I have +said time after time that I am a friend of England, and your press, +or at least a considerable section of it, bids the people of +England to refuse my proffered hand and insinuates that the other +hand holds a dagger. How can I convince a nation against its will?"</p> + +<p>Complaining again of the difficulty imposed on him by English +distrust, his Majesty said: "The prevailing sentiment of large +sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not +friendly to England. I am, therefore, so to speak, in the minority +in my own land, but it is a minority of the best element, just as +it is in England respecting Germany."</p> + +<p>The Englishman reminded the Kaiser that not only England but the +whole of Europe viewed with disapproval the recent sending of the +German Consul at Algiers to Fez and forestalling France and Spain +by suggesting the recognition of Sultan Mulai Hafid. The Kaiser +made an impatient gesture and exclaimed: "Yes? that is an excellent +example of the way German actions are misrepresented," and with +vivid directness he defended the aforesaid incident, as the German +Government has already done.</p> + +<p>The interviewer reminded the Kaiser that an important and +influential section of the German newspapers interpreted these acts +very differently, and effusively approved of them because they +indicated that Germany was bent upon shaping events in Morocco.</p> + +<p>"There are mischief makers," replied the Emperor, "in both +countries. I will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for +misrepresentation, but the facts are as I have stated. There has +been nothing in Germany's recent action in regard to Morocco +contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace made both +at the Guildhall and in my latest speech at Strassburg."</p></div> + +<p><b>Kaiser and the Boer War.</b></p> + +<p>Reverting to his efforts to show his friendship for England, the Kaiser +said they had not been confined to words. It was commonly believed that +Germany was hostile to England throughout the Boer war. Undoubtedly the +newspapers were hostile and public opinion was hostile. "But what," he +asked, "of official Germany? What brought to a sudden stop, indeed, to +an absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates, who were +striving to obtain European intervention?"</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"They were fêted in Holland. France gave them a rapturous welcome. +They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have +crowned them with flowers, but when they asked me to receive them I +refused. The agitation immediately died away and the delegates +returned empty handed. Was that the action of a secret enemy?</p> + +<p>"Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government +was invited by France and Russia to join them in calling upon +England to end the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to +save the Boer republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust. +What was my reply? I said so far from Germany joining in any +concerted European action to bring pressure against England and +bring about her downfall Germany would always keep aloof from +politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power +like England.</p> + +<p>"Posterity will one day read the exact terms of a telegram, now in +the archives of Windsor Castle, in which I informed the sovereign +of England of the answer I returned to the powers which then sought +to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my +word should know what my actions were in the hour of their +adversity.</p> + +<p>"Nor was that all. During your black week in December, 1899, when +disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a +letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in +sorrow and affliction and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties +which were preying <span class="pagenum">[Pg 215]</span>upon her mind and health. I at once returned a +sympathetic reply. I did more. I bade one of my officers to procure +as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants +on both sides and the actual positions of the opposing forces.</p> + +<p>"With the figures before me I worked out what I considered the best +plan of campaign in the circumstances and submitted it to my +General Staff for criticism. Then I dispatched it to England. That +document likewise is among the State papers at Windsor awaiting the +serenely impartial verdict of history.</p> + +<p>"Let me add as a curious coincidence that the plan which I +formulated ran very much on the same lines as that actually adopted +by Gen. Roberts and carried by him into successful operation. Was +that the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just +and say."</p></div> + +<p><b>The German Navy.</b></p> + + +<p>Touching then upon the English conviction that Germany is increasing her +navy for the purpose of attacking Great Britain, the Kaiser reiterated +the explanation that Chancellor von Bülow and other Ministers have made +familiar, dwelling upon Germany's worldwide commerce, her manifold +interests in distant seas, and the necessity for being prepared to +protect them. He said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Patriotic Germans refuse to assign any bounds to their legitimate +commercial ambitions. They expect their interests to go on growing. +They must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the +globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must +be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee +what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come, days not so +distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all +European powers with Far Eastern interests ought to steadily +prepare?</p> + +<p>"Look at the accomplished rise of Japan. Think of a possible +national awakening in China, and then judge of the vast problems of +the Pacific. Only those powers which have great navies will be +listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be +solved, and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful +fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that +Germany has a fleet when they speak together in the great debates +of the future."</p></div> + +<p>The interviewer concludes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The Emperor spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner +when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. I ask my +fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what I have +written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and +his friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had +enjoyed the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer +doubt either his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms +with England or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust +with which his offer of friendship is too often received."</p></div> + +<p><b>The Consequences.</b></p> + +<p>On Nov. 17 following Prince von Bülow met the Kaiser at Kiel, taking +with him evidence of the feeling in Germany regarding the Emperor's +published interview and setting forth:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>First, that the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundesrat, or +Federal Council, is firm in the opinion formulated at the meeting +held yesterday that it would be wiser for the Emperor not to +express views affecting the relations of the empire with other +countries except through his responsible Ministers. This +expression, derives weight from the fact that the Governments of +Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony were represented on the committee.</p> + +<p>Second, that the entire Reichstag assented to the declarations made +by the speakers on Tuesday that the Emperor had exceeded his +constitutional prerogatives in private discussion with foreigners +concerning Germany's attitude on controverted questions.</p> + +<p>Third, that the feeling of the people at large on this matter was +accurately indicated by the press of the country.</p></div> + +<p>The Kaiser's reply was published on the same date in the Reichsanzeiger, +in the form of a communication, which read:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum">[Pg 216]</span>During today's audience granted to the Imperial Chancellor, his +Majesty, the Emperor and King, listened for several hours to a +report by Prince von Bülow. The Imperial Chancellor described the +feeling and its causes among the German people in connection with +the article published in The Daily Telegraph. He also explained the +position he had taken during the course of the debates and +interpellations on this subject in the Reichstag. His Majesty the +Emperor received the statements and explanations with great +earnestness, and then expressed his will as follows:</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Heedless of the exaggerations of public criticism, which are +regarded by him as incorrect, his Majesty perceives that his +principal imperial task is to insure the stability of the policies +of the empire, under the guardianship of constitutional +responsibilities. In conformity therewith, his Majesty the Emperor +approves the Chancellor's utterances in the Reichstag, and assures +Prince von Bülow of his continued confidence."</p></div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="WILHELM_IIS_LETTER_TO_LORD_TWEEDMOUTH" id="WILHELM_IIS_LETTER_TO_LORD_TWEEDMOUTH"></a><b>WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH.</b></h2> + +<p class="center"><b>Published by The Morning Post of London, Oct. 30, 1914.</b></p> + + +<p>The subjoined letter written to the late Lord Tweedmouth by the German +Emperor is made public for the first time. It is a literal transcript of +the original document in which occur a few slight errors in spelling. +The existence of the document was first made known to the public by the +military correspondent of The Times, who published a letter on the +subject on March 6, 1908, but its contents were not divulged.</p> + +<p>The significance of the letter can be understood only in the light of +the naval and political situation six years ago. During the preceding +year, 1907, The Hague Conference, ostensibly convened in the interests +of international peace, had resolved itself into a committee to +determine how to diminish the severities of war. There was a section of +opinion in this country which was persuaded that the only method of +seeking peace was to reduce the navy and army. At the same time the +Imperial German Navy was making swift and steady progress, and its +menace to British supremacy aroused considerable alarm in this country. +Although the British Navy held superiority over the German Navy in ships +not of the dreadnought type, the balance in dreadnoughts was virtually +even.</p> + +<p><b>Dreadnought Supremacy.</b></p> + +<p>It was stated in Parliament that in the year 1916 Germany, according to +her naval law, would have thirty-six dreadnoughts, a number which would +involve the building by this country of forty-four such vessels in the +same period, toward which the Government was only providing two in the +current year. It was also stated that in the year 1911 Germany would +possess thirteen dreadnoughts and Great Britain only twelve, which +statement was founded upon reasonable assumptions. Could Germany reckon +upon the continuance of such a relative position, the advantage to her +would be very great.</p> + +<p>It was at this critical moment that the German Emperor indited his +letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty, which is printed below. When +the fact became known there was a good deal of public feeling aroused +both in this country and abroad. Lord Tweedmouth stated that the letter +was a private letter and purely personal. Prince von Bülow informed the +Reichstag that the letter was of both a private and political character, +adding some remarks concerning the "purely defensive character of our +naval programme which," said the Chancellor, "cannot be emphasized too +frequently."</p> + +<p>The German Foreign Office officially announced that "in his letter the +Emperor merely corrected certain erroneous views prevalent in England +regarding the development of the German fleet."</p> + +<p>Readers are now in a position to judge for themselves the accuracy of +these statements. It should be remembered that the reduced navy +estimates of 1908-9 were followed by national alarm and the publication +of Admiral Lord Charles Beresford's shipbuilding programme and large +increase in estimates of the following year. Here is the letter:</p> + + +<p><b>The Kaiser's Letter.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Berlin, 14th-2, 1908.</p><span class="pagenum">[Pg 217]</span> + +<p>My Dear Lord Tweedmouth—May I intrude on your precious time and +ask for a few moments' attention to these lines I venture to submit +to you? I see by the daily papers and reviews that a battle royal +is being fought about the needs of the navy. I therefore venture to +furnish you with some information anent the German naval programme, +which it seems is being quoted by all parties to further their ends +by trying to frighten peaceable British taxpayers with it as a +bogy.</p> + +<p>During my last pleasant visit to your hospitable shores I tried to +make your authorities understand what the drift of German naval +policy is, but I am afraid that my explanations have been either +misunderstood or not believed, because I see "German danger" and +"German challenge to British naval supremacy" constantly quoted in +different articles. This phrase, if not repudiated or corrected, +sown broadcast over the country and daily dinned into British ears, +might in the end create the most deplorable results.</p> + +<p>I therefore deem it advisable, as Admiral of the Fleet, to lay some +facts before you to enable you to see clearly that it is absolutely +nonsensical and untrue that the German naval bill is to provide a +navy meant as a challenge to British naval supremacy. The German +fleet is built against nobody at all; it is solely built for +Germany's needs in relation with that country's rapidly growing +trade. The German naval bill was sanctioned by the Imperial +Parliament and published ten years ago, and may be had at any large +bookseller's. There is nothing surprising, secret, or underhand in +it, and every reader may study the whole course mapped out for the +development of the German Navy with the greatest ease.</p></div> + +<p><b>Thirty to Forty Battleships in 1920.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The law is being adhered to, and provides for about thirty to forty +ships of the line in 1920. The number of ships fixed by the bill +included the fleet then actually in commission, notwithstanding its +material being already old and far surpassed by contemporary types. +In other foreign navies the extraordinary rapidity with which +improvements were introduced in types of battleships, armaments, +and armor made the fleet in commission obsolete before the building +programme providing additions to it was half finished.</p> + +<p>The obsolete fleet had to be struck off the list, thus leaving a +gap, lowering the number of ships below the standard prescribed by +the bill. This gap was stopped by using the finished ships to +replace the obsolete ones instead of being added to them as +originally intended. Therefore, instead of steadily increasing the +standing fleet by regular additions it came to a wholesale +rebuilding of the entire German Navy. Our actual programme in +course of execution is practically only the exchange of old +material for new, but not an addition to the number of units +originally laid down by the bill of ten years ago, which is being +adhered to.</p> + +<p>It seems to me that the main fault in the discussions going on in +the papers is the permanent ventilating of so-called two to three +or more power standard and then only exemplifying on one power, +which is invariably Germany. It is fair to suppose that each nation +builds and commissions its navy according to its needs and not only +with regard to the programme of other countries. Therefore, it +would be the simplest thing for England to say: "I have a +world-wide empire and the greatest trade of the world, and to +protect them I must have so and so many battleships, cruisers, &c., +as are necessary to guarantee the supremacy of the sea to me, and +they shall, accordingly, be built and manned."</p> + +<p>That is the absolute right of your country, and nobody anywhere +would lose a word about it, and whether it be 60 or 90 or 100 +battleships, that would make no difference and certainly no change +in the German naval bill. May the numbers be as you think fit, +everybody here would understand it, but the people would be very +thankful over here if at last Germany was left out of the +discussion, for it is very galling to the Germans to see their +country continually held up as the sole danger and menace to Great +Britain by the whole press of the different contending parties, +considering that other countries are building, too, and there are +even larger fleets than the German.</p></div> + +<p><b>Fears German Retaliation.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Doubtless, when party faction runs high there is often a lamentable +lack of discrimination in the choice of weapons, but I really must +protest that the German naval programme should be only one for her +exclusive use, or that such a poisoned view should be forged as a +German challenge to British supremacy of the sea. If permanently +used mischief may be created at home, and the injured feeling +engendering the wish for retaliation in the circle of the German +Naval League as a representative of the nation which would +influence public opinion and place the Government in a very +disagreeable position by trying to force it to change its programme +through undue pressure, difficult to ignore.</p> + +<p>In a letter which Lord Esher caused to be published a short time +ago he wrote <span class="pagenum">[Pg 218]</span>that every German, from the Emperor down to the last +man, wished for the downfall of Sir John Fisher. Now I am at a loss +to tell whether the supervision of the foundations and drains of +royal palaces is apt to qualify somebody for the judgment of naval +affairs in general. As far as regards German affairs, the phrase is +a piece of unmitigated balderdash, and has created immense +merriment in the circles of those here who know. But I venture to +think that such things ought not to be written by people who are +high placed, as they are liable to hurt public feelings over here.</p> + +<p>Of course I need not assure you that nobody here dreams of wishing +to influence Great Britain in the choice of those to whom she means +to give the direction of her navy or to disturb them in the +fulfillment of their noble task. It is expected that the choice +will always fall on the best and ablest, and their deeds will be +followed with interest and admiration by their brother officers in +the German Navy.</p> + +<p>It is, therefore, preposterous to infer that the German authorities +work for or against persons in official positions in foreign +countries. It is as ridiculous as it is untrue, and I hereby +repudiate such calumny. Besides, to my humble notion, this +perpetual quoting of the German danger is utterly unworthy of the +great British Nation, with its world-wide empire and mighty navy. +There is something nearly ludicrous about it. The foreigners in +other countries might easily conclude that Germans must be an +exceptionally strong lot, as they seem to be able to strike terror +into the hearts of the British, who are five times their superiors.</p> + +<p>I hope your Lordship will read these lines with kind consideration. +They are written by one who is an ardent admirer of your splendid +navy, who wishes it all success, and who hopes that its ensign may +ever wave on the same side as the German Navy's, and by one who is +proud to wear a British naval uniform of Admiral of the Fleet, +which was conferred on him by the late great Queen of blessed +memory.</p> + +<p>Once more the German naval bill is not aimed at England and is not +a challenge to British supremacy of the sea, which will remain +unchallenged for generations to come. Let us all remember the +warning Admiral Sir John Fisher gave to his hearers in November, +when so cleverly he cautioned them not to get scared by using the +admirable phrase "if Eve had not always kept her eye on the apple +she would not have eaten it, and we should not now be bothered with +clothes."</p> + +<p>I remain yours truly,</p> + +<p class="author">WILLIAM I. R.,</p> +<p>Admiral of the Fleet.</p></div> + +<p> </p> +<p><b>Attacks Kaiser's Veracity</b>.</p> + +<p>The Morning Post, commenting on the letter of the Kaiser, says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is not usual for an Emperor to address a Minister of a foreign +country with reference to the affairs of his department. It is a +fact that it is not done. Lord Tweedmouth said the letter was a +private letter. The German Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, said the +letter partook of both a private and a political character. The +fact remains that it involved an extraordinary breach of etiquette. +There is no reflection cast upon the late Lord Tweedmouth. No one +can help receiving a letter from an Emperor if that monarch +condescends to dispatch it. Few persons, perhaps, could help being +influenced, albeit unconsciously influenced, by the perusal of such +an epistle.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the German Emperor reflected upon that psychological +contingency; for to what conclusion is the whole tenor of the +letter directed? That the German Navy existed solely for purposes +of defense in case of aggression and for the protection of German +commerce, and that it was no part of German policy, and never had +been, to menace the sea power of Britain.</p> + +<p>Now turn to the notorious preamble of the German navy law of 1900, +which in his letter the Emperor cites as a guarantee of good faith. +It is there stated that the German Navy must be made so powerful +that it would be dangerous for any nation, even the strongest +maritime nation, to attack it.</p> + +<p>If that is not a challenge, what is? Had it not been in terms a +challenge the preamble would surely have run that it was not the +intention to make the German Navy so strong that the strongest +naval power could not attack it without danger to that power.</p></div> + + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + +<h1><a name="The_Mighty_Fate_of_Europe" id="The_Mighty_Fate_of_Europe"></a>The Mighty Fate of Europe</h1> + +<p class="center"><b>As Interpreted by Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial +Chancellor.</b><span class="pagenum">[pg 219]</span></p> + + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + +<h3><a name="YOUR_HEARTS_FOR_GOD_YOUR_FISTS_ON_THE_ENEMYquot" id="YOUR_HEARTS_FOR_GOD_YOUR_FISTS_ON_THE_ENEMYquot"></a><b>"YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY."</b></h3> + + +<p><b>Speech from Balcony of Chancellor's Official Residence, Berlin, Aug. +1.</b></p> + + +<p>At this serious hour in order to give expression to your feelings +for your Fatherland you have come to the house of Bismarck, who +with Emperor William the Great and Field Marshal von Moltke welded +the German Empire for us.</p> + +<p>We wished to go on living in peace in the empire which we have +developed in forty-four years of peaceful labor.</p> + +<p>The whole work of Emperor William has been devoted to the +maintenance of peace. To the last hour he has worked for peace in +Europe, and he is still working for it. Should all his efforts +prove vain and should the sword be forced into our hands we will +take the field with a clear conscience in the knowledge that we did +not seek war. We shall then wage war for our existence and for the +national honor to the last drop of our blood.</p> + +<p>In the gravity of this hour I remind you of the words of Prince +Frederick Charles to the men of Brandenburg:</p> + +<p>"Let your hearts beat for God and your fists on the enemy."</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h3><a name="AS_ONE_MAN_FOR_THE_KAISER" id="AS_ONE_MAN_FOR_THE_KAISER"></a>AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER.</h3> + +<p><b>Speech from Balcony of Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2.</b></p> + +<p>All stand as one man for our Kaiser, whatever our opinions or our +creeds. I am sure that all the young German men are ready to shed +their blood for the fame and greatness of Germany. We can only +trust in God, Who hitherto has always given us victory.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="DECLARES_FOR_WAR" id="DECLARES_FOR_WAR"></a>DECLARES +FOR WAR.<a name="FNanchor_01" id="FNanchor_01"></a><a +href="#Footnote_01" class="fnanchor">[01]</a></h2> + +<p><b>Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, Berlin, Afternoon of Aug. +4.</b></p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="hollweg" id="hollweg"></a> +<img alt="Hollweg (23K)" src="images/hollweg.jpg" height="500" width="325" /> +<p class="center">T. VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG,<br /> +German Imperial Chancellor.<br /> +(<i>Photo from Brown Brothers</i>.)</p> +</div> + +<p>A mighty fate has descended upon Europe. Because we were struggling +for the esteem of the German Empire in the world, we have for +forty-four years lived in peace and safeguarded the peace of +Europe. In peaceful industry we have become strong and mighty and +in consequence envied. With patience we have borne that, under the +pretext that Germany was desirous of war, hostility toward us was +being nursed and chains forged for us both in the East and in the +West.</p> + +<p>We wished to continue to live in peaceful industry, and, like an +unexpressed vow, there was passed on from Kaiser to the youngest +soldier: "Only in defense of a righteous cause shall our sword be +drawn." (Hearty applause.) The day when we must draw it has +appeared, contrary to our desire, contrary to our honest efforts to +avoid it. Russia has applied the firebrand to the house. We find +ourselves in a forced war with Russia and France.</p> + +<p>Gentlemen, a series of documents, composed in the rush of events, +is in your hands. Allow me to place before you the facts which +characterize our attitude.</p> + +<p>From the very beginning of the Austrian conflict we strove and +worked toward the end that this trouble remain confined to +Austria-Hungary and Servia. All Cabinets, especially that of +England, take the same stand; only Russia declares <span class="pagenum">[pg 220]</span> that +she must have a word in the decision of this conflict. Therewith +the danger of European entanglements arises. As soon as the first +authentic reports of the military preparations in Russia reached us +we declared in a friendly but emphatic manner in St. Petersburg +that war measures and military preparations would force us also to +prepare, and that mobilization is closely akin to war.</p> + +<p>Russia asserts in what is an apparently friendly manner that she is +not mobilizing against us. In the meantime England tries to mediate +between Vienna and St. Petersburg, in which she is warmly supported +by us. On July 28 the Kaiser telegraphed the Czar, asking him to +consider that Austria-Hungary has the right and that it is her duty +to defend herself against Servian intrigues, which threaten to +undermine her existence. The Kaiser called the attention of the +Czar to their common monarchical interests with regard to the +Serajevo outrage, and asked him personally to support him in order +to establish harmony between Vienna and St. Petersburg.</p> + +<p>At about the same hour in which this telegram was sent the Czar +asked the Kaiser for his support and requested him to advise Vienna +to be moderate in its demands. The Kaiser assumed the role of +mediator. Hardly had he begun his activity when Russia mobilized +its entire fighting force against Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary, +however, had mobilized only those army corps which were directed +against Servia; in the north there were only two army corps and +these far from the Russian border.</p> + +<p>The Kaiser immediately called the attention of the Czar to the fact +that this mobilization of his forces against Austria-Hungary made +his position as mediator difficult or absolutely impossible. In +spite of this we continued our mediatorial activities in Vienna, +going to the utmost limits of consistency with the terms of our +federal treaty. ["Very true! Hear, hear!"] During this time Russia +again spontaneously assured us that her military preparations were +not directed against us. ["Hear, hear, fie!"]</p> + +<p>The 31st of July arrived. In Vienna the decision was to be made. In +the meantime we had succeeded with our negotiations to reaching a +point where Vienna resumed intercourse with St. Petersburg, which +for some time had been discontinued, but before the final <span class="pagenum">[pg 221]</span> +decision was reached in Vienna the news arrived that Russia had +mobilized its entire fighting force, which meant also against us. +["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p><b>Russia's Mobilization.</b></p> + +<p>The Russian Government, which from repeated admonitions knew what +mobilizing on our borders meant, did not notify us of this +mobilization and gave us absolutely no explanation. ["Hear! hear!"] +Not until the afternoon of July 31 did the Kaiser receive a message +from the Czar in which he assured him that the attitude of his army +was not hostile toward us. ["Hear! hear!" and laughter.]</p> + +<p>However, the mobilization against us on the Russian border was on +the night of July 31 already in full progress. While we, at the +request of Russia, were mediating in Vienna, the Russian Army +appeared on our long, almost entirely open border. France, although +not yet mobilizing, was making preparations for war. And we, up to +this point, had intentionally not then called a single soldier of +the reserve, for the sake of European peace. ["Bravo!"]</p> + +<p>Should we continue to wait with patience until the powers by which +we are surrounded choose the moment for attack? ["No!"] To expose +Germany to this danger would have been criminal! [Stormy, +concerted, prolonged "Very true and bravo!"—also from the Social +Democrats.] Therefore, on July 31 we demanded that Russia +demobilize, this being the only measure which could save the peace +of Europe. [Hearty approval.] The Imperial Ambassador received, +furthermore, the order to declare to the Russian Government that in +case they did not comply with our demands they should consider that +a state of war exists.</p> + +<p>The Imperial Ambassador performed this mission. Up till the present +we have not learned Russia's answer to this demand. ["Hear, hear!"] +Telegraphic reports concerning it have not yet reached us, although +the wire still transmits less important messages. ["Hear, hear!"] +Therefore, on Aug. 1, at 5 o'clock, when the appointed period of +grace was long past, the Kaiser considered it necessary to +mobilize.</p> + +<p>At the same time we had to make sure of the position France would +take. To our direct question whether in case of a German-Russian +war she would remain neutral, France answered that she would do +what she had to do in her own interests. [Laughter.] That was an +evasive if not a negative answer to our question.</p> + + +<p><b>Declares France Began War.</b></p> + +<p>In spite of this the Kaiser gave the order that the French border +should be respected. The command was strictly enforced, with a +single exception. France, which mobilized simultaneously with us, +declared that she would respect a zone of ten kilometers from the +border. ["Hear, hear!"] And what happened in reality? There were +bomb-throwing flyers, cavalry patrols, invading companies in the +Reichsland, Alsace-Lorraine. ["Unheard of!"] Thereby France, +although the condition of war had not yet been declared, had +attacked our territory.</p> + +<p>Concerning the French complaints in regard to violations of the +border, I have received from the Chief of the General Staff the +following report: Only one offense has been committed. Contrary to +an emphatic order a patrol of the Fourteenth Army Corps, led by an +officer, crossed the border on Aug. 2. They apparently were killed. +Only one man returned. However, long before the crossing of the +border French flyers were dropping bombs in Southern Germany, and +at Schluchtpass the French troops had attacked our border troops.</p> + +<p>Until the present our troops have confined their activity to the +protection of our borders. They are now on the defense, and +necessity recognizes no law. ["Very true!"]</p> + +<p>Our troops have occupied Luxemburg, and perhaps have also found it +necessary to enter Belgian territory. [Hearty applause.] This is +contrary to international law. The French Government has declared +in Brussels they will respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as +she respects the opponent. We knew, however, that France was ready +to invade <span class="pagenum">[pg 222]</span> Belgium. ["Hear, hear!"] France could wait; we, +however, could not, because a French invasion in our lower Rhein +flank would have proved fatal.</p> + +<p>So we were forced to disregard the protests of the Luxemburg and +Belgian Governments. We shall try to make good the injustice we +have committed as soon as our military goal has been reached. +[Applause.] Who like we are fighting for the highest, must only +consider how victory can be gained. [Enthusiastic applause in +entire house.]</p> + +<p>Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with +Austria-Hungary. With reference to England, the declaration which +Sir Edward Grey made in the House of Commons yesterday plainly +shows our attitude. We have assured England that as long as she +remains neutral our fleet will not attack the northern coast of +France and that the territorial integrity and independence of +Belgium will not be violated. This declaration I repeat before the +whole world, and I can add that so long as England remains neutral +we are prepared in case of reciprocity to refrain from all hostile +operations against French merchant vessels. [Applause.]</p> + +<p>Gentlemen, so much for the events. I repeat the words of the +Kaiser: "With a clear conscience Germany goes to the battlefield." +[Enthusiastic approval.] We are fighting for the fruits of our +peaceful industry, for the inheritance of a great past, and for our +future.</p> + +<p>The fifty years of which Moltke spoke, and in which we should stand +armed and ready to protect our inheritance and the acquisitions of +1870, have not yet passed. The hour of trial for the German nation +has struck, but we are facing it with confidence. [Stormy +approval.]</p> + +<p>Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready for battle, and behind +it stands the entire German Nation. [Enthusiastic applause from the +entire house.] The entire nation! [with a gesture particularly +directed toward the Social Democrats. Renewed applause, in which +the Social Democrats also joined.] You, gentlemen, realize your +duty in its entirety. The question needs no further consideration, +and I request speedy action. [Enthusiastic applause.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_01" id="Footnote_01"></a> +<span class="label"><a href="#FNanchor_01">[01]</a></span> +The Times of London contained on Aug. 12, 1914, the following:</p> +<p> +"The statement made by the German Imperial Chancellor to the Reichstag +on Aug. 4, which we published yesterday and reproduce below, lends +piquancy to a communication that reached us from an influential quarter +in Germany on Aug. 2. The communication, which we give in its original +form, bore the name of a personage holding a prominent position in +Germany, and standing in a close personal relationship to the German +Emperor. It was evidently timed for publication on the morning of Aug. +3, the day of Sir Edward Grey's historic speech in the House of +Commons: +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p>'Aug. 2, 1914. +</p><p> +I hear with astonishment that in France and elsewhere in the world +it is imagined that Germany wants to carry on an aggressive war, +and that she had with this aim brought about the present situation. +It is said that the Emperor was of the opinion that the moment had +come to have a final reckoning with his enemies; but what a +terrible error that is! Whoever knows the Emperor as I do, whoever +knows how very seriously he takes the responsibility of the crown, +how his moral ideas are rooted in true religious feeling, must be +astonished that any one could attribute such motives to him. +</p><p> +He has not wanted the war; it has been forced upon him by the might +of the circumstances. He has worked unswervingly to keep the peace, +and has together with England thrown his whole influence into the +scales to find a peaceful solution, in order to save his people +from the horrors of war. But everything has been wrecked upon the +attitude of Russia, which in the middle of negotiations which +offered good outlook of success mobilized her forces, wherewith she +proved that she did not mean in earnest what her assurances of +peaceful intentions indicated. +</p><p> +Now Germany's frontiers are menaced by Russia which drags her +allies into the war, now Germany's honor is at stake. Is it +possible under these circumstances that the most peace-loving +monarch can do otherwise than take to the sword in order to defend +the most sacred interests of the nation? +</p><p> +And, finally, the German people! In them is firmly rooted the word +of Prince Bismarck against aggressive wars: "One must not try to +look into the cards of Fate." +</p><p> +It must be stated again: Russia alone forces the war upon Europe. +Russia alone must carry the full weight of responsibility.'"</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="STATEMENT_TO_AMERICA" id="STATEMENT_TO_AMERICA"></a>STATEMENT TO AMERICA.</h2> + +<p class="center"><b>Issued to The Associated Press from General Headquarters, Sept. 2.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I do not know what is thought of this war in America. I assume +there have been published in America the telegrams exchanged +between the German Emperor, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of +England, containing the history of the events that preceded the +outbreak of the war, and which bears irrefutable testimony of how +the Emperor, until the last moment, strove hard to preserve the +peace.</p> + +<p>These efforts had to be futile, as Russia, under all circumstances, +had resolved upon war, and as England, which for decades had +encouraged the anti-German nationalism in Russia and France, did +not avail herself of the splendid opportunity offered her to prove +her often-emphasized love of peace, otherwise the war between +Germany and France and England could have been averted.</p> + +<p>When once the archives are opened the world will learn how often +Germany extended to England her friendly hand, but England did not +desire the friendship of Germany. Jealous of the development of +Germany, and feeling that by German efficiency and German industry +she has been surpassed in some fields, she had the desire to crush +Germany by brute force, as she in former times subdued Spain, +Holland, and France. She believed the moment had arrived, and +therefore the entry of German troops into Belgium gave her a +welcome pretext to take part in the war.</p> + +<p>Germany, however, was forced to enter Belgium because she had to +forestall the planned French advance, and Belgium only awaited this +advance to join France. That only a pretext was involved as far as +England is concerned is proved by the fact that already on the +afternoon of Aug. 2, that is, prior to the violation of Belgium +neutrality by Germany, Sir Edward Grey assured the French +Ambassador<span class="pagenum"> [pg 223]</span> unconditionally of the help of England in case +the German fleet attacked the French coast.</p> + +<p>Moral scruple, however, the English policy does not know. And thus +the English people, who always posed as the protagonist of freedom +and right, has allied itself with Russia, the representative of the +most terrible barbarism, a country that knows no spiritual or no +religious freedom, that tramples upon the freedom of peoples as +well as of individuals. Already England is beginning to recognize +that she has made a mistake in her calculations, and that Germany +will master her enemies. She is therefore trying by the pettiest +means to injure Germany as much as possible in her commerce and +colonies, by instigating Japan, regardless of the consequences to +the cultural community of the white race, to a pillaging expedition +against Kiao-Chau, and leading the negroes in Africa to fight +against the Germans in the colonies.</p> + +<p>Having strangled the news service of Germany to the whole world, +and having opened the campaign against us with a falsehood, England +will tell your countrymen that the German troops burned down +Belgian villages and cities, but will pass over in silence the fact +that Belgian girls gouged out the eyes of defenseless wounded. +Officials of Belgian cities have invited our officers to dinner and +shot and killed them across the table. Contrary to all +international law, the whole civilian population of Belgium was +called out, and after having at first shown friendliness, carried +on in the rear of our troops a terrible warfare with concealed +weapons.</p> + +<p>Belgian women cut the throats of soldiers whom they had quartered +in their homes while they were sleeping. England also will say +nothing of the dumdum bullets which are being used by the English +and French despite all conventions and their hypocritical +proclamations of humanity, which can be seen here in their original +packing as they were found on French and English prisoners of war.</p> + +<p>The Emperor has authorized me to say all this and to state that he +has full confidence in the sense of justice of the American people, +which will not allow itself to be deceived through the war of +falsehood which our enemies are conducting against us.</p></div> + +<p>The statement of the Chancellor concludes as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Every one who has lived in Germany since the outbreak of the war +has been able to witness the great moral uprising of all Germans +who, pressed hard on all sides, cheerfully take the field for the +defense of their rights and their existence; every one knows that +this people is not capable of any unnecessary cruelty or of any +brutality. We will win, thanks to the great moral strength which +our just cause gives to our troops, and in the end the greatest +falsehoods will be able to obscure our victories as little as they +do our rights.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="GERMANYS_ARMAMENTS" id="GERMANYS_ARMAMENTS"></a>GERMANY'S ARMAMENTS.</h2> + + +<p><b>Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, March 30, 1911.</b></p> + +<p>I have asked to speak in order to make a few brief remarks on the +question of disarmament and arbitration. The Social Democratic +motion proposes that I should take steps to bring about a general +limitation of armaments. As a matter of fact, the idea of +disarmament is being constantly discussed by pacifists in +Parliaments and in Congresses far and wide. Even the first peace +conference at The Hague had to confine itself to expressing the +wish that the Governments should devote themselves to the continued +study of the question.</p> + +<p>Germany has responded to this desire, but has been able to find no +suitable formula, and I am not aware that other Governments have +been more successful. The time when wars were made by Cabinets is +past. The feelings which here in Europe may lead to war lie +elsewhere.</p> + +<p>They have their roots in antagonisms which must be found in popular +sentiment. Everybody knows how easily this <span class="pagenum">[pg 224]</span> sentiment is +influenced and how, unfortunately, in many cases, it abandons +itself helplessly to irresponsible press agitations. A counterpoise +to all such and similar influences can but be desired. I shall be +the first to welcome it whenever international efforts succeed in +creating such a counterpoise.</p> + +<p>But if I am to take practical steps and am to propose mutual +disarmament to the other powers, then general pacific assurances +and adjurations are not enough. With Germany there is no need for +such assurances or adjurations, in view of her constant policy +throughout forty years, which shows that we seek no quarrels in the +world. I should have to submit a fixed, definite programme. Then I +should have to consider in all sobriety whether such a programme +could be drawn up and carried out. Any one who makes uncertain and +vague proposals can easily become a disturber of the peace rather +than a peacemaker.</p> + +<p>I shall have to decline to draw up such a formula and submit it to +an international congress.</p> + +<p><b>England's Naval Police.</b></p> + +<p>England is convinced, and has repeatedly declared, in spite of her +desires for the limitation of expenditure on armaments and for the +adjustment of any disputes that may arise by arbitral procedure, +that her fleet must in all circumstances be superior, or at any +rate equal, to any possible combination in the world. England has a +perfect right to strive for such a state of things, and, precisely +because of the position that I take up toward the disarmament +question, I am the last to cast doubts upon it. It is quite another +thing, however, to make such a claim the basis of a convention +which must be recognized by all the other powers in peaceful +agreement. What if counterclaims are raised and the other powers +are not satisfied with the rôles assigned to them?</p> + +<p>One only requires to propound these questions in order to see +things would not go well for European dignity at any world congress +which had to decide upon such claims.</p> + + +<p>And then armies. If, for example, Germany should be required to +reduce her army by 100,000 men, by how many men must the other +powers diminish their armies? Notwithstanding all the pacific +assurances which, thank God, are being given everywhere, every +nation would reply to me at any preliminary inquiry that it claims +that position in the world which corresponds with the sum of its +national power, that the strength of its defensive forces must be +adapted to this claim. At any rate, I would give no other reply for +Germany. I should be touching the honor and national sentiment of +any other people if I expected any other statement from it.</p> + +<p><b>Question of Control.</b></p> + +<p>Every attempt at international disarmament must break down on the +question of control, which is absolutely impracticable. A classic +example of that is afforded by Prussia when overthrown by Napoleon. +Her army was to be limited to 45,000 men, but her patriotism, +notwithstanding the most ruthless application of every means of +control, managed to raise an army four times as large. The question +of disarmament is insoluble so long as men are men and States are +States.</p> + +<p>In the course of the debate reference has been made to the recent +utterances of the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in +the House of Commons on the disarmament question. The English +Minister gave expression to the idea that a reciprocal exchange of +information concerning the naval construction of both countries +would insure them against surprises, and that thereby both +countries would be convinced that they were not trying mutually to +outstrip each other, while other powers would thereby be kept +informed regarding the relations of Germany and England, and so the +exchange of announcements would, on the whole, serve to promote +peace.</p> + +<p>We were all the more able to adhere to this idea as our naval +building programme has always lain open. We have already declared +our readiness to come to an understanding on this point with <span class="pagenum">[pg +225]</span> England, in the hope that it may bring about a desired +appeasement.</p> + +<p>World-embracing international arbitration treaties dictated by an +international areopagus I consider just as impossible as general +international disarmament. Germany takes up no hostile position +toward arbitration. In all the new German treaties of commerce +there are arbitration clauses. In the main it was due to Germany's +initiative that an agreement was arrived at at the second Hague +conference for the establishment of an International Prize Court.</p> + +<p>Arbitration treaties can certainly contribute in a great measure to +maintain and fortify peaceful relations. But strength must depend +on readiness for war. The dictum still holds good that the weak +becomes the prey of the strong. If a nation can not or will not +spend enough on her defensive forces for her to be able to make her +way in the world, then she falls back into the second rank.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + + +<h1><a name="Austria_Hungarys_Version_of_the_War"></a>Austria-Hungary's Version of the War</h1> +<p class="center"><b>By Kaiser Franz Josef and Count Berchtold.</b></p> +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + + + + +<p><b>The Imperial Rescript and Manifesto.</b></p> + + + +<p>Ischl, July 28.</p> + +<p>Dear Count Stürgkh:</p> + +<p>I have resolved to instruct the Ministers of my Household and +Foreign Affairs to notify the Royal Servian Government of the +beginning of a state of war between the Monarchy and Servia. In +this fateful hour I feel the need of turning to my beloved peoples. +I command you, therefore, to publish the inclosed manifesto.</p> + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="MANIFESTO" id="MANIFESTO"></a>MANIFESTO.</h2> + + +<p>To my peoples! It was my fervent wish to consecrate the years +which, by the grace of God, still remain to me, to the works of +peace and to protect my peoples from the heavy sacrifices and +burdens of war. Providence, in its wisdom, has otherwise decreed. +The intrigues of a malevolent opponent compel me, in the defense of +the honor of my Monarchy, for the protection of its dignity and its +position as a power, for the security of its possessions, to grasp +the sword after long years of peace.</p> + +<p>With a quickly forgetful ingratitude, the Kingdom of Servia, which, +from the first beginnings of its independence as a State until +quite recently, had been supported and assisted by my ancestors, +has for years trodden the path of open hostility to +Austria-Hungary. When, after three decades of fruitful work for +peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I extended my Sovereign rights to +those lands, my decree called forth in the Kingdom of Servia, whose +rights were in nowise injured, outbreaks of unrestrained passion +and the bitterest hate. My Government at that time employed the +handsome privileges of the stronger, and with extreme consideration +and leniency only requested Servia to reduce her army to a peace +footing and to promise that, for the future, she would tread the +path of peace and friendship. Guided by the same spirit of +moderation, my Government, when Servia, two years ago, was +embroiled in a struggle with the Turkish Empire, restricted its +action to the defense of the most serious and vital interests of +the Monarchy. It was to this attitude that Servia primarily owed +the attainment of the objects of that war.</p> + +<p>The hope that the Servian Kingdom would appreciate the patience and +love of peace of my Government and would keep its word has not been +fulfilled. The flame of its hatred for myself and my house has +blazed always higher; the design to tear from us by force +inseparable portions of Austria-Hungary has been made manifest with +less and less disguise. A criminal propaganda has extended over the +frontier with the object of destroying the foundations of <span class="pagenum">[pg 226]</span> +State order in the southeastern part of the monarchy; of making +the people, to whom I, in my paternal affection, extended my full +confidence, waver in its loyalty to the ruling house and to the +Fatherland; of leading astray its growing youth and inciting it to +mischievous deeds of madness and high treason. A series of +murderous attacks, an organized, carefully prepared, and well +carried out conspiracy, whose fruitful success wounded me and my +loyal peoples to the heart, forms a visible bloody track of those +secret machinations which were operated and directed in Servia.</p> + +<p>A halt must be called to these intolerable proceedings and an end +must be put to the incessant provocations of Servia. The honor and +dignity of my monarchy must be preserved unimpaired, and its +political, economic, and military development must be guarded from +these continual shocks. In vain did my Government make a last +attempt to accomplish this object by peaceful means and to induce +Servia, by means of a serious warning, to desist. Servia has +rejected the just and moderate demands of my Government and refused +to conform to those obligations the fulfillment of which forms the +natural and necessary foundation of peace in the life of peoples +and States. I must therefore proceed by force of arms to secure +those indispensable pledges which alone can insure tranquillity to +my States within and lasting peace without.</p> + +<p>In this solemn hour I am fully conscious of the whole significance +of my resolve and my responsibility before the Almighty. I have +examined and weighed everything, and with a serene conscience I set +out on the path to which my duty points. I trust in my peoples, +who, throughout every storm, have always rallied in unity and +loyalty around my throne, and have always been prepared for the +severest sacrifices for the honor, the greatness, and the might of +the Fatherland. I trust in Austria-Hungary's brave and devoted +forces, and I trust in the Almighty to give the victory to my arms.</p> + +<p class="author">FRANZ JOSEF.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + + + +<h3><a name="DECLARATION_OF_WAR" id="DECLARATION_OF_WAR"></a>DECLARATION OF WAR.</h3> + +<p><b>Published in Special Edition of Official Gazette, Vienna, July 28.</b></p> + +<p>The Royal Government of Servia not having given a satisfactory +reply to the note presented to it by the Austro-Hungarian Minister +in Belgrade on July 23, 1914, the Imperial and Royal Government of +Austria-Hungary finds it necessary itself to safeguard its rights +and interests and to have recourse for this purpose to force of +arms. Austria-Hungary, therefore, considers itself from this moment +in a state of war with Servia.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="DAYS_OF_WORLDS_HISTORYquot" id="DAYS_OF_WORLDS_HISTORYquot"></a>"DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY."</h3> + + +<p><b>Congratulatory Telegram to Kaiser Wilhelm II., Aug. 27.</b></p> + +<p>Victory after victory. God is with you. He will be with us also. I +most sincerely congratulate you, dear friend, also the young hero, +your dear son, the Crown Prince, and the Crown Prince Rupprecht, as +well as the incomparably brave German Army. Words fail to express +what moves me and, with me, my army, in these days of world's +history.</p> + +<p class="author">"FRANZ JOSEPH."</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<h3><a name="WILL_OF_WILHELM_II_THAT_SWUNG_THE_SWORD" id="WILL_OF_WILHELM_II_THAT_SWUNG_THE_SWORD"></a>WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD.</h3> + +<p><b>Kaiser Franz Josef's Address in Bestowing the Great Cross on the German +Kaiser, September, 1914.</b></p> + +<p>The glorious victories, so crushing to the foe, which the German +Army has won in battle under your chief command owe their begetting +and their success to your iron will, which sharpened and swung the +heavy sword.</p> + +<p>To the laurel that crowns you as victor I wish to add, if I may, +the highest military honor which we possess, in begging you to take +in true brotherhood of arms and as a token of my appreciation the +Great Cross of my military Order of Marie Theresa. The decoration +itself, dear friend, shall be handed to you by a special envoy as +soon as it is convenient for you.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h3><a name="pg_227A_PURELY_DEFENSIVE_WAR" id="pg_227A_PURELY_DEFENSIVE_WAR"></a>A PURELY DEFENSIVE WAR.</h3> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 227]</span><b>By Count Berchtold, Foreign Minister for Austria-Hungary.</b></p> + +<p>(Copyright, Evening News Publishing Company of Newark, N.J., 1914.)</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="berchtold" id="berchtold"></a><img alt="berchtold (20K)" src="images/berchtold.jpg" height="500" width="316" /> +<p class="center">COUNT LEOPOLD BERCHTOLD.<br /> +Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs.<br /> +(<i>Photo from Underwood & Underwood</i>.) +</p> + +</div> + +<p>Austria-Hungary looks upon this war as a purely defensive one, +which has been forced on her by the agitation directed by Russia +against her very existence. Austria-Hungary has given many proofs +in late years of her peaceful intention. She refrained from any +interference with arms in the Balkan war, though her interests were +at stake. Subsequent events have proved what a serious danger the +increase in territory and prestige which it brought Servia were for +Austria-Hungary. Servia's ambitions have since grown and have been +solely directed against the Dual Monarchy. Russia has tacitly +approved of Servia's action because Russian statesmen wish to form +an iron ring of enemies around Austria-Hungary and Germany in order +that Russia's grasp on Constantinople and on Asia should never +again be meddled with. Austro-Hungarian soldiers are fighting for +their homes and for the maintenance of their country, the Russians +are fighting to help the Russian Czar to gain the rule of the +world, to destroy all his neighbors who may be dangerous to Russian +ambitions. England is helping the Russians to oust her German +rival. She feared for some time that German culture and German +scientific methods would prove the stronger in a peaceful +competition, and she now hopes to crush Germany with the help of +Russia and France. And France is fighting to win back +Alsace-Lorraine, to take her revenge on Germany, which the French +nation has been aiming at for the last forty-four years.</p> + +<p>That is how Austria-Hungary looks upon the war. She never wished +for territorial increase, she wished for peace and that her people +should develop in safety.</p> + +<p>Germany equally had nothing to gain by a war, but Germany knows +that Austria-Hungary's enemies are her enemies and that the +dismemberment of the Hapsburg monarchy would mean the isolation of +the German Empire.</p> + +<p>And so, after all efforts to keep Russia and England from breaking +the peace of Europe had failed, she drew her sword to defend her +and her allies' (ally's) interests.</p> + +<p>Truth and honor are on the side of the two empires in this war, the +unspeakable inventions and prevarications published by the French, +Russian, and English press in the last weeks alone must prove to +the American people who can afford to tell the truth and nothing +but the truth in this war.</p> + +<p>The Austro-Hungarian and German people have a clear conscience and +need fear no misrepresentation of their action.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h3><a name="A_DISCORDANT_NOTE" id="A_DISCORDANT_NOTE"></a>A DISCORDANT NOTE.</h3> + +<p><b>By Count Michael Karolyi, Leader of Hungarian Independent Party, New +York, July 27.</b></p> + + +<p>If Austria had pursued a policy of directly helping the Balkan +countries, if Austria had in the past made it a point to be +actively their friend, this war would not confront us. Since it has +come, of course all Hungarians will support the empire and internal +differences will be dismissed while the empire is imperiled.</p> + +<p>As for the loyalty of the many Serbs within Austria-Hungary it is +hard to say. There again we must hope that they will take the +Austrian side. But the Austrian policy toward the Balkan countries +has been wrong, all wrong.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<h1><a name="A_German_Review_of_the_Evidence" id="A_German_Review_of_the_Evidence"></a>A German Review of the Evidence</h1> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><b>Certified by Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, German Ex-Colonial +Secretary.</b><span class="pagenum">[pg 228]</span></p> + + +<p><i>The following is presented as a complete defense of the German position +in the present war and is based upon examination of the German and +English "White Papers." It was prepared in Germany and forwarded to Dr. +Bernhard Dernburg, who had it translated for</i> THE NEW YORK TIMES <i>of +Nov. 1, 1914.</i></p> + +<p><i>Dr. Dernburg gives this statement his full approval and accepts complete +responsibility for it</i>.</p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Two of the five great European powers that are at present engaged +in war, Austria-Hungary and Russia, whose differences for years +have been constantly increasing in sharpness, and after the tragedy +in Serajevo became impossible to be bridged by diplomacy, conjured +up the frightful struggle.</p> + +<p>With these two, two other powers are so closely united by alliances +that their participation in the war also was unavoidable; they are +Germany and France.</p> + +<p>There are two other great European powers whose relations to the +two aforesaid groups before the war were very much alike in the +essential points. Just as Italy was politically tied by alliance to +the central powers, so England was with the Franco-Russian +Alliance. Hence it was uncertain how these countries, each +geographically removed from the main body of the Continent, would +act in a war, and it seemed quite possible that both would decide +to remain neutral.</p> + +<p>As a matter of fact, the Italian Government came to the view that +such a stand would be for the best interests of its country.</p> + +<p>This decision might have made it considerably more easy for England +to also maintain her neutrality, which, from political, economical, +and ethical reasons, would have been advantageous and natural for +the Island Empire. To the surprise and indignation of all those +Germans who for years had been working toward an adjustment of the +conflicting interests of both countries—among these ought to be +mentioned, above all, the Kaiser and the Imperial Chancellor—the +Liberal British Ministry immediately declared war on Germany, and +did not confine itself to a naval war, but, in keeping with +agreements reached years ago between the English and the French +General Staffs, as is now admitted, equipped an expeditionary army, +thus considerably strengthening the French forces.</p> + +<p>The question arises, "What reasons led British politics to this +monstrous step?"</p> + +<p>Much has been written during the last weeks from the German side, +criticising most sharply and with great justification the motive of +the London Cabinet. In the following discussion we will confine +ourselves to an impartial review of the documents published by the +English Government itself in its own defense.</p> + +<p>The essential part of this justification is contained in the +"Correspondence Concerning the European Crisis," placed before the +British Parliament shortly after the start of the war, which is +known as the British "White Paper." In amplification are to be +considered the "White Book" placed by the German Government before +the Reichstag and the "Orange Book" published by Russia.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="I" id="I"></a>I.<br />THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION.</h2> + + + + +<p>In a public speech, delivered Sept. 19, the Secretary of the Treasury, +Mr. Lloyd George, according to the report of The Westminster Gazette, +which may be considered as his organ, characterized the quarrel between +Germany and Russia in the picturesque manner which this statesman +prefers, as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>GERMANY—I insist that you stand aside with crossed arms while +Austria strangles your little brother, (Servia.)</p> + +<p>RUSSIA—Just you touch this little fellow <span class="pagenum">[pg 229]</span> and I will tear +your ramshackle empire limb from limb.</p></div> + +<p>We will not waste words in considering the flippant form here used in a +discussion of an unspeakably bloody and world-historic conflict. But +this expression in very pregnant form makes Russia appear in the light +in which the London powers-that-be desire to show the empire of the Czar +to the British people, viz., in the role of the noble-hearted protector +of persecuted innocence, while Germany, supporting and egging on +Austria-Hungary, is shown as morally responsible for the war.</p> + + +<p><b>Cites English Documents.</b></p> + + +<p>This, also, is the chain of thought in the speech of the British Prime +Minister in the House of Commons on Aug. 4. Translations of this speech +have been spread by the British Government in neutral countries in +hundreds of thousands of copies under the title: "The Power Responsible +for War Is Germany."</p> + +<p>Now, we claim that the British "White Paper" itself furnishes +irrefutable proof that not Germany, which up to the last moment offered +the hand of mediation, but Russia is responsible for the war, and that +the Foreign Office at London was fully cognizant of this fact.</p> + +<p>Furthermore, the "White Paper" shows that England's claim that she +entered this war solely as a protector of the small nations is a fable.</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="sazanof" id="sazanof"></a><img src="images/sazonof.jpg" alt="sazanof" width="317" height="500" /> +<p class="center">STATE COUNCILLOR SAZONOF<br /> +Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.<br /> +(<i>Photo (C) by American Press Assn</i>.)</p> + +</div> + +<p>The documents reproduced in the "White Paper" do not begin until July +20, and only a few introductory dispatches before the 24th are given. +The first of the very important reports of the British Ambassador at St. +Petersburg, Sir George Buchanan, to the Secretary of State, Grey, is +dated on that day; on the same day the note addressed by Austria-Hungary +to the Servian Government had been brought to the knowledge of the +European Cabinets, and the British Ambassador conferred with the Russian +Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Sazonof, over this matter. The French +Minister also took part in this conference. When the latter and M. +Sazonof, in the most insistent way, tried to prove to Buchanan that +England, together with Russia and France, must assume a threatening +attitude toward Austria-Hungary and Germany, the British Ambassador +replied:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I said that I would telegraph a full report to you of what their +Excellencies had just said to me. I could not, of course, speak in +the name of his Majesty's Government, but personally I saw no +reason to expect any declaration of solidarity from his Majesty's +Government that would entail an unconditional engagement on their +part to support Russia and France by force of arms. Direct British +interests in Servia were nil, and a war on behalf of that country +would never be sanctioned by British public opinion.—(British +"White Paper" No. 6.)</p></div> + +<p>The British Ambassador thereupon asked the question whether Russia was +thinking of eventually declaring war on Austria. The following was the +answer:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>M. Sazonof said that he himself thought that Russian mobilization +would at any rate have to be carried out; but a council of +Ministers was being held this afternoon to consider the whole +question....</p></div> + +<p>The dispatch continues:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>French Ambassador and M. Sazonof both continue to press me for a +declaration of complete solidarity of his Majesty's Government with +French and Russian Governments.... (British "White Paper" No. 6.)</p></div> + +<p>This shows plainly that the Russian mobilization must have been planned +even before July 24, for otherwise M. Sazonof could not have spoken of +the necessity of carrying it through.</p> + +<p>It is furthermore very remarkable that the Russian Minister on this +early day spoke of the mobilization in general and not of the partial +mobilization against Austria-Hungary.</p> + +<p>Finally we find that the British Government was fully informed at the +very latest on July 24—it may have had before it previous documents, +but they are not contained in the "White Paper"—concerning Russian +mobilization and thereby the development of Russian and French politics +that had to be anticipated.</p> + +<p><b>Russian Aggression.</b></p> + +<p>Had there been any doubts concerning these matters on the part of the +British Government, the continual urging of Russian and French +diplomatists must have <span class="pagenum">[pg 230]</span>made things plain. Russia's aggressive +policy, and not the Austrian declaration of war on Servia, which did not +come until five days later, led to the European war. Servia meant so +little to England, although England traditionally poses as a protector +of small nations, that the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg was able +to describe England's interest in the kingdom on the Save as "nil." Only +later, after the beginning of the war, England warmed up to Servia, and +in the aforementioned speech Mr. Lloyd George found the most hearty +tones in speaking of the heroic fight of this "little nation," although +he was obliged to admit simultaneously that its' history is not +untainted.</p> + +<p>On the day following that conversation, on July 25, the British +Ambassador had another talk with M. Sasonof, during the course of which +he felt obliged to express to the Russian Government a serious warning +concerning its mobilization.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>On my expressing the earnest hope that Russia would not precipitate +war by mobilizing until you had had time to use your influence in +favor of peace his Excellency assured me that Russia had no +aggressive intentions and she would take no action until it was +forced on her. Austria's action was in reality directed against +Russia. She aimed at overthrowing the present status quo in the +Balkans and establishing her own hegemony there. He did not believe +that Germany really wanted war, but her attitude was decided by +ours. If we took our stand firmly with France and Russia there +would be no war. If we failed them now rivers of blood would flow +and we would in the end be dragged into war....</p> + +<p>I said all I could to impress prudence on the Minister for Foreign +Affairs and warned him that if Russia mobilized Germany would not +be content with mere mobilization or give Russia time to carry out +hers, but would probably declare war at once! His Excellency +replied that Russia could not allow Austria to crush Servia and +become the predominant power in the Balkans, and, if she feels +secure of the support of France, she will face all the risks of +war. He assured me once more that he did not wish to precipitate a +conflict, but that unless Germany could restrain Austria I could +regard the situation as desperate.—(British "White Paper" No. 17.)</p></div> + + +<p>A more convincing contradiction of the claim that Germany fell upon +unexpectant Russia can hardly be imagined. Sazonof's conversation with +the British Ambassador shows that Russia had decided from the beginning +to bring about the war, unless Austria would subject itself to Russia's +dictation.</p> + +<p>Now, Russia was not alone concerned about Servia, but from its viewpoint +Austria-Hungary must not maintain the preponderant position in the +Balkans.</p> + +<p>Sure of French help, Russia was determined to work against this. The +reports of the British representative do not suggest with a word that +Germany was responsible for the war; on the contrary, Sir Buchanan +again, on his own account, warned the Russian Government to keep aloof +from military measures, in his conversation with M. Sazonof on July 27, +although the "White Paper" does not show that he had received any +instructions by Sir Edward Grey.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>His Excellency must not, if our efforts were to be successful, do +anything to precipitate a conflict. In these circumstances I +trusted that the Russian Government would defer the mobilization +ukase for as long as possible, and that troops would not be allowed +to cross the frontier even when it was issued.—(British "White +Paper," No, 44.)</p></div> + +<p>Just as its own Ambassador in Petersburg pointed out to the British +Government the dangers of Russian mobilization, England did not lack +German warnings. On July 28 the British Ambassador in Berlin, Sir E. +Goschen, reported as follows by wire concerning a conversation with the +Imperial Chancellor:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... but if the news were true which he had just read in the papers, +that Russia had mobilized fourteen army corps in the South, he +thought the situation was very serious, and he himself would be in +a very difficult position, as in these circumstances it would be +out of his power to continue to preach moderation at Vienna. He +added that Austria, who as yet was only partially mobilizing, would +have to take similar measures, and if war were to result Russia +would be entirely responsible.—(British "White Paper" No. 71.)</p></div> + +<p>In a telegram of Mr. Goschen's of July 30, reporting a conversation with +the Secretary of State, von Jagow, it is stated:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum">[pg 231]</span>He begged me to impress on you difficulty of Germany's +position in view of Russian mobilization and military measures +which he hears are being taken in France.—(British "White Paper" +No. 98.)</p></div> + +<p>The British Government has added a few further publications to its +"White Paper." Among these is a report of the hitherto British +Ambassador in Vienna, Sir Maurice de Bunsen. The document is dated Sept. +1; that is, a full month after the outbreak of the war. The tendency of +this publication is not only to unburden Russia and England from all +blame and to put it upon German and Austro-Hungarian politics, but it +attempts to make Germany responsible for the war to greater extent than +Austria-Hungary in trying to sow dissension between the two allies.</p> + +<p>Ambassador de Bunsen represents matters as if Germany, through its +ultimatum to Russia on July 31, had roughly interrupted negotiations +promising success then going on between Vienna and Petersburg. In this +report it is stated:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>(Retranslated.) M. Schebeko [the Russian Ambassador at Vienna] on +July 28th attempted to induce the Austrian Government to authorize +Count Scapary to continue negotiations which he had been carrying +on with M. Sazonof and which appeared very promising. Count +Berchtold on this day declined, but two days later, July 30th, +although Russia then had already started partial mobilization +against Austria, he received M. Schebeko again in the most +courteous manner and gave his consent to continuation of the pour +parleurs.... On Aug. 1st M. Schebeko informed me that Austria was +ready to submit to mediation those parts of its note to Servia +which appeared to be irreconcilable to the independence of +Servia.... Unfortunately these pour parleurs in St. Petersburg and +Vienna were suddenly broken off by the quarrel being removed to the +more dangerous territory of a direct conflict between Germany and +Russia. Germany on July 31 stepped between the two with its double +ultimatum addressed to St. Petersburg and Paris.... A delay of a +few days in all probability would have spared Europe one of the +greatest wars in history.</p></div> + +<p>On the other hand, be it remembered that the fact that any negotiations +between Austria and Russia were carried on up to the last hour was +solely the result of the uninterrupted German efforts to maintain +peace, which fact Sir Maurice de Bunsen very wisely buries in silence. +These negotiations, by the way, hardly were as promising of success as +is made to appear. The Austrian version of it is found in the Vienna +Fremdenblatt of Sept. 25, 1914. There the most important spots of +Bunsen's report, that Austria-Hungary had been ready to moderate several +points of its note to Servia, are mentioned, as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>As we are told by a well-informed source, these assertions do not +at all correspond to the facts; furthermore, from the very nature +of the steps undertaken by the dual monarchy in Belgrade, this +would have been entirely inconceivable.</p></div> + +<p>A glance at the date shows that the Bunsen report is misleading, for he +himself tells that Count Berchtold, on July 30, had expressed his +consent to a continuation of the exchange of thought in Petersburg; the +latter, therefore, could not begin before the 31st, while in the night +from July 30 to 31 the mobilization of the entire Russian Army against +Germany was ordered in Petersburg, finally making impossible the +continuation of the last German attempt at mediation in Vienna.</p> + +<p>The truth is, in spite of Russian and English twistings, that without +the interval caused by Germany's efforts in Vienna, which interval +England allowed to pass unused in Petersburg, the war would have broken +out a few days sooner.</p> + +<p>Let us consider how the fact of the Russian mobilization, the dimensions +and tendency of which was brought to the knowledge of the London Cabinet +at the very latest on July 24, must affect Germany.</p> + +<p>On July 24 the Russian Government declared, in an official communiqué, +it would be impossible for it to remain indifferent in an Austro-Servian +conflict.</p> + +<p><b>Germany's Hand Forced.</b></p> + +<p>This declaration was followed immediately by military measures which +represented the beginning of Russian mobilization long planned. But even +on July 27 the Russian Minister of War, Suchomlinof, <span class="pagenum">[pg 232]</span>assured +the German Military Attaché upon word of honor (Annex 11 of the German +"White Paper") that no order for mobilization had been given and no +reservists had been drawn and no horse had been commandeered.</p> + +<p>Although in this conversation there had been left no doubt to the +Russian Minister of War concerning the fact that measures of +mobilization against Austria must be considered by Germany also as very +threatening toward itself, during the next days news of the Russian +mobilization arrived in quick succession.</p> + +<p>On the 29th mobilization of Southern and Southwestern Russia was +ordered, which was extended on the 30th to twenty-three provinces.</p> + +<p>On the night of the 30th to the 31st, while the efforts of the Kaiser to +maintain peace were continuing and were receiving friendly attention in +Vienna, in St. Petersburg the mobilization of the entire Russian Army +was ordered. Even as late as 2 P.M. on the 31st, however, (German "White +Paper," Page 18, of NEW YORK TIMES reprint,) the Czar telegraphed the +Kaiser that the military measures now being taken were meant for +defensive purposes against Austria's preparations, and he gave his +pledge as far away from desiring war.</p> + +<p>In the face of such evident duplicity of Russian politics, a further +delay such as was desired by Sir Maurice de Bunsen would have been for +every German statesman a crime against the security of his own country.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, upon what German measures did the Russian Government +base its order for mobilization? The British "White Paper" proves how +frivolously steps leading to the most serious results were ordered in +St. Petersburg. On July 30 Sir George Buchanan telegraphed:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>M. Sazonof told us that absolute proof was in possession of the +Russian Government that Germany was making military and naval +preparations against Russia, more particularly in the direction of +the Gulf of Finland,—(British "White Paper" No. 97.)</p></div> + +<p><b>Proofs Lacking.</b></p> + +<p>On the other hand, Buchanan's telegram of July 31 (British "White +Paper" No. 113) states:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Russia has also reason to believe that Germany is making active +military preparations, and she cannot afford to let her get a +start.—(British "White Paper" No. 113.)</p></div> + +<p>So, from one day to the next the "absolute proof" changed to a reason +for the assumption. In reality, both were assertions that lack all +proof.</p> + +<p>The finishing part of a telegram sent by the British Ambassador in +Berlin to Sir Edward Grey on July 31 deserves special mention:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>He [the German Secretary of State] again assured me that both the +Emperor William, at the request of the Emperor of Russia and the +German Foreign Office, had even up till last night been urging +Austria to show willingness to continue discussion—and telephonic +communications from Vienna had been of a promising nature—but +Russia's mobilization had spoiled everything.—(British "White +Paper" No. 121.)</p></div> + +<p>Therefore, the German Chancellor, in his memorandum placed before the +Reichstag, stated with full justification:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Russian Government has smashed the laborious attempts at +mediation on the part of the European State Chancelleries, on the +eve of success, by the mobilization, endangering the safety of the +empire. The measures for a mobilization, about whose seriousness +the Russian Government was fully acquainted from the beginning, in +connection with their constant denial, show clearly that Russia +wanted war.</p> + +<p>To this is to be added that the English Government also was made +fully cognizant of the intentions of the Russian mobilization, by a +witness that could not be suspected, namely, its own representative +in St. Petersburg, and therefore must bear full responsibility.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="II" id="II"></a>II.<br />GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS.</h2> + + + + +<p>We have seen from the "Blue Book" that the Secretary of State in London +was informed at the very latest on July 24 by his Ambassador in St. +Petersburg of the plan of the Russian mobilization and consequently of +the tremendous seriousness of the European situation. Yet eight to nine +days had to elapse before the beginning of the war. Let us see whether +Sir Edward Grey used this time <span class="pagenum">[pg 233]</span>to preserve peace, according to +his own documents.</p> + +<p>From this testimony it appears that even at the beginning of the last +and decisive part of the European crisis, which began on June 28, 1914, +with the assassination of the Austrian heir to the throne, Sir Edward +Grey refrained from considering a direct participation of his country in +the possible world war. At least, this must be the impression gained +from his remarks to the representatives of the two powers with whom +England is today at war. Thus, he said to the Austro-Hungarian +Ambassador, Count Mensdorff, on July 23:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The possible consequences of the present situation were terrible. +If as many as four great powers of Europe—let us say Austria, +France, Russia, and Germany—were engaged in war, it seemed to me +that it must involve the expenditure of so vast a sum of money and +such an interference with trade that a war would be accompanied or +followed by a complete collapse of European credit and +industry.—(British "White Paper" No. 3.)</p></div> + +<p>Here Grey speaks only of four of the big powers at most that may go to +war, without even hinting at the fifth, namely, England. On July 24 he +had another conversation with the Austrian Ambassador, the theme of +which was the note—meanwhile presented to Servia. It caused +apprehensions on his part, but he declared again:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The merits of the dispute between Austria and Servia were not the +concern of his Majesty's Government....</p> + +<p>I [Grey] ended by saying that doubtless we should enter into an +exchange of views with other powers, and that I must await their +views as to what could be done to mitigate the difficulties of the +situation.—(British "White Paper" No. 5.)</p></div> + +<p>We are already striking the fateful peculiarity of Grey's policy to +hesitate where prompt action, or at least a clear and open conduct, +would have been his duty. This weakness of his nature has been used with +great art by French and Russian diplomacy. This is illustrated by the +conversation of July 24 between him and the French Ambassador, Cambon, +in London:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>M. Cambon said that, if there was a chance of mediation by the four +powers he had no doubt that his Government would be glad to join +in it; but he pointed out that we could not say anything in St. +Petersburg till Russia had expressed some opinion or taken some +action. But, when two days were over, Austria would march into +Servia, for the Servians could not possibly accept the Austrian +demand. Russia would be compelled by her public opinion to take +action as soon as Austria attacked Servia, and, therefore, once the +Austrians had attacked Servia it would be too late for any +mediation.—(British "White Paper" No. 10.)</p></div> + +<p>Thus, England must not give any advice to Russia before it knows +Russia's intent and even its measures. But inasmuch as Austria will have +proceeded against Servia by that time Russia must make war, and the +conclusion is that even on July 24 the catastrophe is considered +unavoidable. Grey shows himself more and more hypnotized by the +fatalistic view that it is too late. Hence he reports also on July 24 a +conversation of the German Ambassador, Prince Lichnowsky:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I reminded the German Ambassador that some days ago he had +expressed a personal hope that if need arose I would endeavor to +exercise moderating influence at St. Petersburg, but now I said +that, in view of the extraordinarily stiff character of the +Austrian note, the shortness of time allowed, and the wide scope of +the demands upon Servia, I felt quite helpless as far as Russia was +concerned, and I did not believe any power could exercise influence +alone.—(British "White Paper" No. 11.)</p></div> + +<p>From a conversation of Grey with the Prince Lichnowsky, the German +Ambassador, on July 25:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Alone we could do nothing. The French Government were traveling +[this refers to the visit at St. Petersburg by Messrs. Poincaré and +Viviani] at the moment, and I had had no time to consult them, and +could not, therefore, be sure of their views.—(British "White +Paper" No. 25.)</p></div> + +<p>If Sir Edward Grey sincerely desired the maintenance of peace, he must +have had to use his entire influence at St. Petersburg to bring about +the stopping of the threatening military measures taken by Russia, +whereas he was waiting for the opinion of the French Government. He was +bound to do this, so much the more in view of the fact that he demanded +from Germany that it should exert its influence with Austria.</p> + +<p>That this request of Grey's was complied with by Germany in so far as +it <span class="pagenum">[pg 234]</span>was in any way in accord with the alliance with +Austria-Hungary, and that in Vienna every effort was made to conciliate +matters, is shown by the assurance of the Chancellor; he declares:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In spite of this [the Austro-Hungarian Government having remarked +with full appreciation of our action that it had come too late] we +continued our mediatory efforts to the utmost and advised Vienna to +make any possible compromise consistent with the dignity of the +monarchy.—(German "White Paper," Page 17, of NEW YORK TIMES +reprint.)</p></div> + +<p>Grey well knew that Germany was doing all it could to mediate in Vienna. +He expressed his recognition and his joy over it on July 28 ("Blue +Book," Page 67):</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is very satisfactory to hear from the German Ambassador here +that the German Government have taken action at Vienna in the sense +of the conversation recorded in my telegram of yesterday to +you.—(British "White Paper" No. 67.)<a name="FNanchor_02" id="FNanchor_02"></a><a href="#Footnote_02" class="fnanchor">[02]</a></p></div> + +<p>Neither has Grey been left in the dark by the German side concerning the +difficulties, which by the Russian mobilization made every attempt to +mediate in Vienna abortive. Even on July 31 the British Ambassador in +Berlin telegraphed:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Chancellor informs me that his efforts to preach peace and +moderation at Vienna have been seriously handicapped by the Russian +mobilization against Austria. He has done everything possible to +obtain his object at Vienna, perhaps even rather more than was +altogether palatable at the Ballplatz.—(British "White Paper" No. +108.)</p></div> + +<p><b>England and Russia.</b></p> + +<p>How, on the other hand, about Grey's action with Russia? From the very +beginning one should have had a right to expect that, as Germany acted +in Vienna, thus France, if it was active in Grey's spirit, would be +working in St. Petersburg for peace. Of this no trace whatsoever can be +found. The French Government thus far has not published any series of +documents concerning its activity during the crisis, and neither in the +Russian "Orange Book" nor in the English "Blue Book" is anything +mentioned of the mediating activity on the part of France.</p> + +<p>On the contrary, the latter power, wherever she puts in an +appearance—as for instance in the conversation of the English +Ambassador in St. Petersburg with his French colleague and M. Sazonof, +as mentioned above—appears as fully identical with Russia.</p> + +<p>It is also stated on July 24:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The French Ambassador gave me to understand that France would +fulfill all the obligations entailed by her alliance with Russia if +necessity arose, besides supporting Russia strongly in all +diplomatic negotiations.... It seems to me from the language held, +by French Ambassador that even if we decline to join them, France +and Russia are determined to make a strong stand.—(British "White +Paper" No. 6.)</p></div> + +<p>One should think that Grey, who in view of this could not possibly +expect an influence for peace being brought to bear by France, but only +a strengthening of the Russian desire for aggression, now would have +acted in the most energetic manner in St. Petersburg for the maintenance +of peace.</p> + +<p>In reality, however, during the days that still remained, aside from a +weak and in St. Petersburg absolutely ineffective advice to postpone +mobilization, he did nothing whatsoever, and later placed himself in a +manner constantly more recognizable on the side of Russia.</p> + +<p>The claim that the time limit given by the Austrian note to Servia was +the cause of the war, that Grey's mediation had only miscarried owing to +the haste of Germany, is disproved by the British <span class="pagenum">[pg 235]</span>documents +themselves. De Bunsen on July 26 telegraphed to Grey from Vienna:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Russian Ambassador just returned from leave, thinks that +Austro-Hungarian Government are determined on war and that it is +impossible for Russia to remain indifferent. He does not propose to +press for more time in the sense of your telegram of the 25th +inst.—(British "White Paper" No. 40.)</p></div> + +<p>Therefore Russia has paid little attention to the very shy and timid +efforts to maintain peace by the London Secretary of State, even where +these were concerned in the attempt to change the position taken by +Austria.</p> + +<p>Another proof: Sazonof on July 27 sent a telegram to the Russian +Ambassador in London which the latter transmitted to Grey, and which +concerns itself with the much mentioned proposition of the latter to +have the conflict investigated by a conference of the four great powers +not immediately concerned.</p> + +<p><b>Russian Sincerity Questioned.</b></p> + +<p>The conference plan was declined without much hesitation and openly by +Germany, because it was compelled to see therein an attempt to place +Austria before a European court of arbitration, and because it knew the +serious determination of its ally in this matter. But did Russia really +want the conference? Minister Sazonof declares:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I replied to the [British] Ambassador that I have begun +conversations with the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, under +conditions which I hope may be favorable. I have not, however, +received as yet any reply to the proposal made by me for revising +the note between the two Cabinets.—(British "White Paper" No. +53.)</p></div> + +<p>Here it is shown plainly how little the conference plan was after the +heart of the Russians. Had they accepted it it would have had to be done +immediately. As soon as the situation had grown very much more serious +by the failure of the negotiations with Austria-Hungary there would have +been no more time for this.<a name="FNanchor_03" id="FNanchor_03"></a><a href="#Footnote_03" class="fnanchor">[03]</a></p> + +<p>A telegram of the English Ambassador in St. Petersburg, dated July 27, +(British "White Paper" No. 55,) shows how this conference was expected +to be conducted in St. Petersburg:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>His Excellency [Sazonof] said he was perfectly ready to stand aside +if the powers accepted the proposal for a conference, but he +trusted that you would keep in touch with the Russian Ambassador in +the event of its taking place.—(British "White Paper" No. 55.)</p></div> + +<p>Russian shrewdness evidently expected to control the conference by +keeping in touch with Grey, who of course would have been the Chairman. +The dispatches of his own Ambassadors lying before him should have +enabled the Secretary of State to see the perfidy of the Russian policy. +Buchanan wrote on the 28th from St. Petersburg:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... and asked him whether he would be satisfied with the assurance +which the Austrian Ambassador had, I understood, been instructed to +give in respect to Servia's integrity and independence.... In reply +his Excellency stated that if Servia were attacked Russia would not +be satisfied with any engagement which Austria might take on these +two points....—(British "White Paper" No. 72.)</p></div> + +<p>Entirely in contrast herewith is one <span class="pagenum">[pg 236]</span>report of the British +representative in Vienna, dated Aug. 1, and speaking of a conversation +with the Russian Ambassador there:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Russia would, according to the Russian Ambassador, be satisfied +even now with assurance respecting Servian integrity and +independence. He said that Russia had no intention to attack +Austria.—(British "White Paper" No. 141.)</p></div> + +<p>What, then, may one ask, was the opinion which Sir Edward Grey had +formed concerning Russia's real intentions? He learns from Russian +sources and notes faithfully that Russia will accept Austrian guarantees +for independence of Servia, and also that it will not accept such +guarantees. It is the same duplicity which Russia, when its own +mobilization was concerned, showed toward Germany. Did Sir Edward not +notice this duplicity, or did he not wish to notice it? If the documents +of the English Government have not been selected with the purpose to +confuse, then in London the decision to take part in the war does not +seem to have been a certainty at the beginning. We have seen that +Ambassador Buchanan in St. Petersburg on July 24 gave the Russian +Minister to understand that England was not of a mind to go to war on +account of Servia. This position, taken by the Ambassador, was approved +by Sir Edward Grey on the following day in the following words:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I entirely approve what you said ... and I cannot promise more on +behalf of the Government.—(British "White Paper" No. 24.)</p></div> + +<p>Based upon these instructions, Sir George Buchanan, even on July 27, +stated to M. Sazonof, who continued to urge England to unconditionally +join Russia and France:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I added that you [Grey] could not promise to do anything more, and +that his Excellency was mistaken if he believed that the cause of +peace could be promoted by our telling the German Government that +they would have to deal with us as well as with Russia and France +if she supported Austria by force of arms. Their [the German] +attitude would merely be stiffened by such a menace.—(British +"White Paper" No. 44.)</p></div> + +<p>But on this same 27th day of July, Grey, submitting to the intrigues of +Russian and French diplomacy, had committed one very fateful step +(Telegram to Buchanan, July 27):</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I have been told by the Russian Ambassador that in German and +Austrian circles impression prevails that in any event we would +stand aside. His Excellency deplored the effect that such an +impression must produce. This impression ought, as I have pointed +out, to be dispelled by the orders we have given to the first fleet +which is concentrated, as it happens, at Portland not to disperse +for manoeuvre leave. But I explained to the Russian Ambassador that +my reference to it must not be taken to mean that anything more +than diplomatic action was promised.—(British "White Paper" No. +47.)</p></div> + +<p>For Russia this order to the fleet meant very much more than a +diplomatic action. Sazonof saw that the wind in London was turning in +his favor and he made use of it. Among themselves the Russian +diplomatists seem to have for a long time been clear and open in their +discussion of their real object. You find among the documents of the +Russian "Orange Book" the following telegram of Sazonof of July 25 to +the Russian Ambassador in London:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In case of a new aggravation of the situation, possibly provoking +on the part of the great powers' united action, [des actions +conformes,] we count that England will not delay placing herself +clearly on the side of Russia and France, with the view to +maintaining the equilibrium of Europe, in favor of which she has +constantly intervened in the past, and which would without doubt be +compromised in the case of the triumph of Austria.—(Russian +"Orange Paper" No. 17.)</p></div> + +<p>There is no mention of Servia here, but Austria should not triumph. +Russia's real intention, of course, was not placed so nakedly before the +British Secretary of State, hence to him the appearance was maintained +that the little State of the Sawe was the only consideration, although +the Russian Army was already being mobilized with all energy.</p> + +<p>On the 28th he wires to the Russian Ambassador, Count Benckendorff, to +London to inform the British Government:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It seems to me that England is in a better position than any other +power to make another attempt at Berlin to induce the German +Government to take the necessary <span class="pagenum">[pg 237]</span>action. There is no doubt +that the key of the situation is to be found at Berlin.—(British +"White Paper" No. 54.)</p></div> + +<p>The opinion subtly suggested upon him by Paris and Petersburg diplomacy, +namely, that he should not use any pressure upon Russia, but upon +Germany, now takes hold of Grey more and more. On July 29 he writes to +the German Ambassador as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In fact, mediation was ready to come into operation by any method +that Germany thought possible if only Germany would "press the +button in the interests of peace."—(British "White Paper" No. 84.)</p></div> + +<p>Petersburg, now assured of the support of Grey, becomes more and more +outspoken for war. On the 28th Grey again expressed one of his +softhearted propositions for peace. Mr. Sazonof hardly made the effort +to hide his contempt. Buchanan telegraphs on the 29th as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that proposal referred to in +your telegram of the 28th inst. was one of secondary importance. +Under altered circumstances of situation he did not attach weight +to it.... Minister for Foreign Affairs had given me to understand +that Russia would not precipitate war by crossing frontier +immediately, and a week or more would in any case elapse before +mobilization was completed. In order to find an issue out of a +dangerous situation it was necessary that we should in the +meanwhile all work together.—(British "White Paper" No. 78.)</p></div> + +<p><b>Naivete or Cynicism?</b></p> + +<p>Here it really becomes impossible to judge where the naïveté of the +British Secretary of State ends and cynicism begins, for Sazonof could +not have told to him more plainly than in these lines that all Russia's +ostensible readiness for peace served no other purpose than to win time +to complete the strategical location of the Russian troops.</p> + +<p>This point is emphasized by one document coming from a writer presumably +unbiased, but presumably distrustful of Germany, wherein the +confirmation is found that England and Russia had come to a full +agreement during these days.</p> + +<p>On July 30 the Belgian Chargé d'Affaires de l'Escaille in Petersburg +reported to the Belgian Government upon the European crisis. Owing to +the fast developing events of a warlike nature, this letter did not +reach its address by mail, and it was published later on. The Belgian +diplomatist writes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is undeniable that Germany tried hard here [that is, in +Petersburg] and in Vienna to find any means whatsoever in order to +forestall a general conflict....</p></div> + +<p>And after M. de l'Escaille has told that Russia—what the Czar and his +War Minister with their highest assurances toward Germany had +denied—was mobilizing its own army, he continues:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Today at Petersburg one is absolutely convinced, yes, they have +even received assurances in that direction, that England and France +will stay by them. This assistance is of decisive importance and +has contributed much to the victory of the [Russian] war party.</p></div> + +<p>This settles Grey's pretended "attempts at mediation." The truth is that +British politics decided to prevent a diplomatic success of Germany and +Austria, now worked openly toward the Russian aim. "The exertion of +pressure upon Berlin" included already a certain threat, mingled with +good advice.</p> + +<p>On July 23 Grey had only spoken of four possible powers in war; hence +when on the German side some hope of England maintaining neutrality was +indulged in, this impression rested upon Grey's own explanations. On +July 29, however, after a political conversation with Prince Lichnowsky, +German Ambassador in London, he adds an important personal bit of +information. He wires concerning it to Berlin, to Goschen:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>After speaking to the German Ambassador this afternoon about the +European situation, I said that I wished to say to him, in a quite +private and friendly way, something that was on my mind. The +situation was very grave.... But if we failed in our efforts to +keep the peace, and if the issue spread so that it involved every +European interest, I did not wish to be open to any reproach from +him, that the friendly tone of all our conversations had misled him +or his Government into supposing that we should not take action.... +But we knew very well that if the issue did become such that we +thought that British interests required us to intervene, we must +intervene at once and the decision would have to be very +rapid.—(British "White Paper" No. 89.)</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 238]</span>But what is especially wrong is that Grey brought this warning, +which only could have any effect if it remained an absolute, +confidential secret between the English and German Governments, also to +the French Ambassador, so that the entire Entente could mischievously +look on and see whether Germany really would give in to British +pressure. Of course, in his manner of swaying to and fro, he did not +wish either that Cambon should not accept this information to the German +Ambassador as a decided taking of a position on the part of England:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I thought it necessary [speaking to M. Cambon] to say that because +as he knew we were taking all precautions with regard to our fleet +and I was about to warn Prince Lichnowsky not to count on our +standing aside, but it would not be fair that I should let M. +Cambon be misled into supposing that we had decided what to do in a +contingency that I still hoped might not arise....—(British "White +Paper" No. 87.)</p></div> + +<p><b>Stirring Up Trouble.</b></p> + +<p>On the German side Grey's open threat, which was presented, however, +with smooth and friendly sounding words, was received with quiet +politeness. Goschen telegraphed on the 30th concerning a talk with State +Secretary von Jagow:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>His Excellency added that telegram received from Prince Lichnowsky +last night contains matter which he had heard with regret, but not +exactly with surprise, and, at all events, he thoroughly +appreciated the frankness and loyalty with which you had +spoken.—(British "White Paper" No. 98.)</p></div> + +<p>Now the work of stirring up trouble is continued unceasingly. On July 30 +the British Ambassador in Paris, Sir F. Bertie, concerning a +conversation with the President of the Republic, reports:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>He [Poincaré] is convinced that peace between the powers is in the +hands of Great Britain. If his Majesty's Government announced that +England would come to the aid of France in the event of a conflict +between France and Germany ... there would be no war, for Germany +would at once modify her attitude.—(British "White Paper" No. 99.)</p></div> + +<p>Did Grey really think for one moment that the German Empire would +change its position immediately, in other words, would suddenly leave +its ally in need, or is all this only a mass of diplomatic +blandishments?</p> + +<p>On the same day Grey steps from the personal warning which he had given +to the German Ambassador to the sharpest official threat. In a telegram +to the Ambassador in Berlin upon the question placed before him by the +Chancellor of the empire on the day prior, (British "White Paper" No. +85,) whether England would remain neutral if Germany would bind itself, +after possible war, to claim no French territory in Europe whatever, +while in lieu of the French colonies a like guarantee could not be +accepted, Grey answers with thundering words:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment entertain the +Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to +neutrality on such terms. What he asks us in effect is to engage to +stand by while French colonies are taken and France is beaten, so +long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the +colonies. From a material point of view such a proposal is +unacceptable, for France without further territory in Europe being +taken from her could be so crushed as to lose her position as a +great power and become subordinate to German policy. Altogether +apart from that, it would be a disgrace for us to make this bargain +with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the +good name of this country could never recover.—(British "White +Paper" No. 101.)</p></div> + +<p>With this telegram the war on Germany was practically declared, for as a +price of British neutrality an open humiliation of Germany was demanded. +If France—the question of French colonies is of very minor importance +in this connection—must not be defeated by Germany, then England +forbade the German Government to make war. It was furthermore stated +that Germany was absolutely compelled to accept Russian-French dictates, +and would have to leave Austria to its own resources. This would have +meant Germany's retirement from the position of a great power, even if +she had backed down before such a challenge.<span class="pagenum">[pg 239]</span></p> + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="III" id="III"></a>III.<br />THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE.</h2> + + + + +<p>Only in the light of the developments concerning England's relation to +France, given at the beginning of the war, Grey's policy, swaying +between indecision and precipitate action, becomes apparent.</p> + +<p>In all the explanations which the British Government in the course of +eight years had presented to the British Parliament concerning the +relations to other large powers, the assurance had been repeated that no +binding agreements with the two partners of the Franco-Russian alliance +had been made, above all, that no agreement with France existed. Only in +his speech in the House of Commons on Aug, 3, 1914, which meant the war +with Germany, Grey gave to the representatives of the people news of +certain agreements which made it a duty for Great Britain to work +together with France in any European crisis.</p> + +<p>The fateful document, which in the form of an apparently private letter +to the French Ambassador, dealt with one of the most important compacts +of modern history, was written toward the end of the year 1912, and is +published in the British "White Paper" No. 105, Annex 1:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>London Foreign Office, Nov. 22, 1912.</p> + +<p>My Dear Ambassador:</p> + +<p>From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and +military experts have consulted together. It has always been +understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of +either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to +assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation +between experts is not, and ought not to be, regarded as an +engagement that commits either Government to action in a +contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The +disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets +respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement +to co-operate in war.</p> + +<p>You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave +reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might +become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon +the armed assistance of the other.</p> + +<p>I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an +unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened +the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other +whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression +and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be +prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the +plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into +consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect +should be given to them.</p> + +<p>Yours, &c.,</p> + +<p class="author">E. GREY.</p></div> + +<p><b>Was Parliament Deceived?</b></p> + +<p>A few members of the English Parliament who on Aug. 3 dared to gingerly +protest against the war may have had reason to complain about the hiding +of facts from the House of Commons. When such understandings can be made +without any one having an idea of their existence, then—so far as +England is concerned—the supervision of the Government, theoretically +being exercised by a Parliament, becomes a fiction.</p> + +<p><b>Veiled Defensive Alliance.</b></p> + +<p>As a matter of fact, Grey does not desire to have accepted as political +obligations the conversations of the French and English Army and Navy +General Staffs concerning the future plans of campaign which took place +from time to time in times of peace. However, the true tendency of this +agreement, for such it is, gives itself away in the promise to +immediately enter with France into a political and military exchange of +opinions in every critical situation; it means in realty nothing less +than a veiled defensive alliance which by clever diplomatic +manipulations can be changed without any difficulty to an offensive one, +for inasmuch as the English Government promises to consult and work +together with France, and consequently also with its ally, Russia, in +every crisis, before a serious investigation of the moments of danger, +it waives all right of taking an independent position.</p> + +<p>How would England ever have been able to enter a war against France +without throwing upon itself the accusation of faithlessness against one +with whose plans for war it had become acquainted through negotiations +lasting through years?</p> + +<p>Here a deviation may be permissible, which leaves for a moment the basis +of documentary proof.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 240]</span>If one considers how this agreement of such immeasurable +consequences was not only hidden from the British Parliament by the +Cabinet, but how to the very edge of conscious deceit its existence was +denied—in the year 1913 Premier Asquith answered a query of a member of +the House of Commons that there were no unpublished agreements in +existence which in a case of war between European powers would interfere +with or limit free decision on the part of the British Government or +Parliament as to whether or not Britain should take part at a war—then +certain reports making their appearance with great persistency in June, +1914, concerning an Anglo-Russian naval agreement are seen in a +different light.</p> + +<p>Persons who were acquainted with the happenings in diplomacy then stated +that the Russian Ambassador in Paris, M. Iswolski, during the visit +which the King of England and Sir Edward Grey were paying to Paris, had +succeeded in winning the English statesmen for the plan of such an +agreement. A formal alliance, it was said, was not being demanded by +Russia immediately, for good reasons. M. Iswolski was attempting to go +nearer to his goal, carefully, step by step.</p> + +<p>It had been preliminarily agreed that negotiations should be started +between the British Admiralty and the Russian Naval Attaché in London, +Capt. Wolkow. As a matter of fact Wolkow during June went to St. +Petersburg for a few days to, as was assumed, obtain instructions and +then return to London.</p> + +<p><b>Grey's "Twisty" Answer.</b></p> + +<p>These happenings aroused so much attention in England that questions +were raised in Parliament concerning them. It was noted how twisty +Grey's answer was. He referred to the answer of the Premier, already +mentioned, stated that the situation is unchanged, and said then that no +negotiations were under way concerning a naval agreement with any +foreign nation. "As far as he was able to judge the matter," no such +negotiations would be entered into later on.</p> + +<p>The big Liberal newspaper, The Manchester Guardian, was not at all +satisfied with this explanation; it assumed that certain conditional +preliminary agreements might not be excluded.</p> + +<p>This Russian plan, which was later worked out in St. Petersburg, went +into oblivion on account of the rapidly following European war. In the +light of the following revelation of Grey's agreement with France, the +news of the naval agreement desired by Iswolski assumed another aspect.</p> + +<p>Let us return to the Anglo-French agreement. The following remarks by +the French Ambassador in London, reported by Grey, prove that, on the +ground of this agreement, France, with very little trouble, would be +able to make out of a diplomatic entanglement a case for Allies' +interest as far as England is concerned.</p> + +<p><b>A German "Attack."</b></p> + +<p>He [Cambon] anticipated that the [German] aggression would take the form +of either a demand to cease her preparations or a demand that she should +engage to remain neutral if there was war between Germany and Russia. +Neither of these things would France admit.—(British "White Paper" No. +105.)</p> + +<p>Therefore, even the demand addressed to France not to, jointly with +Russia, attack Germany became a German "attack," which obliged England +to come to the aid!</p> + +<p>In spite of this, even on July 27 in a conversation with Cambon, Grey +gave himself the appearance as if his hands were free. He told the +Frenchman:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>If Germany became involved and France became involved we had not +made up our minds what we should do; it was a case that we should +have to consider.... We were free from engagements and we should +have to decide what British interests required us to do.—(British +"White Paper" No. 87.)</p></div> + +<p>M. Cambon remarked in reply that the Secretary of State had clearly +pictured the situation, but on the very following day the French +Ambassador took the liberty to remind Grey of the letter written in +1912. (British "White Paper" No. 105.)</p> + +<p>Grey did not deny the claim implied in this reminder, but even as late +as July 31 he reports as follows concerning the conversation with +Cambon:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum">[pg 241]</span>Up to the present moment we did not feel and public opinion +did not feel that any treaties or obligations of this country were +involved.... M. Cambon repeated his question whether we would help +France if Germany made an attack on her. I said I could only adhere +to the answer that, as far as things had gone at present, we could +not take any engagement.... I said that the Cabinet would certainly +be summoned as soon as there was some new development; that at the +present moment the only answer I could give was that we could not +undertake any definite engagement.—(British "White Paper" No. +119.)</p></div> + +<p>Now, if we remember that even on the day before Grey had informed the +German Imperial Chancellor that it would be a shame for England to +remain neutral and allow France to be crushed, we here find a new proof +of the unreliability of his conduct. If he has been gullible, the +declaration of 1912, the dangerous character of which is increased by +its apparently undefined tenor, has enmeshed him more and more. Also the +military and naval circles, whose consultations with the representatives +of the French Army and Navy certainly have been continued diligently +since the beginning of the Servian crisis, were forcing toward a +decision.</p> + +<p>At all events, it became more impossible with every hour for Germany to +keep England out of the way by any offers whatsoever. This is proved by +Grey's conversation of Aug. 1 with the German Ambassador:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>He asked me whether if Germany gave a promise not to violate +Belgian neutrality we would engage to remain neutral. I replied +that I could not say that; our hands were still free, and we were +considering what our attitude should be.... The Ambassador pressed +me as to whether I could not formulate conditions on which we would +remain neutral. I said that I felt obliged to refuse definitely any +promise.... (British "White Paper" No. 123.)</p></div> + +<p><b>Belgium Not the Cause.</b></p> + +<p>Hence, only if Germany would permit herself to be humiliated war with +England could be avoided. The violation of Belgium's neutrality was in +no way the cause of England joining Germany's enemies, for while German +troops did not enter Belgium until the night from Aug. 3 to 4, Grey gave +on Aug. 2 the following memorandum to the French Ambassador after a +session of the Cabinet in London:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I am authorized to give an assurance that if the Geman fleet comes +into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile +operations against French coasts or shipping, the British fleet +will give all the protection in its power.—(British "White Paper" +No. 148.)</p></div> + +<p>As the aim of this decision, of which M. Cambon was informed verbally, +was to give France an assurance that it would be placed in a position +"to settle the disposition of its own Mediterranean fleet," Grey would +not accept the version of Cambon that England would take part in a war +with Germany. This is a case of splitting hairs in order to put the +blame of starting the war on Germany, for while England promised to +protect the French coast and to make it possible for the French fleet to +stay in the Mediterranean, she almost immediately proceeded to a warlike +action against Germany, especially as the English Minister +simultaneously refused to bind himself to maintain even this peculiar +neutrality.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="IV" id="IV"></a>IV.<br />BELGIAN NEUTRALITY.</h2> + + + + +<p>The highest representatives of the German Empire with emphatic +seriousness declared that it was with a heavy heart and only following +the law of self-preservation that they decided to violate the neutrality +of the Kingdom of Belgium, guaranteed by the great powers in the +treaties of 1831 and 1839.</p> + +<p>The German Secretary of State on Aug. 4 informed the English Government +through the embassy in London that Germany intended to retain no Belgian +territory, and added:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Please impress upon Sir E. Grey that German Army could not be +exposed to French attack across Belgium, which was planned, +according to absolutely unimpeachable information. Germany had +consequently to disregard Belgian neutrality, it being with her a +question of life or death to prevent French advance.—(British +"White Paper" No. 157.)</p></div> + +<p>In answer Grey caused the English Ambassador in Berlin to demand his +<span class="pagenum">[pg 242]</span>passports and to tell the German Government that England would +take all steps for defense of Belgian neutrality. This, therefore, +represents, in the view which very cleverly has been spread broadcast by +British publicity, the real reason for the war. But in spite of the +moral indignation that is apparent against Germany, the consideration +for Belgium, up until very late, does not seem in any way to have been +in the foreground. We find on July 31 Grey stated to Cambon:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The preservation of the neutrality of Belgium might be, I would not +say a decisive, but an important, factor in determining our +attitude.—(British "White Paper" No. 119.)</p></div> + +<p>Here, therefore, there was no talk about England grasping the sword on +account of Belgium. Now no one will claim that the assumption that the +German troops could march through Belgium would be new or unheard of. +For years this possibility had been discussed in military +literature.<a name="FNanchor_04" id="FNanchor_04"></a><a href="#Footnote_04" class="fnanchor">[04]</a></p> + +<p>This expression on the part of the historical Faculty is very +interesting. It shows that a plan of campaign between the English and +French had long been considered, and that the Belgian entry into the +alliance against Germany was a matter agreed upon.</p> + + +<p><b>A Sudden Decision.</b></p> + +<p>It must also be assumed that the Belgian Government knew toward the end +of July at the latest that the war between Germany and France was +probable and the march of Germans through Belgium very possible.</p> + +<p>If England had not taken part in the war against Germany, it may be +assumed that it would have given Belgium the advice to permit the +marching through of the German Army, somewhat in the same manner as the +Grand Duchy of Luxemburg did, with a protest. In doing so the Belgian +people would have been spared a great deal of misery and loss of blood. +On Aug. 3 the Belgian Government replied to an offer of military help by +France as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We are sincerely grateful to the French Government for offering +eventual support. In the actual circumstances, however, we do not +propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers. Belgian +Government will decide later on the action which they may think +necessary to take.—(British "White Paper" No. 151.)</p></div> + +<p>One day later London decided to make Belgian neutrality the cause of the +war against Germany before the eyes of the world. The Ambassador in +Brussels received the following orders:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>You should inform Belgian Government that if pressure is applied to +them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, his +Majesty's Government expects that they will resist by any means in +their power and that his Majesty's Government will support them in +offering such resistance, and that his Majesty's Government in this +event are prepared to join Russia and France.—(British "White +Paper" No. 155.)</p></div> + +<p>Not until England thus stirred Belgium up, holding out the deceptive +hope of effective French and English help, did Belgian fanaticism break +loose against Germany. Without the intervention of England in Brussels +the events in Belgium, one may safely assert, would have taken an +entirely different course, which would have been far more favorable to +Belgium.</p> + +<p>But, of course, England had thus found a very useful reason for war +against Germany. Even on the 31st of July Grey had spoken of the +violation of Belgian neutrality as not a decisive factor. On Aug. 1 he +declined to promise Prince Lichnowsky England's neutrality, even if +Germany would not violate Belgium's neutrality. On Aug. 4, however, the +Belgian question was the cause that suddenly drove England to maintain +the moral fabric of the world and to draw the sword.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 243]</span>This suddenly became the new development, which was still +lacking for Grey in order to justify this war before public opinion in +England.</p> + +<p><b>Another English Advantage.</b></p> + +<p>And something else was secured by the drawing of Belgium into the war by +the British Government, which had decided to make war on Germany for +entirely different reasons: the thankful part of the protector of the +weak and the oppressed.</p> + +<p>As an English diplomat, when Russia was mobilizing, openly stated, the +interests of his country in Servia were nil, so for Grey even Belgium, +immediately before the break with Germany, was not decisive. However, +when England had irrevocably decided to enter the war it stepped out +before the limelight of the world as the champion of—the small nations.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_02" id="Footnote_02"></a><span class="label"><a href="#FNanchor_02">[02]</a></span> Recently a book entitled "Why We Make War," in defense of Great +Britain, appeared at Oxford, as the authors of which "Members of the +Faculty for Modern History in Oxford" are mentioned. This work +undertakes, on the ground of the official publications, to whitewash +Grey's policy, and of course incidentally the Russian policy. All +together this publication, parading in the gown of science, is +contradicted by our own presentation of the facts; it may be mentioned +also that this work contains in part positive untruths. Thus it states +on Page 70 (retranslation): +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p>No diplomatic pressure whatever was exerted [by Germany] on Vienna, +which, under the protection of Berlin, was permitted to do with +Servia as she liked. +</p><p> +Grey's own words contradict this assertion.</p></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_03" id="Footnote_03"></a><span class="label"><a href="#FNanchor_03">[03]</a></span> In the aforementioned book of the Oxford historians there is +stated on Page 69 (retranslation): +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p>This mediation [namely, Grey's mediation proposition] had already +been accepted, by Russia on July 25th.</p></div> +<p> +We have shown in the foregoing that the Russian Government did in no +manner subscribe to the conference plan in binding terms. As an +additional proof, a part of Buchanan's dispatch of the 25th may be +mentioned: +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p>He [Sazonof] would like to see the question placed on international +footing.... If Servia should appeal to the powers, Russia would be +quite ready to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of +England, France, Germany, and Italy. It would be possible in his +opinion that Servia might propose to submit the question to +arbitration.—(British "White Paper" No. 17.)</p></div> +<p> +Hence, not if England, but only if Servia would propose arbitration by +the powers, Mr. Sazonof was willing! The most amusing part of this is +that the Russian Minister himself considers such a proposition on the +part of Servia merely as "possible"; evidently it would have appeared as +a great condescension on the part of the Government at Belgrade if it, +standing on the same basis as Austria-Hungary, would appear before a +European tribunal! For us there is no additional proof necessary that a +mediation conference, which for Austria was not acceptable even when +proposed by England, would be unthinkable if the move for such came from +Servia. In expressing such an idea. Mr. Sazonof proved that it was his +intention to bring war about.</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_04" id="Footnote_04"></a><span class="label"><a href="#FNanchor_04">[04]</a></span> The book, which appeared at Oxford, "Why We Are at War," mentioned +previously states on Page 27 (retranslation): +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p>That such a plan [the marching through Luxemburg and Belgium] had +been taken into consideration by the Germans has been known in +England generally for several years; and it has also been generally +accepted that the attempt to carry out this plan would bring about +the active resistance of the British armed forces: one assumed that +these would be given the task of assisting the left wing of the +French, which would have to resist German advance from Belgian +territory.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + +<h1><a name="Truth_About_Germanyquot" id="Truth_About_Germanyquot"></a>"Truth About Germany"</h1> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<p><b>Attested by Thirty-four German Dignitaries.</b><a name="FNanchor_05" id="FNanchor_05"></a><a href="#Footnote_05" class="fnanchor">[05]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p><b>Board of Editors.</b><span class="pagenum">[pg 244]</span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Paul Dehn, Schriftsteller, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Dr. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Matthias Erzberger, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Prof. Dr. Francke, Berlin.</p> + +<p>B. Huldermann, Direktor der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Hamburg.</p> + +<p>Dr. Ernst Jaeckh, Berlin.</p> + +<p>D. Naumann, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des preussischen Herrenhauses, +Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Graf zu Reventlow, Schriftsteller, Charlottenburg.</p> + +<p>Dr. Paul Rohrbach, Dozent an der Handelshochschule, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Dr. Schacht, Direktor der Dresdner Bank, Berlin.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p><b>Honorary Committee.</b></p> + +<p> </p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Ballin, Vorsitzender des Direktoriums der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, +Hamburg.</p> + +<p>Fürst von Bülow, Hamburg.</p> + +<p>Dr. R.W. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin.</p> + +<p>D. Dryander, Ober-Hof-und Domprediger, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Dr. Freiherr von der Goltz, Generalfeldmarschall, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Von Gwinner, Direktor der Deutschen Bank, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Prof. Dr. von Harnack, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Fürst von Hatzfeldt, Herzog zu Trachenberg.</p> + +<p>Dr. Heineken, Direktor des Norddeutschen Lloyds, Bremen.</p> + +<p>Fürst Henckel von Donnersmarck.</p> + +<p>Dr. Kaempf, Praesident des Reichstags, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Prof. Dr. Eugen Kühnemann, Breslau.</p> + +<p>Prof. Dr. Lamprecht, Leipsic.</p> + +<p>Dr. Theodor Lewald, Direktor im Reichsamt des Innern, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Franz von Mendelssohn, Praesident der Handelskammer, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Fürst Münster-Derneburg, Mitglied des Herrenhauses.</p> + +<p>Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des Herrenhauses und des Reichstags, +Berlin.</p> + +<p>Graf von Posadowsky-Wehner.</p> + +<p>Dr. Walther Rathenau, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Viktor Herzog von Ratibor.</p> + +<p>Dr. Schmidt, Ministerialdirektor, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Prof. Dr. von Schmoller, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Graf von Schwerin-Löwitz, Praesident des Hauses der Abgeordneten.</p> + +<p>Wilhelm von Siemens, Berlin.</p> + +<p>Friedrich Fürst zu Solms-Baruth.</p> + +<p>Max Warburg, Hamburg.</p> + +<p>Siegfried Wagner, Baireuth.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 245]</span>Try to realize, every one of you, what we are going through! Only a few +weeks ago all of us were peacefully following our several vocations. The +peasant was gathering in this Summer's plentiful crop, the factory hand +was working with accustomed vigor. Not one human being among us dreamed +of war. We are a nation that wishes to lead a quiet and industrious +life. This need hardly be stated to you Americans. You, of all others, +know the temper of the German who lives within your gates. Our love of +peace is so strong that it is not regarded by us in the light of a +virtue, we simply know it to be an inborn and integral portion of +ourselves. Since the foundation of the German Empire in the year 1871, +we, living in the centre of Europe, have given an example of +tranquillity and peace, never once seeking to profit by any momentary +difficulties of our neighbors. Our commercial extension, our financial +rise in the world, is far removed from any love of adventure, it is the +fruit of painstaking and plodding labor.</p> + +<p>We are not credited with this temper, because we are insufficiently +known. Our situation and our way of thinking are not easily grasped.</p> + +<p>Every one is aware that we have produced great philosophers and poets, +we have preached the gospel of humanity with impassioned zeal. America +fully appreciates Goethe and Kant, looks upon them as cornerstones of +elevated culture. Do you really believe that we have changed our +natures, that our souls can be satisfied with military drill and servile +obedience? We are soldiers because we have to be soldiers, because +otherwise Germany and German civilization would be swept away from the +face of the earth. It has cost us long and weary struggles to attain our +independence, and we know full well that, in order to preserve it, we +must not content ourselves with building schools and factories, we must +look to our garrisons and forts. We and all our soldiers have remained, +however, the same lovers of music and lovers of exalted thought. We have +retained our old devotion to all peaceable sciences and arts; as all the +world knows, we work in the foremost rank of all those who strive to +advance the exchange of commodities, who further useful technical +knowledge. But we have been forced to become a nation of soldiers in +order to be free. And we are bound to follow our Kaiser, because he +<span class="pagenum">[pg 246</span>]symbolizes and represents the unity of our nation. Today, knowing no +distinction of party, no difference of opinion, we rally around him, +willing to shed the last drop of our blood. For though it takes a great +deal to rouse us Germans, when once aroused our feelings run deep and +strong. Every one is filled with this passion, with the soldier's ardor. +But when the waters of the deluge shall have subsided, gladly will we +return to the plow and to the anvil.</p> + +<p>It deeply distresses us to see two highly civilized nations, England and +France, joining the onslaught of autocratic Russia. That this could +happen will remain one of the anomalies of history. It is not our fault; +we firmly believed in the desirability of the great nations working +together, we peaceably came to terms with France and England in sundry +difficult African questions. There was no cause for war between Western +Europe and us, no reason why Western Europe should feel itself +constrained to further the power of the Czar.</p> + +<p>The Czar, as an individual, is most certainly not the instigator of the +unspeakable horrors that are now inundating Europe. But he bears before +God and posterity the responsibility of having allowed himself to be +terrorized by an unscrupulous military clique.</p> + +<p>Ever since the weight of the crown has pressed upon him, he has been the +tool of others. He did not desire the brutalities in Finland, he did not +approve of the iniquities of the Jewish pogroms, but his hand was too +weak to stop the fury of the reactionary party. Why would he not permit +Austria to pacify her southern frontier? It was inconceivable that +Austria should calmly see her heir apparent murdered. How could she? All +the nationalities under her rule realized the impossibility of tamely +allowing Servia's only too evident and successful intrigues to be +carried on under her very eyes. The Austrians could not allow their +venerable and sorely stricken monarch to be wounded and insulted any +longer. This reasonable and honorable sentiment on the part of Austria +has caused Russia to put itself forward as the patron of Servia, as the +enemy of European thought and civilization.</p> + +<p>Russia has an important mission to fulfill in its own country and in +Asia. It would do better in its own interest to leave the rest of the +world in peace. But the die is cast, and all nations must decide whether +they wish to further us by sentiments and by deeds, or the government of +the Czar. This is the real significance of this appalling struggle, all +the rest is immaterial. Russia's attitude alone has forced us to go to +war with France and with their great ally.</p> + +<p>The German Nation is serious and conscientious. Never would a German +Government dare to contemplate a war for the sake of dynastic interest, +or for the sake of glory. This would be against the entire bent of our +character. Firmly believing in the justice of our cause, all parties, +the Conservatives and the Clericals, the Liberals and the Socialists, +have joined hands. All disputes are forgotten, one duty exists for all, +the duty of defending our country and vanquishing the enemy.</p> + +<p>Will not this calm, self-reliant and unanimous readiness to sacrifice +all, to die or to win, appeal to other nations and force them to +understand our real character and the situation in which we are placed?</p> + +<p>The war has severed us from the rest of the world, all our cable +communications are destroyed. But the winds will carry the mighty voice +of justice even across the ocean. We trust in God, we have confidence in +the judgment of right-minded men. And through the roar of battle, we +call to you all. Do not believe the mischievous lies that our enemies +are spreading about! We do not know if victory will be ours, the Lord +alone knows. We have not chosen our path, we must continue doing our +duty, even to the very end. We bear the misery of war, the death of our +sons, believing in Germany, believing in duty.</p> + +<p>And we know that Germany cannot be wiped from the face of the earth.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_05" id="Footnote_05"></a><span class="label"><a href="#FNanchor_05">[05]</a></span> +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Athenwood," Newport, R.I., +</p><p> +Sept. 17, 1914. +</p><p> +Today I have received from Germany a pamphlet entitled "Truth About +Germany, Facts About the War." The correctness and completeness of +its statements are vouched for by thirty-four persons, whose names +are recorded therein as members of an Honorary Committee. I know +personally seventeen of these thirty-four persons, and have known +them for years, some of them intimately. With six of them I have +labored as a colleague in university work. I have been introduced +into their homes, have broken bread at their tables and have +conversed with them long and often upon the problems of life and +culture. They are among the greatest thinkers, moralists and +philanthropists of the age. They are the salt of the earth! The +great theologian Harnack, the sound and accomplished political +scientist and economist von Schmoller, the distinguished +philologian von Wilamowitz, the well-known historian Lamprecht, the +profound statesman von Posadowsky, the brilliant diplomatist von +Bülow, the great financier von Gwinner, the great promoter of trade +and commerce Ballin, the great inventor Siemens, the brilliant +preacher of the Gospel Dryander, the indispensable Director in the +Ministry of Education Schmidt. Two of them are, in a sense, our own +countrywomen, the Baroness Speck von Sternburg and Frau +Staats-minister von Trott zu Solz. The latter is the granddaughter +of our own John Jay. I have known her, her mother and her +grandfather. No statement was ever issued which was vouched for by +more solid, intelligent, and conscientious people. Its correctness, +completeness and veracity cannot be doubted. As I read it the +emotions which it arouses make both speech and sight difficult. I +wish it might come into the hands of every man, woman, and child in +the United States. +</p><p class="author"> +(Signed) JOHN W. BURGESS, +</p><p> +Ex-Dean Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, Pure Science +and Fine Arts, Columbia University; Roosevelt Professor of American +History and Institutions at Friedrich Wilhelms University, Berlin, +1906; Visiting American Professor at Austrian Universities, +1914-15.</p></div> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<p> +Under the head of "An Anti-British Pamphlet," The London Times of Aug. +23, 1914, noted as follows: +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Vossischezeitung gives extracts from a brochure issued under +the auspices of a committee of such prominent Germans as Prince +Bülow, Herr Ballin, Dr. von Gwinner, and Field Marshal von der +Goltz, for the purpose of "opening the eyes" of the United States +regarding the causes of the present war. Copies of this pamphlet +are being given to all Americans returning home from Germany. One +chapter, headed "Neutrality by Grace of England," scoffs at the +idea of England today being the defender of neutral States and +declares that it was England who in 1911 was ready to land 160,000 +men at Antwerp to help the French against the Germans. +</p><p> +As to who will ultimately win in the war, the pamphlet asks whether +it will be the striving nation, the young strength, or the old +peoples, France and England, with their flagging civilization in +alliance with Muscovite retrogression.</p> +</div></div> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="HOW_THE_WAR_CAME_ABOUT" id="HOW_THE_WAR_CAME_ABOUT"></a>HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT.</h2> + + +<div class="summary"><span class="pagenum">[pg 247]</span><b>Who is responsible for the war?—Not Germany! England's policy! Her +shifting of responsibility and promoting the struggle while alone +possessing power to avert it.</b></div> + + +<p>It is an old and common experience that after the outbreak of a war the +very parties and persons that wanted the war, either at once or later, +assert that the enemy wanted and began it. The German Empire especially +always had to suffer from such untruthful assertions, and the very first +days of the present terrible European war confirm again this old +experience. Again Russian, French, and British accounts represent the +German Empire as having wanted the war.</p> + +<p>Only a few months ago influential men and newspapers of Great Britain as +well as of Paris could be heard to express the opinion that nobody in +Europe wanted war and that especially the German Emperor and his +Government had sincerely and effectively been working for peace. +Especially the English Government, in the course of the last two years, +asserted frequently and publicly, and was supported by The Westminster +Gazette and a number of influential English newspapers in the assertion, +that Great Britain and the German Empire during the Balkan crisis of the +last few years had always met on the same platform for the preservation +of peace. The late Secretary of State, von Kiderlen-Waechter, his +successor, Mr. von Jagow, and the Imperial Chancellor, von +Bethmann-Hollweg, likewise declared repeatedly in the Reichstag, how +great their satisfaction was that a close and confidential diplomatic +co-operation with Great Britain, especially in questions concerning the +Near East, had become a fact. And it has to be acknowledged today that +at that time the German and British interests in the Near East were +identical or at any rate ran in parallel lines.</p> + +<p>The collapse of European Turkey in the war against the Balkan Alliance +created an entirely new situation. At first Bulgaria was victorious and +great, then it was beaten and humiliated by the others with the +intellectual help of Russia. There could be no doubt about Russia's +intentions: she was preparing for the total subjection of weakened +Turkey and for taking possession of the Dardanelles and Constantinople +in order to rule from this powerful position Turkey and the other Balkan +States. Great Britain and the German Empire, which only had economic +interests in Turkey, were bound to wish to strengthen Turkey besides +trying to prevent the Muscovite rule on the whole Balkan peninsula.</p> + +<p>Servia had come out of the second Balkan war greatly strengthened and +with her territory very much increased. Russia had done everything to +strengthen this bitter enemy of our ally, Austria-Hungary. For a great +number of years Servian politicians and conspirators had planned to +undermine the southeastern provinces of Austria-Hungary and to separate +them from the Dual Monarchy. In Servia as well as in Russia prevailed +the opinion that, at the first attack, Austria-Hungary would fall to +pieces. In this case Servia was to receive South Austria and Russia was +to dictate the peace in Vienna. The Balkan war had ruined Turkey almost +entirely, had paralyzed Bulgaria, that was friendly, and had +strengthened the Balkan States that were hostile to Austria. At the same +time there began in Rumania a Russian and French propaganda, that +promised this country, if it should join the dual alliance, the +Hungarian Province of Siebenbuergen.</p> + +<p>Thus it became evident in Germany and in Austria that at St. Petersburg, +first by diplomatic and political, then also by military, action a +comprehensive attack of Slavism under Russian guidance was being +prepared. The party of the Grand Dukes in St. Petersburg, the party of +the Russian officers, always ready for war, and the Pan-Slavists, the +brutal and unscrupulous representatives of the idea that the Russian +Czarism was destined to rule Europe—all these declared openly that +their aim was the destruction of Austria-Hungary. In Russia the army, +already of an immense <span class="pagenum">[pg 248]</span>size, was increased secretly but comprehensively +and as quick as possible; in Servia the same was done, and the Russian +Ambassador in Belgrade, Mr. von Hartwig, was, after the second Balkan +war, the principal promoter of the plan to form against Austria a new +Balkan alliance. In Bosnia, during all this time, the Servian propaganda +was at work with high treason, and in the end with revolver and the +bomb.</p> + +<p>In Vienna and in Berlin the greatness and the purpose of the new danger +could not remain doubtful, especially as it was openly said in St. +Petersburg, in Belgrade, and elsewhere that the destruction of +Austria-Hungary was imminent. As soon as the Balkan troubles began +Austria-Hungary had been obliged to put a large part of her army in +readiness for war, because the Russians and Servians had mobilized on +their frontiers. The Germans felt that what was a danger for their ally +was also a danger for them and that they must do all in the power to +maintain Austria-Hungary in the position of a great power. They felt +that this could only be done by keeping perfect faith with their ally +and by great military strength, so that Russia might possibly be +deterred from war and peace be preserved, or else that, in case war was +forced upon them, they could wage it with honor and success. Now it was +clear in Berlin that in view of the Russian and Servian preparations, +Austria-Hungary, in case of a war, would be obliged to use a great part +of her forces against Servia and therefore would have to send against +Russia fewer troops than would have been possible under the conditions +formerly prevailing in Europe. Formerly even European Turkey could have +been counted upon for assistance, that after her recent defeat seemed +very doubtful. These reasons and considerations, which were solely of a +defensive nature, led to the great German military bills of the last two +years. Also Austria-Hungary was obliged to increase its defensive +strength.</p> + +<p>Whoever considers carefully the course of events that has been briefly +sketched here will pronounce the assertion of our enemies, that Germany +wanted the war, ridiculous and absurd. On the contrary, it can be said +that Germany never before endeavored more eagerly to preserve peace than +during the last few years. Germany had plenty of opportunities to attack +and good opportunities to boot, for we knew for years that the army of +France was no more ready than that of Russia. But the Germans are not a +warlike nation and the German Emperor, with his Government, has always +shown how earnestly he meant his reiterated assertions that the +preservation of peace was his principal aim. He was actuated in this by +general considerations of humanity, justice, and culture, as well as by +the consideration of the German trade and commerce. This, especially the +transoceanic commerce of Germany, has increased from year to year. War, +however, means the ruin of commerce. Why expose Germany needlessly to +this terrible risk, especially as everything in Germany prospered and +her wealth increased? No, the German Army bills were merely meant to +protect us against, and prepare us for, the attacks of Muscovite +barbarism. But nobody in Germany has ever doubted for a moment that +France would attack us at the first Russian signal. Since the first days +of the Franco-Russian alliance things have become entirely reversed. +Then France wanted to win Russia for a war of revenge against Germany; +now, on the contrary, France thought herself obliged to place her power +and her existence at the disposal of the Russian lust of conquest.</p> + +<p>In the Spring of 1914 the German press reported from St. Petersburg +detailed accounts of Russia's comprehensive preparations for war. They +were not denied in Russia, and Paris declared that Russia would be ready +in two or three years and then pursue a policy corresponding to her +power; France, too, would then be at the height of her power. If the +German Government had desired war, on the strength of these accounts, +which were true, it could have waged a preventive war at once and +easily. It did not do so, considering that a war is just only when it is +forced upon one by the enemy. Thus Spring went by with <span class="pagenum">[pg 249]</span>the atmosphere +at high tension. From St. Petersburg and Paris overbearing threats came +in increasing numbers to the effect that the power of the Dual Alliance +was now gigantic and that Germany and Austria soon would begin to feel +it. We remained quiet and watchful, endeavoring with perseverance and +with all our might to win over Great Britain to the policy of preserving +peace. Colonial and economic questions were being discussed by the +German and English Governments, and the cordiality between the two great +powers seemed only to be equaled by their mutual confidence.</p> + +<p>Then on the 28th of June occurred that frightful assassination by +Servians of the successor to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke +Francis Ferdinand. The Greater Servia propaganda of action had put aside +the man who was especially hated in Servia as the powerful exponent of +Austro-Hungarian unity and strength. This murder is the real cause of +the present European war. Austria-Hungary was able to prove to a +shuddering world, a few days after the murder, that it had been prepared +and planned systematically, yea, that the Servian Government had been +cognizant of the plan. The immense extent of the Servian revolutionary +organization in the provinces of Southern Austria, the warlike spirit of +the Servians and its instigation by Russia and France, imposed upon the +Vienna Government the duty to insist upon quiet and peace within and +without its borders. It addressed to the Servian Government a number of +demands which aimed at nothing but the suppression of the anti-Austrian +propaganda. Servia was on the point of accepting the demand, when there +arrived a dispatch from St. Petersburg, and Servia mobilized. Then +Austria, too, had to act. Thus arose the Austro-Servian war. But a few +days later the Russian Army was being mobilized, and the mobilization +was begun also in France. At the same time, as the German "White Book" +clearly proves, the diplomacy of Russia and France asserted its great +love of peace and tried to prolong the negotiations in order to gain +time, for, as is well known, the Russian mobilization proceeds slowly. +Germany was waiting, and again and again the German Emperor tried to win +the Czar over to the preservation of peace, for he considered him +sincere and thought him his personal friend. Emperor William was to be +cruelly disappointed. He finally saw himself obliged to proclaim a state +of war for Germany. But at that time the Russian and French armies were +already in a state of complete mobilization. At that time The London +Daily Graphic wrote the following article, which shows how an English +paper that was only slightly friendly to Germany judged of the situation +at that time:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><b>The Mobilization Mystery.</b></p> + + +<p>A general mobilization has been ordered in Russia, and Germany has +responded by proclaiming martial law throughout the empire. We are +now enabled to measure exactly the narrow and slippery ledge which +still stands between Europe and the abyss of Armageddon. Will the +Russian order be acted upon in the provinces adjoining the German +frontier? If it is, then the work of the peacemakers is at an end, +for Germany is bound to reply with a mobilization of her own armed +forces, and a rush to the frontiers on all sides must ensue. We +confess that we are unable to understand the action of Russia in +view of the resumption of the negotiations with Austria. It is not +likely that these negotiations have been resumed unless both sides +think that there is yet a chance of agreement, but if this is the +case, why the mobilization which goes far beyond the limits of +necessary precaution, and is, indeed, calculated to defeat the +efforts of the diplomatists, however promising they may be? There +may, of course, be a satisfactory explanation, but as the matter +stands it is inexplicable, and is all the more regrettable because +it is calculated—we feel sure unjustly—to cast doubts on the +loyalty and straightforwardness of the Russian Government.</p></div> + +<p>When Russia had let pass the time limit set by Germany, when France had +answered that she would act according to her own interests, then the +German Empire had to mobilize its army and go ahead. Before one German +soldier had crossed the German frontier a large number of French +aeroplanes came flying into our country across the neutral territory of +Belgium and Luxemburg <span class="pagenum">[pg 250]</span>without a word of warning on the part of the +Belgian Government. At the same time the German Government learned that +the French were about to enter Belgium. Then our Government, with great +reluctance, had to decide upon requesting the Belgian Government to +allow our troops to march through its territory. Belgium was to be +indemnified after the war, was to retain its sovereignty and integrity. +Belgium protested, at the same time allowing, by an agreement with +France, that the French troops might enter Belgium. After all this, and +not till France and Belgium itself had broken the neutrality, our troops +entered the neutral territory. Germany wanted nothing from Belgium, but +had to prevent that Belgian soil be used as a gate of entrance into +German territory.</p> + +<p>Little has as yet been said of Great Britain. It was Germany's +conviction that the sincerity of Britain's love for peace could be +trusted. At any rate, Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith asserted again and +again in the course of the last few years that England wished friendly +relations with Germany and never would lend its support to a +Franco-Russian attack on Germany. Now this attack had been made; Germany +was on the defensive against two powerful enemies. What would Great +Britain do about it? That was the question. Great Britain asked in +return for its neutrality that the German forces should not enter +Belgium. In other words, it asked that Germany should allow the French +and Belgian troops to form on Belgian territory for a march against our +frontier! This we could not allow. It would have been suicidal. The +German Government made Great Britain, in return for its neutrality, the +following offers: we would not attack the northern coast of France, we +would leave unmolested the maritime commerce of France and would +indemnify Belgium after the war and safeguard its sovereignty and +integrity. In spite of this Great Britain declared war on Germany and +sides today with those Continental powers that have united for our +destruction, in order that Muscovite barbarism may rule Europe. We know +that Germany did not deserve such treatment on the part of Great +Britain, and do not believe that Great Britain by this action did a +service to humanity and civilization.</p> + +<p>Today we are facing hard facts. Germany has to fight for her existence. +She will fight knowing that the great powers beyond the ocean will do +her justice as soon as they know the truth.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="REICHSTAG_AND_EMPEROR" id="REICHSTAG_AND_EMPEROR"></a>REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR.</h2> + + +<div class="summary"><span class="pagenum">[pg 251]</span><b>England, France, and Russia, unthreatened by Germany, go to war for +political reasons—Germany defends her independence and fights for her +very existence, for her future as a great power—How a peaceful people +were imbued with the spirit of war.</b></div> + + +<p>The last days of the month of July were days of anxiety and distress for +the German people. They hoped that they would be permitted to preserve +an honorable peace. A few months earlier, in 1913, when the centennial +of the war for independence from French oppression and the twenty-fifth +anniversary of Emperor William's ascent of the throne had been +celebrated, they had willingly taken upon their shoulders the great +sacrifice of the so-called "Wehrvorlage," which increased the peace +strength of the standing army enormously and cost 1,000,000,000 marks. +They considered it simply as an increase of their peace insurance +premium. Our diplomats worked hard for the maintenance of peace, for the +localization of the Austro-Servian war. So sure were the leading men of +the empire of the preservation of general peace that at the beginning of +the week which was to bring general mobilization they said to each other +joyfully: Next week our vacation time begins. But they were fearfully +disappointed. Russia's unexpected, treacherous mobilization compelled +Germany to draw the sword also. On the evening of the first day of +August the one word, Mobilization! was flashed by the electric spark all +over the country. There was no more anxiety and uncertainty. Cool, firm +resolution at once permeated the entire German folk. The Reichstag was +called together for an extra session.</p> + +<p>Three days later, on the anniversary of the battles of Weissenburg and +Spichern, the representatives of the German people met. This session, +which lasted only a few hours, proved worthy of the great historical +moment marking the beginning of such a conflagration as the world had +never seen before. The railroad lines were under military control and +used almost exclusively for purposes of mobilization. In spite of all +such difficulties, more than 300 of the 397 Deputies managed to get to +Berlin in time. The rest sent word that they were unable to come. On the +evening of Aug. 3 the Imperial Chancellor called the leaders of all +parties, including the Socialists, to his house and explained to them in +a concise and impressive statement how frivolously Germany had been +driven to war. At the time of this meeting the unanimous acceptance of +all war measures by the Reichstag was already assured. In numerous +conferences the heads of the several departments explained the content +and meaning of the bills to be submitted to the Reichstag. The +participants of the conferences showed already what spirit would +characterize the next day. The session of the Reichstag filled the +entire German nation with pride and enthusiasm; the Reichstag maintained +the dignity of the German Empire and the German people.</p> + +<p>In greater numbers than ever before the Deputies, high officers of the +army and navy and the Civil Government assembled on Aug. 4, first in +houses of worship to pray to God, and then in the Royal Castle of +Berlin. The military character of the ceremony at the opening of the +session showed under what auspices this memorable act took place. The +Kaiser entered the hall in the simple gray field uniform, without the +usual pomp, unaccompanied by chamberlains and court officials and pages +in glittering court dresses. Only State Ministers, Generals, and +Admirals followed him to the throne, from where he read his speech, +after covering his head with his helmet. His voice betrayed the strain +under which he was laboring. Repeatedly he was interrupted by +enthusiastic applause, and when he closed, a rousing cheer thundered +through the famous White Hall, something that had never before occurred +there since the erection of the old castle. Then came a surprise. The +Emperor laid down the manuscript of his speech and continued speaking. +From now on he knew only Germans, he said, no differences of party, +creed, religion or social position, and he requested the party leaders +to give him their hands as a pledge that they all would stand by him "in +Not und Tod"—in death and distress. This scene was entirely impromptu, +and thus so much more impressive and touching. And it was hardly over +when the Reichstag—an unheard of proceeding in such surroundings—began +to sing the German national hymn, "Heil Dir im Siegerkranz." The +magnificent hall, until then only the scene of pompous court +festivities, witnessed an outburst of patriotism such as was never seen +there before. To the accompaniment of loud cheers the Kaiser walked out, +after shaking the hands of the Imperial Chancellor and the Chief of the +General Staff, von Moltke.</p> + +<p>One hour later the Reichstag met in its own house. The Emperor had +begged for quick and thorough work. He was not to be disappointed. +Without any formalities the presiding officers of the last session were +re-elected—in times of peace and party strife this would have been +impossible. This short curtain raiser being over, the first act of the +drama began. Before an overcrowded house the Chancellor described simply +and clearly the efforts of the Government for the preservation of peace. +He stated cold facts, showing unmistakably Russia's double dealing and +justifying Germany's beginning of a war which she did not want. The +Chancellor had begun in a quiet, subdued tone. Then he raised his voice +and when, in words that rang through the hall, he declared that the +entire nation was united, the Deputies and the spectators in the +galleries could sit still no longer. They rose, with them at first some +Socialists, then all of them, carried away by the impulse of the +moment; <span class="pagenum">[pg 252]</span>the members of the Federal Council, of the press, diplomats and +the crowds in the galleries joined them. The whole multitude cheered and +clapped its hands frantically. It reflected truly the spirit of the +whole nation. The Speaker, who under ordinary circumstances would have +suppressed the clapping of hands as unparliamentary and the +demonstrations of the galleries as undignified, let the patriotic +outburst go on to its end.</p> + +<p>After a short intermission the business meeting began. Sixteen war +measures had been introduced, the most important of which was the one +asking for 5,000,000,000 marks to carry on the war. The leader of the +Social Democrats read a statement explaining why his party, despite its +opposition on principle to all army and navy appropriations, would vote +for the proposed bills. Without further debates all the bills were +passed, and shortly after 5 P.M. the Reichstag adjourned. At 7 P.M. the +Emperor received the presiding officers of the Reichstag to thank them +for their prompt and useful work. He signed the bills, which were +immediately published and thus became laws.</p> + +<p>The resolute attitude and quick work of the Reichstag reflected the +unity and resolution of the entire nation. Sixty-seven millions of +Germans feel, think, and act with their elected representatives. No +party, no class, no creed is standing back; all are imbued with one +single thought: United Germany is unconquerable.</p> + +<p>The entire German people are united as never before in their history. +Even 101 years ago, in 1813, the entire population cannot have been so +uniformly seized by the spirit of war as at the outbreak of this +struggle, which is the people's war in the truest sense of the word, and +which was predicted by Bismarck. All reigning Princes are going out to +fight with the army and have appointed their wives as regents. Instances +include the Kaiser's son-in-law, the Duke of Brunswick, who appointed +his consort, the only daughter of the Emperor, as regent. The Princes +call their people to arms, and they themselves all stand ready to +sacrifice all they have. This example from above carries the nation with +them. The Reichstag knew parties and factions no more, and neither does +the nation. The Emperor sounded the word which has become common +property from Königsberg to Constance, from Upper Silesia to the Belgian +frontier: "I know only Germans!" And yet how terribly is our nation +otherwise disrupted by party strife. Ill-advised persons across our +frontiers hoped that creed differences would make for disunion, +Frenchmen and Russians expected to weaken our empire with the aid of +Alsatians and Poles. This hope has been destroyed—we are a united +people, as united as was the Reichstag, the Socialists included. The +latter have for years voted against all army and navy appropriations, +have advocated international peace, and last year voted against the +bills increasing the army strength. In many foreign quarters strong +hopes were nourished that this party would help them. But those men did +not know our German people. Our civilization, our independence as a +nation was threatened, and in that moment party interest or creed +existed no more. The true German heart is beating only for the +Fatherland, east and west, north and south, Protestants, Catholics, and +Jews are "a united people of brethren in the hour of danger." When +Germany was so threatened by Russia, when the German "Peace Emperor" was +shamefully betrayed by the Czar of all the Russians, then there was but +one sacred party in existence: The party of Germans.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="THE_GERMAN_MOBILIZATION" id="THE_GERMAN_MOBILIZATION"></a>THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION.</h2> + + +<div class="summary"><b>The clockworks of mobilization; perfect order and quiet +everywhere—General acceptance by all classes and factions of the +necessities of a war not sought by Germany.</b></div> + + + +<p>The German mobilization was the greatest movement of people that the +world has ever seen. Nearly four million men had to be transported from +every part of the empire to her borders. The manner in which the +population is distributed <span class="pagenum">[pg 253]</span>made this task extremely difficult. Berlin, +Rhenish Westphalia, Upper Silesia and Saxony especially had to send +their contingents in every direction, since the eastern provinces are +more thinly settled and had to have a stronger guard for the borders +immediately. The result was a hurrying to and fro of thousands and +hundreds of thousands of soldiers, besides a flood of civilians who had +to reach their homes as soon as possible. Countries where the population +is more regularly distributed have an easier task than Germany, with its +predominating urban population. The difficulties of the gigantic +undertaking were also increased by the necessity for transporting war +materials of every sort. In the west are chiefly industrial +undertakings, in the east mainly agricultural. Horse raising is mostly +confined to the provinces on the North Sea and the Baltic, but chiefly +to East Prussia, and this province, the furthest away from France, had +to send its best horses to the western border, as did also +Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover. Coal for our warships had to go in the +other direction. From the Rhenish mines it went to the North Sea, from +Upper Silesia to the Baltic. Ammunition and heavy projectiles were +transported from the central part of the empire to the borders. And +everywhere these operations had to be carried on with haste. One can +thus say that the German mobilization was the greatest movement of men +and materials that the world has ever seen.</p> + +<p>And how was it carried on? No one could have wondered if there had been +hundreds of unforeseen incidents, if military trains had arrived at +their stations with great delays, if there had resulted in many places a +wild hugger-mugger from the tremendous problems on hand. But there was +not a trace of this. On the Monday evening of the first week of +mobilization a high officer of the General Staff said: "It had to go +well today, but how about tomorrow, the main day?" Tuesday evening saw +no reason for complaint, no delay, no requests for instructions. All had +moved with the regularity of clockwork. Regiments that had been ordered +to mobilize in the forenoon left in the evening for the field, fully +equipped. Not a man was lacking. There were no deserters, no shirkers, +no cowards. Instead, there were volunteers whose numbers far exceeded +the number that could be used. Every German wanted to do his duty.</p> + +<p>The most noteworthy thing was the earnest quietness with which the +gigantic gathering proceeded. Not a city, not a village reported unrest +or even an untoward incident. The separation was hard for many a +soldier. Many a volunteer tore himself away from his dear ones with +bleeding heart, but with face beaming with the light of one who looks +forward to victory. Following the Kaiser's wish, those who remained +behind filled the churches and, kneeling, prayed to God for victory for +the just German cause. The folk-war, brought on by the wantonness of the +opponents, in itself brought peace and order, safety and discipline. +Never, probably, have the police had fewer excesses to deal with than in +the days of the mobilization, although great crowds gathered constantly +in every city.</p> + +<p>The best criterion of the enthusiasm of the people is without doubt the +number of volunteers. More than 1,000,000 of these, a number greater +than that of the standing army, presented themselves within a few days. +They came from all classes. There were sons of the nobility, university +students, farmers, merchants, common laborers. No calling hung back. +Every young man sorrowed when he was rejected. No section of the +Fatherland was unrepresented, not even the Reichsland Alsace-Lorraine, +where, indeed, the number of volunteers was conspicuously great. When +the lists in various cities had to be closed, the young men who had not +been accepted turned away with tears in their eyes, and telegraphed from +regiment to regiment, hoping to find one where there were still +vacancies. Where the sons of the wealthy renounced the pleasures of +youth and the comforts of their homes to accept the hardships of war in +serving the Fatherland, the poor and the poorest appeared in like +degree. In families having four or five sons subject <span class="pagenum">[pg 254]</span>to military duty a +youngest son, not yet liable for service, volunteered. The year 1870, +truly a proud year in our history, saw nothing like this.</p> + +<p>A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still higher was the +appearance of the troops in brand-new uniforms, complete from head to +foot. The first sight of these new uniforms of modest field gray, +faultlessly made, evoked everywhere the question: Where did they come +from? On the first day of mobilization dozens of cloth manufacturers +appeared at the War Ministry with offers of the new material. "We don't +need any," was the astonishing reply. Equal amazement was caused by the +faultless new boots and shoes of the troops, especially in view of the +recent famous "boot speech" of the French Senator Humbert.</p> + +<p>Small arms, cannons, and ammunition are so plentiful that they have +merely to be unpacked. In view of all this, it is no wonder that the +regiments marching in were everywhere greeted with jubilation, and that +those marching out took leave of their garrisons with joyful songs. No +one thinks of death and destruction, every one of victory and a happy +reunion. German discipline, once so slandered, now celebrates its +triumph.</p> + +<p>There was still another matter in which the troops gave their countrymen +cause for rejoicing. Not one drunken man was seen during these earnest +days in the city streets. The General Staff had, moreover, wisely +ordered that during the mobilization, when every one had money in his +pockets, alcoholic drinks were not to be sold at the railroad stations. +Despite this, the soldiers did not lack for refreshments on their +journey. Women and girls offered their services to the Red Cross, and +there was no station where coffee, tea, milk, and substantial food were +not at the disposal of the soldiers. They were not required to suffer +hunger or any other discomfort. The German anti-alcoholists are +rejoicing at this earnest tribute to their principles, which were at +first laughed at and then pitied, but triumphed in the days of the +mobilization.</p> + +<p>The army is increased to many times its ordinary strength by the +mobilization. It draws from everywhere millions of soldiers, workmen, +horses, wagons, and other material. The entire railway service is at its +disposal. The mobilization of the fleet goes on more quietly and less +conspicuously, but not less orderly and smoothly. Indeed, it is, even in +peace times, practically mobilized as to its greatest and strongest +units. For this reason its transports are smaller than those of the +army; they are concentrated in a few harbors, and, therefore, do not +attract so much public attention. The naval transports, working +according to plans in connection with those of the army, have moved +their quotas of men and materials with the most punctual exactitude. The +naval reserve of fully trained officers and men is practically +inexhaustible. The faithful work of our shipbuilding concerns, carried +on uninterruptedly day and night under plans carefully prepared in time +of peace, has wrought for our navy a strong increase in powerful +warships.</p> + +<p>As is known, the German fleet is built on the so-called +"assumption-of-risk" plan. That is, it is intended that it shall be so +strong that even the strongest sea power, in a conflict with the +Germans, risks forfeiting its former rôle as a world factor. This "risk" +idea has been hammered into the heart of every German seaman, and they +are all eager to win for the fleet such glory that it can be favorably +contrasted with the deeds of the old and the new armies.</p> + +<p>Contrary to general expectation, the German fleet has taken the +offensive, and the first loss of the war was on the English side and in +English waters, the English cruiser Amphion running on to German mines +in the mouth of the Thames. In the Baltic and the Mediterranean also +German ships have taken the offensive against the enemies' coast, as is +shown by the bombardment by the Germans of the war harbor of Libau and +of fortified landing places on the Algerian coast.</p> + +<p>Thus the fleet, confiding in the "risk" idea now proved to be true, and +in its earnest and courageous spirit, may look <span class="pagenum">[pg 255]</span>forward with confidence +to coming events.</p> + +<p>But will not civilians have to hunger and thirst in these days? That is +an earnest question. The answer is, No. Even in Berlin, city of +millions, the milk supply did not fail for a day. Infants will not have +to bear the privations of war. All provisions are to be had at +reasonable prices. Empire, municipalities and merchants are working +successfully together to insure that there shall be a sufficient food +supply at not too great a cost. Not only is our great army mobilized, +but the whole folk is mobilized, and the distribution of labor, the food +question and the care of the sick and wounded are all being provided +for. The whole German folk has become a gigantic war camp, all are +mobilized to protect Kaiser, Folk and Fatherland, as the closing report +of the Reichstag put it. And all Germany pays the tribute of a salute to +the chiefs of the army and navy, who work with deeds, not words.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="ARMY_AND_NAVY" id="ARMY_AND_NAVY"></a>ARMY AND NAVY.</h2> + + +<div class="summary"><b>The German Army and Navy on the watch—Four million German men in the +field—Thousands of volunteers join the colors to fight for Germany's +existence, among them the flower of her scientific and artistic life.</b></div> + + +<p>There can be no greater contrast than that between the United States and +Germany in one of the most important questions of existence with which a +State is confronted. In its whole history the United States has never +had a foreign hostile force of invaders upon its territory, foreign +armies have never laid waste its fields. Until late in the last century, +however, Germany was the battlefield for the then most powerful nations +of Europe. The numerous German States and provinces, too, fought among +themselves, often on behalf of foreign powers. The European great powers +of that day were able, unhindered and unpunished, to take for themselves +piece after piece of German territory. In the United States, on the +other hand, it was years before the steadily increasing population +attained to the boundaries set for it by nature.</p> + +<p>Our Bismarck was finally able, in the years from 1864 to 1871, to create +a great empire from the many small German States. As he himself often +remarked, however, this was possible only because his policies and +diplomacy rested upon and were supported by a well trained and powerful +army. How the German Empire came into being at that time is well known. +A war was necessary because of the fact that the then so powerful France +did not desire that North and South Germany should unite. She was not +able to prevent this union, was defeated and had to give back to us two +old German provinces which she had stolen from the Germans. The old +Field Marshal von Moltke said not long after the war of 1870-71 that the +Germans would still have to defend Alsace-Lorraine for fifty years more. +Perhaps he little realized how prophetic his words were, but he and +those who followed him, the German Emperors and the German War +Ministers, prepared themselves for this coming defensive struggle and +unremittingly devoted their attention to the German Army.</p> + +<p>From 1887 on there had been no doubt that in the event of war with +France we should have to reckon also with Russia. This meant that the +army must be strong enough to be equal to the coming fight on two +borders—a tremendous demand upon the resources of a land when one +considers that a peaceful folk, devoted to agriculture, industry, and +trade, must live for decades in the constant expectation of being +obliged, be it tomorrow, be it in ten years, to fight for its life +against its two great military neighbors simultaneously. There are, +moreover, the great money expenditures, and also the burden of universal +military service, which, as is well known, requires every able-bodied +male German to serve a number of years with the colors, and later to +hold himself ready, first as a reservist, then as member of the +Landwehr, and finally as member of the Landsturm, to spring to arms at +the call of <span class="pagenum">[pg 256]</span>his supreme war lord, the German Emperor. A warlike, +militant nation would not long have endured such conditions, but would +have compelled a war and carried it through swiftly. As Bismarck said, +however, the German Army, since it is an army of the folk itself, is not +a weapon for frivolous aggression. Since the German Army, when it is +summoned to war, represents the whole German people, and since the whole +German people is peaceably disposed, it follows that the army can only +be a defensive organization. If war comes, millions of Germans must go +to the front, must leave their parents, their families, their children. +They must. And this "must" means not only the command of their Emperor, +but also the necessity to defend their own land. Did not this necessity +exist, these sons, husbands, and fathers would assuredly not go gladly +to the battlefield, and it is likewise certain that those who stayed at +home would not rejoice so enthusiastically to see them go as we Germans +have seen them rejoicing in these days. Again, then, let us repeat that +the German Army is a weapon which can be and is used only for defense +against foreign aggressions. When these aggressions come, the whole +German folk stands with its army, as it does now.</p> + +<p>The German Army is divided into 25 corps in times of peace. In war times +reservists, members of the Landwehr, and occasionally also of the +Landsturm, are called to the colors. The result is that the German Army +on a war footing is a tremendously powerful organ.</p> + +<p>Our opponents in foreign countries have for years consistently +endeavored to awaken the belief that the German soldier does his +obligatory service very unwillingly, that he does not get enough to eat +and is badly treated. These assertions are false, and anybody who has +seen in these weeks of mobilization how our soldiers, reservists, and +Landwehr men departed for the field or reported at the garrisons, +anybody who has seen their happy, enthusiastic and fresh faces knows +that mishandled men, men who have been drilled as machines, cannot +present such an appearance.</p> + +<p>On the day the German mobilization was ordered we traveled with some +Americans from the western border to Berlin. These Americans said: "We +do not know much about your army, but judging by what we have seen in +these days there prevails in it and all its arrangements such system +that it must win. System must win every time." In this saying there is, +indeed, much of truth—order and system are the basis upon which the +mighty organization of our army is built.</p> + +<p>Now a word concerning the German officer. He, too, has been much +maligned, he is often misunderstood by foreigners, and yet we believe +that the people of the United States in particular must be able to +understand the German officer. One of the greatest sons of free America, +George Washington, gave his countrymen the advice to select only +gentlemen as officers, and it is according to this principle that the +officers of the German Army and Navy are chosen. Their selection is +made, moreover, upon a democratic basis, in that the officers' corps of +the various regiments decide for themselves whether they will or will +not accept as a comrade the person whose name is proposed to them.</p> + +<p>One sees that the German Army is not, as many say, a tremendous machine, +but rather a great, living organism, which draws its strength and +lifeblood from all classes of the whole German folk. The German Army can +develop its entire strength only in a war which the folk approve, that +is, when a defensive war has been forced upon them. That this is true +will have been realized by our friends in the United States before this +comes into their hands.</p> + +<p>The German fleet is in like manner a weapon of defense. It was very +small up to the end of the last century, but has since then been +consistently built up according to the ground principles which Mr. +Roosevelt has so often in his powerful manner laid down for the American +fleet. The question has often been asked, what is there for the German +fleet to defend, <span class="pagenum">[pg 257]</span>since the German coastline is so short? The answer +is that the strength of a fleet must not be made to depend upon the +length of coastlines, but upon how many ships and how much merchandise +go out from and enter the harbors, how great oversea interests there +are, how large the colonies are and how they are situated, and, finally, +how strong the sea powers are with which Germany may have to carry on a +war and how they are situated. To meet all these requirements there is +but one remedy, namely, either that our fleet shall be strong enough to +prevent the strongest sea power from conducting war against us, or that, +if war does come, it shall be able so to battle against the mightiest +opponent that the latter shall be seriously weakened.</p> + +<p>Germany, as especially the Americans know, has become a great merchant +marine nation, whose colonies are flourishing. Furthermore, since the +land's growing population has greatly increased its strength in the +course of the last years, the mistrust and jealousy of Great Britain +have in particular been directed steadily against the development of our +ocean commerce, and later of our navy. To the upbuilding of the German +Navy were ascribed all manner of plans—to attack Great Britain, to make +war on Japan, &c. It was even declared by the English press that Germany +intended to attack the United States as soon as its fleet was strong +enough. Today, when Great Britain has needlessly declared war upon us, +the Americans will perhaps believe that our fleet was never planned or +built for an attack on any one. Germany desired simply to protect its +coasts and its marine interests in the same manner in which it protects +its land boundaries. It is realized in the United States as well as here +that a fleet can be powerful only when it has a sufficient number of +vessels of all classes, and when it is thoroughly and unremittingly +schooled in times of peace. We have tried to attain this ideal in +Germany, and it may be remarked that the training of the personnel +requires greater efforts here, since the principle of universal service +is also applied to the fleet, with a resulting short term of service, +whereas all foreign fleets have a long term of enlistment.</p> + +<p>The nominal strength of the German fleet is regulated by statute, as is +also the term—twenty years—at the expiration of which old vessels must +automatically be replaced by new ones. This fleet strength is set at +forty-one line-of-battle ships, twenty armored cruisers and forty small +cruisers, besides 144 torpedo boats and seventy-two submarine vessels. +These figures, however, have not been reached. To offset this fact, +however, almost the whole German fleet has been kept together in home +waters. Great Britain's fleet is much stronger than ours, but despite +this the German fleet faces its great opponent with coolness and +assurance and with that courage and readiness to undertake great deeds +that mark those who know that their land has been unjustifiably +attacked. It is utterly incorrect to say, as has been said, that the +German naval officers are filled with hatred for other navies, +especially for the British. On the contrary, the relations between +German and English officers and men have always been good, almost as +good as those of the Germans with the American officers. It is not +personal hatred that inspires our officers and men with the lust for +battle, but their indignation over the unprovoked attack and the +realization that, if every one will do his best for the Fatherland in +this great hour, it will not be in vain even against the greatest naval +power. We, too, are confident of this, for strenuous and faithful effort +always has its reward, and this is especially true of our fleet +organization. The United States realizes this as well as we, for it, +too, has built up a strong and admirably trained fleet by prodigious +labor. As is the case with the German fleet, the American Navy also is +not built for aggression, but for defense.</p> + + +<p><b>Neutrality by the Grace of England.</b></p> + + +<p>Janus, a mighty god of the ancient Romans, was represented as having two +faces. He could smile and frown simultaneously.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 258]</span>This god Janus is the personification of neutrality according to English +ideas. Neutrality smiles when violated by England and frowns when +violated by other powers.</p> + +<p>The United States got a taste of England's neutrality when, a century +ago, the English impressed thousands of American sailors, taking them +from American ships on the high seas, when they searched neutral ships +and confiscated the enemy's property on board of them, until Congress in +Washington voted for the declaration of war against England.</p> + +<p>In the great civil war, 1861 to 1864, England had counted on the victory +of the Southern States; she recognized them as belligerents and supplied +them with warships. This was not considered by England a breach of +neutrality until the Minister of the United States declared, on Sept. 5, +1863, that unless England desisted war would result. England yielded.</p> + +<p>But, according to the old German proverb, "A cat cannot resist catching +mice," she secretly permitted the fitting out of privateers (the +Alabama) for the Southern States and was finally forced to pay an +indemnity of $15,000,000. England gained, however, more than she lost by +this interpretation of neutrality, for by the aid of her privateers +American maritime trade passed into English hands and was lost to the +Americans.</p> + +<p>May God's vengeance fall on Germany! She has violated Belgium's +neutrality! the English piously ejaculate. They call themselves God's +chosen people, the instrument of Providence for the benefit of the whole +universe. They look down upon all other peoples with open or silent +contempt, and claim for themselves various prerogatives, in particular +the supremacy of the sea, even in American waters, from Jamaica to +Halifax.</p> + +<p>England's policy has always been to take all, to give back nothing, to +constantly demand more, to begrudge others everything. Only where the +New World is concerned has England, conscious of her own weakness, +become less grasping, since Benjamin Franklin "wrested the sceptre from +the tyrants," since the small colonies that fought so valiantly for +their liberty rose to form the greatest dominion of the white race.</p> + +<p>In the Summer of 1911, during the Franco-German Morocco dispute, the +English were determined to assist their old enemies, the French, against +Germany, and stationed 160,000 troops along their coast ready for +embarkation. For the French coast? No, indeed! For transportation to +Antwerp, where the English were to unite with the French Army and +combine in the destruction of the German forces. But things did not +reach that stage. England was not ready. England and France were +resolved not to respect the neutrality of Belgium—the same England that +solemnly assures the world that she has never at any time or place +committed a breach of neutrality. England has observed neutrality only +when compatible with her own interests, which has not often been the +case. Her whole dissimulating policy is much more questionable than our +one breach of neutrality, committed in self-defense and accompanied by +the most solemn promises of indemnity and restitution.</p> + +<p>England and France did not give up their plan of attacking Germany +through Belgium, and by this means won the approval of the Muscovites. +Three against one! It would have been a crime against the German people +if the German General Staff had not anticipated this intention. The +inalienable right of self-defense gives the individual, whose very +existence is at stake, the moral liberty to resort to weapons which +would be forbidden except in times of peril. As Belgium would, +nevertheless, not acquiesce in a friendly neutrality which would permit +the unobstructed passage of German troops through small portions of her +territory, although her integrity was guaranteed, the German General +Staff was obliged to force this passage in order to avoid the necessity +of meeting the enemy on the most unfavorable ground.</p> + +<p>The Germans have not forgotten the tone in which the French and Belgian +<span class="pagenum">[pg 259]</span>press reported the frequent excursions of French Staff officers and +Generals for the purpose of making an exhaustive study of the territory +through which the armies are now moving, and who were received with open +arms in Belgium and treated like brothers. Belgium has become the vassal +of France.</p> + +<p>In our place the Government of the United States would not have acted +differently. "Inter arma silent leges"—in the midst of arms the laws +are silent. Besides, England had interfered beforehand in Germany's plan +of campaign by declaring that she would not tolerate an attack upon the +northern coast of France.</p> + +<p>The German troops, with their iron discipline, will respect the personal +liberty and property of the individual in Belgium, just as they did in +France in 1870.</p> + +<p>The Belgians would have been wise if they had permitted the passage of +the German troops. They would have preserved their integrity, and, +besides that, would have fared well from the business point of view, for +the army would have proved a good customer and paid cash.</p> + +<p>Germany has always been a good and just neighbor, to Belgium as well as +to the other small powers such as Holland, Denmark and Switzerland, +which England in her place would have swallowed up one and all long ago.</p> + +<p>The development of industry on the lower Rhine has added to the +prosperity of Belgium and has made Antwerp one of the first ports on the +Continent, as well as one of the most important centres of exchange for +German-American trade.</p> + +<p>Without Germany Belgium could never have acquired the Congo.</p> + +<p>When England meditated taking possession of the Congo, claiming that +great rivers are nothing but arms of the sea and consequently belong to +the supreme maritime power, King Leopold turned to Germany for +protection and received it from Bismarck, who called the Congo +Conference of 1884-5 and obtained the recognition by the powers of the +independence of the Congo State.</p> + +<p>The struggle of the German States in Europe has some points in common +with the struggle of the Independent States of North America (from 1778 +to 1783), for it is directed chiefly against England's scheming +guardianship, and her practice of weakening the Continental powers by +sowing or fostering dissension among them.</p> + +<p>While continually protesting her love of peace, England has carried on +no fewer than forty wars during the latter half of the nineteenth +century, including the great Boer war. She has long imperiled, and in +the end has succeeded in disturbing, the peace of Europe by her +invidious policy of isolating Germany. Germany, on the other hand, has +proved herself since 1871 to be the strongest and most reliable security +for the peace of Europe.</p> + +<p>The policy of sowing dissension, practiced by England more industriously +than ever in recent years, cannot possibly meet with the approval of the +peace-loving citizens of the United States, and should be condemned on +merely humanitarian as well as commercial grounds.</p> + +<p>England aims at being mistress of the Old World in order to occupy +either an equal, or a menacing, position toward the New World, as +circumstances may dictate. For this purpose she has encouraged this war. +The German Federated States of Europe are defending themselves with +might and main, and are counting in this struggle for existence on the +good-will of the United States of America, for whose citizens they +cherish the friendliest feelings, as they have proved at all times. All +Americans who have visited Germany will surely bear witness to that +effect.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="H_AIS_OF_GRANYS_NIS" id="H_AIS_OF_GRANYS_NIS"></a>THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES.</h2> + +<div class="summary"><b>Germany overrun by spies for years past.</b></div> + + +<p>It goes without saying that in time of war the respective participants +seek to gain for themselves every possible advantage, including as not +the least of these advantages that of having public opinion on their +side. It is equally understandable that Governments, for political or +military reasons, often endeavor <span class="pagenum">[pg 260]</span>to conceal their real intentions until +the decisive moment. In this matter, however, as in the conduct of war +itself, there exists the basic principle, acknowledged throughout the +civilized world, that no methods may be employed which could not be +employed by men of honor even when they are opponents. One cannot, +unfortunately, acquit Russia of the charge of employing improper +policies against Germany. It must, unfortunately, be said that even the +Czar himself did not, at the breaking out of hostilities against +Germany, show himself the gentleman upon a throne which he had formerly +been believed by every one to be.</p> + +<p>The Russian Emperor addressed himself to Kaiser William in moving and +friendly expressions, in which, pledging his solemn word and appealing +to the grace of God, he besought the Kaiser, shortly before the outbreak +of the war, to intervene at Vienna. There exists between Austria-Hungary +and Germany an ancient and firm alliance, which makes it the duty of +both Governments to afford unconditional support to each other in the +moment that either one's vital interests come into question. There can +be no doubt that the existence of Austria-Hungary is threatened by the +Servian agitation. Despite this, the German Emperor, in offering his +final counsels respecting the treatment of Servia and the concessions to +be made to Russia, went, in his desire for peace, almost to the point +where Austria could have had doubts of Germany's fidelity to the +obligations of the alliance. Nevertheless, Russia at this very time not +only continued its mobilization against Austria, but also simultaneously +brought its troops into a state of preparedness for war against Germany. +It is impossible that this could have been done without the order of the +Czar. The conduct of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, of the +Chief of the General Staff and of the War Minister was of a piece with +this attitude of the ruler. They assured the German Ambassador and the +German Military Attaché upon their word of honor that troops were not +being mobilized against Germany and that no attack upon Germany was +planned. The facts, however, have proved that the decision to make war +upon Germany had already been reached at that time.</p> + +<p>The reason which impelled the Czar and his chief advisers to employ such +base tactics with the help of their word of honor and appeals to the +Supreme Being is plain. Russia requires a longer time for mobilization +than Germany. In order to offset this disadvantage, to deceive Germany +and to win a few days' start, the Russian Government stooped to a course +of conduct as to which there can be but one judgment among brave and +upright opponents. No one knew better than the Czar the German Emperor's +love of peace. This love of peace was reckoned upon in the whole +despicable game. Fortunately the plan was perceived on the German side +at the right time. Advices received by Germany's representative in St. +Petersburg concerning the actual Russian mobilization against Germany +moved him to add to the report given him upon the Russian word of honor +a statement of his own conviction that an attempt was obviously being +made to deceive him. We find also that the character of the Russian +operations had been rightly comprehended by so unimpeachable an organ as +the English Daily Graphic of Aug. 1, which said: "If the mobilization +order is also carried through in the provinces bordering on Germany, the +work of the preservers of peace is ended, for Germany will be compelled +to answer with the mobilization of her armed forces. We confess that we +are unable to understand this attitude of Russia in connection with the +renewal of the negotiations with Austria."</p> + +<p>It is customary among civilized nations that a formal declaration of war +shall precede the beginning of hostilities, and all powers, with the +exception of some unimportant, scattered States, have obligated +themselves under international law to observe this custom. Neither +Russia nor France has observed this obligation. Without a declaration of +war Russian troops crossed the German border, <span class="pagenum">[pg 261]</span>opened fire on German +troops, and attempted to dynamite bridges and buildings. In like manner, +without a declaration of war, French aviators appeared above unfortified +cities in South Germany and sought, by throwing bombs, to destroy the +railways. French detachments crossed the German border and occupied +German villages. French aviators flew across neutral Holland and the +then neutral Belgium to carry out warlike plans against the lower Rhine +district of Germany. A considerable number of French officers, disguised +in German uniforms, tried to cross the Dutch-German frontier in an +automobile in order to destroy institutions in German territory. It is +plain that both France and Russia desired to compel Germany to make the +first step in declaring war, so that the appearance of having broken the +peace might, in the eyes of the world, rest upon Germany. The Russian +Government even attempted to disseminate through a foreign news agency +the report that Germany had declared war on Russia, and it refused, +contrary to the usage among civilized nations, to permit to be +telegraphed the report of the German Ambassador that Russia had rejected +the final German note concerning war and peace.</p> + +<p>Germany for its part, in the hope that peace might yet be maintained, +subjected itself to the great disadvantage of delaying its mobilization +in the first decisive days in the face of the measures of its probable +enemy. When, however, the German Emperor realized that peace was no +longer possible, he declared war against France and Russia honorably, +before the beginning of hostilities, thus bringing into contrast the +moral courage to assume the responsibility for the beginning of the +conflict as against the moral cowardice of both opponents, whose fear of +public opinion was such that they did not dare openly to admit their +intentions to attack Germany.</p> + +<p>Germany, moreover, cared in a humane and proper manner at the outbreak +of the war for those non-combatant subjects of hostile +States—traveling salesmen, travelers for pleasure, patients in health +resorts, &c.—who happened to be in the country at the time. In isolated +cases, where the excitement of the public grew disquieting, the +authorities immediately intervened to protect persons menaced. In +Russia, however, in France and especially in Belgium the opposite of +decency and humanity prevailed. Instead of referring feelings of +national antipathy and of national conflicting interests to the decision +of the battlefield, the French mishandled in the most brutal manner the +German population and German travelers in Paris and other cities, who +neither could nor wished to defend themselves, and who desired solely to +leave the hostile country at once. The mob threatened and mishandled +Germans in the streets, in the railway stations and in the trains, and +the authorities permitted it.</p> + +<p>The occurrences in Belgium are infamous beyond all description. Germany +would have exposed itself to the danger of a military defeat if it had +still respected the neutrality of Belgium after it had been announced +that strong French detachments stood ready to march through that country +against the advancing German Army. The Belgium Government was assured +that its interests would be conscientiously guarded if it would permit +the German Army to march through its territory. Its answer to this +assurance was a declaration of war. In making this declaration it acted +perhaps not wisely but unquestionably within its formal rights. It was, +however, not right, but, on the contrary, a disgraceful breach of right, +that the eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged out, and +their ears and noses cut off; that surgeons and persons carrying the +wounded were shot at from houses.</p> + +<p>Private dwellings of Germans in Antwerp were plundered, German women +were dragged naked through the streets by the mob and shot to death +before the eyes of the police and the militia. Captains of captured +German ships in Antwerp were told that the authorities could not +guarantee their lives, German <span class="pagenum">[pg 262]</span>tourists were robbed of their baggage, +insulted and mishandled, sick persons were driven from the German +hospital, children were thrown from the windows of German homes into the +streets and their limbs were broken. Trustworthy reports of all these +occurrences, from respectable and responsible men, are at hand. We +perceive with the deepest indignation that the cruelties of the Congo +have been outdone by the motherland. When it comes to pass that in time +of war among nations the laws of humanity respecting the helpless and +the unarmed, the women and children, are no longer observed, the world +is reverting to barbarism. Even in wartimes humanity and honor should +still remain the distinguishing marks of civilization. That French and +Russians, in their endeavors to spy upon Germany and destroy her +institutions, should disguise themselves in German uniforms is a sorry +testimony to the sense of honor possessed by our opponents. He who +ventures to conduct espionage in a hostile land, or secretly to plant +bombs, realizes that he risks the penalty of death, whether he be a +civilian or a member of the army. Up to the present, however, it has not +been customary to use a uniform, which should be respected even by the +enemy, to lessen the personal risk of the spy and to facilitate his +undertaking.</p> + +<p>For a number of years there have been increasing indications that +France, Russia and England were systematically spying upon the military +institutions of Germany. In the eight years from 1906 to 1913; 113 +persons were found guilty of attempted or accomplished espionage of a +grave nature. The methods employed by these spies included theft, +attacks upon military posts and the employment of German officers' +uniforms as disguises. The court proceedings threw a clear light upon +the organization and operations of espionage in Germany. This espionage +was directed from central points in foreign countries, often in the +small neighboring neutral States. Repeatedly it appeared that the +foreign embassies and consulates in Germany assisted in this work; it +was also discovered that Russia, France and England were exchanging +reports which they had received concerning Germany's means of defense.</p> + +<p>This espionage system was supported with large funds. It endeavored +whenever possible to seduce military persons and officials to betray +their country, and, when this was not possible, it devoted its attention +to doubtful characters of every sort. It began its work with petty +requests of a harmless appearance, followed these with inducements to +violations of duty, and then proceeded with threats of exposure to +compel its victims to betray their country further. Exact instructions, +complete in the minutest detail, were given to the spies for the +carrying on of their work; they were equipped with photographic +apparatus, with skeleton keys, forged passes, &c.; they received fixed +monthly salaries, special bonuses for valuable information, and high +rewards for especially secret matters, such as army orders, descriptions +of weapons and plans of fortifications. Principal attention was paid to +our boundaries, railroads, bridges and important buildings on lines of +traffic, which were spied upon by specially trained men. With the +reports of these spies as their basis, our opponents have carefully +planned the destruction of the important German lines of communication. +The extraordinary watchfulness of the German military officials +immediately before the declaration of war and since then has been able +to render futile the whole system of foreign attempts against our means +of communication in every single instance, but a great number of such +attempts have been made. All these things prove beyond doubt that a war +against Germany has long been planned by our opponents.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="LIES_ABOUT_GERMANY" id="LIES_ABOUT_GERMANY"></a>LIES ABOUT GERMANY.</h2> + + +<div class="summary"><b>The machinations of England and France to put Germany in the +wrong—Lies on all sides.</b></div> + + +<p>Germany has now not only to battle against a world in arms, but it must +also defend itself against lies and slanders <span class="pagenum">[pg 263]</span>which have been piled up +around it like a hostile rampart. There is no cable at our disposal. +England has either cut the cables, or is in possession of them. No +German description of what has actually occurred can be sent by +telegraph; the wires are carrying into the world only the distortions of +our enemies. Germany is shut off as with a hedge from the outside world, +and the world is supplied solely with news given out by our enemies. +This language is strictly true; for the boldest, nay, the most impudent +imagination would be unable to invent anything to exceed the false and +absurd reports already printed by foreign newspapers.</p> + +<p>In view of what we have experienced during this first week of the war we +can already calmly assert that when the editors of foreign newspapers +come later to compare their daily news of this week with the actual +occurrences as testified to by authentic history, they will all open +their eyes in astonishment and anger over all the lies which the +countries hostile to Germany have sent over the cables to bamboozle the +whole world. Much of all this has already become ridiculous; we must +laugh over it despite the solemnity of the crisis in which we are +living—for example, the bestowal of the cross of the Legion of Honor +upon the city of Liége by the French President because it victoriously +repulsed the attack of the Germans. Witness, too, the telegrams of +congratulation sent by the King of England and the Czar of Russia to the +Belgian King upon the victory of Liége! The joy over such "German +defeats" will prove just as brief as the jubilation over such "Belgian +victories." Such lies have short legs, and the truth will in any case +soon overtake them.</p> + +<p>But there are other lies of a more serious character and of more +dangerous import—all such as misrepresent Germany's attitude and defame +German character. Such defamation is designed to disturb old friendships +and transform them into bitter estrangement; such defamation can also +attain its hostile purpose wherever people do not say daily to +themselves, "It is an enemy that reports such things about Germany; let +us be wise and suspend our judgment till we know actual results, till we +know what is surely the truth."</p> + +<p>Let us select several facts as examples and as evidence—facts connected +with the preparation for this war, as well as with the conduct of it +thus far.</p> + +<p>All the cables controlled by the English-French-Russian coalition +disseminate the lie about the ostensibly "preventive war" that Germany +wished and prepared for. The German "White Book" prints documents +proving the white purity of the German conscience as represented by +Kaiser, Chancellor, and people. It reveals also the profound grief of +the German Kaiser over the sly and insidious perfidy of the Czar, toward +whom he steadily maintained German fidelity even in hours of grave +danger. What Russia did was more than a mere attack, it was a +treacherous assault. The following facts prove this:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The German mobilization was ordered on Aug. 1, whereas Russia began +to mobilize fully four weeks earlier, or about the beginning of +July. Papers found on several Russian harvest laborers arrested in +the district of Konitz show that the Russian military authorities +had already by the first of July—i.e., immediately after the +tragedy at Serajevo—sent to the leaders of these men mustering-in +orders, which were to be distributed immediately after a further +word should be given. These confiscated papers prove that Russia +hoped to be able to mobilize against Austria before Germany could +get official information of Russia's measures. The Russian +authorities purposely avoided the usual course of sending these +orders through the Russian Consuls, and they assigned "military +exercises" as the object of this call to the colors.</p> + +<p>July 25—Military exercises at Krasnoye-Selo were suddenly broken +off and the troops returned at once to their garrisons. The +manoeuvres had been called off. The military cadets were advanced +at once to officers, instead of waiting, as usual, till Autumn.</p> + +<p>July 26—All ships and boats are forbidden to sail in the waters +between Helsingfors and Yorkkele; and navigation between Sweden and +Finland is closed.</p> + +<p>July 28—Partial mobilization; sixteen army corps to be increased +to the strength of thirty-two corps. On the same day the Czar begs +for friendly mediation; and on the same day the Russian Minister of +Foreign <span class="pagenum">[pg 264]</span>Affairs and the Russian Minister of War give the German +Military Attaché, upon their own initiative, their solemn word of +honor that no mobilization has taken place.</p> + +<p>July 30—The Second and Third Russian Cavalry Divisions appear on +the German frontier between Wirballen and Augustov. The Czar issues +a ukase calling to the colors the reserves in twenty-three entire +Governments and in eighty districts of other Governments; also the +naval reserves in sixty-four districts, or twelve Russian and one +Finnish Government; also the Cossacks on furlough in a number of +districts; also the necessary reserve officers, physicians, horses +and wagons.</p> + +<p>July 31—General mobilization of the whole Russian Army and Navy. +The German steamer Eitel Friedrich, which keeps up a regular +service between Stettin and St. Petersburg, is stopped by a Russian +torpedo boat and brought into Revel, where the crew were made +prisoners. The Russians blow up the railway bridge on Austrian +territory between Szozakowa and Granica.</p> + +<p>Night of Aug. 1—Russian patrols attack the German railway bridge +near Eichenried and try to surprise the German railway station at +Miloslaw. A Russian column crosses the German frontier at +Schwidden, and two squadrons of Cossacks ride against Johannisburg.</p> + +<p>Aug. 1—(At last) Germany's mobilization.</p></div> + + +<p><b>And France?</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>July 27—The Fourteenth Army Corps breaks off its manoeuvres.</p> + +<p>July 31—General mobilization.</p> + +<p>Aug. 2—French troops attack German frontier posts, cross the +frontier, and occupy German towns. Bomb-throwing aviators come into +Baden and Bavaria; also, after violating Belgium's neutrality by +crossing Belgian territory, they enter the Rhine Province and try +to destroy bridges.</p> + +<p>Only after all this is the German Ambassador at Paris instructed to +demand his passports.</p></div> + + +<p><b>And England?</b></p> + + +<p>In London war must already have been decided upon by July 31; the +English Admiralty had even before that date advised Lloyd's against +insuring German ships. On the same day the German Government gave +emphatic support in Vienna to the English mediatory proposal of Sir +Edward Grey. But the entire English fleet had already been assembled.</p> + +<p>Of course, English public opinion was and still is divided. As late as +Aug. 1 The Daily Graphic wrote in reference to the Russian mobilization +order: "Will the Russian order also be carried out in the provinces on +the German frontier? If so, then the labor of the peace-preservers is at +an end, for Germany is compelled to answer with the mobilization of its +armed forces. We confess that we are not able to understand this +attitude of Russia, in view of the resumption of negotiations at +Vienna."</p> + +<p>And a leaflet distributed in the streets of London said that "a war for +Russia is a war against civilization."</p> + +<p>So much as to the preparations for the war—and now we take up the +conduct of the war itself.</p> + +<p>By glancing at the foreign press during this one week we have been able +to collect the following specimen pieces of news:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>London—The British Admiralty reports that the English fleet had +driven back the German fleet to the Dutch coast.</p></div> + +<p>There is not one word of truth in this. The Admiralty itself appears +later to have recovered its senses; at least, it denied a Reuter story +about a "great English naval victory near the Dogger Bank." But the +English manufactories of lies are already so actively at work that +members of Parliament have protested in the House itself against the +"lying reports of the English press."</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Paris—From Paris the assertion was made and disseminated +throughout the world that "the landing of English troops in Belgium +has begun; they were enthusiastically received by the population. +The landing proceeded rapidly and in the best order, as the +agreement between the two General Staffs guaranteed the perfect +carrying out of the disembarkment plans."</p></div> + +<p>Not a single word of this is true. At present not one English soldier +has been landed.</p> + +<p>In a similar way the Baltic Sea has become the scene of invented +"battles"—of "German defeats," of course; the Russian Baltic Fleet sank +a German war vessel in a battle that never occurred.</p> + +<p>And, "The Russian vanguard has crossed the German frontier without +meeting with opposition." As a matter of fact there is not a single +Russian <span class="pagenum">[pg 265]</span>soldier on German soil. All inroads have been repulsed, and the +German offensive has everywhere been successful.</p> + +<p>A Dutch newspaper prints the following report from France:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Belfort—Many hundreds of Alsatians are joining the French Army +with great enthusiasm, also many Italian Swiss. A large number of +Alsace-Lorrainers are waiting near the frontier with a view of +crossing it at a favorable opportunity to fight on the French side.</p></div> + +<p>Such absurdity in the face of the unbroken unanimity of the entire +German people and despite the manifest enthusiasm of the +Alsace-Lorrainers for the German cause!</p> + +<p>Equally stupid and made up for incurably credulous readers is an +official report of the French War Ministry—not a private rumor, be it +noted, but an official communication. It says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>A young Frenchman reports under oath that he was arrested, along +with several other Frenchmen, at the railway station in Lörrach +while on the homeward journey from Baden; and they were led through +the whole city under a military escort. One of the Frenchmen +shouted, "Hurrah for France," and was at once shot down. Three +others who protested against this suffered the same fate; and so +did a fifth man who thereupon had called the Germans murderers. The +rest of the Frenchmen, proceeding to Switzerland by rail, heard +shots fired in the adjoining compartment; they discovered that two +Italians had been shot by Germans because one had protested against +the opening of the window, and another had jostled a German.</p></div> + +<p>Does such stuff call for any refutation at all?</p> + +<p>A typical example of how it is sought to work upon public opinion by +means of systematic lying is afforded by the capture of Liége.</p> + +<p>The fact is that this Belgian stronghold, along with its forts, which +contained a garrison of 20,000 men, was taken by storm on Aug. 7 by the +German troops, who fought with unparalleled bravery, and that 3,000 to +4,000 Belgian prisoners of war are already on their way to Germany.</p> + +<p>Yet on Aug. 9—two days after the fall of Liége—a dispatch was still +sent to the Dutch press, saying: "The Liége forts are still in Belgian +hands."</p> + +<p>And on Aug. 8, thirty-six hours after the fall of Liége—a dispatch was +sent from Paris to the newspapers of Rome, saying:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Germans lost 20,000 men at Liége and asked for an armistice of +twenty-four hours. Liége has not yet fallen. The English landed +100,000 men at Antwerp, who were received with jubilation by the +population. President Poincaré, upon the proposal of Doumergue, the +Minister of War, conferred on the City of Liége the cross of the +Legion of Honor.</p></div> + +<p>Another newspaper reported as follows: "The King of England sent a +congratulatory dispatch to the King of Belgium upon his victory at +Liége; seven German regiments were slain."</p> + +<p>At Paris itself a note of the French War Ministry—published on the +evening of Aug. 7, Liége having fallen in the early morning of that +day—mentions the resistance of Liége and says that the forts are still +holding out; that the Germans who had entered the city on Thursday by +passing between the forts had evacuated it on Friday; and that the +Belgian division that went to the assistance of the city had therefore +not even made an attack. The official note concludes from all this that +the resistance of the Belgians was seriously disturbing the plan of the +Germans, who were building hopes upon a rapid success.</p> + +<p>And four full days after the capture of Liége the French Minister at +Berne reported officially: "Liége has not yet been taken; the German +troops were repulsed."</p> + +<p>At Copenhagen the following dispatches were published: "The English and +French troops had effected a junction with the Belgian Army and had +entered Liége and made many German prisoners, among them a nephew of the +German Kaiser."</p> + +<p>Similarly at Stockholm: "The Germans had suffered a severe repulse."</p> + +<p>Again a dispatch from Paris to Rome: "The Germans had been driven back +behind the Moselle and were begging for an armistice; the French had +passed Namur and were pressing forward in forced marches, while 500,000 +English were falling upon the German flank."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 266]</span>Still another official report from Paris: "Liége is becoming the grave +of the 150,000 Germans who are breaking their heads against its walls; +the Belgians had taken 3,000 prisoners, who were in a terrible +condition; but for their good fortune of falling into captivity they +would have starved to death."</p> + +<p>In contrast to all this let us take the unvarnished truth as in the +reported simple words of the German Quartermaster General:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We are now able to report upon Liége Without doing any harm.... We +had only a weak force at Liége four days ago, for it is not +possible to prepare for such a bold undertaking by collecting large +masses of men. That we attained the desired end in spite of this is +due to the excellent preparation, the valor of our troops, their +energetic leadership, and the help of God. The courage of the enemy +was broken, and his troops fought badly. The difficulties against +us lay in the exceedingly unfavorable topography of the +surroundings, which consisted of hills and woods, and in the +treacherous participation of the entire population in the fighting, +not even excluding women. The people fired upon our troops from +ambush, from villages and forests—fired upon our physicians who +were treating the wounded, and upon the wounded themselves. Hard +and bitter fighting occurred; whole villages had to be destroyed in +order to break the resistance, before our brave troops penetrated +the girdle of forts and took possession of the city. It is true +that a part of the forts still held out, but they no longer fired. +The Kaiser did not want to waste a drop of blood in storming the +forts, which no longer hindered the carrying out of our plans. We +were able to await the arrival of heavy artillery to level the +forts one after the other at our leisure, and without the sacrifice +of a single life—in case their garrisons should not surrender +sooner.... So far as can be judged at present the Belgians had more +men for the defense of the city than we had for storming it. Every +expert can measure from this fact the greatness of our achievement; +it is without a parallel....</p> + +<p class="author">(Signed) VON STEIN,</p> + +<p>Quartermaster General.</p></div> + + +<p>It is not the German people alone that will have cause to remember +Liége; the whole world will do well to learn from the case of Liége that +an organized manufactory of lies is trying to deceive the public opinion +of all the nations. Glorious victories are converted into "defeats with +heavy losses," and the strong moral discipline of the German troops is +slanderously described in the reports of the imaginative, phrase-loving +French as cruelty—just as in 1870 the Prussian Uhlans were described as +thrusting through with their lances all the French babies and pinning +them fast to the walls.</p> + +<p>How far the "grande nation" has already degenerated, and how far the +Belgian population, akin to the French both in blood and in sentiments, +imitate the French in their Balkan brutality, is illustrated by two +examples. One of these, in the form of a German official warning, says: +"The reports at hand about the fighting around Liége show that the +population of the country took part in the battle. Our troops were fired +upon from ambush. Physicians were shot at while following their +profession. Cruelties were practiced by the population on wounded +soldiers. There is also news at hand showing that German patrols in the +vicinity of Metz were fired at from ambush from the French side. It may +be that these occurrences are due to the composition of the population +in those industrial regions, but it may also be that France and Belgium +are preparing for a guerrilla warfare upon our troops. If the latter +alternative should prove true, and this proof be strengthened through +repetitions of these occurrences, then our opponents will have +themselves to thank if this war be carried on with unrelenting severity +even against the guilty population. The German troops, who are +accustomed to preserve discipline and to wage war only against the armed +forces of the hostile State, cannot be blamed if, in just self-defense, +they give no quarter. The hope of influencing the result of the war by +turning loose the passions of the populace will be frustrated by the +unshaken energy of our leaders and our troops. Before neutral foreign +countries, however, it must be demonstrated, even at the beginning of +this war, that it was not the German troops who caused the war to take +on such forms."</p> + +<p>The details of the cruelties, here only <span class="pagenum">[pg 267]</span>hinted at, on the Belgian and +French side, are supplied and proved by an eye-witness, a German +physician, who reports:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We have experienced from the Belgian population, from men, women, +and half-grown boys, such things as we had hitherto seen only in +wars with negroes. The Belgian civilian population shoots in blind +hatred from every house, from every thick bush, at everything that +is German. We had on the very first day many dead and wounded, +caused by the civilian population. Women take part as well as men. +One German had his throat cut at night while in bed. Five wounded +Germans were put into a house bearing the flag of the Red Cross; by +the next morning they had all been stabbed to death. In a village +near Verviers we found the body of one of our soldiers with his +hands bound behind his back and his eyes punched out. An automobile +column which set out from Liége halted in a village; a young woman +came up, suddenly drew a revolver, and shot a chauffeur dead. At +Emmenich, an hour by foot from Aachen, a sanitary automobile column +was attacked by the populace on a large scale and fired at from the +houses. The red cross on our sleeves and on our automobiles gives +us physicians no protection at all.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="GERMANY_AND_THE_FOREIGNER" id="GERMANY_AND_THE_FOREIGNER"></a>GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER.</h2> + +<div class="summary"><b>Respect for the foreigner—Russians willing to remain in +Germany—Ill-treatment of Germans in Belgium and France.</b> +</div> + + +<p>Enemies on all sides! With dishonorable weapons against us, and with +documentary lies for the rest of the world! Let us calmly allow them to +continue lying and slandering as they have begun—it will result finally +in injuring themselves. The world will very soon see through this +impudent, unabashed game; and it will finally side with the people which +keeps to the truth, Only the weakling lies and swindles; the strong man +loves and honors truth. Let us act like the strong man in this struggle!</p> + +<p>Respect for the foreigner, protection for his person and property have +at all times been considered sacred among civilized people. Germany can +without exaggeration claim to have upheld this respect and this +protection in these fateful days. Except for a few insignificant +incidents which took place in several large cities, where the natural +excitement of the people and the legitimate defense against an insolent +system of spying led to the molesting and arrest of foreigners—mostly +Russians—the measures taken against the citizens of hostile nations did +not exceed what was absolutely necessary to the safety of the country. +The Imperial Government and likewise the Federated States have refrained +from expelling "en masse" Frenchmen, Russians, Belgians and Englishmen. +It was, of course, unavoidable to take measures for the detention of +such persons as seemed suspicious and for the internation of strangers +liable to be called to take arms against Germany. This took place in +cities, e.g., Berlin, where these men were taken away as "prisoners of +war," as soon as the "state of war" had been proclaimed, and placed in +special rooms or camps. Lodgings and food are such as seem requisite and +the treatment of these prisoners is according to their own opinion very +kind. The Russian agricultural laborers constitute a special group of +foreigners in Germany: There are about 40,000 to 50,000 of them, men and +women.</p> + +<p>From various parts of the country it is unanimously announced that these +people are very glad not to be obliged to return to Russia. They are +glad to remain in Germany, and willingly continue their work of +gathering the rich German grain, potato and hay crops. Should there be +any difficulties, these workmen would also have to be internated. No +measures at all have been taken against women and children belonging to +hostile States. They are left free to move about as they wish. Should +they remain in Germany they can be sure that they will be subject to no +other inconvenience except such as the general state of war inflicts +upon Germans. The authorities will protect their persons, and their +private property is respected. Nobody will touch it—as nobody has +touched it so far.</p> + +<p>If the German people and the German Government consider the respect they +owe the foreigner as a sacred law, even though the foreigner belongs to +the enemy, this respect is enhanced by affection and gratitude in the +case of foreigners <span class="pagenum">[pg 268]</span>whose countries are friendly or neutral. +Thousands and thousands of Americans, Swiss, Dutch, Italians and +Scandinavians are still living in German countries. They may be sure +that they can live as freely here as any German citizen. Should it be +possible for them to return home, the best wishes will accompany them. +The property they leave here will be protected. This is guaranteed by +the authorities and by influential private persons. Should they stay in +Germany, however, the German people will express their sense of +gratitude for any friendly help they may lend, by increased respect and +protection.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<p>A strong contrast is noticeable between Germany's attitude toward +foreigners and the facts revealed just now as to the treatment meted out +in inimical countries not only to Germans but to other foreigners. +Truly, in England there has been some effort to act according to the +usages of civilized nations when engaged in warfare. Germans and +Austrians have been insulted and molested; there has been some +occasional destruction of property in stores; but as far as can be +judged these were excesses of an uncontrollable mob. A general expulsion +has not been ordered, and it is to be hoped that the Germans living in +the United Kingdom and in its colonies will not suffer too heavy +damages, in person or in property. Russia, France and Belgium, on the +other hand, have by the ill-treatment and plundering of foreigners +living in their countries struck themselves out of the list of civilized +nations. Innumerable reports from expelled or fugitive people prove +this, and official reports confirm them. Also the press of neutral, +neighboring countries, such as Switzerland, Holland, and Italy, is full +of similar complaints. Owing to the scarcity of news from Russia, the +facts known so far only concern Petersburg, where German and Austrian +men and women, residents or transients, were beaten and stoned in the +streets. Here were also some cruel mutilations and murders. The +beautiful building of the German Embassy in Petersburg was attacked by +the mob. And the police watched all these misdeeds with crossed arms or +even assisted. Probably what took place in Petersburg also occurred in +other Russian cities; we shall soon know.</p> + +<p>There are a great many complaints against the French and the Belgians. +On the evening of Aug. 1 the mobilization was announced, and the next +morning the official order was posted on the walls, that within +twenty-four hours from the beginning of that day all Germans and +Austrians, irrespective of sex, age or profession, would have to leave +France. Those who remained and could not reach the boundary would be +taken to the southwestern part of the country and imprisoned. There were +few trains for Belgium or Switzerland. Thousands and thousands who had +to abandon their property rushed to the stations with wife and children, +fought for room in the overcrowded trains, surrounded by a howling mob, +and even then were punched and slapped by policemen. During the trip +there was nothing but misery. Men and women fell ill, children died. The +refugees had to cross the Belgian boundary, walking a distance of six or +seven kilometers in the middle of the night, dead tired, their luggage +stolen—sometimes, it is said, by officials. In Belgium the same tragedy +occurred as in France. And then came the salvation. The cordial, +hospitable reception by the Germans in Holland and Switzerland is +unanimously praised and appreciated.</p> + +<p>The reports of brutal acts from Paris, Antwerp, Brussels, would be +incredible were they not confirmed hundredfold. The most brutal and +insulting threats of death were flung by processions of people going +through the streets to all those who looked like foreigners. They were +severely ill-treated. Houses and stores were upset, furniture and the +like were thrown into the streets, employers and working people were +dragged out, women were stripped and pushed through the streets, +children were thrown out of windows. Knives, swords, sticks and +revolvers were used. One could fill books with the details, but they are +all equally <span class="pagenum">[pg 269]</span>cruel. Not only Germans and Austrians were expelled +and ill-treated, but citizens of neutral States shared this awful lot. +Thousands of Italians were expelled, as well as numerous Rumanians. The +press in both countries complains bitterly and asks what has become of +those who remained in France and were imprisoned in the south—but +nobody knows.</p> + +<p>History will place this ill-treatment and oppression of foreigners on +record. The responsibility rests, not with an uncontrollable mob, but +with the Government and the authorities of the two countries who have +always boasted of their culture.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="COMMERCE_AND_TRADE_REL" id="COMMERCE_AND_TRADE_REL"></a>COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS<br /> +BETWEEN GERMANY AND UNITED<br /> +STATES OF AMERICA.</h2> + + + +<div class="summary"><b>Germany's financial rise since 1870—Export and import with the United +States of America—The present firm condition of German finance.</b></div> + + +<p>Politicians and commercial men must base their plans upon facts, as they +are and not as they wish they were, otherwise they fail. France has +closed its eyes not only to the great intellectual and moral assists of +Germany but also to its commercial resources.</p> + +<p>France has repeatedly declared that Germany could not effect a serious +political opposition, because a war would result in the ruin of its +commercial and financial strength. This we heard in the Morocco crisis, +also in the Balkan wars. Germany's love of peace which was tested in the +above-mentioned cases strengthened the French in their error. He, +however, who has taken the trouble to visit Germany and the Germans in +their places of employment—and especially Americans in recent years +have done this, however, also many Englishmen, who in vain have +protested against the war with Germany—he can testify to the +astonishing commercial advancement which Germany has made since its +political union by Bismarck.</p> + +<p>A few facts and statistics may recall this to memory. The population of +Germany has since 1870, immigrants excluded, increased from 40,000,000 +to 67,000,000, round numbers. Incomes and wages in particular have +approximately doubled during the last generation; savings deposits have +increased sixfold. Although, only a generation ago, commerce and trade +employed only about two-fifths of the population, now more than +three-fifths are engaged in this field of work, and Germany, as a result +of its agricultural economy and increased intense farming, is today the +third largest agricultural country of the world. In the coal and iron +industries Germany is second only to America. In one generation its coal +production increased two and a half fold, its raw iron production almost +fourfold. During the same period of time the capital of the German banks +increased fourfold and their reserve fund eightfold. Characteristic of +Germany is the fact that hand in hand with this active private +initiative is a strong feeling for the great universal interests and for +organic co-operation of private and State resources. This feeling +explains the perfect working of our State activities, in particular our +railways, 95 per cent. of which are owned by the Government and which +yield an essentially higher revenue than those in England or France; it +explains further the willing assumption of the great financial burdens +which general insurance imposes upon those engaged in private +enterprises and which today is proving a blessing to almost the entire +laboring force of Germany, to an extent which has not yet been realized +by any other country.</p> + +<p>What economic value to the world has a nation which for more than forty +years has concentrated all its energy in peaceful industry? Does any one +deny that Germany's great technical and commercial advancement has been +a blessing in respect to the development of the world? Has not the +commercial advancement in Germany had the effect of awakening new +productive powers in all parts of the world and of adding new +territories which engage in the exchange of goods with the civilized +nations of the world? Since the founding of the new German <span class="pagenum">[pg +270]</span>Empire, German foreign trade has increased from 5½ to approximately +20 billion marks. Germany has become the best customer of a great number +of countries. Not only has the German consumption of provisions and +luxuries increased in an unusual degree, also that of meat, tropical +fruits, sugar, tobacco and colonial products, but above all else that of +raw materials, such as coal, iron, copper and other metals, cotton, +petroleum, wood, skins, &c. Germany furnishes a market for articles of +manufacture also, for American machinery, English wool, French luxury +articles, &c. One is absolutely wrong in the belief that the competition +of German industry in the world market has been detrimental to other +commercial nations. Legitimate competition increases the business of all +concerned.</p> + +<p>The United States of America has reaped especial profit from Germany's +flourishing commercial condition. Germany purchases more from the United +States of America than from any other country of the world. Germany buys +annually from the United States of America approximately $170,000,000 +worth of cotton, $75,000,000 worth of copper, $60,000,000 worth of +wheat, $40,000,000 animal fat, $20,000,000 mineral oil and the same +amount of vegetable oil. In 1890 the import and export trade between +Germany and the United States amounted to only $100,000,000, in 1913 to +about $610,000,000. Germany today imports from the United States goods +to the value of $430,000,000, while she exports to the United States +nearly $180,000,000 worth. No nation therefore can judge as well as the +United States what German commerce means to the world.</p> + +<p>In what condition are the finances of Germany? In this field our +opponents will be obliged to change their views. In 1912 Germany's +national debt was about 14 marks per capita lower than England's. The +public debt of France per capita was far more than double that of +Germany. Germany, however, has large national assets which offset its +liabilities. For example, the stocks of the Prussian railways alone +exceed by far the aggregate amount of the Prussian debt, the income of +the railways alone is essentially greater than the amount which the +interest and amortization of the entire State debt demand. The war, +which, according to the French conception, was destined to bring about +the financial and commercial ruin of Germany, has brought forth the +astonishing result that the famous French money market was the first to +fail in this crisis. As early as July 25, before the rejection of the +Austrian ultimatum by Servia had been made known, the offer of 3 per +cent. redeemable French notes to the French Exchange was so great that +the Chambre Syndicale des Agents de Change in the interest of the public +prohibited the quotation of a lower rate than 78 per cent., while bids +of 74 per cent. had already been submitted. Sale in blank was absolutely +forbidden, and in the coulisse business was at a standstill. A few days +later the July liquidation, in the official market as well as in the +coulisse, was postponed until the end of August, which action proved the +necessity of a period of grace. On July 31 the French savings banks, at +the command of the Government, suspended daily payments and paid out +sums to the amount of 50 francs, fourteen days' notice being necessary. +The London money market, too, has hardly stood the war test. On July 30 +the Bank of England was obliged to raise its rate of discount from 3 to +4 per cent., several days later to 8 per cent., and again after a few +days to the incredible rate of 10 per cent. In contrast to this the +President of the German Reichsbank was able, on the 1st of August, to +declare that the directorate, because of the strength of the Reichsbank +and the solid constitution of the German money market, did not consider +it necessary to follow England's example. The German Reichsbank has +therefore not exceeded the rate of 6 per cent. Worse yet was the fact +that England, on Aug. 2, was obliged to require grace on exchange, and +France, on Aug. 3, grace on its accounts-current and Lombard loans. +Although along with England and France, also Russia, Austria, Italy, +Belgium, and other nations required temporary credit, <span class="pagenum">[pg 271]</span>Germany +to date has not deemed it necessary to ask for time in meeting its +obligations. Savings banks, other banks and financial institutions are +meeting all demands without restriction. The fact that the English money +market, which up to the present time has been considered the financial +centre of international trade, has failed, will bring many a serious +thought to all commercial men interested in the world market.</p> + +<p>German commerce has doubtless been temporarily injured by the war, but +the esprit de corps and organization which animate the German Nation are +not only a firm foundation for German commerce, but also a strong +support for the further development of the commerce and trade of the +entire civilized world, if, as we hope, peace soon be re-established.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="WHO_IS_TO_BE_VICTORIOUS" id="WHO_IS_TO_BE_VICTORIOUS"></a>WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS?</h2> + + +<p><b>An appeal to American friends</b></p> + + +<p>The American citizen who is now leaving Europe, which has been turned +into an enormous military camp, may consider himself fortunate that he +will soon be able to set foot in the New World, where he will be enabled +again to take up his business pursuits. In the meantime old Europe is +being torn asunder by a terrible war among its various peoples. It will +make him happy again to greet mountain and valley, field and garden +which are not threatened nor trampled down by armies or covered with +blood; again to see cities in which business and traffic are not brought +to a standstill by calling in all men capable of military service; and +he may thank fortune that his people have been given room enough in +which to expand and to permit them freely to unfold their power; that +they are spared the great necessity of resisting the tightening ring of +enemies in the east and west, on land and water, in a struggle for +national existence.</p> + +<p>But the American will feel the effects of the fate of the Old World. +Even though he knows his own country is not directly involved, he will +certainly realize that the great net of international traffic and the +progress of his country are connected by many strong ties to the life +and prosperity of European peoples. He will be affected by every victory +and defeat, just as by the sun and rain in his own country. He will +doubtless remember that of all European countries Germany is the best +customer of the United States, from which she purchases yearly over +1,000,000,000 marks in cotton, food, metal, and technical products. If +Germany is economically ruined, which is the wish of Russia, France, and +England and all allied friends of wretched Servia, it would mean the +loss of a heavy buyer to America, and thereby cause a serious loss to +America which could not easily be made good. It would be a great blow to +American export trade, of which Germany handles not less than 14 per +cent. yearly.</p> + +<p>The material loss is not the only feature. In the economic struggle in +the world markets American and German commercial men have learned +mutually to appreciate one another, to appreciate one another more +highly than do any other two rivals. The time is long past when the +American pictured the German as one of thousands, shut up in a room, +surrounded by documents and parchments, speculating about the unknown +outside world, and the same is true of the German's idea of the +American—a money-hungry barbarian. Two nations in which so much kindred +blood flows and which are connected by so many historical events +understand each other better today than formerly. Above all, they have a +mutual understanding regarding the ideal in commercial life: A man +engaged in work not for the sake of the profit, but for the sake of the +work he is doing; one who gives all his strength to his task, and who +works for the general welfare of the people as a whole, considering his +position as an office and his wealth as an obligation, not as the final +aim, but as a basis for the realization of higher attainments. He places +the value of character and the development of the creative powers of man +higher than all economic success. Two nations united by such common +inclinations <span class="pagenum">[pg 272]</span>and ideals, boldness of enterprise, +far-sightedness, quickness of decision, and admiration for intellectual +achievements, cannot help being exceedingly congenial to each other. +What concerns one today concerns the other.</p> + +<p>Does it sound like a paradox when I say Germany's struggle concerns not +only her own destiny, but to a considerable extent that of America? Does +the United States consider itself entirely immune from the warlike +complications brought about by the Servian murder of Princes and +Russia's breach of faith? In any event, it will be difficult for it to +say: "What's Hecuba to me?" One thing should be clearly understood on +the shores of the five oceans, that the cause of this most terrible war +does not emanate from the dark Balkans, or from a Russian military +group, but from envy and hate which healthy, young and striving Germany +has aroused in her older rivals; not because this or that demand was +made by one Cabinet and refused by another, but because it was believed +there was finally an opportunity to destroy the hated opponent who +threatened to put the older Western European powers in the shade, and +for this reason England and France put their strength into the service +of criminal and brutal Servia. The following statistics will, perhaps, +throw some light on the development of the foreign trade of the +principal countries from 1870 to 1913 (in billions of marks):</p> + + +<table width="50%" border="0" summary="trade"> +<tr><td> </td><td align="right"> 1870.</td><td align="right">1913.</td></tr> +<tr><td>Great Britain </td><td align="right">9,180 </td><td align="right"> 23,280</td></tr> +<tr><td>France </td><td align="right">4,540 </td><td align="right"> 12,300</td></tr> +<tr><td>Russia </td><td align="right">2,000 </td><td align="right">5,580</td></tr> +<tr><td>Germany </td><td align="right">4,240 </td><td align="right"> 20,440</td></tr> +</table> + + +<p>In these forty-three years, which have been decisive in the development +of international economy, England, France and Russia have not been able +even to increase their foreign trade three times, while Germany and the +United States have increased theirs five times. The trade of Germany and +the United States has increased from 7.6 to 38 billion marks. If these +figures show nothing else, they show on which side the American sympathy +will be. This war, provoked by Russia because of an outrageous desire +for revenge, supported by England and France, has no other motive than +envy of Germany's position in economic life, and of her people, who are +fighting for a place in the sun. "Right or wrong, Germany must not +grow." That is the turning point of a policy which the French Republic +drilled into the Muscovites. Let us consider the adversaries of Germany. +Russia, the classic land of power and terrible exploitation of the +people for the benefit of a degenerated aristocracy. France, a type of a +nation in which there is not even enough enterprise to increase the +productiveness of the country. England, which has so long felt its glory +vanishing and in the meantime has remained far behind its younger rival +in financial and economic equipment. One can easily imagine the feelings +of these peoples when they observe the rapid and successful growth of +Germany, and wonders if these same feelings will not one day be directed +against the youthful North American giant. In this war it shall be +decided which is the stronger—the organized inertia of the tired and +envious, or the unfolding of power in the service of a strong and +sacrificing life. To know that we have American friendship in this +struggle will mean a great moral support for us in the coming trying +days, for we know that the country of George Washington and Abraham +Lincoln places itself only on the side of a just cause and one worthy of +humanity's blessing.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + + +<h2><a name="Speculations_About_Peace_September_1914" id="Speculations_About_Peace_September_1914"></a>Speculations About Peace, September, 1914</h2> + +<div class="summary"><span class="pagenum">[pg 273]</span><b>Report by James W. Gerard, American Ambassador at Berlin, to +President Wilson.</b></div> + +<p>By The Associated Press.</p> + + +<p>WASHINGTON, Sept. 17.—Germany has suggested informally that the United +States should undertake to elicit from Great Britain, France, and Russia +a statement of the terms under which the Allies would make peace.</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="woodrow_wilson" id="woodrow_wilson"></a><img src="images/woodrow_wilson.jpg" alt="woodrow_wilson" width="320" height="500" /> + +<p class="center">WOODROW WILSON,<br /> +President of the United States of America.<br /> +(<i>Photo (C) by Bradley Studio.</i>)</p> + +</div> + +<p>The suggestion was made by the Imperial Chancellor, von +Bethmann-Hollweg, to Ambassador Gerard at Berlin as a result of an +inquiry sent by the American Government to learn whether Emperor William +was desirous of discussing peace, as recently had been reported.</p> + +<p>No reply was made by Emperor William himself, nor did the Imperial +Chancellor indicate whether or not he spoke on behalf of the Emperor. +Ambassador Gerard, in a cable dispatch to President Wilson, repeated the +Chancellor's remarks from recollection, substantially as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Germany was appreciative of the American Government's interest and +offer of services in trying to make peace. Germany did not want +war, but had it forced on her. Even if she defeats France, she must +likewise vanquish both Great Britain and Russia, as all three have +made an agreement not to make peace except by common consent. +Similarly, England has announced through Premier Asquith and her +diplomatists and the newspapers that she intends to fight to the +limit of her endurance. In view of that determination on the part +of Great Britain, the United States ought to get proposals of peace +from the Allies. Germany could accept only a lasting peace, one +that would make her people secure against future attacks. To accept +mediation now would be interpreted by the Allies as a sign of +weakness on the part of Germany and would be misunderstood by the +German people, who, having made great sacrifices, had the right to +demand guarantees of security.</p></div> + +<p>The above is all that Ambassador Gerard communicated as to his +conversation. He added only the brief comment that he, himself, thought +the way might possibly be opened to mediation. President Wilson did not +regard the message, however, as bringing anything tangible. He referred +to the Chancellor's conversation as non-committal and incidental to the +acknowledgment of the American Government's inquiry. The President +indicated that he rather expected a reply to the inquiry to be sent +eventually from the Emperor himself, although he realizes that the +Imperial Chancellor may have consulted the Kaiser by telegraph before +talking informally with the American Ambassador.</p> + +<p>President Wilson took no action as a result of the message, waiting to +hear from Ambassador Gerard whether anything of a more formal character +could be obtained by him which the United States might communicate to +Great Britain, France, and Russia. It was understood tonight that the +British and French Ambassadors who are in Washington were not informed +officially or unofficially by Secretary Bryan of the conversation +between the Imperial German Chancellor and Ambassador Gerard.</p> + +<p>Germany's position is that she will give her opinion on terms of peace +when she has received a definite statement from the Allies of their +proposals. The statement that Germany did not want war, but had it +forced upon her, as well as the declaration that she wanted a lasting +peace, is almost identical with the remarks which Sir Edward Grey made +to Ambassador Page in London last week. The British Foreign Secretary +said England wanted no temporary truce, but a permanent peace, and one +that would safeguard her against sudden attacks such as Germany had +made.</p> + + +<p><b>President's Future Course.</b></p> + +<p>The general belief in well-informed circles tonight was that the +President, <span class="pagenum">[pg 274]</span>after waiting a few days for more information from +Berlin, probably would instruct the American Ambassadors at London, +Paris, and Petrograd to communicate what the Imperial German Chancellor +had said to Ambassador Gerard. It was believed the Ambassadors would be +asked to reiterate the wish of the American Government to be of service +in bringing about peace and to point out the readiness of the United +States to communicate to Germany and Austria any statement of terms +which the Allies might care to make.</p> + +<p>Diplomatists are disposed to believe that through such informal +conversations something definite in the way of peace terms may yet be +obtained as a working basis. If a concord of opinion for the discussion +of peace terms were reached President Wilson then would endeavor to +obtain an acceptance by all the belligerents of the original tender of +good offices. This would not mean a cessation of hostilities, unless the +mediating power specifically made it a condition of mediation and all +the belligerents agreed to it. An armistice would not hinder military +movements or preparations, serving merely as a truce while peace was +discussed.</p> + +<p>President Wilson already has indicated that he believes that the final +reckoning of the war should be made in a conference of the European +powers, and it would be the function of the United States to preside at +such a conference if its services as a mediator were accepted.</p> + +<p>Various reports were current today that Germany had named several +conditions under which she would make peace, that she had refused +proposals to alter the territorial status of her empire and possessions, +and would cede no territory or dismantle her fleet, but it was said +authoritatively that nothing of this character was contained in any of +the messages from Berlin to the American Government.</p> + +<p>A statement made at the White House today was the first authoritative +acknowledgment that any inquiry on the subject of Germany's attitude +concerning peace had been made by the United States. Officials +heretofore have maintained silence in regard to the effort made by the +Government to get at the bottom of the expression in favor of peace +reported to have been made by the German Emperor to the Imperial +Chancellor and mentioned in a private conversation in New York by Count +von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador to the United States.</p> + +<p>What was said by Count von Bernstorff in that conversation brought Oscar +S. Straus post-haste to Washington, and as a result of what he told +Secretary Bryan instructions were sent to Ambassador Gerard to ascertain +whether the remarks attributed to the Emperor were to be taken as an +indication that the German Government would not be averse to the +exercise of the good offices of the United States in an effort to end +the hostilities in Europe.</p> + +<p>The conversation at which the German Ambassador made the statement +occurred at the house of James Speyer, the banker, in New York. Oscar S. +Straus, a member of the Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration at The Hague, +was present. In the course of a discussion of the war in Europe and the +prospects of peace Count von Bernstorff, it is understood, said that, +while he had no advices from the Imperial Government since he had left +Berlin, he recalled that the Imperial Chancellor had told him that he +believed Emperor William would be willing to discuss a proposal of peace +through mediation.</p> + +<p>With the permission of Count von Bernstorff, Mr. Straus came to +Washington and told Secretary Bryan of what the German Ambassador had +said. On the following day Count von Bernstorff made a trip from New +York to Washington and had an interview with Secretary Bryan.</p> + +<p>It has been understood that Mr. Bryan, in an excess of caution, desired +to ask Count von Bernstorff personally if he would consent to having +Ambassador <span class="pagenum">[pg 275]</span>Gerard instructed to make inquiry of the German +Government as to whether the conversation between the Emperor and the +Imperial Chancellor might be regarded as indicating that an offer of +mediation of the United States would not be unwelcome to Germany. Count +von Bernstorff is understood to have assented to Mr. Bryan's suggestion, +and the instructions to Mr. Gerard followed.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h1><a name="CASE_FOR_THE_TRIPLE_ENTENTE" id="CASE_FOR_THE_TRIPLE_ENTENTE"></a>WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br /> <br />CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE</h1> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + + +<h2><a name="FIRST_WARNINGS_OF_EUROPES_PERIL" id="FIRST_WARNINGS_OF_EUROPES_PERIL"></a>FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL.</h2> + +<p class="center"><b>Speeches by British Ministers.</b></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 276]</span><b>Sir John Simon, British Attorney General, in Speech Before +Altrincham Liberals, at Manchester, July 25.</b></p> + + +<p>We have been so filled with our own political development that some of +us may not have noticed how serious a situation is threatening on the +Continent of Europe. All I will say about it this afternoon is this—if +times of anxiety are coming into relationships between different +European powers, we in this country, and I think not only Liberals among +us, have reason to be glad that our foreign administration is in the +calm, cool hands of Sir Edward Grey.<a name="FNanchor_06" id="FNanchor_06"></a><a href="#Footnote_06" class="fnanchor">[06]</a> [Cheers.] And let us all +resolve that, whatever may be the difficulties and dangers which +threaten the peaceful relations in Europe, the part which this country +plays shall from beginning to end be the part of a mediator simply +desirous of promoting better and more peaceful relations.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_06" id="Footnote_06"></a><span class="label"><a href="#FNanchor_06">[06]</a></span> On the next day, July 26, Earl Grey addressed to The +London Times the following appeal for national unity: +</p> +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>To the Editor of The Times</i>: +</p><p> +Sir: The Lord Chancellor, in his speech on Friday, called on every +Liberal to work for the peace of Europe, but to go forward +unflinchingly to civil war at home. +</p><p> +It is obvious that the only hope of England's effective mediation +lies in the unity and solidarity of the United Kingdom. +</p><p> +Is it not time that the common sense of the nation asserted itself +and called upon our rulers to take steps which will enable a united +nation to confront with confidence the perils which encompass us? +</p><p> +In moments of national peril every loyal citizen should not +hesitate, however painful the process may be, to burst the fetters +of party allegiance in order that he may devote his whole energies +to an endeavor to safeguard the higher interests of the State. +</p><p> +What is the cause which is dividing a so-called United Kingdom into +two hostile camps? It is the endeavor of a tyrannical House of +Commons to force upon the acceptance of the people a bill which in +the common belief they not only do not want but are strongly +opposed to. I approach the consideration of the national crisis +from no party standpoint, but from that of one who believes that +the peace of Ireland, the honor of England, and the strength of the +empire are all concerned in a speedy and satisfactory settlement of +the Irish question. +</p><p> +I believe that such a settlement is to be found in a measure which +will give to the peoples of Ireland powers of local self-government +similar to those enjoyed by the Provinces of Canada and South +Africa. +</p><p> +It is because the Ministerial policy of home rule is based on a +principle which would not be tolerated in any one of the +Legislatures of Washington, Ottawa, or Melbourne that I am so +strongly opposed to it. No party, no political group, however +small, could be found in Canada, Australia, or the United States +which would venture to propose that the Province of Quebec, or the +State of Queensland or California, should be endowed by means of a +measure like the Home Rule bill with separatist constitutional +rights which could not be given to the other provinces and States. +</p><p> +I challenge his Majesty's Ministers to deny this plain, +unanswerable statement. +</p><p> +I further challenge his Majesty's Ministers to deny that their home +rule policy, if carried into effect, will make slaves of one part +of Ireland or another. +</p><p> +If their bill for the better government of Ireland reaches the +statute book without the amending bill it will make slaves of the +Ulstermen. It will deprive them of half of the representation to +which their population entitles them in the House of Commons, thus +reducing them to a political inferiority, as compared with the +peoples of Great Britain, which can hardly be distinguished from +political slavery, and it will further compel them to accept the +administration of a Dublin Parliament which they fear and detest in +all matters relating to their local government. I have often +wondered how any one rejoicing in the inheritance of old Liberal +traditions could for a moment suppose that any group of free men +would ever accept such dishonoring conditions. +</p><p> +Again, if the Home Rule bill is passed with the amending bill +tacked on to it, the chains of slavery from which Ulster will be +relieved will be riveted on the rest of Ireland. Ulster will have +thirty-three representatives in the Imperial House of Commons, and +the rest of Ireland twenty-seven! What germ of a settlement of the +Irish question can any one discover in a policy which proposes that +one-fourth of the people of Ireland should be able to outvote the +other three-fourths in matters affecting their liberties and +taxation? +</p><p> +No! The Ministerial bills of home rule are fundamentally bad and +should be withdrawn, in order that a new attempt may be made to +reach a settlement by general consent in accordance, as I believe, +with the wishes of the overwhelming majority of the people. +</p><p> +Is it not better to wait a little for a settlement by consent on +lines which will conduce to permanent peace and prosperity than to +try to force on the pages of the statute book a measure which must +lead to bloodshed and civil war? If party considerations veto the +withdrawal of the Ministerial measure of home rule without the aid +of a general election, then let us have a general election without +one moment's unnecessary delay. +</p><p> +The times are too perilous to allow us even to contemplate with any +other feeling than that of horror and dismay the Lord Chancellor's +appeal to go forward unflinchingly to civil war. +</p><p> +I have the honor to remain, Sir, +</p><p> +Yours respectfully, +</p><p class="author"> +GREY. +</p><p> +22 South Street, Park Lane, July 26.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="A_CLOUD_OVER_EUROPEquot" id="A_CLOUD_OVER_EUROPEquot"></a>"A CLOUD OVER EUROPE."</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 277]</span><b>London Times Report, July 27, of Speech by Under Secretary +Acland.</b></p> + + +<p>F.D. Acland, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, speaking at an +open-air Liberal demonstration at Steyning, Sussex, on Saturday [July +25], said there was a cloud over Europe, the position there being far +graver and more serious than the position in Ireland. No one could +imagine the disasters which a war in which a great European power was +involved might bring to the whole world. He hoped the power of +accommodating the difficulties in the same way as in the Balkan trouble +last year would be found effective. The whole of the influence of this +country would be used in the interests of peace.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="AUSTRO_SERVIAN_CRISIS" id="AUSTRO_SERVIAN_CRISIS"></a>AUSTRO-SERVIAN CRISIS.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement in House of Commons, July 27, by Sir Edward Grey, Secretary +of State for Foreign Affairs.</b></p> + + +<p>The House will, of course, be aware from the public press of what the +nature of the situation in Europe is at the present moment. I think it +is due to the House that I should give in short narrative form the +position which his Majesty's Government have so far taken up. ["Hear, +hear."] Last Friday morning I received from the Austro-Hungarian +Ambassador the text of the communication made by the Austro-Hungarian +Government to the powers, which has appeared in the press, and which +included textually the demand made by the Austro-Hungarian Government +upon Servia.</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="sir_edward_grey" id="sir_edward_grey"></a><img src="images/edw_grey.jpg" alt="sir_edward_grey" width="326" height="500" /> +<p class="center">SIR EDWARD GREY,<br /> +British Secretary of State<br /> +for Foreign Affairs.<br /> +(<i>Photo from Underwood & Underwood</i>.)</p> + +</div> + +<p>In the afternoon I saw other Ambassadors, and expressed the view that as +long as the dispute was one between Austria-Hungary and Servia alone I +felt that we had no title to interfere, but that if the relations +between Austria-Hungary and Russia became threatening, the question +would then be one of the peace of Europe—a matter that concerned us +all.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 278]</span>I did not then know what view the Russian Government had taken +of the situation, and without knowing how things were likely to develop +I could not make any immediate proposition; but I said that if relations +between Austria-Hungary and Russia did become threatening, the only +chance of peace appeared to me to be that the four powers—Germany, +France, Italy, and Great Britain—who were not directly interested in +the Servian question, should work together both in St. Petersburg and +Vienna simultaneously to get both Austria-Hungary and Russia to suspend +military operations while the four powers endeavored to arrange a +settlement.</p> + +<p>After I had heard that Austria-Hungary had broken off diplomatic +relations with Servia I made, by telegraph yesterday afternoon, the +following proposal, as a practical method of applying the views that I +had already expressed:</p> + +<p>I instructed his Majesty's Ambassadors in Paris, Berlin, and Rome to ask +the Governments to which they were accredited whether they would be +willing to arrange that the French, German, and Italian Ambassadors in +London should meet me in a conference to be held in London immediately +to endeavor to find a means of arranging the present difficulties. At +the same time I instructed his Majesty's Ambassadors to ask those +Governments to authorize their representatives in Vienna, St. +Petersburg, and Belgrade to inform the Governments there of the proposed +conference and to ask them to suspend all active military operations +pending the result of the conference.</p> + +<p>To that I have not yet received complete replies, and it is of course a +proposal in which the co-operation of all four powers is essential. In a +crisis so grave as this the efforts of one power alone to preserve the +peace must be quite ineffective.</p> + +<p>The time allowed in this matter has been so short that I have had to +take the risk of making a proposal without the usual preliminary steps +of trying to ascertain whether it would be well received. But, where +matters are so grave and the time so short, the risk of proposing +something that is unwelcome or ineffective cannot be avoided. I cannot +but feel, however, assuming that the text of the Servian reply as +published this morning in the press is accurate, as I believe it to be, +that it should at least provide a basis on which a friendly and +impartial group of powers, including powers who are equally in the +confidence of Austria-Hungary and of Russia, should be able to arrange a +settlement that would be generally acceptable.</p> + +<p>It must be obvious to any person who reflects upon the situation that +the moment the dispute ceases to be one between Austria-Hungary and +Servia and becomes one in which another great power is involved, it can +but end in the greatest catastrophe that has ever befallen the Continent +of Europe at one blow; no one can say what would be the limit of the +issues that might be raised by such a conflict; the consequences of it, +direct and indirect, would be incalculable.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="A_GRAVE_SITUATION" id="A_GRAVE_SITUATION"></a>A GRAVE SITUATION.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement in House of Commons, July 29, by H.H. Asquith, British Prime +Minister.</b></p> + + +<p><i>Mr. Bonar Law</i> (Lancs, Bootle)—May I ask the Prime Minister whether +he has any information to give the House with regard to the European +situation?</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Asquith</i>—As the House is aware, a formal declaration of war was +issued yesterday by Austria against Servia. The situation at this moment +is one of extreme gravity and I can only say—usefully say—that his +Majesty's Government are not relaxing their efforts to do everything in +their power to circumscribe the area of possible conflict. ["Hear! +hear!"]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="RISK_OF_A_CATASTROPHE" id="RISK_OF_A_CATASTROPHE"></a>RISK OF A CATASTROPHE.</h2> + +<p><b>Declaration in House of Commons, July 30, by Prime Minister Asquith.</b></p> + + +<p>We meet today under conditions of gravity which are almost unparalleled +in the experience of every one of us. The <span class="pagenum">[pg 279]</span>issues of peace and +war are hanging in the balance, and with them the risk of a catastrophe +of which it is impossible to measure either the dimensions or the +effects. In these circumstances it is of vital importance in the +interests of the whole world that this country, which has no interests +of its own directly at stake, should present a united front and be able +to speak and act with the authority of an undivided nation. If we were +to proceed today with the first order on the paper we should inevitably, +unless the debate was conducted with an artificial tone, be involved in +acute controversy in regard to domestic differences whose importance to +ourselves no one here in any quarter of the House is disposed to +disparage or to belittle. I need not say more than that such a use of +our time at such a moment might have injurious, and lastingly injurious, +effects on the international situation. I have had the advantage of +consultation with the leader of the Opposition, who, I know, shares to +the full the view which I have expressed. We shall therefore propose to +put off for the present the consideration of the second reading of the +amending bill—of course, without prejudice to its future—in the hope +that by a postponement of the discussion the patriotism of all parties +will contribute what lies in our power, if not to avert at least to +circumscribe the calamities which threaten the world. In the meantime +the business which we shall take will be confined to necessary matters +which will not be of a controversial character.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="OPPOSITION_CONCURS" id="OPPOSITION_CONCURS"></a>OPPOSITION CONCURS.</h2> + + +<p><b>Assent of Bonar Law, Leader of the British Opposition, and of Sir +Edward Carson, July 30.</b></p> + + +<p>As the Prime Minister has informed the House, it is with our concurrence +that he has made the suggestion which we have just heard. At a moment +like the present, when even those of us who do not share diplomatic +secrets feel that the statement of the Prime Minister is true, that +peace and war may be trembling in the balance, I think it is of the +utmost importance that it should be made plain to every one that, +whatever our domestic differences may be, they do not prevent us from +presenting a united front in the councils of the world. I am obliged to +the Prime Minister for saying that in the meantime party controversial +business will not be taken. I am sure that it is his intention, as it +would be the wish of the whole House, that this postponement will not in +any way prejudice the interests of any of the parties to the +controversy. I should like to add—and I do so, not to give information +to the House, the members of which quite understand the position, but in +order that it may be plain outside that in what I have now said I speak +not only, so far as I am entitled to speak, for the Unionist Party, but +for Ulster—that in what I have just said I have the concurrence of my +right honorable friend the member for Trinity College [Sir Edward +Carson].</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="PEACE_THE_GREAT_OBJECT" id="PEACE_THE_GREAT_OBJECT"></a>PEACE THE GREAT OBJECT.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by Sir Edward Grey in House of Commons, July 30.</b></p> + + +<p>I regret that I cannot say the situation is less grave than it was +yesterday. The outstanding facts are much the same. Austria has begun +war against Servia. Russia has ordered a partial mobilization. This has +not hitherto led to any corresponding steps by other powers, so far as +our information goes. We continue to pursue the one great object of +preserving European peace, and for this purpose we are keeping in close +touch with other powers. In thus keeping in touch we have, I am glad to +say, had no difficulty so far; though it has not been possible for the +powers to unite in diplomatic action as was proposed on Monday.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="RUSSIAS_MOBILIZATION" id="RUSSIAS_MOBILIZATION"></a>RUSSIA'S MOBILIZATION.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement in House of Commons by Prime Minister Asquith, Aug. 1.</b></p> + + +<p>We have just heard, not from St. Petersburg but from Germany, that <span class="pagenum">[pg +280]</span>Russia has proclaimed a general mobilization of her army and fleet, +and in consequence of this martial law is to be proclaimed in Germany.</p> + +<p>We understand this to mean that mobilization will follow in Germany if +the Russian mobilization is general and is proceeded with.</p> + +<p>In these circumstances I should prefer not to answer any further +question until Monday.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="THE_GERMAN_INVASION" id="THE_GERMAN_INVASION"></a>THE GERMAN INVASION.</h2> + +<p><b>Editorial Article of The London Times, Aug. 3.</b></p> + + +<p>The die is cast. The great European struggle which the nations have so +long struggled to avert has begun. Germany declared war upon Russia on +Saturday evening, and yesterday her troops entered Luxemburg and crossed +the French frontier in Lorraine without any declaration at all. It is +idle to dwell upon events such as these. They speak for themselves in a +fashion which all can understand. They mean that Europe is to be the +scene of the most terrible war that she has witnessed since the fall of +the Roman Empire. The losses in human life and in the accumulated wealth +of generations which such a contest must involve are frightful to think +on. That it should have come about despite the zealous efforts of +diplomacy, and against the wishes of almost all the nations whom it is +destined to afflict, is a grim satire upon the professions of peace yet +fresh upon the lips of those who have plunged the Continent into its +miseries and its calamities. The blame must fall mainly upon Germany. +She could have stayed the plague had she chosen to speak in Vienna as +she speaks when she is in earnest. She has not chosen to do so. She has +preferred to make demands in St. Petersburg and in Paris which no +Government could entertain, and to defeat by irrevocable acts the last +efforts of this country and of others for mediation. She has lived up to +the worst principles of the Frederician tradition—the tradition which +disregards all obligations of right and wrong at the bidding of +immediate self-interest. She believes that her admirable military +organization has enabled her to steal a march upon her rivals. She has +been mobilizing in all but name, while their mobilization has been +retarded by the "conversations" she continued until her moment had come. +Then she flung the mask aside. While her Ambassador was still in Paris, +while by the customs traditional with all civilized peoples she was +still at peace with France, she has sent her soldiers into Luxemburg, +and invaded the territory of the republic. It is hard to say which of +these acts is the grosser infringement of public right. With Luxemburg +she makes no pretense of quarrel. She is herself a party to the +guarantee of its neutrality contained in the Treaty of 1867. The other +guarantors are Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Austria-Hungary, +Belgium, and the Netherlands. She solemnly pledged herself with some of +them, including France and ourselves, to respect this neutrality. The +world sees how Germany keeps her word. She has been weak enough, or +cynical enough, to issue an explanation of her breach of faith. Let +Englishmen, who have been disposed to trust her, judge it for +themselves. She has not, she says, committed a hostile act by crossing +the frontiers, by forcibly seizing the Government offices, and by +forcibly interrupting the telephonic communication. These are merely +measures to protect the railways from a possible attack by the French. +For the sudden invasion of France no excuse has yet been published. When +it comes it will doubtless be of about equal worth.</p> + +<p>The whole situation has been revolutionized by the events of yesterday. +The doubts which many of us tried hard to cherish as to Germany's real +intentions have been dispelled by her high-handed contempt for public +law. The Government and the nation now realize that she has been bent on +a European war—a European war to be waged in the first instance against +France, and through at least one of those neutral States whose safety we +have bound ourselves to defend because it is indispensable to our <span class="pagenum">[pg +281]</span>own. The Cabinet, which has been sitting almost uninterruptedly +since Saturday morning, reached a decision at an early hour yesterday, +which shows that they know what is before us. They have called up the +Naval Reserves. They would not have taken this step had they not felt +that in this quarrel our interests are now directly at stake. After the +example of what Germany has done in Luxemburg and on the French border +we can no longer rely upon the presence of her Ambassador as a security +against some sudden surprise. We have no controversy with her, it is +true. We have been willing and anxious to develop those better relations +with her which had of late sprung up. We were eager to work with her for +mediation and for peace. Now she has shown her hand. She is resolved to +crush France, and to trample upon the rights of those who happen to +stand in her way. Yesterday it was Luxemburg. Today it may be Belgium or +Holland, or she may treat us as she has treated our French friends, and +assail us without a declaration of war. She will find the empire ready. +Here at home and in the far-off dominions the sure instinct of our +peoples teaches them that the ruin of France or of the Low Countries +would be the prelude to our own. We can no more tolerate a German +hegemony in Europe than we can tolerate the hegemony of any other power. +As our fathers fought Spain and France in the days of their greatest +strength to defeat their pretense to Continental supremacy, and their +menace to the narrow seas, which are the bulwark of our independence, so +shall we be ready, with the same unanimity and the same stubborn +tenacity of purpose, to fight any other nation which shows by her acts +that she is advancing a like claim and confronting us with a like +threat. If any individual member of the Cabinet dissents from this view, +the sooner he quits the Government the better. Mr. Asquith may find it +no disadvantage to take fresh blood into his Administration, as M. +Viviani has undoubtedly strengthened the French Government by the +admission of M. Delcassé and M. Clemenceau. The controversy between +Austria-Hungary and Servia, and that between Austria-Hungary and Russia, +have passed away from the eyes of the nation. These are fixed on the +German attack upon the French Republic and upon Luxemburg. In that +conflict the nation know their duty. With the blessing of Heaven they +will do it to the uttermost.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="PEACE_OF_EUROPE_CANNOT_BE_PRESERVED" id="PEACE_OF_EUROPE_CANNOT_BE_PRESERVED"></a>PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED.</h2> + +<p><b>Sir Edward Grey's Speech in House of Commons, Aug. 3.</b></p> + + +<p>Last week I stated that we were working for peace not only for this +country, but to preserve the peace of Europe. Today events move so +rapidly that it is exceedingly difficult to state with technical +accuracy the actual state of affairs, but it is clear that the peace of +Europe cannot be preserved. Russia and Germany, at any rate, have +declared war upon each other.</p> + +<p>Before I proceed to state the position of his Majesty's Government I +would like to clear the ground so that, before I come to state to the +House what our attitude is with regard to the present crisis, the House +may know exactly under what obligations the Government is, or the House +can be said to be, in coming to a decision on the matter. First of all, +let me say, very shortly, that we have consistently worked with a single +mind, with all the earnestness in our power, to preserve peace. The +House may be satisfied on that point. We have always done it. During +these last years, as far as his Majesty's Government are concerned, we +would have no difficulty in proving that we have done so. Throughout the +Balkan crisis, by general admission, we worked for peace. The +co-operation of the great powers of Europe was successful in working for +peace in the Balkan crisis. It is true that some of the powers had great +difficulty in adjusting their points of view. It took much time and +labor and discussion before they could settle their differences, but +peace was secured, because peace was their <span class="pagenum">[pg 282]</span>main object, and +they were willing to give time and trouble rather than accentuate +differences rapidly.</p> + +<p>In the present crisis it has not been possible to secure the peace of +Europe; because there has been little time, and there has been a +disposition—at any rate in some quarters on which I will not dwell—to +force things rapidly to an issue, at any rate to the great risk of +peace, and, as we now know, the result of that is that the policy of +peace as far as the great powers generally are concerned is in danger. I +do not want to dwell on that, and to comment on it, and to say where the +blame seems to us to lie, which powers were most in favor of peace, +which were most disposed to risk war or endanger peace, because I would +like the House to approach this crisis in which we are now from the +point of view of British interests, British honor, and British +obligations, free from all passion as to why peace has not been +preserved.</p> + +<p>We shall publish papers as soon as we can regarding what took place last +week when we were working for peace, and when those papers are published +I have no doubt that to every human being they will make it clear how +strenuous and genuine and whole-hearted our efforts for peace were, and +that they will enable people to form their own judgment as to what +forces were at work which operated against peace.</p> + +<p>I come first, now, to the question of British obligations. I have +assured the House—and the Prime Minister has assured the House more +than once—that if any crisis such as this arose we should come before +the House of Commons and be able to say to the House that it was free to +decide what the British attitude should be, that we would have no secret +engagement which we should spring upon the House, and tell the House +that because we had entered into that engagement there was an obligation +of honor upon the country. I will deal with that point to clear the +ground first.</p> + +<p>There have been in Europe two diplomatic groups, the Triple Alliance and +what came to be called the Triple Entente, for some years past. The +Triple Entente was not an alliance—it was a diplomatic group. The House +will remember that in 1908 there was a crisis—also a Balkan +crisis—originating in the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The +Russian Minister, M. Isvolsky, came to London, or happened to come to +London, because his visit was planned before the crisis broke out. I +told him definitely then, this being a Balkan crisis, a Balkan affair, I +did not consider that public opinion in this country would justify us in +promising to give anything more than diplomatic support. More was never +asked from us, more was never given, and more was never promised.</p> + +<p>In this present crisis, up till yesterday, we have also given no promise +of anything more than diplomatic support—up till yesterday no promise +of more than diplomatic support. Now I must make this question of +obligation clear to the House. I must go back to the first Moroccan +crisis of 1906. That was the time of the Algeciras Conference, and it +came at a time of very great difficulty to his Majesty's Government when +a general election was in progress, and Ministers were scattered over +the country, and I—spending three days a week in my constituency and +three days at the Foreign Office—was asked the question whether, if +that crisis developed into war between France and Germany, we would give +armed support. I said then that I could promise nothing to any foreign +power unless it was subsequently to receive the whole-hearted support of +public opinion here if the occasion arose. I said, in my opinion, if war +was forced upon France then on the question of Morocco—a question which +had just been the subject of agreement between this country and France, +an agreement exceedingly popular on both sides—that if out of that +agreement war was forced on France at that time, in my view public +opinion in this country would have rallied to the material support of +France.</p> + +<p>I gave no promise, but I expressed that opinion during the crisis, as +far as I remember <span class="pagenum">[pg 283]</span>almost in the same words, to the French +Ambassador and the German Ambassador at the time. I made no promise and +I used no threats; but I expressed that opinion. That position was +accepted by the French Government, but they said to me at the time, and +I think very reasonably, "If you think it possible that the public +opinion of Great Britain might, should a sudden crisis arise, justify +you in giving to France the armed support which you cannot promise in +advance, you will not be able to give that support, even if you wish it, +when the time comes, unless some conversations have already taken place +between naval and military experts." There was force in that. I agreed +to it, and authorized those conversations to take place, but on the +distinct understanding that nothing which passed between military or +naval experts should bind either Government or restrict in any way their +freedom to make a decision as to whether or not they would give that +support when the time arose.</p> + +<p>As I have told the House, upon that occasion a general election was in +prospect; I had to take the responsibility of doing that without the +Cabinet. It could not be summoned. An answer had to be given. I +consulted Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the Prime Minister; I consulted, +I remember, Lord Haldane, who was then Secretary of State for War, and +the present Prime Minister, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer. +That was the most I could do, and they authorized that, on the distinct +understanding that it left the hands of the Government free whenever the +crisis arose. The fact that conversations between military and naval +experts took place was later on—I think much later on, because that +crisis passed, and the thing ceased to be of importance—but later on it +was brought to the knowledge of the Cabinet.</p> + +<p>The Agadir crisis came—another Morocco crisis—and throughout that I +took precisely the same line that had been taken in 1906. But +subsequently, in 1912, after discussion and consideration in the +Cabinet, it was decided that we ought to have a definite understanding +in writing, which was to be only in the form of an unofficial letter, +that these conversations which took place were not binding upon the +freedom of either Government; and on the 22d November, 1912, I wrote to +the French Ambassador the letter which I will now read to the House, and +I received from him a letter in similar terms in reply. The letter which +I have to read to the House is this, and it will be known to the public +now as the record that, whatever took place between military and naval +experts, they were not binding engagements upon the Government:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>My dear Ambassador:</p> + +<p>From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and +military experts have consulted together. It has always been +understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of +either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to +assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation +between experts is not, and ought not, to be regarded as an +engagement that commits either Government to action in a +contingency that has not yet arisen and may never arise. The +disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets +respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement +to co-operate in war.</p> + +<p>You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave +reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might +become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon +the armed assistance of the other.</p> + +<p>I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an +unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened +the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other +whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression +and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be +prepared to take in common.</p></div> + +<p><i>Lord Charles Beresford</i>—What is the date of that?</p> + +<p><i>Sir E. Grey</i>—The 22nd November, 1912. That is the starting point for +the Government with regard to the present crisis. I think it makes it +clear that what the Prime Minister and I said to the House of Commons +was perfectly justified, and that, as regards our freedom to decide in a +crisis what our line should be, whether we should intervene or whether +we should abstain, the Government <span class="pagenum">[pg 284]</span>remained perfectly free, and, +a fortiori, the House of Commons remains perfectly free. That I say to +clear the ground from the point of view of obligation. I think it was +due to prove our good faith to the House of Commons that I should give +that full information to the House now, and say what I think is obvious +from the letter I have just read, that we do not construe anything which +has previously taken place in our diplomatic relations with other powers +in this matter as restricting the freedom of the Government to decide +what attitude they should take now, or restrict the freedom of the House +of Commons to decide what their attitude should be.</p> + +<p>Well, Sir, I will go further, and I will say this: The situation in the +present crisis is not precisely the same as it was in the Morocco +question. In the Morocco question it was primarily a dispute which +concerned France—a dispute which concerned France and France +primarily—a dispute, as it seemed to us, affecting France out of an +agreement subsisting between us and France, and published to the whole +world, in which we engaged to give France diplomatic support. No doubt +we were pledged to give nothing but diplomatic support; we were, at any +rate, pledged by a definite public agreement to stand with France +diplomatically in that question.</p> + +<p>The present crisis has originated differently. It has not originated +with regard to Morocco. It has not originated as regards anything with +which we had a special agreement with France; it has not originated with +anything which primarily concerned France. It has originated in a +dispute between Austria and Servia. I can say this with the most +absolute confidence—no Government and no country has less desire to be +involved in war over a dispute with Austria and Servia than the +Government and the Country of France. They are involved in it because of +their obligation of honor under a definite alliance with Russia. Well, +it is only fair to say to the House that that obligation of honor cannot +apply in the same way to us. We are not parties to the Franco-Russian +alliance. We do not even know the terms of that alliance. So far I +have, I think, faithfully and completely cleared the ground with regard +to the question of obligation.</p> + +<p>I now come to what we think the situation requires of us. For many years +we have had a long-standing friendship with France. I remember well the +feeling in the House—and my own feeling—for I spoke on the subject, I +think, when the late Government made their agreement with France—the +warm and cordial feeling resulting from the fact that these two nations, +who had had perpetual differences in the past, had cleared these +differences away; I remember saying, I think, that it seemed to me that +some benign influence had been at work to produce the cordial atmosphere +that had made that possible. But how far that friendship entails +obligation—it has been a friendship between the nations and ratified by +the nations—how far that entails an obligation, let every man look into +his own heart, and his own feelings, and construe the extent of the +obligation for himself. I construe it myself as I feel it, but I do not +wish to urge upon any one else more than their feelings dictate as to +what they should feel about the obligation. The House, individually and +collectively, may judge for itself. I speak my personal view, and I have +given the House my own feeling in the matter.</p> + +<p>The French fleet is now in the Mediterranean, and the northern and +western coasts of France are absolutely undefended. The French fleet +being concentrated in the Mediterranean, the situation is very different +from what it used to be, because the friendship which has grown up +between the two countries has given them a sense of security that there +was nothing to be feared from us.</p> + +<p>The French coasts are absolutely undefended. The French fleet is in the +Mediterranean, and has for some years been concentrated there because of +the feeling of confidence and friendship which has existed between the +two countries. My own feeling is that if a foreign fleet, engaged in a +war which France had not sought, and in which she had not been the +aggressor, came down the English <span class="pagenum">[pg 285]</span>Channel and bombarded and +battered the undefended coasts of France, we could not stand aside, and +see this going on practically within sight of our eyes, with our arms +folded, looking on dispassionately, doing nothing. I believe that would +be the feeling of this country. There are times when one feels that if +these circumstances actually did arise, it would be a feeling which +would spread with irresistible force throughout the land.</p> + +<p>But I also want to look at the matter without sentiment, and from the +point of view of British interests, and it is on that that I am going to +base and justify what I am presently going to say to the House. If we +say nothing at this moment, what is France to do with her fleet in the +Mediterranean? If she leaves it there, with no statement from us as to +what we will do, she leaves her northern and western coasts absolutely +undefended, at the mercy of a German fleet coming down the Channel to do +as it pleases in a war which is a war of life and death between them. If +we say nothing, it may be that the French fleet is withdrawn from the +Mediterranean. We are in the presence of a European conflagration; can +anybody set limits to the consequences that may arise out of it? Let us +assume that today we stand aside in an attitude of neutrality, saying, +"No, we cannot undertake and engage to help either party in this +conflict." Let us suppose the French fleet is withdrawn from the +Mediterranean; and let us assume that the consequences—which are +already tremendous in what has happened in Europe even to countries +which are at peace—in fact, equally whether countries are at peace or +at war—let us assume that out of that come consequences unforeseen, +which make it necessary at a sudden moment that, in defense of vital +British interests, we shall go to war; and let us assume—which is quite +possible—that Italy, who is now neutral—because, as I understand, she +considers that this war is an aggressive war, and the Triple Alliance +being a defensive alliance her obligation did not arise—let us assume +that consequences which are not yet foreseen and which, perfectly +legitimately consulting her own interests, make Italy depart from her +attitude of neutrality at a time when we are forced in defense of vital +British interests ourselves to fight—what then will be the position in +the Mediterranean? It might be that at some critical moment those +consequences would be forced upon us because our trade routes in the +Mediterranean might be vital to this country.</p> + +<p>Nobody can say that in the course of the next few weeks there is any +particular trade route, the keeping open of which may not be vital to +this country. What will be our position then? We have not kept a fleet +in the Mediterranean which is equal to dealing alone with a combination +of other fleets in the Mediterranean. It would be the very moment when +we could not detach more ships to the Mediterranean, and we might have +exposed this country from our negative attitude at the present moment to +the most appalling risk. I say that from the point of view of British +interests. We feel strongly that France was entitled to know—and to +know at once—whether or not in the event of attack upon her unprotected +northern and western coasts she could depend upon British support. In +that emergency, and in these compelling circumstances, yesterday +afternoon I gave to the French Ambassador the following statement:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I am authorized to give an assurance that if the German fleet comes +into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile +operations against the French coasts or shipping, the British fleet +will give all the protection in its power. This assurance is, of +course, subject to the policy of his Majesty's Government receiving +the support of Parliament, and must not be taken as binding his +Majesty's Government to take any action until the above contingency +of action by the German fleet takes place.</p></div> + +<p>I read that to the House, not as a declaration of war on our part, not +as entailing immediate aggressive action on our part, but as binding us +to take aggressive action should that contingency arise. Things move +very hurriedly from hour to hour. Fresh news comes in, and I cannot give +this in any very formal <span class="pagenum">[pg 286]</span>way; but I understand that the German +Government would be prepared, if we would pledge ourselves to +neutrality, to agree that its fleet would not attack the northern coast +of France. I have only heard that shortly before I came to the House, +but it is far too narrow an engagement for us. And, Sir, there is the +more serious consideration—becoming more serious every hour—there is +the question of the neutrality of Belgium.</p> + +<p>I shall have to put before the House at some length what is our position +in regard to Belgium. The governing factor is the Treaty of 1839, but +this is a treaty with a history—a history accumulated since. In 1870, +when there was war between France and Germany, the question of the +neutrality of Belgium arose, and various things were said. Among other +things, Prince Bismarck gave an assurance to Belgium that—confirming +his verbal assurance, he gave in writing a declaration which he said was +superfluous in reference to the treaty in existence—that the German +Confederation and its allies would respect the neutrality of Belgium, it +being always understood that that neutrality would be respected by the +other belligerent powers. That is valuable as a recognition in 1870 on +the part of Germany of the sacredness of these treaty rights.</p> + +<p>What was our own attitude? The people who laid down the attitude of the +British Government were Lord Granville in the House of Lords and Mr. +Gladstone in the House of Commons. Lord Granville on the 8th August, +1870, used these words. He said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We might have explained to the country and to foreign nations that +we could not think this country was bound either morally or +internationally, or that its interests were concerned in the +maintenance of the neutrality of Belgium; though this course might +have had some conveniences, though it might have been easy to +adhere to it, though it might have saved us from some immediate +danger, it is a course which her Majesty's Government thought it +impossible to adopt in the name of the country with any due regard +to the country's honor or to the country's interests.</p></div> + +<p>Mr. Gladstone, spoke as follows two days later:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>There is, I admit, the obligation of the treaty. It is not +necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into the complicated +question of the nature of the obligations of that treaty; but I am +not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who have held in +this House what plainly amounts to an assertion, that the simple +fact of the existence of a guarantee is binding on every party to +it, irrespectively altogether of the particular position in which +it may find itself at the time when the occasion for acting on the +guarantee arises. The great authorities upon foreign policy to whom +I have been accustomed to listen, such as Lord Aberdeen and Lord +Palmerston, never to my knowledge took that rigid and, if I may +venture to say so, that impracticable view of the guarantee. The +circumstance, that there is already an existing guarantee in force, +is, of necessity, an important fact, and a weighty element in the +case, to which we are bound to give full and ample consideration. +There is also this further consideration, the force of which we +must all feel most deeply, and that is, the common interests +against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power whatever.</p></div> + +<p>The treaty is an old treaty—1839—and that was the view taken of it in +1870. It is one of those treaties which are founded, not only on +consideration for Belgium, which benefits under the treaty, but in the +interests of those who guarantee the neutrality of Belgium. The honor +and interests are, at least, as strong today as in 1870, and we cannot +take a more narrow view or a less serious view of our obligations, and +of the importance of those obligations, than was taken by Mr. +Gladstone's Government in 1870.</p> + +<p>I will read to the House what took place last week on this subject. When +mobilization was beginning, I knew that this question must be a most +important element in our policy—a most important subject for the House +of Commons. I telegraphed at the same time in similar terms to both +Paris and Berlin to say that it was essential for us to know whether the +French and German Governments respectively were prepared to undertake an +engagement to respect the neutrality of Belgium. These are the replies. +I got from the French Government this reply:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The French Government are resolved to respect the neutrality of +Belgium, and it would only be in the event of some other <span class="pagenum">[pg +287]</span>power violating that neutrality that France might find herself +under the necessity, in order to assure the defense of her +security, to act otherwise. This assurance has been given several +times. The President of the Republic spoke of it to the King of the +Belgians, and the French Minister at Brussels has spontaneously +renewed the assurance to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs +today.</p></div> + +<p>From the German Government the reply was:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs could not possibly give +an answer before consulting the Emperor and the Imperial +Chancellor.</p></div> + +<p>Sir Edward Goschen, to whom I had said it was important to have an +answer soon, said he hoped the answer would not be too long delayed. The +German Minister for Foreign Affairs then gave Sir Edward Goschen to +understand that he rather doubted whether they could answer at all, as +any reply they might give could not fail, in the event of war, to have +the undesirable effect of disclosing, to a certain extent, part of their +plan of campaign. I telegraphed at the same time to Brussels to the +Belgian Government, and I got the following reply from Sir Francis +Villiers:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Belgium expects and desires that other powers will observe and +uphold her neutrality, which she intends to maintain to the utmost +of her power. In so informing me, Minister for Foreign Affairs +said, that, in the event of the violation of the neutrality of +their territory, they believed that they were in a position to +defend themselves against intrusion. The relations between Belgium +and her neighbors were excellent, and there was no reason to +suspect their intentions; but he thought it well, nevertheless, to +be prepared against emergencies.</p></div> + +<p>It now appears from the news I have received today—which has come quite +recently, and I am not yet quite sure how far it has reached me in an +accurate form—that an ultimatum has been given to Belgium by Germany, +the object of which was to offer Belgium friendly relations with Germany +on condition that she would facilitate the passage of German troops +through Belgium. Well, Sir, until one has these things absolutely +definitely, up to the last moment, I do not wish to say all that one +would say if one were in a position to give the House full, complete, +and absolute information upon the point. We were sounded in the course +of last week as to whether, if a guarantee were given that, after the +war, Belgian integrity would be preserved, that would content us. We +replied that we could not bargain away whatever interests or obligations +we had in Belgian neutrality.</p> + +<p>Shortly before I reached the House I was informed that the following +telegram had been received from the King of the Belgians by our +King—King George:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Remembering the numerous proofs of your Majesty's friendship and +that of your predecessors, and the friendly attitude of England in +1870, and the poof of friendship she has just given us again, I +make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of your +Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of Belgium.</p></div> + +<p>Diplomatic intervention took place last week on our part. What can +diplomatic intervention do now? We have great and vital interests in the +independence—and integrity is the least part—of Belgium. If Belgium is +compelled to submit to allow her neutrality to be violated, of course +the situation is clear. Even if by agreement she admitted the violation +of her neutrality, it is clear she could only do so under duress. The +smaller States in that region of Europe ask but one thing. Their one +desire is that they should be left alone and independent. The one thing +they fear is, I think, not so much that their integrity but that their +independence should be interfered with. If in this war which is before +Europe the neutrality of one of those countries is violated, if the +troops of one of the combatants violate its neutrality and no action be +taken to resent it, at the end of the war, whatever the integrity may +be, the independence will be gone.</p> + +<p>I have one further quotation from Mr. Gladstone as to what he thought +about the independence of Belgium. It will be found in "Hansard," Vol. +203, Page 1,787. I have not had time to read the whole speech and verify +the context, but the thing seems to me so clear that no context could +make any difference to the meaning of it. Mr. Gladstone said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We have an interest in the independence of Belgium which is wider +than that <span class="pagenum">[pg 288]</span>which we may have in the literal operation of +the guarantee. It is found in the answer to the question whether, +under the circumstances of the case, this country, endowed as it is +with influence and power, would quietly stand by and witness the +perpetration of the direst crime that ever stained the pages of +history, and thus become participators in the sin.</p></div> + +<p>No, Sir, if it be the case that there has been anything in the nature of +an ultimatum to Belgium, asking her to compromise or violate her +neutrality, whatever may have been offered to her in return, her +independence is gone if that holds. If her independence goes, the +independence of Holland will follow. I ask the House from the point of +view of British interests to consider what may be at stake. If France is +beaten in a struggle of life and death, beaten to her knees, loses her +position as a great power, becomes subordinate to the will and power of +one greater than herself—consequences which I do not anticipate, +because I am sure that France has the power to defend herself with all +the energy and ability and patriotism which she has shown so +often—still, if that were to happen, and if Belgium fell under the same +dominating influence, and then Holland, and then Denmark, then would not +Mr. Gladstone's words come true, that just opposite to us there would be +a common interest against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power?</p> + +<p>It may be said, I suppose, that we might stand aside, husband our +strength, and that, whatever happened in the course of this war, at the +end of it intervene with effect to put things right, and to adjust them +to our own point of view. If, in a crisis like this, we run away from +those obligations of honor and interest as regards the Belgian treaty, I +doubt whether, whatever material force we might have at the end, it +would be of very much value in face of the respect that we should have +lost. And do not believe, whether a great power stands outside this war +or not, it is going to be in a position at the end of it to exert its +superior strength. For us, with a powerful fleet, which we believe able +to protect our commerce, to protect our shores, and to protect our +interests, if we are engaged in war, we shall suffer but little more +than we shall suffer even if we stand aside.</p> + +<p>We are going to suffer, I am afraid, terribly in this war, whether we +are in it or whether we stand aside. Foreign trade is going to stop, not +because the trade routes are closed, but because there is no trade at +the other end. Continental nations engaged in war—all their +populations, all their energies, all their wealth, engaged in a +desperate struggle—they cannot carry on the trade with us that they are +carrying on in times of peace, whether we are parties to the war or +whether we are not. I do not believe for a moment that at the end of +this war, even if we stood aside and remained aside, we should be in a +position, a material position, to use our force decisively to undo what +had happened in the course of the war, to prevent the whole of the west +of Europe opposite to us—if that had been the result of the +war—falling under the domination of a single power, and I am quite sure +that our moral position would be such as to have lost us all respect. I +can only say that I have put the question of Belgium somewhat +hypothetically, because I am not yet sure of all the facts, but, if the +facts turn out to be as they have reached us at present, it is quite +clear that there is an obligation on this country to do its utmost to +prevent the consequences to which those facts will lead if they are +undisputed.</p> + +<p>I have read to the House the only engagements that we have yet taken +definitely with regard to the use of force. I think it is due to the +House to say that we have taken no engagement yet with regard to sending +an expeditionary armed force out of the country. Mobilization of the +fleet has taken place; mobilization of the army is taking place; but we +have as yet taken no engagement, because I feel that—in the case of a +European conflagration such as this, unprecedented, with our enormous +responsibilities in India and other parts of the empire, or in countries +in British occupation, with all the unknown factors—we must take very +carefully into consideration the use <span class="pagenum">[pg 289]</span>which we make of sending +an expeditionary force out of the country until we know how we stand. +One thing I would say.</p> + +<p>The one bright spot in the whole of this, terrible situation is Ireland. +The general feeling throughout Ireland—and I would like this to be +clearly understood abroad—does not make the Irish question a +consideration which we feel we have now to take into account. I have +told the House how far we have at present gone in commitments and the +conditions which influence our policy, and I have put to the House and +dwelt at length upon how vital is the condition of the neutrality of +Belgium.</p> + +<p>What other policy Is there before the House? There is but one way in +which the Government could make certain at the present moment of keeping +outside this war, and that would be that it should immediately issue a +proclamation of unconditional neutrality. We cannot do that. We have +made the commitment to France that I have read to the House which +prevents us doing that. We have got the consideration of Belgium which +prevents us also from any unconditional neutrality, and, without these +conditions absolutely satisfied and satisfactory, we are bound not to +shrink from proceeding to the use of all the forces in our power. If we +did take that line by saying, "We will have nothing whatever to do with +this matter" under no conditions—the Belgian treaty obligations, the +possible position in the Mediterranean, with damage to British +interests, and what may happen to France from our failure to support +France—if we were to say that all those things mattered nothing, were +as nothing, and to say we would stand aside, we should, I believe, +sacrifice our respect and good name and reputation before the world, and +should not escape the most serious and grave economic consequences.</p> + +<p>My object has been to explain the view of the Government, and to place +before the House the issue and the choice. I do not for a moment +conceal, after what I have said, and after the information, incomplete +as it is, that I have given to the House with regard to Belgium, that +we must be prepared, and we are prepared, for the consequences of having +to use all the strength we have at any moment—we know not how soon—to +defend ourselves and to take our part. We know, if the facts all be as I +have stated them, though I have announced no intending aggressive action +on our part, no final decision to resort to force at a moment's notice, +until we know the whole of the case, that the use of it may be forced +upon us. As far as the forces of the Crown are concerned, we are ready. +I believe the Prime Minister and my right honorable friend the First +Lord of the Admiralty have no doubt whatever that the readiness and the +efficiency of those forces were never at a higher mark than they are +today, and never was there a time when confidence was more justified in +the power of the navy to protect our commerce and to protect our shores. +The thought is with us always of the suffering and misery entailed, from +which no country in Europe will escape by abstention, and from which no +neutrality will save us. The amount of harm that can be done by an enemy +ship to our trade is infinitesimal, compared with the amount of harm +that must be done by the economic condition that is caused on the +Continent.</p> + +<p>The most awful responsibility is resting upon the Government in deciding +what to advise the House of Commons to do. We have disclosed our minds +to the House of Commons. We have disclosed the issue, the information +which we have, and made clear to the House, I trust, that we are +prepared to face that situation, and that should it develop, as probably +it may develop, we will face it. We worked for peace up to the last +moment, and beyond the last moment. How hard, how persistently, and how +earnestly we strove for peace last week the House will see from the +papers that will be before it.</p> + +<p>But that is over, as far as the peace of Europe is concerned. We are now +face to face with a situation and all the consequences which it may yet +have to unfold. We believe we shall have the support <span class="pagenum">[pg 290]</span>of the +House at large in proceeding to whatever the consequences may be and +whatever measures may be forced upon us by the development of facts or +action taken by others. I believe the country, so quickly has the +situation been forced upon it, has not had time to realize the issue. It +perhaps is still thinking of the quarrel between Austria and Servia, and +not the complications of this matter which have grown out of the quarrel +between Austria and Servia. Russia and Germany we know are at war. We do +not yet know officially that Austria, the ally whom Germany is to +support, is yet at war with Russia. We know that a good deal has been +happening on the French frontier. We do not know that the German +Ambassador has left Paris.</p> + +<p>The situation has developed so rapidly that technically, as regards the +condition of the war, it is most difficult to describe what has actually +happened. I wanted to bring out the underlying issues which would affect +our own conduct, and our own policy, and to put them clearly. I have now +put the vital facts before the House, and if, as seems not improbable, +we are forced, and rapidly forced, to take our stand upon those issues, +then I believe, when the country realizes what is at stake, what the +real issues are, the magnitude of the impending dangers in the west of +Europe, which I have endeavored to describe to the House, we shall be +supported throughout, not only by the House of Commons, but by the +determination, the resolution, the courage, and the endurance of the +whole country.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="GERMANY_AND_BELGIUM" id="GERMANY_AND_BELGIUM"></a>GERMANY AND BELGIUM.</h2> + +<p><b>Further Statement by Sir Edward Grey in House of Commons, Aug. 3, +1914.</b></p> + + +<p>I want to give the House some information which I have received, and +which was not in my possession when I made my statement this afternoon. +It is information I have received from the Belgian Legation in London, +and is to the following effect:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Germany sent yesterday evening at 7 o'clock a note proposing to +Belgium friendly neutrality, covering free passage on Belgian +territory, and promising maintenance of independence of the kingdom +and possession at the conclusion of peace, and threatening, in case +of refusal, to treat Belgium as an enemy. A time limit of twelve +hours was fixed for the reply. The Belgians have answered that an +attack on their neutrality would be a flagrant violation of the +rights of nations, and that to accept the German proposal would be +to sacrifice the honor of a nation. Conscious of its duty, Belgium +is firmly resolved to repel aggression by all possible means.</p></div> + +<p>Of course, I can only say that the Government are prepared to take into +grave consideration the information which they have received. I make no +further comment upon it.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="UNHESITATING_SUPPORT" id="UNHESITATING_SUPPORT"></a>UNHESITATING SUPPORT.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by Bonar Law, Opposition Leader, in House of Commons, Aug. +3.</b></p> + + +<p>The right honorable gentleman has made an appeal for support and it is +necessary that I should say a word or two, but they shall be very few. I +wish to say in the first place that I do not believe there is a single +member in this House who doubts that not only the right honorable +gentleman himself, but the Government which he represents, have done +everything in their power up to the last moment to preserve peace. +[Cheers.] And I think we may be sure that if any other course is taken +it is because it is forced upon them and that they have absolutely no +alternative. [Cheers.] One thing only further I should like to say. The +right honorable gentleman spoke of the bright spot in the picture which +only a day or two ago was a black spot in the political horizon. +Everything that he has said I am sure is true and I should like to say +this further—that if the contingencies which he has not put into words, +but which are in all our minds as possible, arise, then we have already +had indications that there is another bright spot—that every one of his +Majesty's dominions beyond the seas will be behind us in whatever act it +is necessary to take. [Cheers.] This only I should add. The Government +already know, but I give them now the assurance on behalf of the party +of which I am <span class="pagenum">[pg 291]</span>leader in this House, that in whatever steps they +think it necessary to take for the honor and security of this country +they can rely upon the unhesitating support of the Opposition. [Loud +Ministerial and Opposition cheers.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="CHANGED_IRISH_FEELING" id="CHANGED_IRISH_FEELING"></a>CHANGED IRISH FEELING.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement in House of Commons, Aug. 3, by John E. Redmond, M.P.</b></p> + + +<p>I hope the House will not consider it improper on my part in the grave +circumstances in which we are assembled if I intervene for a very few +moments. I was moved a great deal by that sentence in the speech of the +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in which he said that the one +bright spot in the situation was the changed feeling in Ireland. In past +times, when this empire has been engaged in these terrible enterprises +it is true—it would be the utmost affectation and folly on my part to +deny it—the sympathy of the Nationalists of Ireland, for reasons to be +found deep down in centuries of history, has been estranged from this +country. But allow me to say that what has occurred in recent years has +altered the situation completely. [Ministerial cheers.] I must not +touch, and I may be trusted not to touch, on any controversial topics, +but this I may be allowed to say—that a wider knowledge of the real +facts of Irish history have, I think, altered the view of the democracy +of this country toward the Irish question, and today I honestly believe +that the democracy of Ireland will turn with the utmost anxiety and +sympathy to this country in every trial and every danger that may +overtake it. [General cheers.] There is a possibility at any rate of +history repeating itself. The House will remember that in 1778, at the +end of the disastrous American war, when it might, I think, truly be +said that the military power of this country was almost at its lowest +ebb, and when the shores of Ireland were threatened with foreign +invasion, a body of 100,000 Irish volunteers sprang into existence for +the purpose of defending her shores. At first no Catholic—ah! how sad +the reading of the history of those days is—was allowed to be enrolled +in that body of volunteers, and yet from the very first day the +Catholics of the South and West subscribed money and sent it toward the +arming of their Protestant fellow-countrymen. Ideas widened as time went +on, and finally the Catholics in the South were armed and enrolled +brothers in arms with their fellow-countrymen of a different creed in +the North. May history repeat itself! [Cheers.] Today there are in +Ireland two large bodies of volunteers. One of them sprang into +existence in the North. Another has sprung into existence in the South. +I say to the Government that they may tomorrow withdraw every one of +their troops from Ireland. [General cheers.] I say that the coasts of +Ireland will be defended from foreign invasion by her armed sons, and +for this purpose armed Nationalist Catholics in the South will be only +too glad to join arms with the armed Protestant Ulstermen in the North. +[Cheers.] Is it too much to hope that out of this situation there may +spring a result which will be good not merely for the empire, but good +for the future welfare and integrity of the Irish Nation. [Cheers.] I +ought to apologize for having intervened [cries of "No"], but while +Irishmen generally are in favor of peace, and would desire to save the +democracy of this country from all the horrors of war, while we would +make any possible sacrifice for that purpose, still if the dire +necessity is forced upon this country we offer to the Government of the +day that they may take their troops away, and that if it is allowed to +us in comradeship with our brethren in the North we will ourselves +defend the coasts of our country. [Loud cheers.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="GREAT_BRITAINS_ULTIMATUM_TO_GERMANY" id="GREAT_BRITAINS_ULTIMATUM_TO_GERMANY"></a>GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY.</h2> + +<p><b>Prime Minister Asquith Explains Its Nature in House of Commons, Aug. 4, +1914.</b></p> + +<p><i>Mr. Bonar Law</i>—I wish to ask the Prime Minister whether he has any +<span class="pagenum">[pg 292]</span>statement that he can now make to the House?</p> + +<p><i>The Prime Minister</i> (<i>Mr. Asquith</i>)—In conformity with the statement +of policy made here by my right honorable friend the Foreign Secretary +yesterday, a telegram was early this morning sent by him to our +Ambassador in Berlin. It was to this effect:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The King of the Belgians has made an appeal to his Majesty the King +for diplomatic intervention on behalf of Belgium. His Majesty's +Government are also informed that the German Government have +delivered to the Belgian Government a note proposing friendly +neutrality entailing free passage through Belgian territory, and +promising to maintain the independence and integrity of the kingdom +and its possessions at the conclusion of peace, threatening in case +of refusal to treat Belgium as an enemy. An answer was requested +within twelve hours. We also understand that Belgium has +categorically refused this as a flagrant violation of the law of +nations. His Majesty's Government are bound to protest against this +violation of a treaty to which Germany is a party in common with +themselves, and must request an assurance that the demand made upon +Belgium may not be proceeded with, and that her neutrality will be +respected by Germany. You should ask for an immediate reply.</p></div> + +<p>We received this morning from our Minister at Brussels the following +telegram:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>German Minister has this morning addressed note to the Belgian +Minister for Foreign Affairs stating that, as Belgian Government +have declined the well-intended proposals submitted to them by the +Imperial Government, the latter will, deeply to their regret, be +compelled to carry out, if necessary by force of arms, the measures +considered indispensable in view of the French menaces.</p></div> + +<p>Simultaneously—almost immediately afterward—we received from the +Belgian Legation here in London the following telegram:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>General Staff announces that territory has been violated at +Gemmenich (near Aix-la-Chapelle).</p></div> + +<p>Subsequent information tended to show that the German force has +penetrated still further into Belgian territory. We also received this +morning from the German Ambassador here the telegram sent to him by the +German Foreign Secretary, and communicated by the Ambassador to us. It +is in these terms:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Please dispel any mistrust that may subsist on the part of the +British Government with regard to our intentions by repeating most +positively formal assurance that, even in the case of armed +conflict with Belgium, Germany will, under no pretense whatever, +annex Belgian territory. Sincerity of this declaration is borne out +by fact that we solemnly pledged our word to Holland strictly to +respect her neutrality. It is obvious that we could not profitably +annex Belgic territory without making at the same time territorial +acquisitions at expense of Holland. Please impress upon Sir E. Grey +that German Army could not be exposed to French attack across +Belgium, which was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable +information. Germany had consequently to disregard Belgian +neutrality, it being for her a question of life or death to prevent +French advance.</p></div> + +<p>I have to add this on behalf of his Majesty's Government: We cannot +regard this as in any sense a satisfactory communication. We have, in +reply to it, repeated the request we made last week to the German +Government, that they should give us the same assurance in regard to +Belgian neutrality as was given to us and to Belgium by France last +week. We have asked that a reply to that request and a satisfactory +answer to the telegram of this morning—which I have read to the +House—should be given before midnight.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="PENETRATION_OF_BELGIAN_TERRITORY" id="PENETRATION_OF_BELGIAN_TERRITORY"></a>PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by Prime Minister Asquith in House of Commons, Aug. 5.</b></p> + + +<p><i>Mr. Bonar Law</i>—May I ask the Prime Minister if he has any information +he can give us today?</p> + +<p><i>The Prime Minister</i>—Our Ambassador at Berlin received his passports at +7 o'clock last evening and since 11 o'clock last night a state of war +has existed between Germany and ourselves.</p> + +<p>We have received from our Minister at Brussels the following telegram:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I have just received from Minister for Foreign Affairs [that is the +Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs] a note of which the following +is a literal translation:<span class="pagenum">[pg 293]</span></p> + +<div style="text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;"> +<p style="text-align: left"> +"Belgian Government regret to have to +inform his Majesty's Government that this morning +armed forces of Germany penetrated into Belgian +territory in violation of engagements assumed by +treaty.</p> +<p style="text-align: left"> +Belgian Government are further resolved to resist +by all means in their power.</p> +<p style="text-align: left"> +Belgium appeals to Great Britain and France and +Russia to co-operate, as guarantors in defense of +her territory.</p> +<p style="text-align: left"> +There would be concerted and common action with +the object of resisting the forcible measures +employed by Germany against Belgium, and at the +same time of guarding the maintenance for future +of the independence and integrity of Belgium.</p> +<p style="text-align: left"> +Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she +will assume defense of her fortified places."</p> +</div> + +</div> + +<p>We have also received today from the French Ambassador here the +following telegram received by the French Government from the French +Minister at Brussels:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Chef du Cabinet of the Belgian Ministry of War has asked the +French Military Attaché to prepare at once for the co-operation and +contact of French troops with the Belgian Army pending the results +of the appeal to the guaranteeing powers now being made. Orders +have, therefore, been given to Belgian Provincial Governors not to +regard movements of French troops as a violation of the frontier.</p></div> + +<p>This is all the information I am at the moment able to give to the +House, but I take the opportunity of giving notice that tomorrow, in +Committee of Supply, I shall move a vote of credit of £100,000,000.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + +<h1><a name="Great_Britains_Mobilization" id="Great_Britains_Mobilization"></a>Great Britain's Mobilization</h1> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<div class="summary"><b>Measures Taken Throughout the Empire Upon the Outbreak of War.</b></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 294]</span><b>Message from King George V. to the House of Commons, Aug. 5.</b></p> + + +<p><i>Mr. Asquith</i> then proceeded to the bar amid cheers and, on being called +upon by the Speaker, announced: A message from his Majesty signed by his +own hand. The announcement was received with loud cheers, which were +continued as Mr. Asquith advanced up the floor and handed the document +to the Speaker. All the members uncovered.</p> + +<p><i>The Speaker</i> read the message as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The present state of public affairs in Europe constituting in the +opinion of his Majesty a case of great emergency within the meaning +of the acts of Parliament in that behalf, his Majesty deems it +proper to provide additional means for the military service and, +therefore, in pursuance of these acts his Majesty has thought it +right to communicate to the House of Commons that his Majesty is by +proclamation about to order that the army reserve shall be called +out on permanent service, that soldiers who would otherwise be +entitled in pursuance of the terms of their enlistment to be +transferred to the reserve shall continue in army service for such +period not exceeding the period for which they might be required to +serve if they were transferred to the reserve and called out for +permanent service as to his Majesty may seem expedient; and that +such directions as may seem necessary may be given for embodying +the territorial force and for making such special arrangements as +may be proper with regard to units or individuals whose services +may be required in other than a military capacity.—Signed by his +Majesty in his own hand.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="KING_TO_BRITAINS_FLEET" id="KING_TO_BRITAINS_FLEET"></a>KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET.</h2> + +<p><b>Message from George V. to Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, Aug. 5.</b></p> + + +<p>At this grave moment in our national history I send to you, and through +you to the officers and men of the fleets of which you have assumed +command, the assurance of my confidence that under your direction they +will revive and renew the old glories of the royal navy, and prove once +again the sure shield of Britain and of her empire in the hour of trial.</p> + +<p>GEORGE R. I.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="NAPOLEONISM_ONCE_AGAIN" id="NAPOLEONISM_ONCE_AGAIN"></a>NAPOLEONISM ONCE AGAIN.</h2> + +<p><b>Speech by Bonar Law, Opposition Leader, in House of Commons, Aug. 6.</b></p> + + +<p>No Minister has ever fulfilled a duty more responsible or in regard to +which the responsibility was more acutely felt than that which has just +been fulfilled by the right honorable gentleman. This is not a time for +speech-making, and I should have been quite ready to leave the statement +which he has given to the committee as the expression of the view, not +of a party, but of a nation. [Cheers.] But as this, I think, will be the +only opportunity which will be given for expressing the views of a large +section of this House, I feel that I am bound to make it clear to the +committee and to the country what is the attitude of his Majesty's +Opposition on this question. There are two things which I desire to +impress upon the committee. The first is that we have dreaded war and +have longed for peace as strongly as any section of this committee; and +the second is that in our belief we are in a state of war against our +will, and that we, as a nation, have done everything in our power to +prevent such a condition of things arising. [Cheers.] When this crisis +first arose I confess that I was one of those who had the impulse to +hope that even though a European conflagration took place we might be +able to stay out. I had that hope strongly. But in a short time I became +convinced that into this war we should inevitably be drawn <span class="pagenum">[pg 295]</span>and +that it really was a question only whether we should enter it honorably +or be dragged into it with dishonor. [Cheers.]</p> + + +<p><b>Folly and Wickedness.</b></p> + + +<p>I remember that on the first occasion after the retirement of my right +honorable friend (Mr. Balfour) when I had to speak on foreign affairs I +made this statement. It perhaps is wrong, though I do not think so even +yet. I said that if ever war arose between Great Britain and Germany it +would not be due to inevitable causes, for I did not believe in an +inevitable war, but it would be due to human folly. [Cheers.] It is due +to human folly and to human wickedness [cheers], but neither the folly +nor the wickedness is here. [Cheers.] What other course was open to us? +It is quite true, as the Foreign Secretary explained to the House the +other day, that we were under no formal obligations to take part in such +a struggle. But every member in this House knows that the entente meant +this in the minds of this Government and of every other Government, that +if any of the three powers were attacked aggressively the others would +be expected to step in and to give their aid. ["Hear, hear!"] The +question, therefore, to my mind was this: Was this war in any way +provoked by those who will now be our allies? No one who has read the +"White Paper" can hesitate to answer that question. I am not going to go +into it even as fully as the Prime Minister has done; but I would remind +the House of this, that in this "White Paper" is contained a statement +made by the German Ambassador, I think at Vienna, that Russia was not in +a condition and could not go to war. And in the same letter are found +these words: "As for Germany, she knew very well what she was about in +backing up Austria-Hungary in this matter." Now, every one for years has +known that the key to peace or war lay in Berlin, and at this crisis no +one doubts that Berlin, if it had chosen, could have prevented this +terrible conflict. [Cheers.] I am afraid that the miscalculation which +was made about Russia was made also about us. The dispatch which the +right honorable gentleman referred to is a dispatch of a nature which I +believe would not have been addressed to Great Britain if it had been +believed that our hands were free and that we held the position which we +had always held before the entente. That, at least, is my belief.</p> + +<p><b>Napoleonism Without a Napoleon.</b></p> + +<p>We are fighting, as the Prime Minister said, for the honor and, what +with the honor is bound up always, the interest of our nation. But we +are fighting also for the whole basis of the civilization for which we +stand and for which Europe stands. [Cheers.] I do not wish, any more +than the Prime Minister, to inflame passion. I only ask the House to +consider one aspect. Look at the way Belgium is being treated today. +There is a report—if it is not true now it may be true tomorrow—that +the City of Liége is invaded by German troops and that civilians, as in +the days of the Middle Ages, are fighting for their hearths and homes +against trained troops. How has that been brought about? In a state of +war, war must be waged. But remember that this plan is not of today or +of yesterday; that it has been long matured; that the Germans knew that +they would have this to face; and that they were ready to take the +course which they took the other day of saying to Belgium, "Destroy your +independence. Allow our troops to go through, or we will come down upon +you with a might which it is impossible for you to resist." If we had +allowed that to be done, our position as one of the great nations of the +world and our honor as one of the nations of the world would in my +opinion have been gone forever. [Cheers.] This is no small struggle. It +is the greatest, perhaps, that this country has ever engaged in. It is +Napoleonism once again. ["Hear, hear!"] Thank Heaven, so far as we know, +there is no Napoleon.</p> + +<p>I am not going to say anything more about the causes of the war, for I +do not desire to encourage controversy on this subject. But if I may be +allowed to say so, I should like to say that I read yesterday <span class="pagenum">[pg +296]</span>with real pleasure an article in a paper which does not generally +commend itself to me—The Manchester Guardian. ["Hear, hear!"] In that +article it still held that the war ought not to have been entered upon; +but it took this view, that that was a question for history, and that +now we are in it there is only one question for us, and that is to bring +it to a successful issue. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>Sir, I have full sympathy far more than at any other time for the Prime +Minister and the Foreign Secretary. I can imagine nothing more terrible +than that the Foreign Secretary should have a feeling that perhaps he +has brought his country into an unnecessary war. No feeling could be +worse. I can say this, and, whether we are right or wrong, the whole +House agrees with it, I am sure, that that is a burden which the right +honorable gentleman can carry with a good conscience, [cheers,] and that +every one of us can put up unhesitatingly this prayer: "May God defend +the right."</p> + +<p><b>Trade and Food Supplies.</b></p> + +<p>I should like, if I may, to pass to another topic, for this is the only +opportunity I can have. Consider the conditions under which this war is +going to be carried on. I was pleased to hear the Prime Minister say the +other day in answer to a speech of the honorable member for Merthyr +Tydvil—he has developed it in describing the terms of this vote of +credit—that he realized, as we all must realize, that in a country +situated like ours the development of industry and the supply of food at +home is just as much an operation of war as the conduct of our armed +forces. [Cheers.] I do not wish to minimize our difficulties, but I am +quite sure—as sure as I can be of anything—that there is no danger of +a scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] The only danger is the fear of a +scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] Every one who has been in business +knows that what causes panic prices is not an actual scarcity at the +time, but a fear of scarcity coming. This is a case where every one of +us must do all he can to impress upon the people of this country that +there is, as I believe, no danger. [Cheers.] Here I should like to give +one warning note. Remember—at least I believe it—that this war, +unexpected by us, is not unexpected by our enemies; and I shall be +greatly surprised if we do not find that at first on our trade routes +there is a destruction of our property which might create a panic. That +is inevitable, I think, at the outset. Let us be prepared for it, and +let us realize that it has no bearing whatever on the ultimate course of +the war. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>There is something else which I think it is important to say. We had a +discussion yesterday about credit. That is the basis of a successful +war, as it is of every branch of industry at this moment. I think the +Government have taken the right course. I have followed it closely, and +I know that they have been supported by those who best understand the +situation. I think the danger is minimized as much as it can be. But, +after all, the question of credit really depends on what we believe is +going to be the effect of this war upon our trade and our industry.</p> + +<p><b>The Command of the Sea.</b></p> + +<p>I hope the House will not think that I am too optimistic, but I do think +there is a danger of our taking too gloomy a view of what the effects +will be, ["Hear, hear!"] and, by taking that gloomy view, helping to +bring about the very state of things which we all desire to avert. Again +I wish to guard myself against seeming to be too hopeful; but let us +look at the effect as if we were examining a chess problem. If we keep +the command of the sea, what is going to happen? It all depends on that. +I admit that if that goes the position is gloomy indeed; but of that I +have no fear. [Cheers.] If we keep the command of the sea what is going +to happen? Five-sixths of our production is employed in the home trade. +What goes abroad is very important, and, of course, if the population +which supplies this one-sixth were thrown out of work that would react +on the whole. But, after all, the total amount of our exports to all +the <span class="pagenum">[pg 297]</span>European countries which are now at war is only a small +part of our total exports. There is here no question of fiscal policy. +We are far beyond that. It is a question of fact. Our total exports to +all the countries which are now at war do not, in my belief—I have not +looked into the figures—exceed our exports to India and Australia taken +alone. Now, consider this, we shall have freedom of trade, if the +command of the sea is maintained, with the colonies and with the whole +of the American Continent, while, unfortunately for them, both our +allies and our enemies will not be competing with us in these markets. +Look at it as a problem. I think we have a right to believe, not that +trade will be good, but that it will be much more nearly normal than is +generally supposed. [Cheers.] I hope the House will not think that that +is a useless thing to say at such a time. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>There is one thing more only I wish to say. This is the affair of the +nation. Every one would desire to help. There will be a great deal of +work to be done which cannot be done by the Government. I was glad the +Prime Minister has already asked the co-operation of my right honorable +friends the members for West Birmingham and the Strand. They gladly +came. But I am sure I speak not for this bench but for the whole of our +party when I say that the Government has only got to requisition any one +of us and we will serve them and our country to the best of our ability. +[Loud cheers.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="PACT_OF_TRIPLE_ENTENTE" id="PACT_OF_TRIPLE_ENTENTE"></a>PACT OF TRIPLE ENTENTE.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement Issued by British Foreign Office, Sept. 5.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p class="center">DECLARATION.</p> + +<p>The undersigned duly authorized thereto by the respective Governments +hereby declare as follows:</p> + +<p>The British, French, and Russian Governments mutually engage not to +conclude peace separately during the present war. The three Governments +agree that when terms of peace come to be discussed no one of the Allies +will demand terms of peace without the previous agreement of each of +the other Allies. In faith whereof the undersigned have signed this +declaration and have affixed thereto their seals.</p> + +<p>Done at London in triplicate the 5th day of September, 1914.</p> + +<div style="text-align: left; margin-left: 25%; margin-right: 5%;"> + +<p style="text-align: left">E. GREY,<br /> his Britannic Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.</p> + +<p style="text-align: left">PAUL CAMBON,<br /> Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the French +Republic.</p> + +<p style="text-align: left">BENCKENDORFF,<br /> Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of his +Majesty the Emperor of Russia.</p> + +</div></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="A_COUNTERSTROKE" id="A_COUNTERSTROKE"></a>A COUNTERSTROKE.</h2> + +<p><b>Semi-Official Statement in The London Times, Sept. 6.</b></p> + + +<p>The declaration of the Allied Governments that they will not conclude +peace separately during the war or demand terms of peace without +previous agreement with each other is an opportune counterstroke to the +campaign initiated by Germany for the purpose of detaching France from +Russia and especially from Britain. Overtures in this sense have +doubtless been made to France.</p> + +<p>The German Government has not yet realized the strength of the moral +forces it has ranged against itself by its wanton attack upon European +civilization. It appears to imagine that, after having been sufficiently +"punished" for her temerity in opposing the Kaiser's hosts, France would +be open to a bargain, under which she would be "let off" lightly on +condition that she should agree to become the ally of Germany.</p> + +<p>This idea has been clearly expressed of late in the German press. It is +based on the belief that the war was prepared by skillful British +intrigues inspired by jealousy of Germany. German statesmen cannot +conceive that nations should fight for any cause loftier than material +"interests." Hence the constant mistakes of their diplomacy and its +failure to foresee that little Belgium would resist German pretensions +or that England would go to war for "a scrap of paper." Now they imagine +that the determination <span class="pagenum">[pg 298</span>]of France to fight to the last in +defense of her honor and her superior civilization can be undermined by +an offer to mitigate the material losses she may suffer from the war.</p> + +<p>The German view was most clearly expressed in the remarkable dispatch to +the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant from its Berlin correspondent, which +was reproduced in The Times of yesterday. Politicians in Berlin, he +wrote,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>see in England the land which has brought about the outbreak of the +war by finely played intrigue, in order to let dangerous Russia +bleed herself to death, to the end that against Germany, even a +victorious Germany, she may herself acquire great advantages, both +in trade and on the sea, and in order to make France entirely +dependent upon her. The consequence of this opinion is in the +highest degree remarkable. Whether you speak with a politician or +with a porter or shoemaker, the same wish will always be expressed. +We must, when we have beaten France, offer her peace on very +acceptable terms in order to make her our ally to fight—against +England.</p></div> + +<p>The German error, which the declaration of the Allies should go far to +correct, is all the more remarkable in view of the stipulations of the +Austro-German Treaty of Alliance. Concluded in 1879 by Bismarck and +Andrássy, this treaty still governs the relationship between Germany and +Austria-Hungary. Its first clause runs:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Should, contrary to the hope and against the sincere wish of the +two high contracting parties, one of the two empires be attacked by +Russia, the high contracting parties are bound to stand by each +other with the whole of the armed forces of their empires, and, <i>in +consequence thereof, only to conclude peace jointly and in +agreement.</i></p></div> + +<p>However low the German estimate of the moral cohesion of France, Russia, +and England, German statesmen must be singularly lacking in shrewdness +if they suppose the Allies to be less alive than were Bismarck and +Andrássy to the need for complete co-operation between allies, not only +in war, but also in the negotiation of peace.</p> + +<p>The futile German campaign for the detachment of France from her allies +is, indeed, the most striking indication yet forthcoming of the +misgivings with which the resolute action of the Allies is beginning to +inspire the Kaiser and his Government.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="IMPERIAL_MESSAGE_TO_THE_BRITISH_DOMINIONS" id="IMPERIAL_MESSAGE_TO_THE_BRITISH_DOMINIONS"></a>IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS.</h2> + +<p><b>King George V. to the Self-Governing Peoples and the Empire of India, +Sept. 9, 1914.</b></p> + + +<p>To the Governments and Peoples of my Self-Governing Dominions: During +the past few weeks the peoples of my whole empire at home and overseas +have moved with one mind and purpose to confront and overthrow an +unparalleled assault upon the continuity of civilization and the peace +of mankind.</p> + +<p>The calamitous conflict is not of my seeking, my voice has been cast +throughout on the side of peace. My Ministers earnestly strove to allay +the causes of strife and to appease differences with which my empire was +not concerned. Had I stood aside when, in defiance of pledges to which +my kingdom was a party, the soil of Belgium was violated and her cities +laid desolate, when the very life of the French Nation was threatened +with extinction, I should have sacrificed my honor and given to +destruction the liberties of my empire and of mankind. I rejoice that +every part of the empire is with me in this decision.</p> + +<p>Paramount regard for treaty faith and the pledged word of rulers and +peoples is the common heritage of Great Britain and of the empire.</p> + +<p>My peoples in the self-governing dominions have shown beyond all doubt +that they wholeheartedly indorse the grave decision which it was +necessary to take.</p> + +<p>My personal knowledge of the loyalty and devotion of my oversea +dominions had led me to expect that they would cheerfully make the great +efforts and bear the great sacrifices which the present conflict +entails. The full measure in which they have placed their services and +resources at my disposal fills me with gratitude and I am proud to be +able to show to the world that my peoples oversea <span class="pagenum">[pg 299]</span>are as +determined as the people of the United Kingdom to prosecute a just cause +to a successful end.</p> + +<p>The Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, and the Dominion +of New Zealand have placed at my disposal their naval forces, which have +already rendered good service for the empire. Strong expeditionary +forces are being prepared in Canada, in Australia, and in New Zealand +for service at the front, and the Union of South Africa has released all +British troops and has undertaken important military responsibilities +the discharge of which will be of the utmost value to the empire. +Newfoundland has doubled the numbers of its branch of the royal naval +reserve and is sending a body of men to take part in the operations at +the front. From the Dominion and Provincial Governments of Canada large +and welcome gifts of supplies are on their way for the use both of my +naval and military forces and for the relief of the distress in the +United Kingdom which must inevitably follow in the wake of war. All +parts of my oversea dominions have thus demonstrated in the most +unmistakable manner the fundamental unity of the empire amid all its +diversity of situation and circumstance.</p> + +<p><b>Message to India.</b></p> + +<p>To the Princes and peoples of my Indian Empire: Among the many incidents +that have marked the unanimous uprising of the populations of my empire +in defense of its unity and integrity, nothing has moved me more than +the passionate devotion to my throne expressed both by my Indian +subjects and by the Feudatory Princes and the ruling chiefs of India, +and their prodigal offers of their lives and their resources in the +cause of the realm. Their one-voiced demand to be foremost in the +conflict has touched my heart, and has inspired to the highest issues +the love and devotion which, as I well know, have ever linked my Indian +subjects and myself. I recall to mind India's gracious message to the +British Nation of good-will and fellowship which greeted my return in +February, 1912, after the solemn ceremony of my Coronation Durbar at +Delhi, and I find in this hour of trial a full harvest and a noble +fulfillment of the assurance given by you that the destinies of Great +Britain and India are indissolubly linked.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="MEN_RECRUITED_438000" id="MEN_RECRUITED_438000"></a>438,000 MEN RECRUITED.</h2> + +<p><b>Statements in House of Commons, Sept. 10, by Prime Minister Asquith and +Bonar Law.</b></p> + +<p>The House went into Committee of Supply, Mr. Whitley in the chair.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>On the question that an additional number of land forces not +exceeding 500,000 of all ranks be maintained for the service of the +United Kingdom, in consequence of the war in Europe, for the year +ending March 31, 1915.</p></div> + +<p><i>Mr. Asquith</i> (Fife E.) said: The House of Commons voted earlier in the +session, before any outbreak of war was anticipated, under normal +conditions, under Vote A, 186,000-odd men for the regular army. It is +perhaps not necessary to point out, but it may be convenient to put it +on record, that the total number of men under Vote A does not include +either the army reserve, the special reserve, or the territorial forces. +When we come to vote the financial provision under Vote 1 of the army +estimates, which is consequential upon the passing of Vote A, we make +provision not only for the 186,000 men already sanctioned for the +regular army, but also for the army reserve. In the subsequent Votes 3 +and 4 provision is made for the special reserve and territorial force. +The army reserve and the special reserve are not called upon to serve +until, under regular constitutional machinery, consequent upon the +outbreak or imminence of war, they are summoned to do so. It may be +convenient to the committee to know that at the time when war broke out +and when the reserves were called to the colors the state of things was +this: Parliament had voted 186,000-odd men—call it roughly 200,000. The +army reserve and the special reserve then became available as part of +the regular forces of the country, amounting also roughly to another +200,000 men. That <span class="pagenum">[pg 300]</span>was altogether 400,000 men. On Aug. 6, after +war had been declared, I made a motion in committee which was assented +to in committee and by the House on report, for the addition of 500,000 +men to the regular forces. These 500,000 men, assuming them all to have +been raised, would, in addition to the 400,000 I have just mentioned, +amount to a total of 900,000 men. I think it will be interesting to the +committee before I state the reasons for which I am going to ask them to +make this further vote to know what has actually happened in consequence +of the vote of Aug. 6.</p> + +<p><b>Enlistments Since the War.</b></p> + +<p>The number of recruits who have enlisted in the army since the +declaration of war—that is, exclusive of those who have joined the +territorial force—is 438,000, [cheers,] practically 439,000. That is up +to the evening of Sept. 9. The committee will therefore see that, having +sanctioned, as it did, very little more than a month ago, the addition +to the regular forces of the Crown of half a million of men, we are now +within some 60,000 of having attained that total. The numbers enlisted +in London since Sunday, Aug. 30, have exceeded 30,000 men, and the stamp +and character of the recruits has been in every way satisfactory and +gratifying. [Cheers.] The high-water mark was reached on Sept. 3, when +the total recruits enlisted in the United Kingdom on one day was 33,204. +[Cheers.] I may mention—I am sure it will be gratifying to honorable +members on both sides who represent Lancashire constituencies—that on +that day 2,151 men were enlisted in Manchester alone. That is a very +satisfactory result, but it by no means exhausts the requirements of the +case. The response to the call for recruits has been in every way +gratifying. But I am aware, not only from a discussion that took place +in the House yesterday, but from communications which reached us from +various parts of the country, that there are complaints of grievances, +causing legitimate or otherwise deeply felt dissatisfaction at the +manner in which some parts—I say advisedly only some parts—of this +operation of recruiting have been conducted. I should like the +committee to realize what were the conditions of the case. ["Hear, +hear!"]</p> + +<p><b>A Year's Recruits in a Day.</b></p> + +<p>We have been recruiting during the last ten days every day substantially +the same number of recruits that in past years we have recruited in +every year. [Cheers.] I suppose our annual recruiting amounts to about +35,000 men for the regular army. As I pointed out a moment ago, on Sept. +3 we recruited 33,200 men. No machinery in the world which man has ever +contrived or conceived could suddenly meet in an emergency and under +great pressure the difficulty of bringing in to the colors and making +adequate provision in a day for that in which past experience we only +had to provide for in the course of a year, and that, be it observed, by +a department which during the whole of this time has been engaged in +superintending and executing an operation I believe unexampled in the +history of war—the dispatch to a foreign country of an expeditionary +force—I will not give the exact number, but roughly 150,000 men, which +has had to be, as the committee I am sure is well aware, in consequence +of the necessary and regrettable losses caused by the operations of war, +constantly repaired by reinforcements of men, guns, supplies, transport, +and every other form of warlike material. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>War Office's Double Task.</b></p> + +<p>If our critics—I do not complain of legitimate criticism even at times +like this—but if they will try to imagine themselves equipped with the +machinery which was possessed by the War Office at the time the war +broke out, and then consider that side by side with the smooth, +frictionless, and most successful dispatch of the expeditionary force +[cheers] which left these shores and arrived at its destination—I am +speaking the literal truth—without the loss of a horse or a man, +[cheers,] the wastage day by day and week by week has had to be repaired +in men and in material, repaired often at a moment's notice, and it has +been necessary to keep constantly <span class="pagenum">[pg 301]</span>in reserve, and not only in +reserve, but ready for immediate use, the material to replace further +wastage as days and weeks rolled on—if you remember that that was the +primary call on the War Office, and that side by side with that they had +to provide for recruits in these few weeks of no less than 430,000 men, +he will be a very censorious, and, I venture to say, a very unpatriotic, +critic who would make much of small difficulties and friction and who +would not recognize that in a great emergency this department has played +a worthy part. [Cheers.] My tenure at the War Office was a brief one, +but no one who has ever had the honor to preside over that department +can possibly exaggerate the degree of efficiency to which it has been +brought under the administration of recent years. Everything, as the +experience of this war has shown, was foreseen and provided for in +advance with the single exception of the necessity of this enormous +increase in our regular forces.</p> + +<p><b>Steps for Dealing with Recruits</b>.</p> + +<p>What provision has been made for dealing with this influx of recruits? +In the first place, and I think very wisely, my noble friend the +Secretary of State for War appealed for the assistance of the county +associations, which rendered such great and patriotic services in +connection with the territorial forces. The great bulk of these county +associations have responded to the call and enormously facilitated the +work of providing for this large body of new recruits. Next, he, in +conjunction with his advisers, has largely multiplied, and is continuing +to multiply, the various training centres. There has +been—unfortunately, no one can deny that there has been—a congestion +of men ready and willing to recruit and actually enlisting at particular +places which has produced, for the moment at any rate, a certain amount +of discomfort and a certain amount of difficulty in the provision of +food and all the other requirements of such a body. But in that +connection I should like, although I think the difficulty is now being +almost got over, to make an appeal strongly to local +authorities—county councils, town councils, urban and rural district +councils—that when a situation of this kind arises in consequence of a +national necessity they should show themselves—and I am sure they are +most willing to do so—not only zealous, but able to provide +accommodation for the moment in the public buildings which are under +their charge. I think a great deal of the congestion which has taken +place could have been avoided if more liberal use had been made, and +could be made—I am not reproaching any one: the circumstances were +exceptional and the pressure very great on our public buildings, our +town halls, schools, and the other edifices which are under the control +of municipal and county authorities for the purpose, at any rate at the +moment, of relieving the great pressure of recruiting, and I am quite +sure that appeal will not go unheeded. But we recognize fully, and no +one more fully than my noble friend Lord Kitchener, the necessity of +facilitating this process and rendering it more easy. We do not think +the time has come in which we ought in any way to relax our recruiting +efforts, [cheers,] and when people tell me, as they do every day, "These +recruits are coming in in their tens of thousands; you are being blocked +by them and you cannot provide adequately either for their equipment or +for their training," my answer is, "We shall want more rather than less, +and let us get the men," [Cheers.] That is the first necessity of the +State—let us get the men. Knowing as we all do the patriotic spirit +which now, as always—now, of course, with increased emphasis and +enthusiasm—animates every class of the community, I am perfectly +certain they will be ready to endure hardship and discomforts for the +moment if they are satisfied that their services are really required by +the State, and that in due course of time they will be supplied with +adequate provision for training and equipment and for rendering +themselves fit for taking their places in the field.</p> + +<p><b>Two Important Steps.</b></p> + +<p>With that object a few days ago—and <span class="pagenum">[pg 302]</span>the process is now in +complete operation—a very important step was taken which I am sure will +be generally welcomed by the committee and by the country—whenever it +is necessary to allow men who are recruited and have gone through the +process of attestation, medical examination, and actual enrollment, so +that they are not only potential but actual members of the regular +army—to allow these men to go back to their own homes until the +occasion arises for them to be called upon for actual training. In that +way we hope to relieve—indeed relief has already been given and will be +given more amply in the near future—the undoubted block and congestion +which have taken place in certain districts to the natural +disappointment of the men who have come forward under an impulse of +public duty to serve their country and, finding themselves sent back +home and put for the time being in the reserve, have felt perhaps that +their services were not duly appreciated by the country. That, I think, +the committee will agree is a very important step in advance. I have to +announce another step which I believe will give universal satisfaction +and will go a long way to solve the practical difficulty, such as it is. +We propose from today that there shall be given to those recruits for +whom we are unable to find accommodation for the time being 3s. per day. +[Cheers.] This is not an extravagant proposal, or anything in the nature +of a bribe. A shilling a day is their pay. [An Honorable Member—1s. +3d.] I am speaking in round figures; we will call it a shilling. Then if +we take the value of what we may roughly call the board and lodging of a +soldier receiving 1s. a day when accommodated in barracks and price that +at 2s., I do not think you are putting it extravagantly high. We think +that these men who have come forward to join the colors and have been +actually enrolled, and are, in fact, members of the regular army, for +whom we cannot make immediate provision by way of accommodation, should +be no worse off than they would be if they were actually in barracks. I +believe the provision of that 3s. a day for these men will put them in +a position in which they are entitled to say that they have not been +prejudiced or penalized by their patriotic desires.</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Lawson</i> (Mile End, Opp.)—And their return railway fares?</p> + +<p><i>An Honorable Member</i>—And their separation allowances?</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Asquith</i>—The separation allowance does not begin, but as the +honorable member has interjected that phrase I will add—because +honorable members generally have been very good in not pressing us in +regard to the separation allowances to soldiers who are actually +serving—that that matter is receiving our daily and constant +consideration, and I hope before the session comes to an end to be able +to make a further announcement. But it does not arise with regard to +this vote. Having made that defense, if defense were needed—I do not +think it was—having made that statement of what has actually been done +by the War Office in these very anxious days, and also having indicated +that in those two important respects we are endeavoring to facilitate +the process of recruitment and to remove any possibility of hardship, +either to the individual recruit or to recruits collectively, I hope the +committee will agree to pass a vote for another 500,000 men. I am +perfectly certain if they do so the response will be no less keen—keen +in spirit—and no less ample in scale than it has been in the days which +have just gone by.</p> + + +<p><b>An Army of 1,200,000.</b></p> + + +<p>We shall then be in a position, as is apparent from the figures I have +already read, to put something like—I am not giving exact +figures—something like 1,200,000 men in the field.</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Long</i> (Strand)—Does that include the Indians?</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Asquith</i>—No, it is entirely exclusive of them. This is the +provision made by the mother country. And of course it is exclusive of +the territorials.</p> + +<p><i>Mr. F. Hall</i>—And of the national reserve?</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Asquith</i>—Exclusive of the territorials, exclusive of the national +reserve, <span class="pagenum">[pg 303]</span>and exclusive of the magnificent contributions +promised from India and from our dominions, we here in these islands, +this mother country, will be in a position to put into the field, +enrolled as our regular army, something like 1,200,000 men. That is an +effort which it is worth while making great sacrifices to attain. As +regards money, I am perfectly certain that this House will be ready, +willing, and even eager to grant it, if and when the occasion arises. +What we want now is to make it clear, to those who are showing all over +the kingdom this patriotic desire to assist their country in one of the +most supreme and momentous crises in the whole of its long history, that +they are not going to be treated either in a niggardly or +unaccommodating spirit; but that they are going to be welcomed and that +every possible provision is going to be made for their comfort and +well-being, so that under the best possible conditions they will take +their place and play their part in that magnificent army of ours which, +as every one who has read the moving dispatch Sir John French [cheers] +published this morning, will realize has never done its work better, +never shown itself more worthy of long centuries of splendid tradition +than in the last fortnight. [Cheers.] I ask the House to pass this vote +for 500,000 men.</p> + +<p><b>Bonar Law's Support.</b></p> + +<p><i>Mr. Bonar Law</i>—The right honorable gentleman in the statement he has +just made has left me nothing to say except to express our hearty +support of all the measures which the Government are taking in this +crisis. From the point of view of the Government and of this House we +welcome the putting down of this vote as showing that both the +Government and the House of Commons are determined, whatever the cost, +whatever the sacrifice, to see this thing through. [Cheers.] I agree +entirely with the words which I heard the Prime Minister use in another +place the other day, that in what has taken place so far we have every +ground for encouragement and every reason for pride in what is being +done by our troops. I agree entirely with what the Prime Minister has +said about the action of our soldiers on the field of battle. It does +not surprise us. We knew that the old spirit was there still. But I +think it has to some extent at least surprised our enemies. But while we +have reason to be gratified by the action which the Government has taken +and which this House has supported them in taking, I think as a nation +we have quite as much reason to be proud of the spirit which is shown by +our countrymen in rushing to the standard as we have even in what has +been done by our soldiers on the field of battle. I never sympathized +with—I always resented—the view expressed at one time that our +citizens were holding back. There was no justification for it. [Cheers.] +At the outset they did not realize what it meant, but the moment they +did realize it they have shown that they are prepared to do their share +to fight the battles of their country. I am not going to say anything +about the difficulties in connection with recruiting this great force to +which the Prime Minister has referred. No one could have doubted that +difficulties of that kind would arise and that hardships would occur. +Criticism, I am sure, is not deprecated by the right honorable +gentleman, and ought not to be, if it is framed entirely with this +view—to make sure that everything that can be done is being done to +minimize the hardships and difficulties with which the authorities were +confronted. As the Prime Minister said, the machine was not framed to +deal with an emergency like this. No one could expect it to deal with it +smoothly. But we have a right to expect that the difficulties are +understood at the War Office, and we have the right also to ask that +since they cannot be met by the central machine, every effort should be +made in the direction of devolution, and that the difficulties shall be +met where they locally arise. I am sure it is a satisfaction to the +House, as it was to me, to find that before the discussion arose +yesterday not only had Lord Kitchener realized the difficulties, but +that he had taken every step possible to meet them, and that the <span class="pagenum">[pg +304]</span>step which he did take was in the direction, which we all feel is a +wise one, of putting the responsibility on those at a distance from the +War Office and expecting them to bear it. Many of us have been asked to +take part in helping the recruiting. When I was asked to join in this I +had in my mind the feeling to which I gave expression the other day, +that I was not satisfied that too much sacrifice was not being required +from those who are going to fight our battles and that a full share of +sacrifice was being borne by those who remain behind. Nothing could be +more unfair than that this country should expect all the sacrifice to +come from the men who are actually going to risk their lives in our +behalf. [Cheers.] We know with what splendid spirit they are coming +forward. I suppose every member of the House could give instances that +would surprise us all. Perhaps it would interest the House if I give +one. The son of a friend of mine, who is well off, had been writing to +the War Office, taking every step to try to be accepted in order to +fight. He was a partner in a big business in Glasgow and with splendid +prospects; he threw them all up. He came and hung about the doors of the +War Office as if he was seeking some fat job, when all he wanted was to +be placed, not as an officer, but as a private, in one of the most +dangerous branches of the service. [Cheers.] That is a spirit which is +universal. I do not say in what way further provision should be made, +but I am sure the House welcomes the statement of the Prime Minister +that the Government are going to reconsider the whole question of +separation allowances for the families of the men and for the pensions. +I am sure I am expressing the view not of our own party, but of the +whole House, when I say that the country realizes that when these men +risk their lives for us they are making a big enough sacrifice, and that +the country will be glad that in every way every possible generosity at +the expense of those who remain behind should be extended to those who +go out to fight. [Cheers.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="EARL_KITCHENERS_SPEECH_ON_RECRUITS" id="EARL_KITCHENERS_SPEECH_ON_RECRUITS"></a>EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS</h2> + + +<p><b>Delivered in the House of Lords, Sept. 17.</b></p> + +<p>Your lordships will expect that some statement should be made by me on +the general military situation before the session ends, and I will, +therefore, endeavor as briefly as possible to supplement the remarks +which I had the honor to address to your lordships' House three weeks +ago.</p> + +<p>I need not retell the story of the British expeditionary force in +France, which has been read and appreciated by us all in Sir John +French's dispatch. The quiet restraint of his account of their +achievements only brings into relief the qualities which enabled our +troops successfully to carry out the most difficult of all military +operations. There is, however, one aspect of this feat of arms upon +which the dispatch is naturally silent. I refer to the consummate skill +and calm courage of the Commander in Chief himself, [cheers,] in the +conduct of this strategic withdrawal in the face of vastly superior +forces. His Majesty's Government appreciate to the full the value of the +service which Sir John French has rendered to this country and to the +cause of the Allies, and I may perhaps be permitted here and now, on +their behalf, to pay a tribute to his leadership, as well as to the +marked ability of the Generals under his command, and the bravery and +endurance of the officers and men of the expeditionary force.</p> + +<p><b>The German Retirement.</b></p> + +<p>As your lordships are aware the tide has now turned, and for some days +past we have received the gratifying intelligence of the forced +retirement of the German armies. The latest news from Sir John French +does not materially change the published statement describing the +military situation. In his telegram Sir John reports that the troops are +all in good heart and are ready to move forward when the moment arrives. +The gallant French armies, with whom we are so proud to be co-operating, +will receive every support from our troops in <span class="pagenum">[pg 305]</span>their desire +effectually to clear their country of the invading foe, and the +undaunted and vigilant activity of the Belgian Army in the north +materially conduces to this end. I would also like to take this +opportunity of offering our respectful congratulations to Russia upon +the conspicuous successes which have added fresh lustre to her arms. +Although, therefore, we have good grounds for quiet confidence, it is +only right that we should remind ourselves that the struggle is bound to +be a long one, and that it behooves us strenuously to prosecute our +labors in developing our armed forces to carry on and bring to a +successful issue the mighty conflict in which we are engaged.</p> + +<p><b>Troops in the Field.</b></p> + +<p>There are now in the field rather more than six divisions of British +troops and two cavalry divisions. These are being, and will be, +maintained at full strength by a steady flow of reinforcements. To meet +the wastage of war in this field force our reserve units are available. +To augment the expeditionary force further regular divisions and +additional cavalry are now being organized from units withdrawn from +oversea garrisons, whose places, where necessary, will be taken by +territorial troops, who, with fine patriotism, have volunteered to +exchange a home for an imperial service obligation. On their way from +India are certain divisions from the Indian Army, composed of highly +trained and very efficient troops, and a body of cavalry, including +regiments of historic fame. The dominions beyond the seas are sending us +freely of their best. Several divisions will be available, formed of men +who have been locally trained in the light of the experience of the +South African war, and, in the case of Australia and New Zealand, under +the system of general national training introduced a few years ago.</p> + +<p><b>The Call to Arms.</b></p> + +<p>In the response to the call for recruits for the new armies which it is +considered necessary to raise we have had a most remarkable +demonstration of the energy and patriotism of the young men of this +country. We propose to organize this splendid material into four new +armies, and, although it takes time to train an army, the zeal and +good-will displayed will greatly simplify our task. If some of those who +have so readily come forward have suffered inconvenience, they will not, +I am sure, allow their ardor to be damped. They will reflect that the +War Office has had in a day to deal with as many recruits as were +usually forthcoming in twelve months. No effort is being spared to meet +the influx of soldiers, and the War Office will do its utmost to look +after them and give them the efficient training necessary to enable them +to join their comrades in the field. The divisions of the first two +armies are now collected at our training centres; the third army is +being formed on new camping grounds; the fourth army is being created by +adding to the establishment of the reserve battalions, from which the +units will be detached and organized similarly to the other three +armies. The whole of the special reserve and extra special reserve units +will be maintained at their full establishments as feeders to the +expeditionary force. In addition to the four new armies a considerable +number of what may be designated local battalions have been specially +raised by the public-spirited initiative of cities, towns, or +individuals. Several more are in course of formation, and I have +received many offers of this character. The territorial force is making +great strides in efficiency and will before many months be ready to take +a share in the campaign. This force is proving its military value to the +empire by the willing subordination of personal feelings to the public +good in the acceptance of whatever duty may be assigned to it in any +portion of the empire. A division has already left for Egypt, a brigade +for Malta, and a garrison for Gibraltar. The soldierlike qualities +evinced by the force are an assurance to the Government that they may +count to the full upon its readiness to play its part wherever the +exigencies of the military situation may demand. Nor must I omit to +refer to the assistance which we shall receive from the <span class="pagenum">[pg +306]</span>division of the gallant royal marines and bluejackets now being +organized by my right honorable friend the First Lord of the Admiralty; +their presence in the field will be very welcome, for their fighting +qualities are well known.</p> + +<p><b>The Supply of Officers.</b></p> + +<p>The creation of the new armies referred to is fraught with considerable +difficulties, one of which is the provision of regimental officers. I +hope the problem of supplying officers may be solved by the large +numbers coming forward to fill vacancies, and by promotions from the +non-commissioned officer ranks of the regular forces. In a country which +prides itself on its skill in and love of outdoor sports, we ought to be +able to find sufficient young men who will train and qualify as officers +under the guidance of the nucleus of trained officers which we are able +to provide from India and elsewhere. If any retired officer competent to +train troops has not yet applied or has not received an answer to a +previous application, I hope he will communicate with me at the War +Office in writing. But our chief difficulty is one of material rather +than personnel. It would not be in the public interest that I should +refer in greater detail to this question, beyond saying that strenuous +endeavors are being made to cope with the unprecedented situation, and +that, thanks to the public spirit of all grades in the various +industries affected to whom we have appealed to co-operate with us, and +who are devoting all their energy to the task, our requirements will, I +feel sure, be met with all possible speed.</p> + +<p>I am confident that by the Spring we shall have ready to take the field +armies which will be well trained and will prove themselves formidable +opponents to the enemy. The Government fully recognize the fine spirit +which animates those who have come forward to fight for their country, +and will spare no effort to secure that everything is done that can be +done to enable them worthily to contribute to the ultimate success of +our arms. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>The Secretary of State for War concluded his speech by giving details +of the increase in the separation allowances made to wives of soldiers, +both regular and territorial, which Mr. Asquith had announced in the +House of Commons.</p> + +<p><b>Tribute of the Opposition.</b></p> + +<p><i>The Marquess of Lansdowne</i>—I feel that it would be almost impertinent +on my part to say a word after the extraordinarily interesting statement +to which we have just listened. But I should be sorry if complete +silence on our part lent itself to the interpretation that we are +indifferent to the great topics which the Secretary of State for War has +dealt with in his speech. May we be permitted to say that we regard with +the profoundest admiration and gratitude what the noble Field Marshal +described as the great feat of arms which has been accomplished by the +British force since its arrival at the seat of war, and to add also that +we share the feelings which the noble and gallant lord has expressed +with regard to the immense services rendered by Sir John French to this +country, services which he, of course, could not bear witness to in the +dispatch he sent home? [Cheers.] There are only two other remarks which, +with great deference, I would venture to make. One has reference to the +noble and gallant lord's statement in regard to the response made to his +appeal to the country for recruits. That response has been memorable and +admirable and, considering the immense influx of recruits which have +come in, we can scarcely be surprised that in the early days the strain +should have been rather greater than either the War Office or the local +authorities were able to cope with. But we have every reason to believe +that that has been corrected, and I have no doubt that all will now go +smoothly and well. We have all heard with the greatest satisfaction the +announcement that the separation allowances to the wives of regulars and +territorials are to be considerably increased. ["Hear, hear!"] +Considering what our soldiers are doing for us at the seat of war, the +least we can do is to provide liberally for the relatives whom they have +left behind in this country. [Cheers.]</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<h2><a name="PARLIAMENT_PROROGUED" id="PARLIAMENT_PROROGUED"></a>PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 307]</span><b>Speech by King George V. Read Before Both Houses, Sept. 18.</b></p> + + +<p>The Lord Chancellor read the King's speech, which was in the following +terms:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>My Lords and Gentlemen: I address you in circumstances that call +for action rather than for speech.</p> + +<p>After every endeavor had been made by my Government to preserve the +peace of the world, I was compelled, in the assertion of treaty +obligations deliberately set at nought, and for the protection of +the public law of Europe and the vital interests of my empire, to +go to war.</p> + +<p>My navy and army have, with unceasing vigilance, courage, and +skill, sustained, in association with gallant and faithful allies, +a just and righteous cause.</p> + +<p>From every part of my empire there has been a spontaneous and +enthusiastic rally to our common flag.</p> + +<p>Gentlemen of the House of Commons: I thank you for the liberality +with which you have met a great emergency.</p> + +<p>My Lords and Gentlemen: We are fighting for a worthy purpose, and +we shall not lay down our arms until that purpose has been fully +achieved.</p> + +<p>I rely with confidence upon the loyal and united efforts of all my +subjects, and I pray that Almighty God may give us His blessing.</p></div> + +<p>Then a commission for proroguing the Parliament was read, after which +the Lord Chancellor said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>My Lords and Gentlemen: By virtue of his Majesty's commission, +under the great seal, to us and other lords directed, and now read, +we do, in his Majesty's name and in obedience to his commands, +prorogue this Parliament to Tuesday the twenty-seventh day of +October, one thousand nine hundred and fourteen, to be then here +holden; and this Parliament is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the +twenty-seventh day of October, one thousand nine hundred and +fourteen.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + + + +<h1><a name="Summons_of_the_Nation_to_Arms" id="Summons_of_the_Nation_to_Arms"></a>Summons of the Nation to Arms</h1> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><b>British People Roused by Their Leaders.</b></p> + + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 308]</span><b>Earl Curzon of Kedleston Suggests Holding of Public Meetings.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Hackwood, Basingstoke, Aug. 27.</p> + +<p><i>To the Editor of The Times:</i></p> + +<p>Sir: Many of us are wondering what we can do to serve our country +in this crisis. We sit on local or on larger committees. We +attempt, within the narrow range of our influence, to gain +recruits, we organize relief, we help to provide or furnish +hospitals, we subscribe both to the national and to private funds; +and, apart from this, we go about our ordinary duties with as much +composure as we can, wondering where, when, and how it will be open +to us who are no longer young and cannot bear arms, but have +perhaps had some experience of affairs, to render more effective +aid.</p> + +<p>Does not a path lie open to the class of so-called "public men," +and does not the very name which is given to them indicate the +nature of this duty? Surely it is to place themselves at the +disposal of the public. The two great needs of the moment are more +men—hundreds of thousands more men—for the army, and a clearer +understanding by the masses of the population, not merely of the +justice of our cause, but of the supreme issues, both for our own +country and for the whole empire, that are involved.</p> + +<p>No one would propose that jingo speeches should be shouted from +public platforms, or that an attempt should be made to inflame +crude or unworthy passions. But the man who, when his country is +engaged in a righteous war and is fighting for her existence, +preaches the cause of that war is not a jingo; and the passions to +which he appeals are not unworthy, but are the noblest of which +human nature is capable.</p> + +<p>I wish, therefore, to say that if the Government, with whom the +initiative must primarily lie—since no one would wish to do +anything that is contrary to their conception of sound +policy—desire that public meetings should be held in our great +centres of population, to explain the cause and circumstances of +the war, and the duty that lies upon the manhood of the nation, I +and, I am convinced, many others are ready to throw ourselves into +the task.</p> + +<p>I have told the Prime Minister that I would be proud to appear on a +public platform with any member of the Government to state or +defend a case in which party is dead and where we are all united. I +doubt not that if they are required many others will be willing to +do the same. We have no desire to deluge the country with a flood +of noisy rhetoric, or to start a miniature electioneering campaign. +But if in any great city where recruiting is slow or the issues are +not apprehended, or the public conscience is not quick to respond +to the national summons, I, or any of those who share my views, can +be of any service on the platform I am sure that we are willing to +respond and that we shall welcome any organization that may be set +on foot for the purpose. I am, yours obediently,</p> + +<p class="author">CURZON OF KEDLESTON.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="PRIME_MINISTERS_LETTER" id="PRIME_MINISTERS_LETTER"></a>PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER.</h2> + + +<p><b>Addressed to the Lord Mayor of London, the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, +the Lord Mayor of Dublin, and the Lord Mayor of Cardiff.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p>My Lords: The time has come for combined effort to stimulate and +organize public opinion and public effort in the greatest conflict in +which our people has ever been engaged.</p> + +<p>No one who can contribute anything to the accomplishment of this +supremely <span class="pagenum">[pg 309]</span>urgent task is justified in standing aside.</p> + +<p>I propose, as a first step, that meetings should be held without delay, +not only in our great centres of population and industry, but in every +district, urban and rural, throughout the United Kingdom, at which the +justice of our cause should be made plain, and the duty of every man to +do his part should be enforced.</p> + +<p>I venture to suggest to your lordships that the four principal cities +over which you respectively preside should lead the way.</p> + +<p>I am ready myself, so far as the exigencies of public duty permit, to +render such help as I can, and I should be glad, with that object, to +address my fellow-subjects in your cities.</p> + +<p>I have reason to know that I can count upon the co-operation of the +leaders of every section of organized political opinion. Your faithful +servant,</p> + +<p class="author">H.H. ASQUITH.</p> + +<p>28th August, 1914.</p> +</div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="MR_ASQUITH_IN_LONDON" id="MR_ASQUITH_IN_LONDON"></a>MR. ASQUITH IN LONDON.</h2> + + +<p><b>Speech at the Guildhall, Sept. 5.</b></p> + +<p>My Lord Mayor and Citizens of London: It is three and a half years since +I last had the honor of addressing in this hall a gathering of the +citizens. We were then met under the Presidency of one of your +predecessors, men of all creeds and parties, to celebrate and approve +the joint declaration of the two great English-speaking States that for +the future any differences between them should be settled, if not by +agreement, at least by judicial inquiry and arbitration, and never in +any circumstances by war. [Cheers.] Those of us who hailed that great +Eirenicon between the United States and ourselves as a landmark on the +road of progress were not sanguine enough to think, or even to hope, +that the era of war was drawing to a close. But still less were we +prepared to anticipate the terrible spectacle which now confronts us of +a contest which for the number and importance of the powers engaged, the +scale of their armaments and armies, the width of the theatre of +conflict, the outpouring of blood and the loss of life, the incalculable +toll of suffering levied upon non-combatants, the material and moral +loss accumulating day by day to the higher interests of civilized +mankind—a contest which in every one of these aspects is without +precedent in the annals of the world. ["Hear, hear!"] We were very +confident three years ago in the rightness of our position, when we +welcomed the new securities for peace. We are equally confident in it +today, when reluctantly, and against our will, but with a clear judgment +and a clean conscience, [cheers,] we find ourselves involved with the +whole strength of this empire in a bloody arbitration between might and +right [Cheers.] The issue has passed out of the domain of argument into +another field, but let me ask you, and through you the world outside, +what would have been our condition as a nation today if we had been base +enough through timidity or through perverted calculation of +self-interest, or through a paralysis of the sense of honor and duty, +[cheers,] if we had been base enough to be false to our word and +faithless to our friends?</p> + +<p><b>Blind Barbarian Vengeance.</b></p> + +<p>Our eyes would have been turned at this moment with those of the whole +civilized world to Belgium, a small State, which has lived for more than +seventy years under the several and collective guarantee to which we in +common with Prussia and Austria were parties, and we should have seen at +the instance and by the action of two of these guaranteeing powers her +neutrality violated, her independence strangled, her territory made use +of as affording the easiest and the most convenient road to a war of +unprovoked aggression against France. We, the British people, would at +this moment have been standing by with folded arms and with such +countenance as we could command while this small and unprotected State, +in defense of her vital liberties, made a heroic stand against +overweening and overwhelming force; we should have been admiring as +detached spectators the siege of Liége, the steady and manful resistance +of a <span class="pagenum">[pg 310]</span>small army to the occupation of their capital, with its +splendid traditions and memories, the gradual forcing back of the +patriotic defenders of their native land to the ramparts of Antwerp, +countless outrages inflicted by buccaneering levies exacted from the +unoffending civil population, and, finally, the greatest crime committed +against civilization and culture since the Thirty Years' War, the sack +of Louvain, [cries of "Shame!"] with its buildings, its pictures, its +unique library, its unrivaled associations—a shameless holocaust of +irreparable treasures lit up by blind barbarian vengeance. [Prolonged +cheers.] What account should we, the Government and the people of this +country, have been able to render to the tribunal of our national +conscience and sense of honor if, in defiance of our plighted and solemn +obligations, we had endured, nay, if we had not done our best to +prevent, yes, and to avenge, [renewed cheers,] these intolerable +outrages? For my part I say that sooner than be a silent witness—which +means in effect a willing accomplice—of this tragic triumph of force +over law and of brutality over freedom, I would see this country of ours +blotted out of the pages of history. [Prolonged cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Germany's Aim—to Crush Freedom.</b></p> + +<p>That is only a phase—a lurid and illuminating phase in the contest in +which we have been called by the mandate of duty and of honor to bear +our part. The cynical violation of the neutrality of Belgium was, after +all, but a step—the first step—in a deliberate policy of which, if not +the immediate, the ultimate, and the not far distant aim, was to crush +the independence and autonomy of the free States of Europe. First +Belgium, then Holland, then Switzerland, countries, like our own, imbued +and sustained with the spirit of liberty, were one after another to be +bent to the yoke, and these ambitions were fed and fostered by a body of +new doctrines and new philosophies preached by professors and learned +men. The free and full self-development which to these small States, to +ourselves, to our great and growing dominions over the seas, to our +kinsmen across the Atlantic, is the well-spring and life-breath of +national existence—that free self-development is the one capital +offense in the code of those who have made force their supreme divinity, +and who upon its altars are prepared to sacrifice both the gathered +fruits and the potential germs of the unfettered human spirit. [Cheers.] +I use this language advisedly. This is not merely a material; it is also +a spiritual conflict. [Cheers.] Upon its issues everything that contains +promise and hope, that leads to emancipation and a fuller liberty for +the millions who make up the mass of mankind will be found sooner or +later to depend.</p> + +<p><b>Our Efforts for Peace.</b></p> + +<p>Let me now just for a moment turn to the actual situation in Europe. How +do we stand? For the last ten years, by what I believe to be happy and +well-considered diplomatic arrangements, we have established friendly +and increasingly intimate relations with the two powers, France and +Russia, with whom, in days gone by, we have had in various parts of the +world occasions for constant friction, and now and again for possible +conflict. Those new and better relations, based in the first instance +upon business principles of give and take, matured into a settled temper +of confidence and good-will. They were never in any sense or at any +time, as I have frequently said in this hall, directed against other +powers. No man in the history of the world has ever labored more +strenuously or more successfully than my right honorable friend Sir +Edward Grey [cheers] for that which is the supreme interest of the +modern world, a general and abiding peace. It is, I venture to think, a +very superficial criticism which suggests that under his guidance the +policy of this country has ignored, still less that it has counteracted +and hampered, the concert of Europe. It is little more than a year ago +that under his Presidency, in the stress and strain of the Balkan +crisis, the Ambassadors of all the great powers met here day after day +curtailing the area of possible differences, reconciling warring +ambitions and aims, and preserving <span class="pagenum">[pg 311]</span>against almost incalculable +odds the general harmony. And it was in the same spirit and with the +same purpose, when a few weeks ago Austria delivered her ultimatum to +Servia, that our Foreign Secretary put forward the proposal for a +mediating conference between the four powers who were not directly +concerned—Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves. If that proposal had +been accepted actual controversy would have been settled with honor to +everybody, and the whole of this terrible welter would have been +avoided. ["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p><b>Germany's Responsibility.</b></p> + +<p>And with whom does the responsibility rest [cries of "The Kaiser!"] for +this refusal and for all the illimitable suffering which now confronts +the world? One power and one power only, and that power—Germany. [Loud +hisses.] That is the fount and origin of this worldwide catastrophe. We +are persevering to the end. No one who has not been confronted as we +were with the responsibility of determining the issues of peace and war +can realize the strength and energy and persistency with which we +labored for peace. We persevered by every expedient that diplomacy could +suggest, straining almost to the breaking point our most cherished +friendships and obligations, even to the last making effort upon effort, +and hoping against hope. Then, and only then, when we were at last +compelled to realize that the choice lay between honor and dishonor, +between treachery and good faith, when at last we reached the dividing +line which makes or mars a nation worthy of the name, it was then, and +then only, that we declared for war. [Cheers.] Is there any one in this +hall or in this United Kingdom or in the vast empire of which we here +stand in the capital and centre who blames or repents our decision? +[Cries of "No!"] For these reasons, as I believe, we must steel +ourselves to the task, and in the spirit which animated our forefathers +in their struggle against the domination of Napoleon we must and we +shall persevere to the end. [Cheers.]</p> + + + + +<p><b>Memorable and Glorious Example of Belgium.</b></p> + +<p>It would be a criminal mistake to underestimate either the magnitude, +the fighting quality, or the staying power of the forces which are +arrayed against us. But it would be equally foolish and equally +indefensible to belittle our own resources, whether for resistance or +attack. [Cheers.] Belgium has shown us by a memorable and a glorious +example what can be done by a relatively small State when its citizens +are animated and fired by the spirit of patriotism. In France and Russia +we have as allies two of the greatest powers of the world engaged with +us in a common cause, who do not mean to separate themselves from us any +more than we mean to separate ourselves from them. [Cheers.] We have +upon the seas the strongest and most magnificent fleet that has ever +been seen. The expeditionary force which left our shores less than a +month ago has never been surpassed, as its glorious achievements in the +field have already made clear, not only in material and equipment but in +the physical and the moral quality of its constituents. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Work of the Navy.</b></p> + +<p>As regards the navy, I am sure my right honorable friend (Mr. Winston +Churchill) will tell you there is happily little more to be done. I do +not flatter it when I say that its superiority is equally marked in +every department and sphere of its activity. [Cheers.] We rely on it +with the most absolute confidence, not only to guard our shores against +the possibility of invasion, not only to seal up the gigantic +battleships of the enemy in the inglorious seclusion of his own ports +[laughter] whence, from time to time, he furtively steals forth to sow +the seeds of murderous snares, which are more full of menace to neutral +ships than to the British fleet. Our navy does all this, and while it is +thirsting, I do not doubt, for that trial of strength in a fair and open +fight, which is so far prudently denied it, it does a great deal more. +It has hunted the German mercantile marine from the high seas. It has +kept <span class="pagenum">[pg 312]</span>open our own sources of food supply and has largely +curtailed those of the enemy, and when the few German cruisers which +still infest the more distant ocean routes have been disposed of, as +they will be disposed of very soon, [cheers,] it will achieve for +British and neutral commerce passing backward and forward, from and to +every part of our empire, a security as complete as it has ever enjoyed +in the days of unbroken peace. Let us honor the memory of the gallant +seamen who, in the pursuit of one or another of these varied and +responsible duties, have already laid down their lives for their +country.</p> + +<p><b>Call for United Effort.</b></p> + +<p>In regard to the army there is call for a new, a continuous, a +determined, and a united effort. For, as the war goes on, we shall have +not merely to replace the wastage caused by casualties, not merely to +maintain our military power at its original level, but we must, if we +are to play a worthy part, enlarge its scale, increase its numbers, and +multiply many times its effectiveness as a fighting instrument. +[Cheers.] The object of the appeal which I have made to you, my Lord +Mayor, and to the other chief Magistrates of our capital cities, is to +impress upon the people of the United Kingdom the imperious urgency of +this supreme duty. Our self-governing dominions throughout the empire, +without any solicitation on our part, have demonstrated with a +spontaneousness and a unanimity unparalleled in history their +determination to affirm their brotherhood with us and to make our cause +their own. [Cheers.] From Canada, from Australia, from New Zealand, from +South Africa, and from Newfoundland the children of the empire assert, +not as an obligation, but as a privilege, their right and their +willingness to contribute money and material, and, what is better than +all, the strength and sinews, the fortunes, and the lives of their best +manhood. [Cheers.] India, too, with no less alacrity, has claimed her +share in the common task. [Cheers.] Every class, and creed, British and +natives, Princes and people, Hindus and Mohammedans, vie with one +another in noble and emulous rivalry. Two divisions of our magnificent +Indian Army are already on their way. [Cheers.] We welcome with +appreciation and affection their proffered aid. In an empire which knows +no distinction of race or cause we all alike as subjects of the +King-Emperor are joint and equal custodians of our common interests and +fortunes. We are here to hail with profound and heartfelt gratitude +their association, side by side and shoulder to shoulder, with our home +and dominion troops, under the flag which is the symbol to all of a +unity that a world in arms cannot dissever or dissolve. With these +inspiring appeals and examples from our fellow-subjects all over the +world, what are we doing and what ought we to do here at home?</p> + +<p><b>Over a Quarter of a Million Men Enrolled.</b></p> + +<p>Mobilization was ordered on the 4th of August; immediately afterward +Lord Kitchener issued his call for 100,000 recruits for the regular +army, which has been followed by a second call for another 100,000. The +response up to today gives us between 250,000 and 300,000. [Cheers.] I +am glad to say that London has done its share. The total number of +Londoners accepted is not less than 42,000. [Cheers.] I need hardly say +that that appeal involves no disparagement or discouragement of the +territorial force. The number of units in that force who have +volunteered for foreign service is most satisfactory and grows every +day. We look to them with confidence to increase their numbers, to +perfect their organization and training, and to play efficiently the +part which has always been assigned to them, both offensive and +defensive, in the military system of the empire. But to go back to the +expansion of the regular army. We want more men—men of the best +fighting quality, and if for a moment the number who offer themselves +and are accepted should prove to be in excess of those who can at once +be adequately trained and equipped, do not let them doubt that prompt +provision will be made for the incorporation of all willing and able +men <span class="pagenum">[pg 313]</span>in the fighting forces of the kingdom. We want, first of +all, men, and we shall endeavor to secure them. Men desiring to serve +together shall, wherever possible, be allotted to the same regiment or +corps. The raising of battalions by counties or municipalities with this +object will be in every way encouraged. But we want not less urgently a +larger supply of ex-non-commissioned officers, and the pick of the men +with whom in past days they served, men, therefore, whom in most cases +we shall be asking to give up regular employment and to return to the +work of the State, which they alone are competent to do. The appeal we +make is addressed quite as much to their employers as to the men +themselves. The men ought to be absolutely assured of reinstatement in +their business at the end of the war. [Cheers.] Finally, there are +numbers of commissioned officers now in retirement who are much +experienced in the handling of troops and have served their country in +the past. Let them come forward, too, and show their willingness, if +need be, to train bodies of men for whom at the moment no cadre or unit +can be found.</p> + +<p><b>Abundant Ground for Pride and Confidence.</b></p> + +<p>I have little more to say. Of the actual progress of the war I will not +say anything, except that in my judgment in whatever direction we look +there is abundant ground for pride and for confidence. [Cheers.] I say +nothing more, because I think we should all bear in mind that we are at +present watching the fluctuations of fortune only in the early stages of +what is going to be a protracted struggle. We must learn to take long +views, and to cultivate, above all, other faculties—those of patience, +endurance, and steadfastness. Meanwhile, let us go, each of us, to his +or her appropriate place in the great common task. Never had a people +more or richer sources of encouragement and inspiration. Let us realize, +first of all, that we are fighting as a united empire, in a cause worthy +of the highest traditions of our race. Let us keep in mind the patient +and indomitable seamen, who never relax for a moment, night or day, +their stern vigil of the lonely sea. Let us keep in mind our gallant +troops, who today, after a fortnight's continuous fighting under +conditions which would try the metal of the best army that ever took the +field, maintain not only an undefeated but an unbroken front. [Cheers.] +Finally, let us recall the memories of the great men and the great deeds +of the past, commemorated, some of them, in the monuments which we see +around us on these walls, not forgetting the dying message of the +younger Pitt, his last public utterance, made at the table of one of +your predecessors, my Lord Mayor, in this very hall: "England has saved +herself by her exertions, and will, as I trust, save Europe by her +example." The England of those days gave a noble answer to his appeal, +and did not sheath the sword until, after nearly twenty years of +fighting, the freedom of Europe was secured. Let us go and do likewise. +[Prolonged cheers.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="GERMANY_SPEAKS" id="GERMANY_SPEAKS"></a>GERMANY SPEAKS.</h2> + +<p><b>T. von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial Chancellor, in Statement to +Ritzau's Danish Press Bureau, Sept. 13, 1914.</b></p> + + +<p>The English Prime Minister, in his Guildhall speech, reserved to England +the role of protector of the smaller and weaker States, and spoke about +the neutrality of Holland, Belgium and Switzerland as being exposed to +danger from the side of Germany. It is true that we have broken +Belgium's neutrality because bitter necessity compelled us to do so, but +we promised Belgium full indemnity and integrity if she would take +account of this state of necessity. If so, she would not have suffered +any damage, as, for example, Luxemburg. If England, as protector of the +weaker States, had wished to spare Belgium infinite suffering she should +have advised Belgium to accept our offer. England has not "protected" +Belgium, so far as we know; I wonder, therefore, whether it can really +be said that England is such a disinterested protector.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 314]</span>We knew perfectly well that the French plan of campaign involved +a march through Belgium to attack the unprotected Rhineland. Does any +one believe England would have interfered to protect Belgian freedom +against France?</p> + +<p>We have firmly respected the neutrality of Holland and Switzerland; we +have also avoided the slightest violation of the frontier of the Dutch +Province of Limburg.</p> + +<p>It is strange that Mr. Asquith only mentioned the neutrality of Belgium, +Holland and Switzerland, but not that of the Scandinavian countries. He +might have mentioned Switzerland with reference to France, but Holland +and Belgium are situated close to England on the opposite side of the +Channel, and that is why England is so concerned for the neutrality of +these countries.</p> + +<p>Why is Mr. Asquith silent about the Scandinavian countries? Perhaps +because he knows that it does not enter our head to touch these +countries' neutrality; or would England possibly not consider Denmark's +neutrality as a noli me tangere for an advance in the Baltic or for +Russia's warlike operations.</p> + +<p>Mr. Asquith wishes people to believe that England's fight against us is +a fight of freedom against might. The world is accustomed to this manner +of expression. In the name of freedom, England, with might and with the +most recklessly egotistic policy, has founded her mighty colonial +empire, in the name of freedom she has destroyed for a century the +independence of the Boer republics, in the name of freedom she now +treats Egypt as an English colony and thereby violates international +treaties and solemn promises, in the name of freedom one after another +of the Malay States is losing its independence for England's benefit, in +the name of freedom she tries, by cutting German cables, to prevent the +truth being spread in the world.</p> + +<p>The English Prime Minister is mistaken. When England joined with Russia +and Japan against Germany she, with a blindness unique in the history of +the world, betrayed civilization and handed over to the German sword the +care of freedom for European peoples and States.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="GREAT_BRITAIN_REPLIES" id="GREAT_BRITAIN_REPLIES"></a>GREAT BRITAIN REPLIES.</h2> + +<p><b>Sir Edward Grey, Answering Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, London, +Sept. 15.</b></p> + + +<p>"Does any one believe," asks the German Chancellor, "that England would +have interfered to protect Belgian freedom against France?" The answer +is that she would unquestionably have done so. Sir Edward Grey, as +recorded in the "White Paper," asked the French Government "whether it +was prepared to engage to respect the neutrality of Belgium so long as +no other power violates it." The French Government replied that they +were resolved to respect it. The assurance, it was added, had been given +several times, and had formed the subject of conversation between +President Poincaré and the King of the Belgians.</p> + +<p>The German Chancellor entirely ignores the fact that England took the +same line about Belgian neutrality in 1870 that she has taken now. In +1870 Prince Bismarck, when approached by England on the subject, +admitted and respected the treaty obligations in relation to Belgium. +The British Government stands in 1914 as it stood in 1870; it is Herr +von Bethmann-Hollweg who refused to meet us in 1914 as Prince Bismarck +met us in 1870.</p> + +<p><b>Scandinavian Neutrality.</b></p> + +<p>The Imperial Chancellor finds it strange that Mr. Asquith, in his +Guildhall speech, did not mention the neutrality of the Scandinavian +countries, and suggests that the reason for the omission was some +sinister design on England's part. It is impossible for any public +speaker to cover the whole ground in each speech. The German +Chancellor's reference to Denmark and other Scandinavian countries can +hardly be considered very tactful. With regard to Denmark, the Danes are +not likely to have forgotten the parts played by Prussia and England +respectively in 1863-4, <span class="pagenum">[pg 315]</span>when the Kingdom of Denmark was +dismembered. And the integrity of Norway and Sweden was guaranteed by +England and France in the Treaty of Stockholm in 1855.</p> + +<p>The Imperial Chancellor refers to the dealings of Great Britain with the +Boer republics, and suggests that she has been false therein to the +cause of freedom. Without going into controversies now happily past, we +may recall what Gen. Botha said in the South African Parliament a few +days ago when expressing his conviction of the righteousness of +Britain's cause and explaining the firm resolve of the South African +Union to aid her in every possible way. "Great Britain had given them a +Constitution under which they could create a great nationality, and had +ever since regarded them as a free people and as a sister State. +Although there might be many who in the past had been hostile toward the +British flag, he could vouch for it that they would ten times rather be +under the British than under the German flag."</p> + +<p><b>Loyalty of the Empire.</b></p> + +<p>The German Chancellor is equally unfortunate in his references to the +"Colonial Empire." So far from British policy having been "recklessly +egotistic," it has resulted in a great rally of affection and common +interest by all the British dominions and dependencies, among which +there is not one which is not aiding Britain by soldiers or other +contributions or both in this war.</p> + +<p>With regard to the matter of treaty obligations generally, the German +Chancellor excuses the breach of Belgian neutrality by military +necessity—at the same time making a virtue of having respected the +neutrality of Holland and Switzerland, and saying that it does not enter +his head to touch the neutrality of the Scandinavian countries. A virtue +which admittedly is only practiced in the absence of temptation from +self-interest and military advantage does not seem greatly worth +vaunting. To the Chancellor's concluding statement that "to the German +sword" is intrusted "the care of freedom for European peoples and +States," the treatment of Belgium is a sufficient answer.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="MR_ASQUITH_AT_EDINBURGH" id="MR_ASQUITH_AT_EDINBURGH"></a>MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH.</h2> + +<p><b>Speech in Usher Hall, Sept. 18.</b></p> + + +<p>A fortnight ago today, in the Guildhall of the City of London, I +endeavored to present to the nation and to the world the reasons which +have compelled us, the people of all others which have the greatest +interest in the maintenance of peace, to engage in the hazards and +horrors of war. I do not wish to repeat tonight in any detail what I +then said.</p> + +<p>The war has arisen immediately and ostensibly, as every one knows, out +of a dispute between Austria and Servia, in which we in this country had +no direct concern. The diplomatic history of those critical weeks—the +last fortnight in July and the first few days of August—is now +accessible to all the world. It has been supplemented during the last +few days by the admirable and exhaustive dispatch of our late Ambassador +at Vienna, Sir Maurice de Bunsen, a dispatch which I trust everybody +will read, and no one who reads it can doubt that, largely through the +efforts of my right honorable friend and colleague Sir Edward Grey [loud +cheers] the conditions of a peaceful settlement of the actual +controversy were already within sight when, on July 31, Germany [hisses] +by her own deliberate act made war a certainty.</p> + +<p>The facts are incontrovertible. They are not sought to be controverted, +except, indeed, by the invention and circulation of such wanton +falsehoods as that France was contemplating, and even commencing, the +violation of Belgian territory as a first step on her road to Germany. +The result is that we are at war, and, as I have already shown +elsewhere, and as I repeat here tonight, we are at war for three +reasons—in the first place, to vindicate the sanctity of treaty +obligations ["Hear, hear!"] and of what is properly called the public +law of Europe, ["Hear, hear!";] in the second place, to assert and to +enforce the independence <span class="pagenum">[pg 316]</span>of free States, relatively small and +weak, against the encroachments and the violence of the strong, +[cheers,] and, in the third place, to withstand, as we believe in the +best interests not only of our own empire but of civilization at large, +the arrogant claim of a single power to dominate the development of the +destinies of Europe. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Meeting a Challenge.</b></p> + +<p>Since I last spoke some faint attempts have been made in Germany to +dispute the accuracy and the sincerity of this statement of our attitude +and aim. It has been suggested, for instance, that our professed zeal +for treaty rights and for the interests of small States is a newborn and +simulated passion. What, we are asked, has Great Britain cared in the +past for treaties or for the smaller nationalities except when she had +some ulterior and selfish purpose of her own to serve? I am quite ready +to meet that challenge, and to meet it in the only way in which it could +be met, by reference to history. And out of many illustrations which I +might take I will content myself here tonight with two, widely removed +in point of time, but both, as it happens, very apposite to the present +case.</p> + +<p>I will go back first to the war carried on first against the +revolutionary Government of France and then against Napoleon, which +broke out in 1793, and which lasted for more than twenty years. We had +then at the head of the Government in this country one of the most +peace-loving Ministers who have ever presided over our fortunes—Mr. +Pitt. For three years, from 1789 to 1792, he resolutely refused to +interfere in any way with the revolutionary proceedings in France or in +the wars that sprang out of them, and as lately, I think, as February in +1792, in a memorable speech in the House of Commons, which shows among +other things the shortness of human foresight, he declared that there +never was a time when we in this country could more reasonably expect +fifteen years of peace.</p> + +<p>And what was it, gentlemen, that, within a few months of that +declaration, led this pacific Minister to war? It was the invasion of +the treaty rights guaranteed by ourselves of a small European State, the +then States General of Holland. [Cheers.] For nearly 200 years the great +powers of Europe had guaranteed to Holland the exclusive navigation of +the River Scheldt. The French revolutionary Government invaded what is +now Belgium, and as a first act of hostility to Holland declared the +navigation of the Scheldt to be open. Our interest in that matter then, +as now, was relatively small and insignificant, but what was Mr. Pitt's +reply?</p> + +<p><b>Defense of Small States.</b></p> + +<p>I quote you the exact words he used in the House of Commons, they are so +applicable to the circumstances of the present moment. This is in 1793:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>England will never consent that another country should arrogate the +power of annulling, at her pleasure, the political system of +Europe, established by solemn treaties and guaranteed by the +consent of the powers. [Cheers.]</p></div> + +<p>He went on to say:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>This House [the House of Commons] means substantial good faith to +its engagements. If it retains a just sense of the solemn faith of +treaties, it must show a determination to support them.</p></div> + +<p>And it was in consequence of that stubborn and unyielding determination +to maintain treaties to defend small States, to resist the aggressive +domination of a single power, that we were involved in a war which we +had done everything to avoid, and which was carried on upon a scale, +both as to area and as to duration, up to then unexampled in the history +of mankind. That is one precedent. Let me give you one more.</p> + +<p>I come down to 1870, when this very treaty to which we are parties, no +less than Germany, and which guarantees the integrity and independence +of Belgium, was threatened. Mr. Gladstone was then Prime Minister of +this country, [cheers,] and he was, if possible, a stronger and more +ardent advocate of peace even than Mr. Pitt himself. ["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 317]</span><b>Mr. Gladstone's Dictum.</b></p> + +<p>Mr. Gladstone, pacific as he was, felt so strongly the sanctity of our +obligations that—though here again we had no direct interest of any +kind at stake—he made agreements with France and Prussia to co-operate +with either of the belligerents if the other violated Belgian territory, +and I should like to read a passage from a speech ten years later, +delivered in 1880, by Mr. Gladstone himself in this city, in which he +reviewed that transaction and explained his reasons for it. He said: "If +we had gone to war"—which he was prepared to do—"we should have gone to +war for freedom; we should have gone to war for public right; we should +have gone to war to save human happiness from being invaded by tyrannous +and lawless power." That is what I call a good cause, though I detest +war, and there are no epithets too strong if you will supply me with +them that I will not endeavor to heap upon its head.</p> + +<p>So much for our own action in the past in regard to treaties and small +States. But faint as is this denial of this part of our case, it becomes +fainter still, it dissolves into the thinnest of thin air, when it has +to deal with our contention that we and our allies are withstanding a +power whose aim is nothing less than the domination of Europe. ["Hear, +hear!"]</p> + +<p>It is, indeed, the avowed belief of the leaders of German thought—I +will not say of the German people—of those who for many years past have +controlled German policy, that such a domination, carrying with it the +supremacy of what they call German culture [laughter] and the German +spirit is the best thing that could happen to the world.</p> + + + + + +<p><b>German "Culture."</b></p> + +<p>Let me then ask for a moment what is this German culture, what is this +German spirit of which the Emperor's armies are at present the +missionaries in Belgium and in France? [Laughter.] Mankind owes much to +Germany, a very great debt for the contributions she has made to +philosophy, to science and to the arts; but that which is specifically +German in the movement of the world in the last thirty years has been, +on the intellectual side, the development of the doctrine of the supreme +and ultimate prerogative in human affairs of material forces, and, on +the practical side, taking of the foremost place in the fabrication and +the multiplication of the machinery of destruction.</p> + +<p>To the men who have adopted this gospel, who believe that power is the +be all and end all of the State, naturally a treaty is nothing more than +a piece of parchment, and all the Old World talk about the rights of the +weak and the obligations of the strong is only so much threadbare and +nauseating cant, for one very remarkable feature of this new school of +doctrine is, whatever be its intellectual or its ethical merits, that it +has turned out as an actual code for life to be a very purblind +philosophy.</p> + +<p>The German culture, the German spirit, did not save the Emperor and his +people from delusions and miscalculations as dangerous as they were +absurd in regard to the British Empire.</p> + +<p><b>A Fantastic Dream.</b></p> + +<p>We were believed by these cultivated observers [laughter] to be the +decadent descendants of a people who, by a combination of luck and of +fraud, [laughter,] had managed to obtain dominion over a vast quantity +of the surface and the populations of the globe.</p> + +<p>This fortuitous aggregation [laughter and cheers] which goes by the name +of the British Empire was supposed to be so insecurely founded, and so +loosely knit together, that at the first touch of serious menace from +without it would fall to pieces and tumble to the ground. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>Our great dominions were getting heartily tired of the imperial +connection. India, [loud cheers,] it was notorious to every German +traveler, [laughter,] was on the verge of open revolt, and here at home +we, the people of this United Kingdom, were riven by dissension so deep +and so fierce that our energies, whether for resistance or for attack, +would be completely paralyzed.</p> + +<p>What a fantastic dream, ["Hear, hear!"] and what a rude awakening! <span class="pagenum">[pg +318]</span>[Laughter and cheers.] And in this vast and grotesque and yet tragic +miscalculation is to be found one of the roots, perhaps the main root, +of the present war.</p> + +<p>But let us go one step more. It has been said, "By their fruits ye shall +know them," and history will record that when the die was cast and the +struggle began, it was the disciples of that same creed who revived +methods of warfare which have for centuries past been condemned by the +common sense as well as by the humanity of the great mass of the +civilized world. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Branded on the Brow.</b></p> + +<p>Louvain, Malines, Termonde—these are names which will henceforward be +branded on the brow of German culture. The ruthless sacking of the +ancient and famous towns of Belgium is fitly supplemented by the story +that reaches us only today from our own headquarters in France of the +proclamation issued less than a week ago by the German authorities, who +were for a moment, and happily for little more than a moment, in +occupation of the venerable city of Rheims.</p> + +<p>Mr. Asquith then read the concluding paragraph of the proclamation which +appeared in these columns yesterday.</p> + +<p>Do not let it be forgotten that it is from a power whose intellectual +leaders are imbued with the idea that I have described, and whose +Generals in the field sanction and even direct those practices—it is +from that power the claim proceeds to impose its culture, its spirit, +which means its domination, upon the rest of Europe. That is a claim, I +say to you, to all my fellow-countrymen, to every citizen and subject of +the British Empire whose ears and eyes my words can reach—that is a +claim that everything that is great in our past and everything that +promises hope or progress in our future summons us to resist to the end. +[Loud cheers.]</p> + +<p>The task—do not let us deceive ourselves—will not be a light one. Its +full accomplishment—and nothing short of full accomplishment +[cheers]—is worthy of our traditions or will satisfy our resolve—will +certainly take months. It may even take years.</p> + +<p>I have come here tonight not to ask you to count the cost, for no price +can be too high to pay when honor and freedom are at stake, but to put +before you, as I have tried to do, the magnitude of the issue and the +supreme necessity that lies upon us as a nation, nay as a brotherhood +and family of nations, to rise to its height and acquit ourselves of our +duty.</p> + +<p><b>Our Favorable Position.</b></p> + +<p>The war has now lasted more than six weeks. Our supremacy at sea [great +cheers] has not been seriously questioned. [Laughter.] Full supplies of +food and of raw materials are making their way to our shores from every +quarter of the globe. [Cheers.] Our industries, with one or two +exceptions, maintain their activities.</p> + +<p>Unemployment is so far not seriously in excess of the average. The +monetary situation has improved, and every effort that the zeal and the +skill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, [cheers,] with the +co-operation and expert advice of the bankers and business men of the +country, can devise—every effort is being made to achieve what is most +essential, the complete re-establishment of the foreign exchanges.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, the merchant shipping of the enemy has been hunted from the +seas [cheers] and our seaman are still patiently, or impatiently, +[laughter,] waiting for a chance to try conclusions with the opposing +fleet. Great and incalculable is the debt which we have owed during +these weeks, and which in increasing measure we shall continue to owe, +to our navy. [Cheers.] The navy needs no help, and as the months roll +on—thanks to a far-sighted policy in the past—its proportionate +strength will grow. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Army's Glorious Record.</b></p> + +<p>If we turn to our army [cheers] we can say with equal justice and pride +that during these weeks it has rivaled the most glorious records of its +past. [Cheers.] Sir John French [cheers] and his gallant officers and +men live in <span class="pagenum">[pg 319]</span>our hearts, as they will live in the memories of +those who come afterward. [Cheers,]</p> + +<p>But splendid achievements such as these—equally splendid in retirement +and in advance ["Hear, hear!"]—cannot be won without a heavy +expenditure of life and limb, of equipment and supplies. Even now, at +this very early stage, I suppose there is hardly a person here who is +not suffering from anxiety and suspense. Some of us are plunged in +sorrow for the loss of those we love; cut off, some of them, in the +springtime of their young lives. We will not mourn for them overmuch. +One crowded hour of glorious life is worth an age without a name. +[Cheers.]</p> + +<p>These gaps have to be filled. The wastage of modern war is relentless +and almost inconceivable. We have—I mean his Majesty's Government +have—since the war began dispatched to the front already considerably +over 200,000 men [cheers] and the amplest provision has been made for +keeping them supplied with all that was necessary in food, in stores, +and in equipment. They will very soon be reinforced by regular troops +from India, from Egypt, and the Mediterranean, and in due time by the +contingents which our dominions are furnishing with such magnificent +patriotism and liberality. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Eager Territorials.</b></p> + +<p>We have with us here our own gallant territorials, becoming every day a +fitter and a finer force, eager and anxious to respond to any call +either at home or abroad that may be made upon them. [Cheers.] But that +is not enough. We must do still more. Already, in little more than a +month, we have 500,000 recruits for the four new armies which, as Lord +Kitchener told the country yesterday, he means to have ready to bring +into the field. In a single day we have had as many men enlist as we +have been accustomed to enlist in the course of a whole year. It is not, +I think, surprising that the machinery has been overstrained, and there +have been many cases of temporary inconvenience and hardship and +discomfort. With time and patience and good organization these things +will be set right, and the new scale of allowances which was announced +in Parliament yesterday [cheers] will do much to mitigate the lot of +wives and children and dependents who are left behind. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>We want more men, and, perhaps most of all, the help for training them. +Every one in the whole of this kingdom who has in days gone by, as +officer or as non-commissioned officer, served his country never had a +greater or more fruitful opportunity for service than is presented to +him today. [Cheers.] We appeal to the manhood of the three kingdoms. To +such an appeal I know well, coming from your senior representative in +the House of Commons, that Scotland will not turn a deaf ear. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>Scotland is doing well, and, indeed, more than well, and no part of +Scotland I believe, in proportion, better than Edinburgh. I cannot say +with what pleasure I heard the figures given out by the Lord Provost and +those which have been supplied to me by the gallant gentleman who has +the Scottish command [cheers,] which show, indeed, as we expected, that +Scotland is more than holding her own. In that connection let me repeat +what I said two weeks ago in London. We think it of the highest +importance that so far as possible, and subject to the accidents of war, +people belonging to the same place, breathing the same atmosphere, +having the same associations, should be kept together.</p> + +<p>Our recruits come to us spontaneously, under no kind of compulsion, +[cheers,] of their own free will to meet a national and an imperial +need. We present to them no material inducement in the shape either of +bounty or bribe, and they have to face the prospect of a spell of hard +training from which most of the comforts and all the luxuries that any +of them have been accustomed to are rigorously banished. But then, when +they are fully equipped for their patriotic task, they will have the +opportunity of striking a blow, it may be even of laying down their +lives, not to serve the cause of <span class="pagenum">[pg 320]</span>ambition or aggression, but to +maintain the honor and the good faith of our country, to shield the +independence of free States, to protect against brute force the +principles of civilization and the liberties of Europe. [Loud cheers.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="MR_ASQUITH_AT_DUBLIN" id="MR_ASQUITH_AT_DUBLIN"></a>MR. ASQUITH AT DUBLIN.</h2> + +<p><b>Speech in the Round Room of the Mansion House, Sept. 25.</b></p> + + +<p>My Lord Mayor: Some weeks ago I took it upon myself to suggest to the +four principal Magistrates of the United Kingdom that they should afford +me an opportunity of making a personal appeal to their citizens at a +great moment in our national history. I have already delivered my +message in London and in Edinburgh. To the first of those great +communities I was able to speak as an Englishman by birth and as a +Londoner by early association and long residence. To the second, the +capital of the ancient Kingdom of Scotland, I had special credentials as +having been for the best part of thirty years one of their +representatives in the House of Commons, ["Hear, hear!"] and now, +indeed, by one of the melancholy privileges of time the senior among the +Scottish members. [Laughter.] But, my Lord Mayor, tonight when I come to +Dublin I can put forward neither the one claim nor the other. [A +Voice—Home Rule.] I base my title, such as it is, to your hospitality +and your hearing upon such service as during the whole of my political +life I have tried with a whole heart and to the best of my faculties and +opportunities to render to Ireland. [Cheers.] I come here, not as a +partisan, not even as a politician, but I come here as for the time +being the head of the King's Government, [cheers,] to summon Ireland, a +loyal and patriotic Ireland, to take her place in the defense of our +common cause. [Cheers.] My Lord Mayor, it is no part of my mission +tonight, it is indeed at this time of day wholly unnecessary, to +justify, still less to excuse, the part which the Government of the +United Kingdom has taken in this supreme crisis in our national +affairs. There have been wars in the past in regard to which there has +been among us diversity of opinion, uneasiness as to the wisdom of our +diplomacy, anxiety as to the expediency of our policy, doubts as to the +essential righteousness of our cause.</p> + +<p><b>Unity of the Empire.</b></p> + +<p>That, my Lord Mayor, as you said, is not the case today. [Cheers.] Even +in the memorable struggle which we waged a hundred years ago against the +domination of Napoleon there was always a minority, respectable not +merely in number, but in the sincerity and in the eminence of its +adherents, which broke the front of our national unity. Again I say that +is not the case today. We feel as a nation—or rather I ought to say, +speaking here and looking round upon our vast empire in every quarter of +the globe—as a family of nations, [prolonged cheers,] without +distinction of creed or party, of race or climate, class or section, +that we are united in defending principles and in maintaining interests +which are vital, not only to the British Empire, but to all that is +worth having in our common civilization, [cheers,] and all that is worth +hoping for in the future progress of mankind. [Loud cheers.] What better +or higher cause, my Lord Mayor, whether we succeed or fail? [Cries of +"No failure."] We are going not to fail, but to succeed. [Enthusiastic +cheers.] What higher cause than to arouse and enlist the best qualities +of a free people, than to be engaged at one and the same time in the +vindication of international good faith, in the protection of the weak +against the violence of the strong, [cheers,] and in the assertion of +the best ideals of all the free communities in all the ages of time and +in every part of the world against the encroachments of those who +believe and who preach and who practice the religion of force? It is +not—I am sure you will agree with me—it is not necessary to +demonstrate once more that of this war Germany is the real and the +responsible author. [Cheers.] The proofs are patent, manifold and +overwhelming. [Cheers.] Indeed, on the part of Germany <span class="pagenum">[pg 321]</span>herself +we get upon this point, if denial at all, a denial only of the faintest +and the most formal kind. For a generation past she has been preparing +the ground, equipping herself, both by land and sea, fortifying herself +with alliances, and, what is perhaps even more important, teaching her +youth to seek and to pursue as the first and the most important of all +human things the supremacy of the German power and the German spirit, +and all that time biding her opportunity. Gentlemen, many of the great +wars of history have been almost accidentally brought about by the +blindness of blundering statesmen, or by some wave of popular passion. +That is not so today. ["Hear, hear!"] There was nothing in a quarrel +such as this between Austria and Servia that could not have been and +that would not have been settled by pacific means. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Germany's Profound Mistakes.</b></p> + +<p>But in the judgment of those who guide and control German policy the +hour had come to strike the blow that had been long and deliberately +prepared. In their hands lay the choice between peace and war, and their +election was for war. In so deciding, as everybody now knows, Germany +made two profound miscalculations. [Cheers.] Both of them natural enough +in a man who had come to believe that in international matters +everything can be explained and measured in terms of material force. +What, gentlemen, were those mistakes? The first was that Belgium, +[cheers,] a small and prosperous country entirely disinterested in +European quarrels, guaranteed by the joint and several compacts of the +great powers, that Belgium would not resent, and certainly would not +resist, the use of her territory as a highroad for an invading German +force into France. How could they imagine that this little country, +rather than allow her neutrality to be violated and her independence +insulted and menaced, was prepared that her fields should be drenched +with the blood of her soldiers, her towns and villages devastated by +marauders, her splendid heritage of monuments and of treasures, built up +for her by the piety, art, and learning of the past, ruthlessly laid in +ruins? The passionate attachment of a numerically small population to +the bit of territory, which looks so little upon the map, the pride and +the unconquerable devotion of a free people to their own free State, +these were things which apparently had never been dreamed of in the +philosophy of Potsdam. [Laughter and "Hear, hear!"] Rarely in history +has there been a greater material disparity between the invaders and the +invaded, but the moral disparity was at least equally great. [Cheers.] +For, gentlemen, the indomitable resistance of the Belgians did more than +change the whole face of the campaign. [Cheers.] It proved to the world +that ideas which cannot be weighed or measured by any material calculus +can still inspire and dominate mankind. [Cheers.] And that is the reason +why the whole sympathy of the civilized world at this moment is going +out to these small States—Belgium, Servia, and Montenegro—that have +played so worthy a part in this historic struggle. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>The Moral Bond of Civilization.</b></p> + +<p>But, my Lord Mayor, Germany was guilty of another and a still more +capital blunder in relation to ourselves. ["Hear, hear!"] I am not +referring for the moment to the grotesque understanding upon which I +dwelt a week ago at Edinburgh, their carefully fostered belief that we +here were so rent with civil distraction, [laughter,] so paralyzed by +luke-warmness or disaffection in our dominions and dependencies, that if +it came to fighting we might be brushed aside as an impotent and even a +negligible factor. [Cheers and cries of "Never!"] The German +misconception went even deeper than that. They asked themselves what +interest, direct or material, had the United Kingdom in this conflict? +Could any nation, least of all the cold, calculating, phlegmatic, +egotistic British nation, [laughter,] embark upon a costly and bloody +contest from which it had nothing in the hope of profit to expect? +["Hear, hear!"] They forgot—they forgot that we, like the Belgians, had +something at stake which <span class="pagenum">[pg 322]</span>cannot be translated into what one of +our poets has called "The law of nicely calculated less or more." What +was it we had at stake? First and foremost, the fulfillment to the small +and relatively weak country of our plighted word [cheers] and behind and +beyond that the maintenance of the whole system of international +good-will which is the moral bond of the civilized world. [Cheers.] Here +again they were wrong in thinking that the reign of ideas, Old World +ideas like those of duty and good faith, had been superseded by the +ascendency of force. My Lord Mayor, war is at all times a hideous thing; +at the best an evil to be chosen in preference to worse evils, and at +the worst little better than the letting loose of hell upon earth. The +prophet of old spoke of the "confused noise of battle and the garments +rolled in blood," but in these modern days, with the gigantic scale of +the opposing armies and the scientific developments of the instruments +of destruction, war has become an infinitely more devastating thing than +it ever was before. The hope that the general recognition of a humaner +code would soften or abate some of its worst brutalities has been rudely +dispelled by the events of the last few weeks. ["Shame!"]</p> + +<p><b>Shameful and Cynical Desecration.</b></p> + +<p>The German invasion of Belgium and France contributes, indeed, some of +the blackest pages to its sombre annals. Rarely has a non-combatant +population suffered more severely, and rarely, if ever, have the +monuments of piety and of learning and those sentiments of religion and +national association, of which they are the permanent embodiment, even +in the worst times of the most ruthless warriors, been so shamefully and +cynically desecrated; and behind the actual theatre of conflict with its +smoke and its carnage there are the sufferings of those who are left +behind, the waste of wealth, the economic dislocation, the heritage, the +long heritage of enmities and misunderstanding which war brings in its +train. Why do I dwell upon these things? It is to say this, that great +indeed is the responsibility of those who allow their country—as we +have done—to be drawn into such a welter; but there is one thing much +worse than to take such a responsibility, and that is, upon a fitting +occasion, to shirk it. [Cheers.] Our record in the matter is clear. We +strove up to the last moment for peace [cheers] and only when we were +satisfied that the price of peace was the betrayal of other countries +and the dishonor and degradation of our own we took up the sword. +[Prolonged cheers.] I should like, if I might for a moment, beyond this +inquiry into causes and motives, to ask your attention and that of my +fellow-countrymen to the end which in this war we ought to keep in view. +Forty-four years ago, at the time of the war of 1870, Mr. Gladstone used +these words. He said: "The greatest triumph of our time will be the +enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea of +European politics." Nearly fifty years have passed. Little progress, it +seems, has yet been made toward that good and beneficent change, but it +seems to me to be now at this moment as good a definition as we can have +of our European policy. The idea of public right; what does it mean when +translated into concrete terms? It means, first and foremost, the +clearing of the ground by the definite repudiation of militarism as the +governing factor in the relation of States, and of the future molding of +the European world. It means, next, that room must be found and kept for +the independent existence and the free development of the smaller +nationalities, [cheers,] each with a corporate consciousness of its own.</p> + +<p><b>The Recognition of Nationality.</b></p> + +<p>Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland and the Scandinavian countries, +Greece, and the Balkan States, they must be recognized as having exactly +as good a title as their more powerful neighbors—more powerful in +strength and in wealth—exactly as good a title to a place in the sun. +[Prolonged cheers and some laughter.] And it means, finally, or it ought +to mean, perhaps by a slow and gradual process, the substitution for +force, for the clash of competing ambition, for <span class="pagenum">[pg 323]</span>grouping and +alliances and a precarious equipoise, the substitution for all these +things of a real European partnership, based on the recognition of equal +right and established and enforced by a common will. [Cheers.] A year +ago that would have sounded like a Utopian idea. It is probably one that +may not or will not be realized either today or tomorrow. If and when +this war is decided in favor of the Allies, it will at once come within +the range, and, before long, within the grasp of European statesmanship. +[Cheers.] I go back for a moment, if I am not keeping you too long, ["Go +on,"] to the peculiar aspects of the actual case upon which I have +dwelt, because it seems to me that they ought to make a special appeal +to the people of Ireland. Ireland is a loyal country, [cheers,] and she +would, I know, respond with alacrity to any summons which called upon +her to take her share in the assertion and the defense of our common +interests. But, gentlemen, the issues raised by this war are of such a +kind that, unless I mistake her people and misrepresent her history, +they touch a vibrating chord both in her imagination and in her +conscience. How can you Irishmen be deaf to the cry of the smaller +nationalities to help them in their struggle for freedom [cheers] +whether, as in the case of Belgium, in maintaining what she has won, or +as in the case of Poland or the Balkan States in regaining what they +have lost or in acquiring and putting upon a stable foundation what has +never been fully theirs?</p> + +<p><b>The Appeal to Ireland.</b></p> + +<p>How again can you Irishmen—if I understand you—sit by in cool +detachment and with folded arms while we, in company of our gallant +allies of France and Russia, are opposing a worldwide resistance to +pretensions which threaten to paralyze and sterilize all progress and +the best destinies of mankind? [Cheers.] During the last few weeks Sir +John French and his heroic forces have worthily sustained our cause. The +casualties have been heavy. Ireland has had her share, although they +have been increased during the last week from the ranks of our gallant +navy by one of the hazards of warfare at sea. But of those who have +fallen in both services we may ask how could men die better? [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>The Indian Contingent.</b></p> + +<p>They have left behind them an example and an appeal. From all quarters +of the empire its best manhood is flowing in. The first Indian +contingent is, I believe, landing today at Marseilles, [loud cheers,] +and in all parts of our great dominions the convoys are already +mustering. Over half a million recruits have joined the colors here at +home, [cheers,] and I come to ask you in Ireland, though you don't need +my asking, to take your part. [Cheers and shouts of "We must."] There +was a time when, through the operations of laws which every one now +acknowledges to have been both unjust and impolitic, ["Hear, hear!"] the +martial spirit of and the capacity for which Irishmen have always been +conspicuous, found its chief outlet in the alien armies of the +Continent. I have seen it computed—I do not know whether with precise +accuracy—but I have seen it computed upon good authority that in the +first fifty years of the eighteenth century, when the penal laws were +here in full swing, nearly half a million Irishmen enlisted under the +banners of the empire of France and Spain, and we at home in the United +Kingdom suffered a double loss; for, gentlemen, not only were we drained +year by year of some of our best fighting material, ["Hear, hear!"] but +over and over again we found ourselves engaged in battle array suffering +and inflicting deadly loss upon those who might have been, and under +happier conditions would have been, fellow-soldiers of our own. +[Cheers.] The British Empire has always been proud, and with reason, of +those Irish regiments [cheers] and their Irish leaders, [more cheers,] +and was never prouder of them that it is today. [Great cheering.] We ask +you here in Ireland to give us more, [cheers, and a Voice, "You'll get +them,"] to give them without stinting. We ask Ireland to give of her +sons, the most in number, the best in quality that a proud and loyal +daughter <span class="pagenum">[pg 324]</span>of the empire ought to devote to the common cause. +[Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>The Volunteers of Ireland.</b></p> + +<p>The conditions seem to me to be exceptionally favorable for the purpose. +We have of late been witnessing here in Ireland a spontaneous enrollment +and organization in all parts of the country of bodies of volunteers. I +say nothing—for I wish tonight to avoid trespassing upon even a square +inch of controversial ground—I say nothing of the causes or motives +which brought them originally into existence, [laughter,] and have +fostered their growth and strength. I will only say—and this is my +nearest approach to politics tonight—that there are two things which to +my mind have become unthinkable. The first is that one section of +Irishmen are going to fight. [Loud cheers.] The second is that Great +Britain is going to fight either. [Renewed cheers.] Speaking here in +Dublin, I may perhaps address myself for a moment particularly to the +National Volunteers, and I am going to ask them all over Ireland—not +only them, but I make the appeal to them particularly—to contribute +with promptitude and enthusiasm a large and worthy contingent of +recruits to the second new army of half a million, which is growing up +as it were out of the ground. [Cheers.] I should like to see, and we all +want to see, an Irish brigade, [cheers,] or, better still, an Irish army +corps. [Loud cheers.] Do not let them be afraid that by joining the +colors they will lose their identity and become absorbed in some +invertebrate mass, or, what is perhaps equally repugnant, be +artificially redistributed in units which have no national cohesion or +character. We wish to the utmost limit that military exigencies will +allow that men who have been already associated in this or that district +in training and in common exercises should be kept together and continue +to recognize the corporate bond which now unites them. ["Hear, hear!"] +And of one thing further I am sure. We are in urgent need of competent +officers, and we think that if the officers now engaged in training +these men are proved equal to the test, there is no fear that their +services will not be gladly and gratefully retained. I repeat that the +empire needs recruits, and needs them at once, that they may be fully +trained and equipped in time to take their part in what may well be the +decisive fields of the greatest struggle in the history of the world. +That is our immediate necessity, and no Irishman in responding to it +need be afraid that he is prejudicing the future of the volunteers. +[Cheers.] I do not say, and I can not say, under what precise form or +organization, but I trust and believe, and indeed I am certain, that the +volunteers will become a permanent part, an integral and a +characteristic part, of the defensive forces of the Crown. [Cheers.] I +have only one more thing to say to you. [Cries of "Go on."] If our need +is great your opportunity is also great. [Cheers.] The call which I am +making is, as you know well, backed by the sympathy of your +fellow-Irishmen in all parts of the empire and the world. Old +animosities between us are dead. [Loud and prolonged cheers.] Scattered +like the Autumn leaves to the four winds of heaven, we are a united +nation, [renewed cheers,] owing and paying to our sovereign the +heartfelt allegiance of men who at home not only love but enjoy for +themselves the liberty which our soldiers and our sailors are fighting +by land and by sea to maintain and to extend for others. There is no +question of compulsion or bribery. What we want we believe you are ready +and eager to give as the free-will offering of a free people. [Great +cheering.]</p> + + +<p>The Earl of Meath, Lord Lieutenant of County Dublin, who was next called +on, declared that their gathering would be historic because for the +first time in her history Irishmen of all classes, creeds, and politics +had met on the same platform. The modern Attila might be known, as his +predecessor was known, as the scourge of God. But for the constant +vigilance of our army and our fleet Ireland might have met the fate of +Belgium. He suggested that Earl Kitchener should, as far as possible, +see that the Irish corps at the front should act together.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="MR_ASQUITH_AT_CARDIFF" id="MR_ASQUITH_AT_CARDIFF"></a>MR. ASQUITH AT CARDIFF.</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 325]</span><b>Speech in the Skating Rink, Oct. 2.</b></p> + + +<p>In the course of the last month I have addressed meetings in London, +Edinburgh, and Dublin, and now in the completion of the task which I set +myself and which the kindness of our great municipalities has allowed me +to perform I have come to Cardiff. [Cheers.] England, Scotland, and +Ireland have each of them a definite and a well-established capital +city, but I have always understood that there was some doubt where the +capital of the Principality of Wales was to be found on the map. +[Laughter.] Wales is a single and indivisible entity with a life of its +own, drawing its vitality from an ancient past, and both, I believe, in +the volume and in the reality of its activity, never more virile than it +is today. [Cheers.] But I do not know that there is any general +agreement among Welshmen as to where their capital is to be found, +[laughter, and a voice, "Here,"] and without attempting as an outsider +to differentiate or to reconcile competing claims I stand here tonight +on what I believe to be a safe coign of vantage under the hospitality +and the authority of the Lord Mayor of Cardiff.</p> + +<p>Though I am not altogether a stranger to Wales, you may nevertheless ask +why I have requested your permission to address this great audience here +tonight. I am not altogether an idle man, and during the last few months +I can honestly say that there has hardly been a day, indeed there have +been very few hours, which have not been preoccupied with grave cares +and responsibility. But throughout them all I have been, and I am, +sustained by a profound and unshakable belief in the righteousness of +our cause [cheers] and by overwhelming evidence that in the pursuit and +the maintenance of that cause the Government have behind them, without +distinction of race, of party, or of class, the whole moral and material +support of the British Empire. [Cheers.] Let me take the opportunity to +acknowledge and to welcome the calm, reasoned, and dignified statement +of our cause which the Christian Churches of the United Kingdom, +through some of their most distinguished leaders and ministers, have +this week presented to the world. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>The United Voice of the Empire.</b></p> + +<p>I will not repeat, and I certainly cannot improve upon it, and indeed I +am not here tonight to argue out propositions which British citizens in +every part of the world today regard as beyond the reach of controversy. +I do not suppose that in the history of mankind there has ever been in +such a vast and diverse community agreement so unanimous in purpose and +so concentrated, a corporate conscience so clear and so convinced, +co-operation so spontaneous, so ardent, and so resolute. [Cheers.] Just +consider what it means, here in this United Kingdom—England, Scotland, +Ireland, and Wales—to hear one plain, harmonious, great united voice +over the seas from our great dominions. [Cheers.] Canada, Australia, +South Africa, New Zealand, our crown colonies, swell the chorus.</p> + +<p>In India [cheers]—where whatever we won by the sword we hold and we +retain by the more splendid title of just and disinterested rule by the +authority, not of a despot, but of a trustee [cheers]—the response to +our common appeal has moved all our feelings to their profoundest +depths, and has been such as to shiver and to shatter the vain and +ignorant imaginings of our enemies. [Cheers,] That is a remarkable and +indeed a unique spectacle.</p> + +<p>What is it that stirred the imagination, aroused the conscience, +enlisted the manhood, welded into one compact and irresistible force the +energies and the greatest imperial structure that the world has ever +known? [Cheers.] That is a question which, for a moment at any rate, it +is well worth asking and answering. Let me say, then, first negatively, +that we are not impelled, any of us, by some of the motives which have +occasioned the bloody struggles of the past. In this case, so far as we +are concerned, ambition and aggression play no part. What <span class="pagenum">[pg 326]</span>do we +want? What do we aim at? What have we to gain?</p> + +<p>We are a great, worldwide, peace-loving partnership. By the wisdom and +the courage of our forefathers, by great deeds of heroism and adventure +by land and sea, by the insight and corporate sagacity, the tried and +tested experience of many generations, we have built up a dominion which +is buttressed by the two pillars of liberty and law. [Cheers.] We are +not vain enough or foolish enough to think that in the course of a long +process there have not been blunders, or worse than blunders, and that +today our dominion does not fall short of what in our ideals it might +and it ought and, we believe, it is destined to be. But such as we have +received it and such as we hope to have it, with it we are content. +[Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Why We Are at War.</b></p> + +<p>We do not covet any people's territory. We have no desire to impose our +rule upon alien populations. The British Empire is enough for us. +[Laughter and cheers.] All that we wished for, all that we wish for now, +is to be allowed peaceably to consolidate our own resources, to raise +within the empire the level of common opportunity, to draw closer the +bond of affection and confidence between its parts, and to make it +everywhere the worthy home of the best traditions of British liberty. +[Cheers.] Does it not follow from that that nowhere in the world is +there a people who have stronger motives to avoid war and to seek and +ensue peace? Why, then, are the British people throughout the length and +breadth of our empire everywhere turning their plowshares into swords? +Why are the best of our ablebodied men leaving the fields and the +factory and the counting house for the recruiting office and the +training camp?</p> + +<p>If, as I have said, we have no desire to add to our imperial burdens, +either in area or in responsibility, it is equally true that in entering +this war we had no ill-will to gratify nor wrongs of our own to avenge. +["Hear, hear!"] In regard to Germany in particular [groans] our +policy—repeatedly stated in Parliament, resolutely pursued year after +year both in London and in Berlin—our policy has been to remove one by +one the outstanding causes of possible friction and so to establish a +firm basis for cordial relations in the days to come.</p> + +<p>We have said from the first—I have said it over and over again, and so +has Sir Edward Grey—we have said from the first that our friendships +with certain powers, with France, [cheers,] with Russia, and with Japan, +were not to be construed as implying cold feelings and still less +hostile purposes against any other power. But at the same time we have +always made it clear, to quote words used by Sir Edward Grey as far back +as November, 1911—I quote his exact words—"One does not make new +friendships worth having by deserting old ones." New friendships by all +means let us have, but not at the expense of the ones we have. That has +been, and I trust will always be, the attitude of those whom the Kaiser +in his now notorious proclamation describes as the treacherous English. +[Laughter and "Oh, oh!"]</p> + +<p><b>Germany's Demand in 1912.</b></p> + +<p>We laid down, and I wish to call not only your attention but the +attention of the whole world to this, when so many false legends are now +being invented and circulated, in the following year—in the year +1912—we laid down in terms carefully approved by the Cabinet, and which +I will textually quote, what our relations with Germany ought in our +view to be. We said, and we communicated this to the German Government, +"Britain declares that she will neither make nor join in any unprovoked +attack upon Germany. Aggression upon Germany is not the subject and +forms no part of any treaty, understanding, or combination to which +Britain is now a party, nor will she become a party to anything that has +such an object." There is nothing ambiguous or equivocal about that. +["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p>But that was not enough for German statesmanship. They wanted us to go +further. They asked us to pledge ourselves absolutely to neutrality in +the event of Germany being engaged in war, <span class="pagenum">[pg 327]</span>and this, mind you, +at a time when Germany was enormously increasing both her aggressive and +defensive resources, and especially upon the sea. They asked us, to put +it quite plainly, for a free hand, so far as we were concerned, when +they selected the opportunity to overbear, to dominate the European +world.</p> + +<p>To such a demand but one answer was possible, and that was the answer we +gave. [Cheers.] None the less we have continued during the whole of the +last two years, and never more energetically and more successfully than +during the Balkan crisis of last year, to work not only for the peace of +Europe but for the creation of a better international atmosphere and a +more cordial co-operation between all the powers. [Cheers.] From both +points of view, that of our domestic interests as a kingdom and an +empire, and that of our settled attitude and policy in the counsels of +Europe, a war such as this, which injures the one and frustrates the +other, was and could only be regarded as among the worst of +catastrophes—among the worst of catastrophes, but not the worst. +[Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>"The Blackest Annals of Barbarism."</b></p> + +<p>Four weeks ago, speaking at the Guildhall, in the City of London, when +the war was still in its early days, I asked my fellow-countrymen with +what countenance, with what conscience, had we basely chose to stand +aloof, we could have watched from day to day the terrible unrolling of +events—public faith shamelessly broken, the freedom of a small people +trodden in the dust, the wanton invasion of Belgium and then of France +by hordes who leave behind them at every stage of their progress a +dismal trail of savagery, of devastation, and of desecration worthy of +the blackest annals in the history of barbarism. [Cheers.] That was four +weeks ago. The war has now lasted for sixty days, and every one of those +days has added to the picture its share of sombre and repulsive traits. +We now see clearly written down in letters of carnage and spoliation the +real aims and methods of this long-prepared and well-organized scheme +Against the liberties of Europe. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>I say nothing of other countries. I pass no judgment upon them. But if +we here in Great Britain had abstained and remained neutral, forsworn +our word, deserted our friends, faltered and compromised with the plain +dictates of our duty—nay, if we had not shown ourselves ready to strike +with all our forces at the common enemy of civilization and freedom, +there would have been nothing left for our country but to veil her face +in shame and to be ready in her turn—for her time would have come—to +share the doom which she would have richly deserved, and after centuries +of glorious life to go down to her grave, unwept, unhonored, and unsung. +[Loud cheers.]</p> + +<p>Let us gladly acknowledge what becomes clearer and clearer every day, +that the world is just as ready as it ever was, and no part of it +readier than the British Empire, to understand and to respond to moral +issues. [Cheers.] The new school of German thought has been teaching for +a generation past that in the affairs of nations there is no code of +ethics. According to their doctrine force and nothing but force is the +test and the measure of right. As the events which are going on before +our eyes have made it plain, they have succeeded only too well in +indoctrinating with their creed—I will not say the people of Germany; +like Burke, I will not attempt to draw up an indictment against a +nation—I will not say the people of Germany, but those who control and +execute German policy. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>But it is one of those products of German genius which, whether or not +it was intended exclusively for home consumption, [laughter,] has not, I +am happy to say, found a market abroad, and certainly not within the +boundaries of the British Empire. [Cheers.] We still believe here, +old-fashioned people as we are, in the sanctity of treaties, [cheers,] +that the weak have rights and that the strong have duties, that small +nationalities have every bit as good a title as large ones to life and +independence, and that freedom for its own sake is as well worth +fighting <span class="pagenum">[pg 328]</span>for today as it ever was in the past. [Cheers.] And we +look forward at the end of this war to a Europe in which these great and +simple and venerable truths will be recognized and safeguarded forever +against the recrudescence of the era of blood and iron. [Cheers.] Stated +in a few words that is the reason for our united front, the reason that +has brought our gallant Indian warriors to Marseilles, that is +extracting from our most distant dominions the best of their manhood, +and which in the course of two months has transformed the United Kingdom +into a vast recruiting ground. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Greatest Emergency in Our History.</b></p> + +<p>Now I have come here tonight not to talk but to do business. [Laughter +and cheers.] Before I sit down I want to say to you a few practical +words. We are confronted, as you all know and recognize, by the greatest +emergency in our history. Every part of the United Kingdom and every man +and every woman in every part of it is called upon to make his or her +contribution and to do his or her share, [cheers,] and our primary +business is to fill the ranks. There is, I find, in some quarters an +apprehension that the recruiting for the new army and the functions to +be assigned to that army when it is formed and trained may interfere +with or may in some way belittle or disparage the territorial force. +Believe me, no delusion could be more mischievous or more complete.</p> + +<p>No praise could be too high for the patriotic and sustained efforts of +the county associations or for the quality and efficiency of the +territorial troops. It is a comparatively easy thing to make great +efforts and sacrifices under the stress and strain, which we are now +experiencing, of a supreme crisis. The territorials, without any such +stimulus in the piping times of peace, when war and the sufferings and +the struggles and glories of war were contingent and remote, these men +gave their time, sacrificed their leisure—not only in their annual +training, but in thousands of cases both officers and men devoted their +spare hours to preparing themselves in the study and the practice of the +art of war. They have now been embodied for two months, and I am +expressing the considered opinion of one of the most eminent Generals +when I say that the divisions now in camp in various parts of the +country, and improving every day in efficiency, have completely +justified their title to play any part that may be assigned to them, +either in home defense, in the manning of our garrisons, or in the +battle lines at the front. [Loud cheers.]</p> + +<p>It is, then, no want of appreciation of the patriotism and of the +efficiency of the territorial forces that leads me to ask you tonight +for recruits for the regular army. We wish, so far as military +exigencies permit, that the new battalions and squadrons and batteries +should retain their local associations and their corporate and +distinctive national character. [Cheers.] Why, the freedom and the +autonomy of the smaller nationalities is one of the great issues of this +gigantic contest.</p> + +<p><b>A Welsh Army Corps.</b></p> + +<p>I went a week ago to Dublin to make an appeal to Ireland. I asked +Irishmen then, as I do now, on behalf of the Government and of the War +Office, to enlist in and to make up the complement of an Irish army +corps. I repeat that appeal tonight to the men of Wales. [Cheers.] We +want that. We want you to fill up the ranks of the Welsh army corps. +[Cheers.] We believe that the preservation of local and national ties, +of the genius of a people which has a history of its own, is not only +not hostile to or inconsistent with, but, on the contrary, fosters and +strengthens and stimulates the spirit of a common purpose, of, a +corporate brotherhood, of an underlying and binding imperial unity +throughout every section and among all ranks of the forces of the Crown. +[Cheers.]</p> + +<p>Men of Wales, of whom I see so many thousands in this splendid +gathering, let me say one last word to you. Remember your past. +[Cheers.] Think of the villages and the mountains which in old days were +the shelter of the recruiting <span class="pagenum">[pg 329]</span>ground of your fathers in the +struggles which adorn and glorify your annals. Never has a stronger or a +more compelling appeal been made to you of all that you as a nation +honor and hold true. Be worthy of those who went before you, and leave +to your children the richest of all inheritances—the memory of fathers +who in a great cause put self-sacrifice before ease and honor above life +itself. [Loud cheers.]</p> + +<p>Lord Plymouth moved a resolution pledging support to the Prime +Minister's appeal to the nation and to measures necessary for the +prosecution of the war to a victorious conclusion, whereby alone the +lasting peace of Europe could be assured.</p> + +<p>Thomas Richards, M.P., seconded the resolution, which was carried with +enthusiasm. The meeting concluded with the singing of "Men of Harlech" +and the national anthem.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="LORD_CURZONS_EXPERIENCE" id="LORD_CURZONS_EXPERIENCE"></a>LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE.</h2> + +<p><b>Union of All Parties Noted in Letter to The London Times.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>To the Editor of The Times</i>:</p> + +<p>Sir: Perhaps, after an experience of ten days in which I have had +the opportunity of speaking nightly about the war to great +audiences of my fellow-countrymen in places so wide apart but so +populous and important as Hull, Aberdeen, Glasgow, Dundee, Reading, +and other towns, I may be permitted to send you a few observations +on the subject of the campaign for which I pleaded in your columns +a fortnight ago, and which has been prosecuted energetically by a +multitude of speakers ever since.</p> + +<p>In the first place, the meetings have shown the absolute fusion of +all parties and the disappearance of all minor issues in the face +of a national crisis. In each case the chair has been taken by the +Lord Mayor or Lord Provost or civic head of the town. On the +platform have been seated members of all parties and denominations; +and Lords Lieutenant, M.P.'s of all sides, including labor members, +and representative clergy, have addressed the meetings. The +interest taken by the people has been shown by the fact that the +largest halls, though sometimes holding audiences of 3,000 to 4,000 +men and more, have been unable to accommodate the crowds, and in +every case overflow meetings have had to be held.</p> + +<p>I have not found anywhere the slightest misapprehension as to the +causes of the war. The fears that were entertained that we should +be thought to be fighting on account of Servia or some remote +international quarrel, in which we were only indirectly engaged, +are groundless. The people realize clearly that we are fighting, +not merely for our own honor and good faith, but for ourselves and +our own national existence.</p> + +<p>Further, I think that the policies and ideals which are represented +by our opponents are becoming much more widely understood. The +circulation of books such as von Bernhardi's and the clear +exposition on many platforms and in the press of the objects +preached with such amazing frankness by German writers for at least +thirty years and treated with such characteristic indifference by +ourselves are bearing fruit, and our people realize that German +victory is inconsistent not merely with the continued existence of +such an empire as ours, but with the conception of self-respect, +humanity and freedom upon which modern civilization and democratic +government in particular take their stand.</p> + +<p>No doubt the German proceedings in Belgium have done much to +accelerate this conviction; and the mercilessness and savagery of +the methods by which the war has been fought by them (and for which +no vestige of an apology has been forthcoming) have taught men that +here is not only an enemy to be beaten but an evil spirit to be +driven out.</p> + +<p>The response to the appeal for recruits has, on the whole, been +wonderful and inspiriting. Employers of labor, whether on a large +or a small scale, have, as a rule, behaved with generosity both as +regards releasing their employees and in making provision for them +and their families. A good example has been set by families and +persons in leading positions. Domestic servants have come forward +in <span class="pagenum">[pg 330]</span>great numbers. The working class population have +awakened more slowly—as was inevitable until the nature of the war +and the urgency of the call were brought clearly home to them—but +are now responding with alacrity. The brave deeds of their +countrymen in France have proved the surest stimulus, and disaster, +as, for instance, that reported to the Gordon Highlanders, at once +raised the tide of recruits. This is a very typical and encouraging +feature, showing that all that is wanted to convert interest into +enthusiasm and to blow the embers into flame is that the case +should be brought home by the sense of patriotic achievement or +national loss.</p> + +<p>Unquestionably the two incidents that have appealed most to the +public sentiment have been the heroic resistance and tragic +sufferings of Belgium—to be compensated by all that our national +generosity can provide and atoned for by whatever reparation the +Allies think it ultimately right to exact—and the splendid +contribution from India. These events excite the loudest cheers and +touch the deepest chords of emotion.</p> + +<p>In some cases, where recruiting has been slow, men have been +affected by a too exclusive but quite pardonable regard for the +interests of themselves and their families. The provision made from +various sources for the bread winner who has joined the colors or +is at the front might easily be made more generous. But the outlook +for those who are wounded or disabled, or for the families of those +who lose their lives, and perhaps most of all for those who on +their return may find it difficult to secure re-employment, is +thought by many to be insufficiently assured. Private employers and +business firms have, on the whole, met the situation with +liberality; and a similar attitude on the part of the Government +would meet with its immediate reward. It is perhaps a selfish +utterance if a man is heard to say, "How am I going to come out of +it?" or still more, "What good is it going to do to me?"; but if he +put the same question on behalf of those who depend upon him for +subsistence he is entitled to a definite and a not ungenerous +reply.</p> + +<p>Two dangers may have to be faced as the war proceeds. One is that +the nation, exhilarated by smaller successes, may think that the +war will soon be over, and that no excessive effort is therefore +required. Traces of this feeling are sometimes visible in the +published letters (how admirable, as a rule, they are!) of soldiers +at the front, telling their families to expect them back in a month +or two's time. The other danger is that, harassed by the +continuance of the struggle, or attracted by delusive offers of +peace or affected by economic or industrial conditions which have +fortunately not so far developed, a section of the nation may cry +out for peace before the victory has been consummated and before +the peril we are fighting to avert is forever destroyed.</p> + +<p>It may be that renewed platform activity may be required as time +goes on to sustain the spirit and fortify the constancy of the +nation. In the meanwhile, speakers, from my experience, cannot do +better than dilate upon the immense magnitude of the stakes +involved, and probable long duration of the struggle, and the +supreme importance that our country should, by the strength and +effectiveness of its material contribution to the common cause, +exercise a powerful influence both upon the issue of the struggle +and in the resettlement of territories and forces which will follow +upon its conclusion. I am, Sir, yours obediently,</p> + +<p class="author">CURZON OF KEDLESTON.</p> +<p> 1 Carlton House Terrace, Sept. 14.</p> +</div> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + + +<h2><a name="NOW_THE_WAR_HAS_COME" id="NOW_THE_WAR_HAS_COME"></a>NOW THE WAR HAS COME.</h2> + +<p><b>Speech by Winston Spencer Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, at +the London Opera House, Sept. 11.</b></p> + + +<p>These are serious times, and though we meet here in an abode of +diversion and of pleasure in times of peace, and although we wish and +mean to rouse and encourage each other in every way, yet we are not here +for purposes of merriment or jollification. I am quite sure I associate +my two friends who are here tonight and who are to speak after me, <span class="pagenum">[pg +331]</span>and my noble friend, your Chairman, with me when I say that we +regard the cheers with which you have received us as being offered to us +only because they are meant for our soldiers in the field and our +sailors upon the sea, [cheers,] and it is in that sense that we accept +them and thank you for them.</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="winston_churchill" id="winston_churchill"></a><img src="images/winston_churchill.jpg" alt="winston_churchill" width="315" height="500" /> + +<p class="center">W. L. SPENCER CHURCHILL,<br /> +British First Lord of the Admiralty.<br /> +(<i>Photo from Underwood & Underwood</i>.)</p> +</div> + +<p>We meet here together in serious times, but I come to you tonight in +good heart, [cheers,] and with good confidence for the future and for +the task upon which we are engaged. It is too soon to speculate upon the +results of the great battle which is waging in France. Everything that +we have heard, during four long days of anxiety seems to point to a +marked and substantial turning of the tide.</p> + +<p><b>German Plans Miscarried.</b></p> + +<p>We have seen the forces of the French and British Armies strong enough +not only to contain and check the devastating avalanche which had swept +across the French frontier, but now at last, not for an hour or for a +day, but for four long days in succession, it has been rolled steadily +back. [Cheers.] With battles taking place over a front of 100 or 150 +miles one must be very careful not to build high hopes on results which +are achieved even in a great area of the field of war. We are not +children looking for light and vain encouragement, but men engaged upon +a task which has got to be put through. Still, when every allowance has +been made for the uncertainty with which these great operations are +always enshrouded, I think it only fair and right to say that the +situation tonight is better, far better, than a cold calculation of the +forces available on both sides before the war should have led us to +expect at this early stage. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>It is quite clear that what is happening now is not what the Germans +planned, [laughter,] and they have yet to show that they can adapt +themselves to the force of circumstances created by the military power +of their enemies with the same efficiency that they have undoubtedly +shown in regard to plans long prepared, methodically worked out, and +executed with the precision of deliberation.</p> + +<p>The battle, I say, gives us every reason to meet together tonight in +good heart. But let me tell you frankly that if this battle had been as +disastrous as, thank God, it appears to be triumphant, I should come +before you with unabated confidence and with the certainty that we have +only to continue in our efforts to bring this war to the conclusion +which we wish and intend. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p>We did not enter upon this war with the hope of easy victory; we did not +enter upon it in any desire to extend our territory, or to advance and +increase our position in the world; or in any romantic desire to shed +our blood and spend our money in Continental quarrels. We entered upon +this war reluctantly after we had made every effort compatible with +honor to avoid being drawn in, and we entered upon it with a full +realization of the sufferings, losses, disappointments, vexations, and +anxieties, and of the appalling and sustained exertions which would be +entailed upon us by our action. The war will be long and sombre. It will +have many reverses of fortune and many hopes falsified by subsequent +events, and we must derive from our cause and from the strength that is +in us, and from the traditions and history of our race, and from the +support and aid of our empire all over the world the means to make this +country overcome obstacles of all kinds and continue to the end of the +furrow, whatever the toil and suffering may be.</p> + +<p><b>Making Sure of Victory.</b></p> + +<p>But though we entered this war with no illusions as to the incidents +which will mark its progress, as to the ebb and flow of fortune in this +and that part of the gigantic field over which it is waged, we entered +it, and entered it rightly, with the sure and strong hope and +expectation of bringing it to a victorious conclusion. [Cheers.] I am +quite certain that if we, the people of the British Empire, choose, +whatever may happen in the interval, we can in the end make this war +finish in accordance with our interests and the interests <span class="pagenum">[pg 332]</span>of +civilization. [Cheers.] Let us build on a sure foundation. Let us not be +the sport of fortune, looking for victories here and happy chances +there; let us take measures, which are well within our power, which are +practical measures, measures which we can begin upon at once and carry +through from day to day with surety and effect. Let us enter upon +measures which in the long run, whatever the accidents and incidents of +the intervening period may be, will secure us that victory upon which +our life and existence as a nation not less than the fortune of our +allies and of Europe absolutely depends. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>The Deeds of the Navy.</b></p> + +<p>I think we are building on a sure foundation. [Cheers.] Let us look +first at the navy. [Cheers.] The war has now been in progress between +five and six weeks. In that time we have swept German commerce from the +seas. [Cheers.] We have either blocked in neutral harbors or blockaded +in their own harbors [laughter] or hunted down the commerce destroyers +of which we used to hear so much and from which we anticipated such +serious loss and damage. All our ships, with inconsiderable exceptions, +are arriving safely and punctually at their destinations, carrying on +the commerce upon which the wealth and industry and the power of making +war for this country depends. We are transporting easily, not without an +element of danger, but hitherto safely and successfully, great numbers +of soldiers across the seas from all quarters of the world to be +directed upon the decisive theatre of the land struggle. [A voice, +"Russians," and laughter.] And we have searched the so-called German +Ocean without discovering the German flag. [Cheers.] Our enemies, in +their carefully worked out calculations, which they have been toiling +over during a great many years, when the people of this country, as a +whole, credited them with quite different motives, ["Hear, hear!"] have +always counted upon a process of attrition and the waste of shipping by +mines and torpedoes and other methods of warfare of the weaker power, +by which the numbers and strength of our fleet would be reduced to such +a point that they would be able to steel their hearts and come out and +fight. [Cheers.] We have been at war for five or six weeks, and so +far—though I would certainly not underrate the risks and hazards +attending upon warlike operations and the vanity of all +overconfidence—but so far the attrition has been on their side and not +on ours, [cheers,] while the losses which they have suffered greatly +exceed any that we have at present sustained.</p> + +<p>I have made careful inquiries as to the condition of our sailors in the +fleet under the strain put upon them, and this continued watching and +constant attention to their duty under war conditions, and I am glad to +say that it is reported to me that the health of the fleet has been much +better since the declaration of war than it was in time of peace, [loud +cheers and laughter,] both as to the percentage of sickness and the +character of the sickness, [laughter,] and that there is no reason why +we should not keep up the same process of naval control and have the +same exercises of sea power, on which we have lived and are living, for +what is almost an indefinite period.</p> + +<p><b>The Nose of the Bulldog.</b></p> + +<p>By one of those dispensations of Providence, which appeals so strongly +to the German Emperor, [laughter,] the nose of the bulldog has been +slanted backward so that he can breathe with comfort without letting go. +[Laughter and cheers.] We have been successful in maintaining naval +control thus far in the struggle, and there are also sound reasons for +believing that as it progresses the chances in our favor will not +diminish but increase. In the next 12 months the number of great ships +that will be completed for this country is more than double the number +which will be completed for Germany, [cheers,] and the number of +cruisers three or four times as great. [Cheers.] Therefore I think I am +on solid ground when I come here tonight and say that you may count upon +the naval supremacy of this country being <span class="pagenum">[pg 333]</span>effectively +maintained as against the German power for as long as you wish. +[Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>The Army's Share.</b></p> + +<p>Now we must look at the army....</p> + +<p class="i5">[Transcriber's Note:<br /> Interlinear typesetter's error indicated by ellipses.]</p> + +<p>... Government and during all periods of modern history the darling of +the British Nation. On it have been lavished whatever public funds were +necessary, and to its efficiency has been devoted the unceasing care and +thought of successive Administrations. The result is that when the need +came the navy was absolutely ready, [cheers,] and, as far as we can see +from what has happened, thoroughly adequate to the task which was +required from it. But we have not been in times of peace a military +nation. The army has not had the facilities of obtaining the lavish +supplies of men and money for its needs which have in times of peace and +in the past, to our good fortune at the moment, been so freely given to +the navy. And what you have to do now is to make a great army. [Cheers.] +You have to make an army under the cover and shield of the navy strong +enough to enable our country to play its full part in the decision of +this terrible struggle. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>A Million Men Needed.</b></p> + +<p>The sure way—the only sure way—to bring this war to an end is for the +British Empire to put on the Continent and keep on the Continent an army +of at least 1,000,000 men. [Cheers.] I take that figure because it is +one well within the compass of the arrangements which are now on foot +and because it is one which is well within the scope of the measures +which Lord Kitchener—[Loud cheers drowned the rest of the sentence.]</p> + +<p>I was reading in the newspapers the other day that the German Emperor +made a speech to some of his regiments in which he urged them to +concentrate their attention upon what he was pleased to call "French's +contemptible little army." [Laughter.] Well, they are concentrating +their attention upon it [laughter and cheers] and that army, which has +been fighting with such extraordinary prowess, which has revived in a +fortnight of adverse actions the ancient fame and glory of our arms upon +the Continent, [cheers,] and which tonight, after a long, protracted, +harassed, unbroken, and undaunted rearguard action—the hardest trial to +which troops can be exposed—is advancing in spite of the loss of +one-fifth of its numbers, and driving its enemies before it—that army +must be reinforced and backed and supported and increased and enlarged +in numbers, in power by every means and every method that every one of +us can employ.</p> + +<p>There is no reason why, if you set yourselves to it—I have not come +here to make a speech of words, but to point out to you necessary and +obvious things which you can do—there is no doubt that, if you set +yourselves to it, the army which is now fighting so valiantly on your +behalf and our allies can be raised from its present position to 250,000 +of the finest professional soldiers in the world, and that in the new +year something like 500,000 men, and from that again when the early +Summer begins in 1915 to the full figure of twenty-five army corps +fighting in line together. The vast population of these islands and all +the empire is pressing forward to serve, its wealth is placed at your +disposal, the navy opens the way for the passage of men and everything +necessary for the equipment of our forces. Why should we hesitate when +here is the sure and certain path to ending this war in the way we mean +it to end? [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>A Decisive Weight.</b></p> + +<p>There is little doubt that an army so formed will in quality and +character, in native energy, in the comprehension which each individual +has of the cause for which he is fighting, exceed in merit any army in +the world. We have only to have a chance of even numbers or anything +approaching even numbers to demonstrate the superiority of +free-thinking, active citizens over the docile sheep who serve the +ferocious ambitions of drastic Kings. [Cheers.] Our enemies are now at +the point which we have reached fully extended. On every front <span class="pagenum">[pg +334]</span>of the enormous field of conflict the pressure upon them is such +that all their resources are deployed. With every addition to the +growing weight of the Russian Army, [cheers,] with every addition to the +forces at the disposal of Sir John French, [cheers,] the balance must +sag down increasingly against them.</p> + +<p><b>Fixing a Term to the War.</b></p> + +<p>You have only to create steadily week by week and month by month the +great military instrument of which I have been speaking to throw into +the scales a weight which must be decisive. There will be no +corresponding reserve of manhood upon which Germany can draw. There will +be no corresponding force of soldiers and of equipment and of war +material which can be brought into the line to face the forces which we +in this island and in this empire can undoubtedly create. That will turn +the scale. That will certainly decide the issue. Of course, if victory +comes sooner so much the better. [Cheers.] But let us not count on +fortune and good luck. [Cheers.] Let us assume at every point that +things will go much less well than we hope and wish. Let us make +arrangements which will override that. [Cheers.] We have it in our power +to make such arrangements, and it is only common prudence, aye, and +common humanity, to take steps which at any rate will fix some certain +term to this devastating struggle throughout the whole of the European +Continent.</p> + +<p>Let me also say this. Let us concentrate all our warlike feeling upon +fighting the enemy in the field and creating a great military weapon to +carry out the purposes of the war. There is a certain class of person +who likes to work his warlike feelings off upon the unfortunate alien +enemy within our gates.</p> + +<p><b>Fight Like Gentlemen.</b></p> + +<p>Of course all necessary measures must be taken for the security of the +country and for the proper carrying out of military needs; but let us +always have this feeling in our heart that after the war is over people +shall not only admire our victory but they shall say they fought like +gentlemen. [Cheers.] The Romans had a motto—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos</i>. +</div> + +<p>Let that be the spirit in which we conduct this war. Let all those who +feel under the horrible provocations of the struggle their hearts +suffused with anger and with wrath—let them turn it into a practical +channel—going to the front or if circumstances prevent them, helping +others to go, keeping them maintained in the highest state of +efficiency, giving them the supplies and weapons which they require, and +looking after those they have left behind.</p> + +<p><b>The Eloquence of Brutal Facts.</b></p> + +<p>I have not spoken to you much about the justice of our cause, because it +has been most eloquently set out by the Prime Minister, [cheers,] and +Sir Edward Grey, [cheers,] and by Mr. Bonar Law, [cheers,] and other +leaders of the Opposition; and much more eloquently than by any speakers +in this or any other country the justice of our cause has been set out +by the brutal facts which have occurred and which have marched upon us +from day to day. [Cheers.] Some thought there would be a German war, +some did not; but no one supposed that a great military nation would +exhibit all the vices of military organization without those redeeming +virtues which, God knows, are needed to redeem warlike operations from +the taint of shame. We have been confronted with an exhibition of +ruthlessness and outrage enforced upon the weak, enforced upon women and +children. We have been confronted with repeated breaches of the law of +enlightened warfare, practices analogous to those which in private life +are regarded as cheating, and which deprive persons or country adopting +them, or condoning them, of the credit and respect due to honorable +soldiers.</p> + +<p>We have been confronted with all this. Let us not imitate it. [Cheers.] +Let us not try to make small retaliations and reprisals here and there. +Let us concentrate upon the simple, obvious task of creating a military +force so powerful that the war, even in default of any good fortune, can +certainly be ended and <span class="pagenum">[pg 335]</span>brought to a satisfactory conclusion. +However the war began, now that it is started it is a war of +self-preservation for us. Our civilization, our way of doing things, our +political and Parliamentary life, with its voting and its thinking, our +party system, our party warfare, the free and easy tolerance of British +life, our method of doing things and of keeping ourselves alive and +self-respecting in the world—all these are brought into contrast, into +collision, with the organized force of bureaucratic Prussian militarism.</p> + +<p>That is the struggle which is opened now and which must go forward +without pause or abatement until it is settled decisively and finally +one way or the other. On that there can be no compromise or truce. It is +our life or it is theirs. We are bound, having gone so far, to go +forward without flinching to the very end. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>"The Terror of Europe."</b></p> + +<p>This is the same great European war that would have fought in the year +1909 if Russia had not humbled herself and given way to German threats. +It is the same war that Sir Edward Grey stopped last year. [Loud +cheers.] Now it has come upon us. If you look back across the long +periods of European history to the original cause, you will, I am sure, +find it in the cruel terms enforced upon France in the year 1870, +["Hear, hear!"] and in the repeated bullyings and attempts to terrorize +France which have been the characteristic of German policy ever since. +[Cheers.] The more you study this question the more you will see that +the use the Germans made of their three aggressive and victorious wars +against Denmark, against Austria, and against France has been such as to +make them the terror and the bully of Europe, the enemy and the menace +of every small State upon their borders, and a perpetual source of +unrest and disquietude to their powerful neighbors. [Cheers.]</p> + +<p><b>Claims of Nationality.</b></p> + +<p>Now the war has come, and when it is over let us be careful not to make +the same mistake or the same sort of mistake as Germany made when she +had France prostrate at her feet in 1870. [Cheers.] Let us, whatever we +do, fight for and work toward great and sound principles for the +European system. And the first of those principles which we should keep +before us is the principle of nationality [cheers]—that is to say, not +the conquest or subjugation of any great community or of any strong race +of men, but the setting free of those races which have been subjugated +and conquered [cheers]; and if doubt arises about disputed areas of +country we should try to settle their ultimate destination in the +reconstruction of Europe which must follow from this war with a fair +regard to the wishes and feelings of the people who live in them.</p> + +<p>That is the aim which, if it is achieved, will justify the exertions of +the war and will make some amends to the world for the loss and +suffering, the agony of suffering, which it has wrought and entailed, +and which will give to those who come after us not only the pride which +we hope they will feel in remembering the martial achievements of the +present age of Britain, but which will give them also a better and +fairer world to live in and a Europe free from the causes of hatred and +unrest which have poisoned the comity of nations and ruptured the peace +of Christendom.</p> + +<p><b>The Unity of the Empire.</b></p> + +<p>I use these words because this is a war in which we are all together, +[cheers,] all classes, all races, all States, principalities, dominions, +and powers throughout the British Empire—we are all together. [Cheers.] +Years ago the elder Pitt urged upon his countrymen the compulsive +invocation, "Be one people." It has taken us till now to obey his +appeal, but now we are together, and while we remain one people there +are no forces in the world strong enough to beat us down or break us up. +[Cheers.]</p> + +<p>I hope, even in this dark hour of strife and struggle, that the unity +which has been established in our country under the pressure of war will +not cease when the great military effort upon which we <span class="pagenum">[pg 336]</span>are +engaged and the great moral causes which we are pursuing have been +achieved. I hope, and I do not think my hope is a vain one, that the +forces which have come together in our islands and throughout our empire +may continue to work together, not only in a military struggle, but to +try to make our country more quickly a more happy and more prosperous +land, where social justice and free institutions are more firmly +established than they have been in the past. [Cheers.] If that is so we +shall not have fought in vain at home as well as abroad.</p> + +<p>With these hopes and in this belief I would urge you, laying aside all +hindrance, thrusting away all private aims, to devote yourselves +unswervingly and unflinchingly to the vigorous and successful +prosecution of the war. [Loud cheers.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="THE_GREAT_WAR" id="THE_GREAT_WAR"></a>THE GREAT WAR.</h2> + +<p><b>Speech by David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, at Queen's +Hall, London, Sept. 19.</b></p> + + +<p>My Lords, Ladies and Gentlemen: I have come here this afternoon to talk +to my fellow-countrymen about this great war and the part that we ought +to take in it. I feel my task is easier after we have been listening to +the greatest war song in the world ("The March of the Men of Harlech"). +[Applause.]</p> + +<p><b>Why Our National Honor Is Involved.</b></p> + +<p>There is no man in this room who has always regarded the prospect of +engaging in a great war with greater reluctance and with greater +repugnance than I have done throughout the whole of my political life. +["Hear, hear!"] There is no man either inside or outside of this room +more convinced that we could not have avoided it without national +dishonor. [Great applause.] I am fully alive to the fact that every +nation who has ever engaged in any war has always invoked the sacred +name of honor. Many a crime has been committed in its name; there are +some being committed now. All the same, national honor is a reality, +and any nation that disregards it is doomed. ["Hear, hear!"] Why is our +honor as a country involved in this war? Because, in the first instance, +we are bound by honorable obligations to defend the independence, the +liberty, the integrity, of a small neighbor that has always lived +peaceably. [Applause.] She could not have compelled us; she was weak; +but the man who declines to discharge his duty because his creditor is +too poor to enforce it is a blackguard. [Loud applause.] We entered into +a treaty—a solemn treaty—two treaties—to defend Belgium and her +integrity. Our signatures are attached to the documents. Our signatures +do not stand alone there; this country was not the only country that +undertook to defend the integrity of Belgium. Russia, France, Austria, +Prussia—they are all there. Why are Austria and Prussia not performing +the obligations of their bond? It is suggested that when we quote this +treaty it is purely an excuse on our part—it is our low craft and +cunning to cloak our jealousy of a superior +civilization—[Laughter]—that we are attempting to destroy. Our answer +is the action we took in 1870. ["Hear, hear!"] What was that? Mr. +Gladstone was then Prime Minister. [Applause.] Lord Granville, I think, +was then Foreign Secretary. I have never heard it laid to their charge +that they were ever Jingoes.</p> + +<p><b>France and Belgium in 1870.</b></p> + +<p>What did they do in 1870? That treaty bound us then. We called upon the +belligerent powers to respect it. We called upon France, and we called +upon Germany. At that time, bear in mind, the greatest danger to Belgium +came from France, and not from Germany. We intervened to protect Belgium +against France, exactly as we are doing now to protect her against +Germany. [Applause.] We proceeded in exactly the same way. We invited +both the belligerent powers to state that they had no intention of +violating Belgian territory. What was the answer given by Bismarck? He +said it was superfluous to ask Prussia such a question in view of the +treaties in force. France gave a <span class="pagenum">[pg 337]</span>similar answer. We received at +that time the thanks of the Belgian people for our intervention in a +very remarkable document. It is a document addressed by the Municipality +of Brussels to Queen Victoria after that intervention, and it reads:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The great and noble people over whose destinies you preside have +just given a further proof of its benevolent sentiment toward our +country.... The voice of the English nation has been heard above +the din of arms, and it has asserted the principles of justice and +right. Next to the unalterable attachment of the Belgian people to +their independence, the strongest sentiment which fills their +hearts is that of an imperishable gratitude. [Great applause.]</p></div> + +<p>That was in 1870. Mark what followed. Three or four days after that +document of thanks a French army was wedged up against the Belgian +frontier, every means of escape shut out by a ring of flame from +Prussian cannon. There was one way of escape. What was that? Violating +the neutrality of Belgium. What did they do? The French on that occasion +preferred ruin and humiliation to the breaking of their bond. [Loud +applause.] The French Emperor, the French Marshals, 100,000 gallant +Frenchmen in arms, preferred to be carried captive to the strange land +of their enemies rather than dishonor the name of their country. +[Applause.] It was the last French army in the field. Had they violated +Belgian neutrality the whole history of that war would have been +changed, and yet, when it was the interest of France to break the treaty +then, she did not do it.</p> + +<p><b>"A Scrap of Paper."</b></p> + +<p>It is the interest of Prussia today to break the treaty, and she has +done it. [Hisses.] She avows it with cynical contempt for every +principle of justice. She says: "Treaties only bind you when it is your +interest to keep them." [Laughter.] "What is a treaty?" says the German +Chancellor, "A scrap of paper." Have you any five-pound notes about you? +[Laughter and applause.] I am not calling for them. [Laughter.] Have you +any of those neat little Treasury one-pound notes? [Laughter.] If you +have, burn them; they are only scraps of paper. [Laughter and +applause.] What are they made of? Rags. [Laughter.] What are they worth? +The whole credit of the British Empire. [Loud applause.] Scraps of +paper! I have been dealing with scraps of paper within the last month. +One suddenly found the commerce of the world coming to a standstill. The +machine had stopped. Why? I will tell you. We discovered—many of us for +the first time, for I do not pretend that I do not know much more about +the machinery of commerce today than I did six weeks ago, and there are +many others like me—we discovered that the machinery of commerce was +moved by bills of exchange. I have seen some of them, [laughter,] +wretched, crinkled, scrawled over, blotched, frowsy, and yet those +wretched little scraps of paper move great ships laden with thousands of +tons of precious cargo from one end of the world to the other. +[Applause.] What is the motive power behind them? The honor of +commercial men. [Applause.] Treaties are the currency of international +statesmanship. [Applause.] Let us be fair—German merchants, German +traders, have the reputation of being as upright and straightforward as +any traders in the world, ["Hear, hear"] but if the currency of German +commerce is to be debased to the level of that of her statesmanship, no +trader from Shanghai to Valparaiso will ever look at a German signature +again. [Loud applause.] This doctrine of the scrap of paper, this +doctrine which is proclaimed by Bernhardi, that treaties only bind a +nation as long as it is to its interest, goes under the root of all +public law. It is the straight road to barbarism. ["Hear, hear!"] It is +as if you were to remove the magnetic pole because it was in the way of +a German cruiser. [Laughter.] The whole navigation of the seas would +become dangerous, difficult, and impossible; and the whole machinery of +civilization will break down if this doctrine wins in this war. ["Hear, +hear!"] We are fighting against barbarism, [applause,] and there is only +one way of putting it right. If <span class="pagenum">[pg 338]</span>there are nations that say they +will only respect treaties when it is to their interest to do so, we +must make it to their interest to do so for the future. [Applause.]</p> + +<p><b>Germany's Perjury.</b></p> + +<p>What is their defense? Consider the interview which took place between +our Ambassador and the great German officials. When their attention was +called to this treaty to which they were parties, they said: "We cannot +help that. Rapidity of action is the great German asset." There is a +greater asset for a nation than rapidity of action, and that is honest +dealing. [Loud applause.] What are Germany's excuses? She says Belgium +was plotting against her; Belgium was engaged in a great conspiracy with +Britain and France to attack her. Not merely is it not true, but Germany +knows it is not true. ["Hear, hear!"] What is her other excuse. That +France meant to invade Germany through Belgium. That is absolutely +untrue. ["Hear, hear!"] France offered Belgium five army corps to defend +her if she were attacked. Belgium said: "I do not require them; I have +the word of the Kaiser. Shall Caesar send a lie?" [Laughter and +applause.] All these tales about conspiracy have been vamped up since. A +great nation ought to be ashamed to behave like a fraudulent bankrupt, +perjuring its way through its obligations. ["Hear, hear!"] What she says +is not true. She has deliberately broken this treaty, and we were in +honor bound to stand by it. [Applause.]</p> + +<p><b>Belgium's "Crime."</b></p> + +<p>Belgium has been treated brutally. ["Hear, hear!"] How brutally we shall +not yet know. We already know too much. But what had she done? Had she +sent an ultimatum to Germany? Had she challenged Germany? Was she +preparing to make war on Germany? Had she inflicted any wrong upon +Germany which the Kaiser was bound to redress? She was one of the most +unoffending little countries in Europe. ["Hear, hear!"] There she +was—peaceable, industrious, thrifty, hard working, giving offense to +no one. And her cornfields have been trampled, her villages have been +burned, her art treasures have been destroyed, her men have been +slaughtered—yea, and her women and children too. [Cries of "Shame!"] +Hundreds and thousands of her people, their neat, comfortable little +homes burned to the dust, are wandering homeless in their own land. What +was their crime? Their crime was that they trusted to the word of a +Prussian King. [Applause.] I do not know what the Kaiser hopes to +achieve by this war. [Derisive laughter.] I have a shrewd idea what he +will get; but one thing he has made certain, and that is that no nation +will ever commit that crime again.</p> + +<p><b>"The Right to Defend Its Homes."</b></p> + +<p>I am not going to enter into details of outrages. Many of them are +untrue, and always are in a war. War is a grim, ghastly business at best +or at worst, ["Hear, hear!"] and I am not going to say that all that has +been said in the way of outrages must necessarily be true. I will go +beyond that, and I will say that if you turn two millions of +men—forced, conscript, compelled, driven—into the field, you will +always get among them a certain number who will do things that the +nation to which they belong would be ashamed of. I am not depending on +these tales. It is enough for me to have the story which Germans +themselves avow, admit, defend and proclaim—the burning and massacring, +the shooting down of harmless people. Why? Because, according to the +Germans, these people fired on German soldiers. What business had German +soldiers there at all? ["Hear, hear!" and applause.] Belgium was acting +in pursuance of the most sacred right, the right to defend its homes. +But they were not in uniform when they fired! If a burglar broke into +the Kaiser's Palace at Potsdam, destroyed his furniture, killed his +servants, ruined his art treasures—especially those he had made +himself, [laughter and applause], and burned the precious manuscripts of +his speeches, do you think he would wait until he got into uniform +before he shot him down? <span class="pagenum">[pg 339]</span>[Laughter.] They were dealing with +those who had broken into their household. ["Hear, hear!"] But the +perfidy of the Germans has already failed. They entered Belgium to save +time. The time has gone. [Loud and continued applause.] They have not +gained time, but they have lost their good name. ["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p><b>The Case of Servia.</b></p> + +<p>But Belgium is not the only little nation that has been attacked in this +war, and I make no excuse for referring to the case of the other little +nation, the case of Servia. ["Hear, hear!"] The history of Servia is not +unblotted. Whose history, in the category of nations, is unblotted? +["Hear, hear!"] The first nation that is without sin, let her cast a +stone at Servia. She was a nation trained in a horrible school, but she +won her freedom with a tenacious valor, and she has maintained it by the +same courage. [Applause.] If any Servians were mixed up in the +assassination of the Grand Duke, they ought to be punished. ["Hear, +hear!"] Servia admits that. The Servian Government had nothing to do +with it. Not even Austria claims that. The Servian Prime Minister is one +of the most capable and honored men in Europe. ["Hear, hear!"] Servia +was willing to punish any one of her subjects who had been proved to +have any complicity in that assassination. What more could you expect? +What were the Austrian demands? Servia sympathized with her +fellow-countrymen in Bosnia—that was one of her crimes. She must do so +no more. Her newspapers were saying nasty things about Austria; they +must do so no longer. That is the German spirit; you had it in Zabern. +["Hear, hear!" and applause.] How dare you criticise a Prussian +official? [laughter,] and if you laugh, it is a capital offense—the +Colonel in Zabern threatened to shoot if it was repeated. In the same +way the Servian newspapers must not criticise Austria. I wonder what +would have happened if we had taken the same line about German +newspapers. ["Hear, hear!"] Servia said: "Very well, we will give orders +to the newspapers that they must in future criticise neither Austria, +nor Hungary, nor anything that is theirs." [Laughter.] Who can doubt the +valor of Servia, when she undertook to tackle her newspaper editors? +[Laughter and applause.] She promised not to sympathize with Bosnia, she +promised to write no critical articles about Austria; she would have no +public meetings in which anything unkind was said about Austria.</p> + +<p><b>"Servia Faced the Situation with Dignity."</b></p> + +<p>But that was not enough. She must dismiss from her army the officers +whom Austria should subsequently name. Those officers had just emerged +from a war where they had added lustre to the Servian arms; they were +gallant, brave, and efficient. ["Hear, hear!"] I wonder whether it was +their guilt or their efficiency that prompted Austria's action! But, +mark you, the officers were not named; Servia was to undertake in +advance to dismiss them from the army, the names to be sent in +subsequently. Can you name a country in the world that would have stood +that? [Cries of "No."] Supposing Austria or Germany had issued an +ultimatum of that kind to this country, saying, "You must dismiss from +your army, and from your navy, [laughter,] all those officers whom we +shall subsequently name." Well, I think I could name them now. +[Laughter.] Lord Kitchener [loud applause] would go. Sir John French +[applause] would be sent away; Gen. Smith-Dorrien [applause] would go, +and I am sure that Sir John Jellicoe [applause] would have to go. And +there is another gallant old warrior who would go, Lord Roberts. +[Applause.] It was a difficult situation for a small country. Here was a +demand made upon her by a great military power that could have put half +a dozen men in the field for every one of Servia's men, and that power +was supported by the greatest military power in the world. How did +Servia behave? It is not what happens to you in life that matters; it is +the way in which you face it, ["Hear, hear!"] and Servia faced the +situation with dignity. She said to Austria: <span class="pagenum">[pg 340]</span>"If any officers +of mine have been guilty, and are proved to be guilty, I will dismiss +them." Austria said: "That is not good enough for me." It was not guilt +she was after, but capacity. ["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p><b>Russia's Turn.</b></p> + +<p>Then came Russia's turn. Russia has a special regard for Servia; she has +a special interest in Servia. Russians have shed their blood for Servian +independence many a time, for Servia is a member of Russia's family, and +she cannot see Servia maltreated. Austria knew that. Germany knew it, +and she turned round to Russia and said: "I insist that you shall stand +by with your arms folded while Austria is strangling your little brother +to death." What answer did the Russian Slav give? He gave the only +answer that becomes a man. ["Hear, hear!"] He turned to Austria, and +said: "You lay hands on that little fellow, and I will tear your +ramshackle empire [loud applause and laughter] limb from limb." And he +is doing it! [Loud applause.]</p> + +<p><b>The Little Nations.</b></p> + +<p>That is the story of two little nations. The world owes much to little +nations—and to little men! [Laughter and applause.] This theory of +bigness, this theory that you must have a big empire, and a big nation, +and a big man—well, long legs have their advantage in a retreat. +[Laughter and applause.] The Kaiser's ancestor chose his warriors for +their height, and that tradition has become a policy in Germany. Germany +applies that ideal to nations, and will only allow six-foot-two nations +to stand in the ranks. [Laughter.] But ah! the world owes much to the +little five-foot-five nations. The greatest art in the world was the +work of little nations; the most enduring literature of the world came +from little nations; the greatest literature of England came when she +was a nation of the size of Belgium fighting a great empire. The heroic +deeds that thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of little +nations fighting for their freedom. Yes, and the salvation of mankind +came through a little nation. God has chosen little nations as the +vessels by which He carries His choicest wines to the lips of humanity, +to rejoice their hearts, to exalt their vision, to stimulate and +strengthen their faith; and if we had stood by when two little nations +were being crushed and broken by the brutal hands of barbarism, our +shame would have rung down the everlasting ages. [Loud applause.]</p> + +<p><b>"The Test of Our Faith."</b></p> + +<p>But Germany insists that this is an attack by a lower civilization upon +a higher one. [Derisive cries.] As a matter of fact, the attack was +begun by the civilization which calls itself the higher one. I am no +apologist for Russia; she has perpetrated deeds of which I have no doubt +her best sons are ashamed. What empire has not? But Germany is the last +empire to point the finger of reproach at Russia. ["Hear, hear!"] Russia +has made sacrifices for freedom—great sacrifices. Do you remember the +cry of Bulgaria when she was torn by the most insensate tyranny that +Europe has ever seen? Who listened to that cry? The only answer of the +higher civilization was that the liberty of the Bulgarian peasants was +not worth the life of a single Pomeranian grenadier. But the "rude +barbarians of the North" sent their sons by the thousand to die for +Bulgarian freedom. What about England? Go to Greece, the Netherlands, +Italy, Germany, France—in all those lands I could point out places +where the sons of Britain have died for the freedom of those peoples. +[Loud applause.] France has made sacrifices for the freedom of other +lands than her own. Can you name a single country in the world for the +freedom of which modern Prussia has ever sacrificed a single life? +["No!"] By the test of our faith, the highest standard of civilization +is the readiness to sacrifice for others. [Applause.]</p> + +<p><b>German "Civilization."</b></p> + +<p>I will not say a single word in disparagement of the German people. They +are a great people, and have great qualities <span class="pagenum">[pg 341]</span>of head and hand +and heart. I believe, in spite of recent events, that there is as great +a store of kindliness in the German peasant as in any peasant in the +world; but he has been drilled into a false idea of civilization. It is +efficient, it is capable; but it is a hard civilization; it is a selfish +civilization; it is a material civilization. They cannot comprehend the +action of Britain at the present moment; they say so. They say, "France +we can understand; she is out for vengeance; she is out for +territory—Alsace and Lorraine." [Applause.] They say they can +understand Russia; she is fighting for mastery—she wants Galicia. They +can understand you fighting for vengeance—they can understand you +fighting for mastery—they can understand you fighting for greed of +territory; but they cannot understand a great empire pledging its +resources, pledging its might, pledging the lives of its children, +pledging its very existence, to protect a little nation that seeks to +defend herself. [Applause.] God made man in His own image, high of +purpose, in the region of the spirit; German civilization would recreate +him in the image of a Diesel machine—precise, accurate, powerful, but +with no room for soul to operate. ["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p><b>A Philosophy of Blood and Iron.</b></p> + +<p>Have you read the Kaiser's speeches? If you have not a copy I advise you +to buy one; they will soon be out of print, and you will not have many +more of the same sort. [Laughter and applause.] They are full of the +glitter and bluster of German militarism—"mailed fist," and "shining +armor." Poor old mailed fist! Its knuckles are getting a little bruised. +Poor shining armor! The shine is being knocked out of it. [Applause.] +There is the same swagger and boastfulness running through the whole of +the speeches. The extract which was given in The British Weekly this +week is a very remarkable product as an illustration of the spirit we +have to fight. It is the Kaiser's speech to his soldiers on the way to +the front:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Remember that the German people are the chosen of God. On me, the +German Emperor, the spirit of God has descended. I am His sword, +His weapon, and His viceregent. Woe to the disobedient, and death +to cowards and unbelievers.</p></div> + +<p>Lunacy is always distressing, but sometimes it is dangerous; and when +you get it manifested in the head of the State, and it has become the +policy of a great empire, it is about time that it should be ruthlessly +put away. [Loud applause.] I do not believe he meant all these speeches; +it was simply the martial straddle he had acquired. But there were men +around him who meant every word of them. This was their religion. +Treaties? They tangle the feet of Germany in her advance. Cut them with +the sword! Little nations? They hinder the advance of Germany. Trample +them in the mire under the German heel! The Russian Slav? He challenges +the supremacy of Germany and Europe. Hurl your legions at him and +massacre him! Britain? She is a constant menace to the predominancy of +Germany in the world. Wrest the trident out of her hand! Christianity? +Sickly sentimentalism about sacrifice for others! Poor pap for German +digestion! We will have a new diet. We will force it upon the world. It +will be made in Germany—[Laughter and applause]—a diet of blood and +iron. What remains? Treaties have gone. The honor of nations has gone. +Liberty has gone. What is left? Germany! Germany is left!—"Deutschland +über Alles!"</p> + +<p>That is what we are fighting—["Hear, hear!"]—that claim to +predominancy of a material, hard civilization, a civilization which if +it once rules and sways the world, liberty goes, democracy vanishes. And +unless Britain and her sons come to the rescue it will be a dark day for +humanity. [Applause.]</p> + +<p>Have you followed the Prussian Junker and his doings? We are not +fighting the German people. The German people are under the heel of this +military caste, and it will be a day of rejoicing for the German +peasant, artisan and trader when the military caste is broken. You know +its pretensions. They give themselves the airs of demi-gods. They walk +the pavements, and civilians and their wives <span class="pagenum">[pg 342]</span>are swept into the gutter; +they have no right to stand in the way of a great Prussian soldier. Men, +women, nations—they all have to go. He thinks all he has to say is "We +are in a hurry." That is the answer he gave to Belgium—"Rapidity of +action is Germany's greatest asset," which means "I am in a hurry; clear +out of the way." You know the type of motorist, the terror of the roads, +with a sixty horse-power car, who thinks the roads are made for him, and +knocks down anybody who impedes the action of his car by a single mile +an hour. The Prussian Junker is the road-hog of Europe. [Applause.] +Small nationalities in his way are hurled to the roadside, bleeding and +broken. Women and children are crushed under the wheels of his cruel +car, and Britain is ordered out of his road. All I can say is this: If +the old British spirit is alive in British hearts, that bully will be +torn from his seat. [Loud applause.] Were he to win, it would be the +greatest catastrophe that has befallen democracy since the day of the +Holy Alliance and its ascendency.</p> + +<p><b>"Through Terror to Triumph."</b></p> + +<p>They think we cannot beat them. It will not be easy. It will be a long +job; it will be a terrible war; but in the end we shall march through +terror to triumph. [Applause.] We shall need all our qualities—every +quality that Britain and its people possess—prudence in counsel, daring +in action, tenacity in purpose, courage in defeat, moderation in +victory; in all things faith! [Loud applause.]</p> + +<p>It has pleased them to believe and to preach the belief that we are a +decadent and degenerate people. They proclaim to the world through their +professors that we are a non-heroic nation skulking behind our mahogany +counters, while we egg on more gallant races to their destruction. This +is a description given of us in Germany—"a timorous, craven nation, +trusting to its fleet." I think they are beginning to find their mistake +out already, [applause,] and there are half a million young men of +Britain who have already registered a vow to their King that they will +cross the seas and hurl that insult to British courage against its +perpetrators on the battlefields of France and Germany. We want half a +million more; and we shall get them. [Loud applause.]</p> + +<p>Wales must continue doing her duty. That was a great telegram that you, +my Lord, read from Glamorgan. ["Hear, hear!"] I should like to see a +Welsh Army in the field. [Loud applause.] I should like to see the race +that faced the Norman for hundreds of years in a struggle for freedom, +the race that helped to win Crécy, the race that fought for a generation +under Glendower against the greatest captain in Europe—I should like to +see that race give a good taste of its quality in this struggle in +Europe; and they are going to do it.</p> + +<p><b>The Sacrifice.</b></p> + +<p>I envy you young people your opportunity. They have put up the age limit +for the army, but I am sorry to say I have marched a good many years +even beyond that. It is a great opportunity, an opportunity that only +comes once in many centuries to the children of men. For most +generations sacrifice comes in drab and weariness of spirit. It comes to +you today, and it comes today to us all, in the form of the glow and +thrill of a great movement for liberty, that impels millions throughout +Europe to the same noble end. [Applause.] It is a great war for the +emancipation of Europe from the thralldom of a military caste which has +thrown its shadows upon two generations of men, and is now plunging the +world into a welter of bloodshed and death. Some have already given +their lives. There are some who have given more than their own lives; +they have given the lives of those who are dear to them. I honor their +courage, and may God be their comfort and their strength. But their +reward is at hand; those who have fallen have died consecrated deaths. +They have taken their part in the making of a new Europe—a new world. I +can see signs of its coming in the glare of the battlefield.</p> + +<p>The people will gain more by this struggle in all lands than they +comprehend at the present moment. ["Hear, hear!"] It is true they will +be free of <span class="pagenum">[pg 343]</span>the greatest menace to their freedom. That is not +all. There is something infinitely greater and more enduring which is +emerging already out of this great conflict—a new patriotism, richer, +nobler, and more exalted than the old. [Applause.] I see among all +classes, high and low, shedding themselves of selfishness, a new +recognition that the honor of the country does not depend merely on the +maintenance of its glory in the stricken field, but also in protecting +its homes from distress. ["Hear, hear!"] It is bringing a new outlook +for all classes. The great flood of luxury and sloth which had submerged +the land is receding, and a new Britain is appearing. We can see for the +first time the fundamental things that matter in life, and that have +been obscured from our vision by the tropical growth of prosperity. +["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p><b>"The Vision."</b></p> + +<p>May I tell you in a simple parable what I think this war is doing for +us? I know a valley in North Wales, between the mountains and the sea. +It is a beautiful valley, snug, comfortable, sheltered by the mountains +from all the bitter blasts. But it is very enervating, and I remember +how the boys were in the habit of climbing the hill above the village to +have a glimpse of the great mountains in the distance, and to be +stimulated and freshened by the breezes which came from the hilltops, +and by the great spectacle of their grandeur. We have been living in a +sheltered valley for generations. We have been too comfortable and too +indulgent, many, perhaps, too selfish, and the stern hand of fate has +scourged us to an elevation where we can see the great everlasting +things that matter for a nation—the great peaks we had forgotten, of +honor, duty, patriotism, and, clad in glittering white, the great +pinnacle of sacrifice pointing like a rugged finger to Heaven. We shall +descend into the valleys again; but as long as the men and women of this +generation last, they will carry in their hearts the image of those +great mountain peaks whose foundations are not shaken, though Europe +rock and sway in the convulsions of a great war. [Enthusiastic and +continued applause.]</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<h2><a name="Teachings_of_Gen_von_Bernhardi" id="Teachings_of_Gen_von_Bernhardi"></a>Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi</h2> + +<p class="center"><b>By Viscount (James) Bryce.</b></p> +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p style="text-align: right"><b>London, Oct. 3.</b></p> + + +<p>The present war has had some unexpected consequences. It has called the +attention of the world outside of Germany to some amazing doctrines +proclaimed there, which strike at the root of all international morality +as well as of all international law, and which threaten a return to +primitive savagery, when every tribe was wont to plunder and massacre +its neighbors.</p> + +<p>These doctrines may be found set forth in the widely circulated book of +Gen. von Bernhardi, entitled "Germany and the Next War," published in +1911, and professing to be mainly based on the teachings of the famous +professor of history, Heinrich von Treitschke. To readers in other +countries, and I trust to most readers in Germany also, they will appear +to be an outburst of militarism run mad, a product of a brain +intoxicated by love of war and by superheated national self-consciousness.</p> + +<p>They would have deserved little notice, much less refutation, but for +one deplorable fact, viz., that action has recently been taken by the +Government of a great nation (though, as we hope and trust, without the +approval of that nation) which is consonant with them and seems to imply +belief in their soundness.</p> + +<p><b>Acting on Bernhardi's Doctrines.</b></p> + +<p>This fact is the conduct of the German Imperial Government in the +violation of <span class="pagenum">[pg 344]</span>the neutrality of Belgium, which Prussia, as well +as Great Britain and France, had solemnly guaranteed by treaty (made in +1839 and renewed in 1870); in invading Belgium when she refused to allow +her armies to pass, although France, the other belligerent, had +explicitly promised not to enter Belgium; and in treating Belgian cities +and people against whom she had no cause of quarrel with a harshness +unprecedented in the history of modern European warfare.</p> + +<p>What are these doctrines? I do not for a moment attribute them to the +learned class in Germany, for whom I have profound respect, recognizing +their immense services to science and learning; nor to the bulk of the +civil administration, a body whose capacity and uprightness are known to +all the world, and least of all to the German people generally. That the +latter hold no such views appears from Bernhardi's own words, for he +repeatedly complains of and deplores the pacific tendencies of his +fellow countrymen.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>[<i>Note—See Pp. 10-14 of the English +translation and note the +phrase: "Aspirations for peace seem to poison the soul of the +German people."</i>]</p></div> + +<p>Nevertheless, the fact that the action referred to, which these +doctrines seem to have prompted, and which cannot be defended except by +them, has been actually taken and has thus brought into this war Great +Britain, whose interests and feelings made her desire peace, renders it +proper to call attention to them and to all that they involve.</p> + +<p>I have certainly no prejudice in the matter, for I have been one of +those who for many years labored to promote good relations between the +German and English peoples, that ought to be friendly, and that never +before had been enemies; and I had hoped and believed till the beginning +of August last that between them at least there would be no war, because +Belgian neutrality would be respected.</p> + +<p>Nor was it only for the sake of Great Britain and Germany that English +friends of peace sought to maintain good feeling. We had hoped, as some +leading German statesmen had hoped, that a friendliness with Germany +might enable Great Britain, with the co-operation of the United States, +our closest friends, to mitigate the long antagonism of Germany and of +the French, with whom we were already on good terms, and to so improve +their relations as to secure the general peace of Europe.</p> + +<p>Into the causes which frustrated these efforts and so suddenly brought +on this war I will not enter. Many others have dealt with them; +moreover, the facts, at least as we in England see and believe them, and +as the documents seem to prove them to be, appear not to be known to the +German people, and the motives of the chief actors are not yet fully +ascertained.</p> + +<p>One thing, however, I can confidently declare: It was neither commercial +rivalry nor jealousy of German power that brought Great Britain into the +field, nor was there any hatred in the British people for the German +people, nor any wish to break their power. The leading political +thinkers and historians of England had given hearty sympathy to the +efforts made by the German people, from 1815 to 1866 and 1870, to attain +political unity, and they had sympathized with the parallel efforts of +the Italians. The two nations, German and British, were of kindred race +and linked by many ties. To the German people even now we feel no sort +of enmity. In both countries there were doubtless some persons who +desired war and whose writings, apparently designed to provoke it, did +much to misrepresent general national sentiment; but these persons were, +as I believe, a small minority in both countries.</p> + +<p>So far as Great Britain was concerned, it was the invasion of Belgium +that arrested all efforts to avert war and made the friends of peace +themselves join in holding that the duty of fulfilling their treaty +obligations to a weak State was paramount to every other consideration.</p> + +<p><b>Bernhardi's Praise of War.</b></p> + +<p>I return to the doctrines set forth by von Bernhardi and apparently +accepted by the military caste to which he belongs. Briefly summed up, +they are as <span class="pagenum">[pg 345]</span>follows—his own words are used except when it +becomes necessary to abridge a lengthened argument:</p> + +<ul> +<li>War is in itself a good thing. It is a biological necessity of the first +importance. (P. 18.)</li> + +<li>The inevitableness, the idealism, the blessing of war as an +indispensable and stimulating law of development must be repeatedly +emphasized. (P. 37.)</li> + +<li>War is the greatest factor in the furtherance of culture and power. +Efforts to secure peace are extraordinarily detrimental as soon as they +influence politics. (P. 28.)</li> + +<li>Fortunately these efforts can never attain their ultimate objects in a +world bristling with arms, where healthy egotism still directs the +policy of most countries. God will see to it, says Treitschke, that war +always recurs as a drastic medicine for the human race. (P. 36.)</li> + +<li>Efforts directed toward the abolition of war are not only foolish, but +absolutely immoral, and must be stigmatized as unworthy of the human +race. (P. 34.)</li> + +<li>Courts of arbitration are pernicious delusions. The whole idea +represents a presumptuous encroachment on natural laws of development, +which can only lead to the most disastrous consequences for humanity +generally. (P. 34.)</li> + +<li>The maintenance of peace never can be or may be the goal of a policy.</li> + +<li>Efforts for peace would, if they attained their goal, lead to general +degeneration, as happens everywhere in nature where the struggle for +existence is eliminated. (P. 35.)</li> + +<li>Huge armaments are in themselves desirable. They are the most necessary +precondition of our national health. (P. 11.)</li> + +<li>The end all and be all of a State is power, and he who is not man enough +to look this truth in the face should not meddle with politics, (quoted +from Treitschke's "Politik").</li> + +<li>The State's highest moral duty is to increase its power. (P. 45-6.)</li> + +<li>The State is justified in making conquests whenever its own advantage +seems to require additional territory. (P. 46.)</li> + +<li>Self-preservation is the State's highest ideal and justifies whatever +action it may take if that action be conducive to that end. The State is +the sole judge of the morality of its own action. It is, in fact, above +morality, or, in other words, whatever is necessary is moral. Recognized +rights (i.e., treaty rights) are never absolute rights; they are of +human origin, and, therefore, imperfect and variable. There are +conditions in which they do not correspond to the actual truth of +things. In this case infringement of the right appears morally +justified. (P. 49.)</li> + +<li>In fact, the State is a law unto itself. Weak nations have not the same +right to live as powerful and vigorous nations. (P. 34.)</li> + +<li>Any action in favor of collective humanity outside the limits of the +State and nationality is impossible. (P. 25.)</li> +</ul> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p><b>A Doctrine 2,200 Years Old.</b></p> + +<p>These are startling propositions, though propounded as practically +axiomatic. They are not new, for twenty-two centuries ago the sophist +Thrasymachus in Plato's "Republic" argued—Socrates refuting him—that +justice is nothing more than the advantage of the stronger; might is +right.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>[<i>Note.—Plato laid down that the +end for which the State exists is +justice</i>.]</p></div> + +<p>The most startling among them are (1) denial that there are any duties +owed by the State to humanity, except that of imposing its own superior +civilization upon as large a part of humanity as possible, and (2) +denial of the duty of observing treaties which are only so much paper to +modern German writers.</p> + +<p>The State is a much more tremendous entity than it is to Englishmen or +Americans; it is the supreme power, with a sort of mystic sanctity—a +power conceived of, as it were, self-created; a force altogether +distinct from and superior to the persons who compose it. But a State +is, after all, only so many individuals organized under a Government. It +is no wiser, no more righteous than the human beings of whom at +consists, and whom it sets up to govern it. If it is right for persons +united as citizens into a State to rob and murder for their collective +advantage by their collective power, why should it be wicked for +citizens, as individuals, to do so? Does their moral responsibility +cease when and because they act together? Most legal systems hold that +there are acts which one man may lawfully do which become unlawful if +done by a number of men conspiring together; but now it would seem that +what would be a crime in persons as individuals, is high policy for +those persons united in a <span class="pagenum">[pg 346]</span>State. Has the State, then, no +morality, no responsibility? Is there no such thing as a common +humanity? Are there no duties owed to it? Is there none of that "decent +respect to the opinions of mankind," which the framers of the +Declaration of Independence recognized? No sense that even the greatest +States are amenable to the sentiment of the civilized world?</p> + +<p><b>How Weaker States Are Affected.</b></p> + +<p>Let us see how these doctrines affect smaller and weaker States which +have hitherto lived in comparative security beside great powers. They +will be absolutely at the mercy of the stronger, even if protected by +treaties guaranteeing their neutrality and independence. They will not +be safe, for treaty obligations are worthless "when they do not +correspond to facts," i.e., when the strong power finds that they stand +in its way its interests are paramount.</p> + +<p>If a State hold valuable minerals, as Sweden has iron, and Belgium coal, +and Rumania oil, or if it has abundance of water power, like Norway, +Sweden, and Switzerland; or if it holds the mouth of a navigable river, +the upper course of which belongs to another nation, a great State may +conquer and annex that small State as soon as it finds that it needs +minerals or water power or river mouth. It has the power, and power +gives right. The interests, sentiments of patriotism, and love of +independence of the small people go for nothing. Civilization has turned +back upon itself; culture is to expand itself by barbaric force; +Governments derive their authority, not from the consent of the +governed, but from the weapons of the conqueror; law and morality +between nations have vanished. Herodotus tells us that the Scythians +worshipped as their god a naked sword; that is the deity to be installed +in the place once held by the God of Christianity, the God of +righteousness and mercy.</p> + +<p>States—mostly despotic States—have sometimes applied parts of this +system of doctrine; but none have proclaimed it. The Roman conquerors of +the world were not a scrupulous people, but even they stopped short of +these principles; certainly they never set them up as an ideal; neither +did those magnificent Teutonic Emperors of the Middle Ages, whose fame +Gen. von Bernhardi is fond of recalling. They did not enter Italy as +conquerors, claiming her by right of the strongest; they came on the +faith of a legal title which, however fantastic it may seem to us today, +the Italians themselves, and, indeed, the whole of Latin Christendom, +admitted. Dante, the greatest and most patriotic of Italians, welcomed +the Emperor Henry VII. into Italy, and wrote a famous book to prove his +claims, vindicating them on the ground that he, as heir of Rome, stood +for law and right and peace. The noblest title which these Emperors +chose to bear was that of Imperator Pacificus.</p> + +<p>In the Middle Ages, when men were always fighting, they appreciated the +blessings of war much less than does Gen. von Bernhardi, and they valued +peace, not war, as a means to civilization and culture. They had not +learned in the school of Treitschke that peace means decadence and war +is the true civilizing influence.</p> + +<p><b>Great Achievements of Small States.</b></p> + +<p>The doctrines above stated are, as I have tried to point out, well +calculated to alarm small States which prize their liberty and their +individuality, and have been thriving under the safeguard of treaties; +but there are other considerations affecting those States which ought to +appeal to men in all countries, to strong nations as well as to weak +nations.</p> + +<p>The small States whose absorption is now threatened have been a potent +and useful—perhaps the most potent and useful—factor in the advance of +civilization. It is in them and by them that most of what is most +precious in religion, in philosophy, in literature, in science, and in +art has been produced.</p> + +<p>The first great thoughts that brought man into true relation with God +came from a tiny people inhabiting a country smaller than Denmark. The +religions of mighty Babylon and populous Egypt <span class="pagenum">[pg 347]</span>have vanished; +the religion of Israel remains in its earlier as well as in that later +form which has overspread the world.</p> + +<p>The Greeks were a small people, not united in one great State, but +scattered over coasts and among hills in petty city communities, each +with its own life. Slender in numbers, but eager, versatile, and +intense, they gave us the richest, most varied, and most stimulating of +all literatures.</p> + +<p>When poetry and art reappeared after the long night of the Dark Ages, +their most splendid blossoms flowered in the small republics of Italy.</p> + +<p>In modern Europe what do we not owe to little Switzerland, lighting the +torch of freedom 600 years ago and keeping it alight through all the +centuries when despotic monarchies held the rest of the European +Continent? And what to free Holland, with her great men of learning and +her painters surpassing those of all other countries save Italy?</p> + +<p>So the small Scandinavian nations have given to the world famous men of +science, from Linnaeus downward; poets like Tegnor and Björnson; +scholars like Madvig; dauntless explorers like Fridtjof Nansen.</p> + +<p>England had in the age of Shakespeare, Bacon, and Milton a population +little larger than that of Bulgaria today. The United States in the days +of Washington and Franklin and Jefferson and Hamilton and Marshall +counted fewer inhabitants than Denmark or Greece. In the most brilliant +generations of German literature and thought, the age of Kant and +Lessing and Goethe, of Hegel and Schiller and Fichte, there was no real +German State at all, but a congeries of principalities and free +cities—independent centres of intellectual life in which letters and +science produced a richer crop than the two succeeding generations have +raised, just as Great Britain also, with eight times the population of +the year 1600, has had no more Shakespeares or Miltons.</p> + +<p><b>Culture Decayed in Imperial Rome.</b></p> + +<p>No fiction is more palpably contradicted by history than that relied on +by the school to which von Bernhardi belongs—that culture, literary, +scientific, and artistic, flourishes best in great military States. The +decay of art and literature in the Roman world began just when Rome's +military power had made that world one great and ordered State. The +opposite view would be much nearer the truth, though one must admit that +no general theory regarding the relations of art and letters to +Governments and political conditions has ever yet been proved to be +sound.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>[<i>Note—Gen. von Bernhardi's knowledge of current history may be +estimated by the fact that he assumes</i> (1) <i>that trade rivalry +makes war probable between Great Britain and the United States;</i> +(2) <i>that he believes that the Indian princes and peoples are +likely to revolt against Great Britain should she be involved in +war, and</i>(3) <i>that he expects her self-governing colonies to take +such an opportunity of severing their connection with her</i>.]</p></div> + +<p>The world is already too uniform and is becoming more uniform every day. +A few leading languages, a few forms of civilization, a few types of +character, are spreading out from the seven or eight greatest States and +extinguishing weaker languages, forms, and types. Although great States +are stronger and more populous, their peoples are not necessarily more +gifted, and the extinction of the minor languages and types would be a +misfortune for the world's future development.</p> + +<p>We may not be able to arrest the forces which seem to be making for that +extinction, but we certainly ought not strengthen them. Rather we ought +to maintain and defend the smaller States and to favor the rise and +growth of new peoples. Not merely because they were delivered from the +tyranny of Sultans like Abdul Hamid did the intellect of Europe welcome +the successively won liberations of Greece, Servia, Bulgaria, and +Montenegro; it was also in the hope that those countries would in time +develop out of their present crude conditions new types of culture, new +centres of productive intellectual life.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 348]</span>Gen. von Bernhardi invokes history as the ultimate court of +appeal. He appeals to Caesar; to Caesar let him go. "Die Weltgeschichte +ist das Weltgericht", ("World history is world tribunal.") History +declares that no nation, however great, is entitled to try to impose its +type of civilization on others. No race, not even the Teutonic or +Anglo-Saxon, is entitled to claim the leadership of humanity. Each +people has in its time contributed something that was distinctively its +own, and the world is far richer thereby than if any one race, however +gifted, had established its permanent ascendency.</p> + +<p>We of the Anglo-Saxon race do not claim for ourselves, any more than we +admit in others, any right to dominate by force or to impose our own +type of civilization on less powerful races. Perhaps we have not that +assured conviction of its superiority which the school of von Bernhardi +expressed for the Teutons of North Germany. We know how much we owe, +even within our own islands, to the Celtic race; and, though we must +admit that peoples of Anglo-Saxon stock have, like others, made some +mistakes and sometimes abused their strength, let it be remembered what +have been the latest acts they have done abroad.</p> + +<p><b>Praises American Altruism.</b></p> + +<p>The United States have twice withdrawn their troops from Cuba, which +they could easily have retained; they have resisted all temptations to +annex any part of the territories of Mexico, in which the lives and +property of their citizens were for three years in constant danger. So +Great Britain also six years ago restored the amplest self-government to +two South African republics, having already agreed to the maintenance on +equal terms of the Dutch language; and the citizens of those republics, +which were in arms against her thirteen years ago, have now +spontaneously come forward to support her by arms under the gallant +leader who then commanded the Boers; and I may add that one reason why +the Princes of India have rallied so promptly and heartily to Great +Britain in this war is because for many years past we have avoided +annexing the territories of those Princes, allowing them to adopt heirs +when the successors of their own families failed, and leaving to them as +much as possible of the ordinary functions of government.</p> + +<p><b>Service the Test of Greatness.</b></p> + +<p>It is only vulgar minds that mistake bigness for greatness; for +greatness is of the soul, not of the body. In the judgment which history +will hereafter pass upon the forty centuries of recorded progress toward +civilization that now lie behind us, what are the tests it will apply to +determine the true greatness of a people? Not population, not territory, +not wealth, not military power; rather will history ask what examples of +lofty character and unselfish devotion to honor and duty has a people +given? What has it done to increase the volume of knowledge? What +thoughts and what ideals of permanent value and unexhausted fertility +has it bequeathed to mankind? What works has it produced in poetry, +music, and other arts to be an unfailing source of enjoyment to +posterity? The small peoples need not fear the application of such +tests.</p> + +<p>The world advances, not, as the Bernhardi school supposes, only or even +mainly by fighting; it advances mainly by thinking and by the process of +reciprocal teaching and learning; by the continuous and unconscious +co-operation of all its strongest and finest minds. Each race—Hellenic, +Italic, Celtic, Teutonic, Iberian, Slavonic—has something to give, each +something to learn; and when their blood is blended the mixed stock may +combine gifts of both. Most progressive races have been those who +combined willingness to learn with strength, which enabled them to +receive without loss to their own quality, retaining their primal vigor, +but entering into the labors of others, as the Teutons who settled +within the dominions of Rome profited by the lessons of the old +civilization.</p> + +<p>Let me disclaim once more before I close, any intention to attribute to +the German people the principles set forth by the school of Treitschke +and <span class="pagenum">[pg 349]</span>Bernhardi—the school which teaches hatred of peace and +arbitration, disregard of treaty obligations, scorn for weaker peoples. +We in England would feel even deeper sadness than weighs upon us now if +we could suppose that such principles had been embraced by the nation +whose thinkers have done so much for human progress and who have +produced so many shining examples of Christian saintliness; but when +those principles have been ostentatiously proclaimed, when a peaceful +neutral country which the other belligerent had solemnly and repeatedly +undertaken to respect has been invaded and treated as Belgium has been +treated, and when attempts are made to justify these deeds as incidental +to a campaign for civilization and culture, it becomes necessary to +point out how untrue and how pernicious such principles are.</p> + +<p><b>Most Wars Needless and Unjust.</b></p> + +<p>What are the teachings of history to which Gen. Bernhardi is fond of +appealing? That war has been the constant handmaid of tyranny and the +source of more than half the miseries of man; that, although some wars +have been necessary and have given occasion for a display of splendid +heroism—wars of defense against aggression or to succor the +oppressed—most wars have been needless or unjust; that the mark of an +advancing civilization has been the substitution of friendship for +hatred and of peaceful for warlike ideals; that small peoples have done +and can do as much for the common good of humanity as large peoples; +that treaties must be observed, (for what are they but records of +national faith, solemnly pledged, and what could bring mankind more +surely and swiftly back to that reign of violence and terror from which +it has been slowly rising for the last ten centuries than the +destruction of trust in the plighted faith of nations?)</p> + +<p>No event has brought out that essential unity which now exists in the +world so forcibly as this war has done, for no event has ever so +affected every part of the world. Four continents are involved, the +whole of the Old World, and the New World suffers grievously in its +trade, industry, and finances. Thus the whole world is interested in +preventing the recurrence of such a calamity and there is a general +feeling throughout the world that the causes which have brought it upon +us must be removed.</p> + +<p>We are told that armaments must be reduced; that the baleful spirit of +militarism must be quenched; that peoples must everywhere be admitted to +a fuller share in the control of foreign policy; that efforts must be +made to establish a sort of league of concord—some system of +international relations and reciprocal peace alliances by which weaker +nations may be protected and under which differences between nations may +be adjusted by courts of arbitration and conciliation of wider scope +than those that now exist.</p> + +<p>All these things are desirable, but no scheme for preventing future wars +will have any chance of success unless it rests upon the assurance that +the States which enter into it will loyally and steadfastly abide by it, +and that each and all of them will join in coercing by their +overwhelming united strength any State which may disregard obligations +it has undertaken. The faith of treaties is the only solid foundation on +which the temple of peace can be built up.</p> + +<p class="author">JAMES BRYCE.</p> + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h1><a name="Entrance_of_France_Into_War" id="Entrance_of_France_Into_War"></a>Entrance of France Into War</h1> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 350]</span><b>By President Poincare and Premier Viviani.</b></p> + + +<p><b>Proclamation Issued to the People of France by President Poincare, +Paris, Aug. 1.</b></p> + +<p>For some days the condition of Europe has become considerably more +serious in spite of the efforts of diplomacy. The horizon has become +darkened.</p> + + +<p>At this hour most of the nations have mobilized their forces.</p> + +<p>Some countries, even though protected by neutrality, have thought it +right to take this step as a precaution.</p> + +<p>Some powers, whose constitutional and military laws do not resemble our +own, have without issuing a decree of mobilization begun and continued +preparations which are in reality equivalent to mobilization and which +are nothing more or less than an anticipation of it (<i>qui n'en sont que +l'exécution anticipée</i>).</p> + +<p>France, who has always declared her pacific intentions, and who has at +the darkest hours (<i>dans des heures tragiques</i>) given to Europe counsels +of moderation and a living example of prudence (<i>sagesse</i>), who has +multiplied her efforts for the maintenance of the world's peace, has +herself prepared for all eventualties and has taken from this moment the +first indispensable measures for the safety of her territory.</p> + +<p>But our legislation does not allow us to complete these preparations +without a decree of mobilization.</p> + +<p>Careful of its responsibility and realizing that it would be failing in +a sacred task to leave things as they were, the Government has issued +the decree which the situation demands.</p> + +<p>Mobilization is not war. In the present circumstances it appears, on the +contrary, to be the best means of assuring peace with honor.</p> + +<p>Strong in its ardent desire to arrive at a peaceful solution of the +crisis the Government, protected by such precautions as are necessary, +will continue its diplomatic efforts, and it still hopes to succeed.</p> + +<p>It relies upon the calm of this noble nation not to give rein to +emotions which are not justified. It relies upon the patriotism of all +Frenchmen, and it knows that there is not one who is not ready to do his +duty.</p> + +<p>At this moment parties no longer exist; there remains only France, the +eternal, the pacific, the resolute. There remains only the fatherland of +right and of justice, entirely united in calm vigilance and dignity.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="NEUTRALIZED_STATE_RESPECTED" id="NEUTRALIZED_STATE_RESPECTED"></a>NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED.</h2> + +<p><b>Telegram from M. Viviani, French Premier and Minister for Foreign +Affairs, to the Ministry in Luxembourg, Published Aug. 3.</b></p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="viviani" id="viviani"></a><img src="images/rene_viviani.jpg" alt="viviani" width="318" height="500" /> +<p class="center">RENE VIVIANI,<br /> +French Premier.<br /> +(<i>Photograph from Bain News Service</i>.)</p> + +</div> + + +<p>Please declare to the President of the Council that, in accordance with +the Treaty of London of 1867, the Government of the Republic intended to +respect the neutrality of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, as it has shown +by its attitude. The violation of this neutrality by Germany is, +however, of a nature which compels France to take henceforth the +measures in this respect required by her defense and interests.</p> + +<p>The Prime Minister of Luxembourg has protested to the German Government, +and has brought this protest to the notice of the German Embassy in +Paris, stating the following facts:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>On Sunday, Aug. 2, early in the morning, the Germans entered +Luxembourg territory by the bridges of Wasserbourg(?) and Remleh, +proceeding toward the south of the country and Luxembourg, its +capital. They have also brought toward this point armored trains, +with troops and munitions of war. Further, <span class="pagenum">[pg 351]</span>the special +French Commissioner at Petitcroix has announced to the Sûreté +Générale that the Germans have just opened fire on the frontier +station of Delle-Petitcroix. Two German cavalry officers have just +been killed at Roncray and Boxson, ten kilometers on our side of +the frontier.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="THE_NATION_IN_ARMS" id="THE_NATION_IN_ARMS"></a>THE NATION IN ARMS.</h2> + +<p><b>Address to the French Parliament by President Poincare, Aug. 4.</b></p> + +<p>Our nation is in arms and trembling with eagerness to defend the +land of our fathers.</p> + +<p>France is faithfully supported by her ally, Russia. She is upheld +by the loyal friendship of England, and, already, from all points +of the civilized world, go out to her expressions of sympathy and +good-will, for she represents today, once again before the +universe, liberty, justice, and reason.</p> + +<p>Lift up your hearts! Long live France!</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="POSITION_OF_THE_REPUBLIC" id="POSITION_OF_THE_REPUBLIC"></a>POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC.</h2> + +<p><b>Address of Premier Viviani to the French Senate and House of +Deputies, Aug. 4.</b></p> + +<p><i>This speech has been called by M. Jusserand, French Ambassador to +the United States, "the chief document printed up to now [Nov. +1] in which the French situation, with reference to the present +war, has been expounded."</i></p> + +<p>Gentlemen, the German Ambassador left Paris yesterday, after having +notified us of the existence of a state of war.</p> + +<p>The Government is in duty bound to give Parliament a truthful +recital of the events which, within less than ten days, have +brought about war in Europe and obliged France, peaceful and +strong, to defend her frontier against an attack the premeditated +suddenness of which emphasizes its odious injustice.</p> + +<p>This attack, entirely inexcusable and begun before any declaration +of war notified us of it, is the last act in a plan whose origin +and aim I intend to lay bare before our republic and before +civilized public opinion.</p> + +<p>After the abominable crime which cost the lives of the heir to the +Austro-Hungarian throne and of the Duchess of Hohenberg, trouble +arose between the Governments of Vienna and Belgrade.</p> + +<p>Most of the great powers were not informed of this except +semi-officially up to Friday, the 24th day of July, on which day +the Ambassadors of Austria-Hungary sent them a circular note, which +has been published in the newspapers.</p> + +<p>The object of this note was to explain and justify an ultimatum +sent the evening before to Servia, through the Austrian Minister at +Belgrade.</p> + +<p>This ultimatum asserted that a number of Servian subjects and +associations were implicated in the crime of Serajevo, and +implied that members of the Servian Government themselves were not +without complicity in it. It demanded a reply from Servia, giving +Saturday, July 25, at 6 in the evening, as the time limit.</p> + +<p><b>Austria Amazes Allies.</b></p> + +<p>The reparations demanded, or, at least, some among them, +unquestionably were derogatory to the rights of a sovereign nation. +But in spite of their extreme character Servia, on July 25, +declared that she submitted to them almost without a reservation of +any sort.</p> + +<p>The advice transmitted by France, Russia, and Great Britain from +the very first to Belgrade was not without its effect in bringing +about this submission, which was a success for Austria-Hungary and +likewise a guarantee toward the maintenance of European peace.</p> + +<p>This advice was all the more valuable in view of the fact that +Austria-Hungary's demands had been inadequately foreshadowed to the +Governments of the Triple Entente, to whom, during the three +preceding weeks, the Austro-Hungarian Government had repeatedly +given assurances that its demands would be extremely moderate.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 352]</span>It was, therefore, with justified astonishment that the +Cabinets of Paris, St. Petersburg, and London heard, on July 26, +that the Austrian Minister at Belgrade, after an examination +lasting only a few minutes, had declared the Servian reply +unacceptable and broken off diplomatic relations.</p> + +<p><b>Germany the Stumbling Block.</b></p> + +<p>This astonishment was rendered greater by the fact that, on Friday, +the 21st, the German Ambassador had visited the French Minister of +Foreign Affairs for the purpose of reading to him a note to the +effect that the Austro-Servian dispute should be localized and not +made the subject of intervention by the great powers, and that, +unless such were the case, "incalculable consequences" were to be +feared. Like action was taken on Saturday, the 25th, at London and +St. Petersburg.</p> + +<p>Is it necessary, gentlemen, to point out to you the difference +between the menacing methods employed by the German Ambassador at +Paris and the conciliatory sentiments of which the powers of the +Triple Entente had just given proof by their advice to Servia to +submit?</p> + +<p>Nevertheless, passing over the abnormal character of the German +action, we, in conjunction with our allies and friends, immediately +instituted measures of conciliation and invited Germany to take +part in them.</p> + +<p>From the very first we were chagrined to find that our acts and +efforts found no echo at Berlin.</p> + +<p>Not only did Germany seem unwilling to give Austria-Hungary the +amicable advice which her situation authorized her to give, but, +from that very time and even more in the ensuing days, she seemed +to place herself between the Vienna Cabinet and the propositions of +a compromise emanating from the other powers.</p> + +<p>On Tuesday, July 28, Austria-Hungary declared war on Servia. This +declaration of war, complicating forty-eight hours after the +situation brought about by the rupture of diplomatic relations, +lent color to the assumption that there had been a premeditated +plan to make war, a systematic programme for the subjugation of +Servia.</p> + +<p>Thus not only the independence of a brave nation became involved, +but also the balance of power in the Balkans, set forth in the +Treaty of Bucharest of 1913, and sanctioned by the moral adhesion +of all the great powers.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding, at the suggestion of the British Government, +always interested in the most steadfast manner in the maintenance +of European peace, the negotiations continued, or, to be more +exact, the powers constituting the Triple Entente tried to continue +them.</p> + +<p>To their common desire was due the proposition for quadruple +action, viz., by England, France, Germany, and Italy, with the +object of assuring to Austria all legitimate reparation and +bringing about an equitable arrangement of the difficulty. On +Wednesday, the 29th, the Russian Government, noting the persistent +blocking of these attempts, Austria's mobilization and her +declaration of war, and fearing that Servia would be crushed by +military force, decided, as a preventive measure, to mobilize her +troops in four military zones, namely, only those stationed along +the Austro-Hungarian frontier.</p> + +<p>In doing this it took care to notify the German Government that +this step, limited in character and not constituting an offensive +move against Austria, was not in any way directed against Germany.</p> + +<p>In a conversation with the Russian Ambassador at Berlin the German +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs showed no objection to +recognizing this.</p> + +<p><b>Germany Becomes Warlike.</b></p> + +<p>On the other hand, all the attempts of Great Britain, backed by +Russia and with the support of France, for establishing contact +between Austria and Servia under the moral auspices of Europe, was +met in Berlin by a premeditated negative attitude, the existence of +which is absolutely proved by the diplomatic communications.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 353]</span>This made a troublous state of affairs which pointed to the +existence at Berlin of certain mental reservations. A few hours +later these suppositions and fears were destined to be changed into +certainties.</p> + +<p>For the negative attitude of Germany was transformed thirty-six +hours later into truly alarming initiative. On July 31, Germany, by +declaring a state of war, cut off the communication between herself +and the rest of Europe, and gave herself perfect freedom to make +military preparations against France, in complete secrecy, which +nothing, as you have seen, could justify.</p> + +<p>During several days and under conditions difficult to explain +Germany had been preparing to change her army from a peace to a war +footing.</p> + +<p>From July 25 in the morning, that is even before the expiration of +the time limit set Servia by Austria, she had brought to their full +strength the garrisons in Alsace-Lorraine. On the same day she had +placed the works close to the frontier in a state of effective +armament. On the 26th she had prescribed for the railroads the +preparatory measures for concentration. On the 27th she had made +requisitions and placed her covering troops in position. On the +28th the summoning of individual reservists began, including those +distant from the frontier.</p> + +<p>Could we be left in doubt as to Germany's intentions after her +taking all these measures with relentless thoroughness?</p> + +<p><b>France Forced to Act.</b></p> + +<p>This, then, was the situation when, on July 31, in the evening, the +German Government, which had not taken any positive part since the +24th in the conciliatory efforts of the Triple Entente, sent to the +Russian Government an ultimatum alleging that Russia had ordered +the general mobilization of her armies, and demanding the cessation +of this mobilization within twelve hours.</p> + +<p>This demand, all the more offensive as to form when it is borne in +mind that a few hours earlier Emperor Nicholas, actuated by a +spontaneous feeling of confidence, had asked the German Emperor to +mediate, was made at the moment when, at the request of England and +with the knowledge of Germany, the Russian Government was accepting +a proposition of a kind calculated to bring about an amicable +arrangement of the Austro-Servian conflict and of the +Austro-Russian difficulties by means of the simultaneous cessation +of military operations and preparations.</p> + +<p>On the same day there were added to this unfriendly step toward +Russia acts of distinct hostility toward France; rupture of +communications by roads, railways, telegraph, and telephone, +seizure of French locomotives upon arrival at the frontier, placing +of rapid-fire guns in the middle of railway lines which had been +torn up, and concentration of troops on our frontier.</p> + +<p>From that moment it was impossible for us to believe any longer in +the sincerity of the pacific protestations which the representative +of Germany continued to lavish upon us.</p> + +<p>We were aware that, under the shelter of the declaration of a state +of war which Germany had made, she was mobilizing.</p> + +<p>We learned that six classes of reservists had been summoned and +that concentration of army corps was under way, even of those corps +stationed a long distance from the frontier.</p> + +<p>In proportion as these events developed, the Government, alert and +vigilant, took day by day, even hour by hour, the precautionary +measures made necessary by the situation; general mobilization of +our land and sea forces was ordered.</p> + +<p>The same evening, at 7:30, Germany, ignoring the acceptance by the +St. Petersburg Cabinet of the English proposition to which I have +already referred, declared war upon Russia.</p> + +<p><b>Denies Hostile Acts by French.</b></p> + +<p>The next day, Sunday, Aug. 2, despite the extreme moderation of +France and the pacific statements of the German Ambassador in +Paris, and scorning the rules of international law, German troops +crossed our frontier at three different points.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 354]</span>At the same time, in violation of the Treaty of 1867 +guaranteeing the neutrality of Luxemburg, of which Prussia was a +signatory, they invaded the territory of the Grand Duchy, thus +evoking a protest from the Luxemburg Government.</p> + +<p>Finally, even the neutrality of Belgium was menaced. On the evening +of Aug. 2 the German Minister handed to the Belgian Government an +ultimatum demanding that military operations against France be +facilitated by Belgium under the lying pretext that Belgian +neutrality was threatened by us.</p> + +<p>The Belgian Government refused, announcing that it had resolved to +defend energetically its neutrality respected by France and +guaranteed by treaties, especially by the King of Prussia.</p> + +<p>Since then, gentlemen, acts of aggression have been repeated, +multiplied, and accentuated. Our frontier has been crossed at more +than fifteen places. Rifle shots have been fired at our soldiers +and customs officials. There have been killed and wounded. +Yesterday a German military aviator dropped three bombs on +Lunéville.</p> + +<p>The German Ambassador, to whom, as well as to the other great +powers, we communicated these acts did not deny them, nor even +express regret. On the contrary, he came to me yesterday evening to +ask for his passport and notify us of the existence of a state of +war, alleging without justification hostile acts committed by +French aviators on German territory in the Eiffel region, and even +on the railway from Karlsruhe to Nuremberg. Here is the letter on +this subject which he handed to me:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr. President: German civil and military authorities have taken +note of a certain number of acts of a hostile character committed +on German territory by French military aviators. Several of the +latter have clearly violated the neutrality of Belgium by flying +over the territory of that nation. One tried to destroy buildings +near Wesel, others were seen over the Eiffel region, another threw +bombs on the railway line between Karlsruhe and Nuremberg.</p> + +<p>I have been charged with informing your Excellency, and now have +the honor of doing so, that in view of these acts of aggression +the German Empire now considers itself in a state of war with +France as a result of the acts of the latter power.</p> + +<p>I have at the same time the honor of bringing to your Excellency's +knowledge that the German authorities will detain French merchant +vessels in German ports, but will release them if within +forty-eight hours complete reciprocity is assured.</p> + +<p>My diplomatic mission having terminated, all that remains for me to +do is to request your Excellency to provide me with my passports +and take whatever measures your Excellency may deem necessary to +effect my return to Germany with the personnel of the embassy and +of the Bavarian Legation and the Consulate General of Germany at +Paris.</p> + +<p>With sentiments of my highest consideration.</p> + +<p class="author">SCHOEN.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Is it necessary, gentlemen, that I should call attention to the +absurdity of the pretexts brought forward as grievances? Never at any +time has any French aviator gone into Belgium; no French aviator has +committed an act of hostility either in Bavaria or any other part of +Germany. European public opinion has already done justice to these +miserable inventions.</p> + +<p>We immediately took all needed steps against this attack, which violates +all laws of equity and rules of public law. The carrying out of these is +progressing with thorough system and absolute calm.</p> + +<p>The mobilization of the Russian Army is also being continued with +remarkable energy and boundless enthusiasm.</p> + +<p>The Belgian Army, mobilized up to 250,000 men, is preparing with +magnificent spirit to defend the neutrality and independence of its +country.</p> + +<p>The English fleet is entirely mobilized, and the order has been given +for the mobilization of the land forces.</p> + +<p>Since 1912 there have been consultations between the English and French +General Staffs. These had resulted in an exchange of letters between Sir +Edward Grey and M. Paul Cambon. The Secretary of State made these known +yesterday in the House of Commons, and, in accordance with the wishes of +the British Government, I shall have the honor of reading these two +documents to this Parliament:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum">[pg 355]</span>London, Foreign Office, Nov. 22, 1912.</p> + +<p>My Dear Ambassador:</p> + +<p>From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and +military experts have consulted together. It has always been +understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of +either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to +assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation +between experts is not and ought not to be regarded as an +engagement that commits either Government to action in a +contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The +disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets +respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement +to co-operate in war.</p> + +<p>You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave +reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might +become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon +the armed assistance of the other.</p> + +<p>I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an +unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened +the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other +whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression +and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be +prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the +plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into +consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect +should be given to them. Yours, &c.,</p> + +<p class="author">E. GREY.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<p><b>M. PAUL CAMBON TO SIR EDWARD GREY.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>London, Nov. 23, 1912.</p> + +<p>Dear Sir Edward: You reminded me in your letter of yesterday, 22d +November, that during the last few years the military and naval +authorities of France and Great Britain had consulted with each +other from time to time; that it had always been understood that +these consultations should not restrict the liberty of either +Government to decide in the future whether they should lend each +other the support of their armed forces; that, on either side, +these consultations between experts were not and should not be +considered as engagements binding our Governments to take action in +certain eventualities; that, however, I had remarked to you that, +if one or other of the two Governments had grave reasons to fear an +unprovoked attack on the part of a third power, it would become +essential to know whether it could count on the armed support of +the other.</p> + +<p>Your letter answers that point, and I am authorized to state that, +in the event of one of our two Governments having grave reasons to +fear either an attack from a third power, or some event threatening +the general peace, that Government would immediately examine with +the other the question whether both Governments should act together +in order to prevent aggression or preserve peace. If so, the two +Governments would deliberate as to the measures which they would be +prepared to take in common. If those measures involved action the +two Governments would take into immediate consideration the plans +of their General Staffs and would then decide as to the effect to +be given to those plans.</p> + +<p>Yours, &c.,</p> + +<p class="author">PAUL CAMBON.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p><b>Government's Acts Beyond Reproach.</b></p> + +<p>In the House of Commons the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs spoke +of France, amid the applause of the members, in lofty and impassioned +words, which have already elicited genuine response from all French +hearts.</p> + +<p>In the name of the Government of the Republic I wish, from this rostrum, +to thank the British Government for the cordiality of its words, and the +French Parliament will join me in this.</p> + +<p>The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs made this declaration +particularly:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>That in case the German fleet entered the Channel or steamed +northward in the North Sea to go around the British Isles with the +purpose of attacking the French Coast or the French Navy, and to +harass the French merchant marine, the English fleet would +interfere by giving the French fleet its entire protection, in such +manner that from that moment England and Germany would be in a +state of war.</p></div> + +<p>Thus, from the present moment, the English fleet is guarding our +northern and western coast against German aggression.</p> + +<p>Gentlemen, those are the facts. I think that, taken as a close-knit +whole, they are sufficient to justify the acts of the Government of the +Republic. Nevertheless, I wish to conclude by giving the true meaning of +this unprecedented aggression of which France is the victim.</p> + +<p>The victors of 1870, as you know, have felt at various times the desire +of renewing the blows which they had dealt us. In 1875 the war for +finishing vanquished France was prevented only by the intervention of +the two powers destined to be <span class="pagenum">[pg 356]</span>united to us later by the ties of +alliance and friendship—by the intervention of Russia and Great +Britain.</p> + +<p>Since then the French Republic, by the restoration of its strength and +the making of diplomatic agreements, invariably lived up to, has +succeeded in freeing itself from the yoke which Bismarck had been able +to impose upon Europe even in days of peace.</p> + +<p>It re-established the European balance of power, that guarantee of the +liberty and dignity of each nation.</p> + +<p>Gentlemen, I do not know whether I am deceiving myself, but it seems to +me that it is this work of pacific reparation, liberation, and dignity, +definitely sealed in 1904 and 1907 with the support of King Edward VII. +of England and of the royal Government, which the German Empire desires +to destroy today by an audacious piece of violence.</p> + +<p>Germany can reproach us with nothing.</p> + +<p>We have made an unprecedented sacrifice to peace by bearing in silence +for half a century the wound inflicted by Germany.</p> + +<p>We have acquiesced in other sacrifices in all the disputes which, since +1904, imperial diplomacy has systematically provoked either in Morocco +or elsewhere, in 1905 as well as in 1906, in 1908 as well as in 1911.</p> + +<p><b>Italy's Attitude.</b></p> + +<p>Russia also has given proof of great moderation, both in the events of +1908 and the present crisis. She acted with the same moderation—and the +Triple Entente with her—when, in the Eastern crisis of 1912, Austria +and Germany formulated against Servia and Greece demands amenable to +discussion, as the result proved.</p> + +<p>Useless sacrifices, sterile compromises, futile efforts—today, while +actually engaged in efforts at conciliation, we and our allies are +suddenly attacked.</p> + +<p>Nobody can believe in good faith that we are the aggressors; in vain the +sacred principles of law and liberty, which rule nations as well as +individuals, are assailed. Italy, with the clear conscience of Latin +genius, has informed us that she will remain neutral.</p> + +<p>This decision has aroused the sincerest joy throughout France. I made +myself the spokesman of this to the Italian Chargé d'Affaires, telling +him how delighted I was that the two Latin sisters, who have the same +origin and ideals, and a glorious past in common, are not opposed to +each other.</p> + +<p>What is being attacked, I repeat, gentlemen, is that independence, +dignity, and security which the Triple Entente has restored to the +balance of power in the service of peace.</p> + +<p>What is being attacked are the liberties of Europe, whose defenders +France, her allies, and her friends are proud to be.</p> + +<p>We shall defend these liberties, for it is they which are in jeopardy; +all else is merely a pretext.</p> + +<p>France, unjustly provoked, did not desire war. She has done everything +to prevent it. But since it is forced upon her, she will defend herself +against Germany, and against every power which has not as yet announced +its position but which should later on take sides with Germany in the +war between the two.</p> + +<p>A free and strong nation, strengthened by venerable ideals, firmly +united in defense of its existence, a democracy which has known how to +discipline its military acts, and which did not fear last year to impose +upon itself additional military burdens to offset those of neighboring +countries, an armed nation fighting for its own life and for the +independence of Europe—that is the spectacle which we are proud to show +the witnesses of this formidable struggle, which has been in preparation +for some days amid methodical quiet.</p> + +<p>We are without reproach. We shall be without fear.</p> + +<p>France has often proved, under less favorable conditions, that she is +the most formidable adversary when she fights, as she now does, for +liberty and right.</p> + +<p>In placing our acts before you, gentlemen, who are our judges, we have +the <span class="pagenum">[pg 357]</span>comfort of a clear conscience and the certainty of having +done our duty to help us bear the weight of our heavy responsibility.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="BEFORE_THE_MARNE_BATTLE" id="BEFORE_THE_MARNE_BATTLE"></a>BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE.</h2> + +<p><b>Proclamation by the Government Announcing Transfer of Capital to +Bordeaux, Sept. 3.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p>People of France: For several weeks relentless battles have engaged our +heroic troops and the army of the enemy. The valor of our soldiers has +won for them, at several points, marked advantages; but in the north the +pressure of the German forces has compelled us to fall back.</p> + +<p>This situation has compelled the President of the Republic and the +Government to take a painful decision.</p> + +<p>In order to watch over the national welfare it is the duty of the public +powers to remove themselves temporarily from the City of Paris.</p> + +<p>Under the command of an eminent chief, a French Army, full of courage +and zeal, will defend the capital and its patriotic population against +the invader.</p> + +<p>But the war must be carried on at the same time on the rest of its +territory.</p> + +<p>Without peace or truce, without cessation or faltering, the struggle for +the honor of the nation and the reparation of violated right must +continue.</p> + +<p>None of our armies is impaired. If some of them have sustained very +considerable losses, the gaps have immediately been filled up from the +reserves, and the appeal for recruits assures us of new reserves in men +and energy tomorrow.</p> + +<p>Endure and fight! Such must be the motto of the allied British, Russian, +Belgian, and French Armies.</p> + +<p>Endure and fight, while at sea the British aid us, cutting the +communication of our enemy with the world.</p> + +<p>Endure and fight, while the Russians continue to advance to strike the +decisive blow at the heart of the German Empire.</p> + +<p>It is the duty of the Government of the republic to direct this stubborn +resistance.</p> + +<p>Everywhere Frenchmen will rise for their independence; but to insure the +utmost spirit and efficacy in the formidable fight it is indispensable +that the Government shall remain free to act. At the request of the +military authorities, the Government is therefore temporarily +transferring its headquarters to a place where it can remain in constant +touch with the whole of the country.</p> + +<p>It requests members of Parliament not to remain away from it, in order +that they may form, with their colleagues, a bond of national unity.</p> + +<p>The Government only leaves Paris after having assured the defense of the +city and of the intrenched camp by every means in its power.</p> + +<p>It knows that it does not need to recommend to the admirable population +of Paris that calm, resolution and coolness which it is showing every +day, and which is on a level with its highest traditions.</p> + +<p>People of France, let us all be worthy of these tragic circumstances. We +shall gain the final victory; we shall gain it by unflagging will, +endurance, and tenacity.</p> + +<p>A nation which refuses to perish, and which, in order to live, does not +flinch either from suffering or sacrifice, is sure of victory.</p> + +<p>The manifesto is signed by President Poincaré and all the Ministers.</p> +</div> + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h1><a name="Russia_to_Her_Enemy" id="Russia_to_Her_Enemy"></a>Russia to Her Enemy<br /> <br />Slav Emperor Announces New Policies.</h1> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 358]</span><b>Pledge of Czar Nicholas II. to Russia's Statesmen and Soldiers, +in Winter Palace, St. Petersburg, Aug. 2.</b></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"><p>War has been forced upon us. I hereby take a solemn pledge not to +conclude peace so long as a single enemy remains on Russian soil.</p> + +<p>I wish godspeed to my soldiers represented here by the St. +Petersburg military district, and I am sure that they will fully +justify my confidence in them.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="A_MANIFESTO" id="A_MANIFESTO"></a>A MANIFESTO.</h2> + + +<p><b>Czar Outlines Events Leading to War, St. Petersburg, Aug. 3.</b></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"><p>By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., Emperor and Autocrat of all +the Russias, King of Poland, and Grand Duke of Finland, &c., to all +our faithful subjects make known that Russia, related by faith and +blood to the Slav peoples and faithful to her historical +traditions, has never regarded their fates with indifference.</p> + +<p>But the fraternal sentiments of the Russian people for the Slavs +have been awakened with perfect unanimity and extraordinary force +in these last few days, when Austria-Hungary knowingly addressed to +Servia claims inacceptable for an independent State.</p> + +<p>Having paid no attention to the pacific and conciliatory reply of +the Servian Government and having rejected the benevolent +intervention of Russia, Austria-Hungary made haste to proceed to an +armed attack, and began to bombard Belgrade, an open place.</p> + +<p>Forced by the situation thus created to take necessary measures of +precaution, we ordered the army and the navy put on a war footing, +at the same time using every endeavor to obtain a peaceful +solution. Pourparlers were begun amid friendly relations with +Germany and her ally, Austria, for the blood and the property of +our subjects were dear to us.</p> + +<p>Contrary to our hopes in our good neighborly relations of long +date, and disregarding our assurances that the mobilization +measures taken were in pursuance of no object hostile to her, +Germany demanded their immediate cessation. Being rebuffed in this +demand, Germany suddenly declared war on Russia.</p> + +<p>Today it is not only the protection of a country related to us and +unjustly attacked that must be accorded, but we must safeguard the +honor, the dignity, and the integrity of Russia and her position +among the great powers.</p> + +<p>We believe unshakably that all our faithful subjects will rise with +unanimity and devotion for the defense of Russian soil; that +internal discord will be forgotten in this threatening hour; that +the unity of the Emperor with his people will become still more +close, and that Russia, rising like one man, will repulse the +insolent attack of the enemy.</p> + +<p>With a profound faith in the justice of our work, and with a humble +hope in omnipotent Providence in prayer, we call God's blessing on +holy Russia and her valiant troops.</p> + +<p class="author">NICHOLAS.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="CZAR_AT_THE_KREMLIN" id="CZAR_AT_THE_KREMLIN"></a>CZAR AT THE KREMLIN.</h2> + + +<p><b>Response to Deputies of Moscow, Aug. 18.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>At this stormy, warlike hour, which, suddenly and against my +wishes, has fallen upon my peaceful people, I seek, according to +the custom of my ancestors, to strengthen the forces of my soul in +the sanctuaries of Moscow.</p> + +<p>Within the walls of the old Kremlin I greet in you, inhabitants of +Moscow, my beloved ancient capital, all my people, who everywhere, +in the villages of their <span class="pagenum">[pg 359]</span>birth, in the Duma, and in the +Council of the Empire, unanimously replied to my appeal and rose +with vigor throughout the country, forgetting all private +differences, to defend the land of their birth and the Slav race.</p> + +<p>In a powerful common impulse all nationalities, all tribes of our +vast empire, have united. Russia, like myself, will never forget +these historic days.</p> + +<p>This union of thought and sentiment in all my people affords me +deep consolation and a calm assurance for the future. From here, +from the heart of the Russian land, I send a warm greeting to my +gallant troops and to our brave Allies who are making common cause +with us to safeguard the down-trodden principles of peace and +truth. May God be with us.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="APPEAL_TO_THE_POLES" id="APPEAL_TO_THE_POLES"></a>APPEAL TO THE POLES.</h2> + +<p><b>By Grand Duke Nicholas, Generalissimo of the Russian Forces, St. +Petersburg, Aug. 15.</b></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Poles: The hour has sounded when the sacred dream of your fathers +and your grandfathers may be realized. A century and a half has +passed since the living body of Poland was torn in pieces, but the +soul of the country is not dead. It continues to live, inspired by +the hope that there will come for the Polish people an hour of +resurrection, and of fraternal reconciliation with Great Russia. +The Russian Army brings you the solemn news of this reconciliation +which obliterates the frontiers dividing the Polish peoples, which +it unites conjointly under the sceptre of the Russian Czar. Under +this sceptre Poland will be born again, free in her religion and +her language. Russian autonomy only expects from you the same +respect for the rights of those nationalities to which history has +bound you. With open heart and brotherly hand Great Russia advances +to meet you. She believes that the sword, with which she struck +down her enemies at Grünwald, is not yet rusted. From the shores of +the Pacific to the North Sea the Russian armies are marching. The +dawn of a new life is beginning for you, and in this glorious dawn +is seen the sign of the cross, the symbol of suffering and of the +resurrection of peoples.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="THE_POLISH_RESPONSE" id="THE_POLISH_RESPONSE"></a>THE POLISH RESPONSE.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement Issued by Four Political Parties, Aug. 16.</b></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The representatives of the undersigned political parties, assembled +in Warsaw on the 16th August, 1914, welcome the Proclamation issued +to the Poles by his Imperial Highness the Commander in Chief of the +Russian forces as an act of the foremost historical importance, and +implicitly believe that upon the termination of the war the +promises uttered in that proclamation will be formally fulfilled, +that the dreams of their fathers and forefathers will be realized, +that Poland's body, torn asunder a century and a half ago, will +once again be made whole, that the frontiers severing the Polish +nation will vanish.</p> + +<p>The blood of Poland's sons, shed in united combat against the +Germans, will serve equally as a sacrifice, offered upon the altar +of her resurrection.</p> + +<p class="author">THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL PARTY.</p> + +<p class="author">THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE PARTY.</p> + +<p class="author">THE REALIST PARTY.</p> + +<p class="author">THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE UNION.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="NO_ALLIANCE_WITH_GERMANY" id="NO_ALLIANCE_WITH_GERMANY"></a>NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY</h2> + +<p><b>Editorial Appeal in the Gazeta Warszawska, Aug. 15.</b></p> + + +<p>Fellow-countrymen! A danger threatens us, greatest, perhaps, among the +many calamities which war brings to a country; the misdirection of the +nation's mind and understanding.</p> + +<p>Various instigations are pressing the Poles to go against their own +instinct and the dictates of political reason in their attitude toward +the armies now invading our Polish lands, armies ringing with German +words of command, <span class="pagenum">[pg 360]</span>which even resound through Galician +detachments lured into belief that Poland may be saved through alliance +with the Germans. Various agitators on both the German and Austrian +sides, having their own interests at stake, are seeking to make our +people take active part in the terrific conflicts now to be fought out +upon our soil.</p> + +<p>To attain this end by throwing dust into our eyes, various manifestos +signed by the leaders of the armies beyond the frontier have promised +the Poles extensive liberties and privileges at the close of the war. +Certain Polish organizations, having lost, in the general excitement, +their healthy sense of judgment, are doing likewise. Do not let +yourselves be hoodwinked by these promises. They are lies. Neither of +the invading armies has any intention of fighting for Poland's sake. +Each is fighting in the interests of its own empire, and to those +empires we are of no account. They only want, in a moment of necessity, +to make the Poles passive instruments serving their own ends. Whoever +tells you that Austria in alliance with Prussia intends to build up +Poland once again is a blinded dreamer. The result of a victory for the +Germans and Austrians would mean a new partitioning of Poland, a yet +greater wreckage of our nation. Grasp this, listen to no seducers. +Remain passive, watchful, insensible to temptation.</p> + +<p>During the coming struggle the Kingdom of Poland will be the marching +ground of various armies, we shall see temporary victors assuming +lordship for a while; but change of authority will follow, and +inevitable retaliation; this several times, perhaps, in the course of +the campaign. Therefore every improvident step will meet with terrible +revenge. By holding firm through the present conflict you best can serve +the Polish cause. In the name of the love you bear your country, of your +solicitude for the nation's future, we entreat you, fellow-countrymen, +to remain deaf to evil inspirations, unshakable in your determination +not to expose our land to yet greater calamities, and Poland's whole +future to incalculable perils.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="POLISH_AMERICAN_OPINION" id="POLISH_AMERICAN_OPINION"></a>POLISH AMERICAN OPINION.</h2> + +<p><b>Kazinirz Jaworowski, Manager Polish National Alliance, New York, Aug. +16.</b></p> + + +<p>The Poles are treated better in Russia now than they are in Germany. +Although Russia has done its best to Russianize Poland by crushing the +Polish national feeling, imprisoning Polish patriots, and attempting +even to suppress the Polish language, Germany has gone still further in +its efforts to Germanize its Polish territory.</p> + +<p>Bismarck's idea was to force German civilization upon the world and the +most extreme measures have been taken to enforce this policy in German +Poland. Taking advantage of every possible pretext, the Germans have +dispossessed the Poles of their land and handed it over to Germans. The +Russians have not gone so far as this. They, as a general rule, have +allowed the Poles to keep their land.</p> + +<p>For my own part, I would do anything to defeat Germany, and I think the +Poles of Germany and Austria for the most part wish to see France and +Russia successful The Poles are Slavs. The fight is between the Germans +and the Slavs.</p> + +<p>I hope that if the Czar is successful, he carries out his promises to +reunite Poland and grant it autonomy. That would not mean Poland would +be free, but it would enjoy more freedom than now. The Czar would be the +King of Poland and the Government of Poland undoubtedly would be carried +on largely by men appointed by the Czar. However, if Poland got the +right to have a share in its Government, even if the Czar remained +supreme, the country would be greatly benefited.</p> + +<p>Autonomy would mean that efforts to suppress the Polish language, the +Polish national spirit, and the Polish traditions would be at an end. +Under a despotic government in Russia and under more despotic +governments still in Germany and Austria, the Polish race has existed +under the most crushing of burdens. Reunited and granted partial liberty +and the right to live under fair conditions, it would flourish and again +take its place as a great race.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="RUSSIA_AGAINST_GERMANY" id="RUSSIA_AGAINST_GERMANY"></a>RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY.</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 361]</span><b>By Prince Eugene Troubetskoi, Ex-Member of the Imperial +Cabinet, St. Petersburg, Aug. 15.</b></p> + + +<p>Russia against Germany is an instance of real patriotism against the +curse of nationalism. Our people are athrill now, not from hate but from +an ardent desire to serve and protect. Our war cry does not result from +the ancient pagan conception of the self-sufficiency of the State, but +from the desire for the well-being of all men.</p> + +<p>Our people are not filled by that fierce and implacable lust for power +which leads a nation into the gulf whose depths reach down to hell. With +us God is not conceived as merely a tribal deity, but the father of all. +Upon these things, upon this supernational impulse which has now set our +people on fire, we rely for victory, and in our victory we expect to see +a great step taken in the coming freedom of the world.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="DUMAS_MESSAGE_TO_BRITAIN" id="DUMAS_MESSAGE_TO_BRITAIN"></a>DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN.</h2> + +<p><b>President Rodzianko of the Imperial Duma's Telegram to the House of +Commons, Aug. 26.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Duma of the empire, assembled in extraordinary session in view +of the exceptional events passing in the civilized world, begs the +House of Commons of Great Britain to accept their warm and sincere +greeting and sentiments of profound friendship which unite our two +great nations. The whole of Russia has welcomed with enthusiasm the +resolution of the British people to give their support to the +friendly nations in the historic struggle which is developing at +this moment. May God bless the armies of the friendly nations of +the Triple Entente! Long live his Majesty King George and his +valiant people! Long live the British Parliament, and long live +Great Britain!</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="NEW_POLICY_AND_THE_JEWS" id="NEW_POLICY_AND_THE_JEWS"></a>NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS.</h2> + +<p><b>Special Cable to The New York Times, London, Aug. 18.</b></p> + + +<p>Ever since the Czar's promise of autonomy to Poland reports have been +current that the next step likely to be taken by the Russian Government +along the same lines of initiative will be a proclamation assuring the +Jews of equal civil and political rights. A Paris dispatch today goes +the length of stating that such a proclamation is shortly to be issued.</p> + +<p>From inquiries made in authoritative quarters THE NEW YORK TIMES is able +to state that, while there is no official authority for such a +prediction, there is good reason to believe that some measure of reform +along the lines indicated is likely. Both in France and England, +Russia's reactionary policy is the only element which has aroused any +misgivings regarding what it is hoped in the two first-named countries +will be the results of the war.</p> + +<p>The enthusiasm aroused in France by the decree affecting Poland gives +the measure of relief caused by the removal of these misgivings, so far +as one section of the non-orthodox subjects of the Czar are concerned. +Equal relief would be felt among a large and representative body of the +British public were definite action taken by the Russian Government to +remove the disabilities under which the Jews in Russia labor. I have +authority for stating that steps have been taken to bring this point of +view to the attention of the Russian Government.</p> + +<p>Officially, the British Government can take no action which could be +regarded as an interference with the domestic affairs of a friendly +power, and certain overzealous representations which have been made to +Sir Edward Grey overshoot the mark. Sir Edward Grey's liberal principles +are sufficiently well recognized to make it certain that what he is able +to do he is doing to remove all causes for the misgivings with which a +good number of his fellow-citizens regard the Russian alliance in its +moral aspect <span class="pagenum">[pg 362]</span>and its possible ultimate developments.</p> + +<p>Great hopes are felt that these very delicate representations will meet +with success. Predictions are made that the final outcome of the +combined grant of autonomy to Poland and the removal of at least some of +the civil and religious disqualifications now weighing upon the Jews in +Russia will be the growth of a new State, in which the Jew and the Pole +will find an equal place in the sun and flourish exceedingly.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="WAR_ON_GERMAN_TRADE" id="WAR_ON_GERMAN_TRADE"></a>WAR ON GERMAN TRADE.</h2> + +<p><b>M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Correspondent of +The London Times, Petrograd, Sept. 15.</b></p> + + +<p>The eyes of the world just now are fixed on the fortunes of the armies +in the field. It is, perhaps, not spectacular from the point of view of +the average newspaper reader to speak at this time of mere business and +trade relations. I quite well realize that it is accounts of victories +and routs, acts of heroism and magnificent assaults by troops that sell +the newspapers, but beyond and above all this there now exists a +situation and an opportunity in trade and commerce with Russia which to +England and America may mean more in decades to come than it is easy to +realize.</p> + +<p>For years past Germany has been steadily and vigorously pushing her +trade into all quarters of the Russian Empire, and now sells us above +£60,000,000 worth of products yearly. The ground has been broken by +Germany, and these enormous markets for machinery, chemicals, and all +sorts of manufactured products are now suddenly cut off from the avenues +through which they have been supplied. Herein lies the greatest +commercial opportunity for England and America that has ever been +offered.</p> + +<p>It has been said in the Maxims of Pascal that to govern is to foresee. +This is not only true of politics and affairs of government, but applies +as well to trade relations. It is that country which foresees the +situation commercially in Russia that will reap the enormous benefits +that these markets now offer.</p> + +<p>It is not merely sufficient that merchants and manufacturers should +offer their goods here. They that would profit permanently by the new +trade conditions of this empire must take up the task seriously. Experts +should be sent here now, even while the war is still in progress, to +study and examine the wants of our country. Our duties, our manner of +doing business, our present and future wants and growing demands, should +be studied scientifically and fundamentally, so that when peace comes +those channels which have for decades flowed deeply with German products +may continue to flow with products from America and England.</p> + +<p>For America especially does Russia open an opportunity for an industrial +outlet such as can hardly be overestimated. We have an empire of +170,000,000 souls, and the £60,000,000 yearly that we have been paying +Germany is but the beginning of a demand that will soon make Russia +among the most desirable and valuable markets in the world. Railroad +building and new developments everywhere are a prelude to an era of +prosperity in this country such as has never been seen here before.</p> + +<p>I cannot too emphatically express the hope that merchants abroad will +realize this wonderful opportunity and act promptly, for when the war is +over will come realization of this situation everywhere, and he who +would profit should take the first steps with the least possible delay.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="FOE_TO_GERMAN_MILITARISM" id="FOE_TO_GERMAN_MILITARISM"></a>FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement to Americans by Prince Imeretinsky, Sept. 10.</b></p> + + +<p>We are a peace-loving people as you in America are, but, of course, the +people of Russia are not so well educated as you are.</p> + +<p>Russia did not want this war, but she has known for years that it was +coming and consequently was preparing for it. <span class="pagenum">[pg 363]</span>It is her +determination, now that it has been brought on by Germany, to see it +through, no matter how long it takes or how much it costs.</p> + +<p>Russia is waging war against militarism. If continued, this militarism +would economically cripple all Europe. The burden is too heavy for +people to bear, and Russia means to put an end to militarism as +expounded by Germany.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="NOT_A_QUESTION_OF_SLAV_PREDOMINANCE" id="NOT_A_QUESTION_OF_SLAV_PREDOMINANCE"></a>NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by Baron Korff, Imperial Russian Vice Consul, New York, Sept. +6.</b></p> + + +<p>The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria at Serajevo, in +the light of present conditions, appears to be the pretext which led to +the present great European war, involving the Empires of Germany and +Russia, the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Belgium, and the Republic of +France. It is rather difficult for the average American to find the real +causes that have led to this struggle of nations, as they lie solely in +the conditions and latest developments of the political life of Middle +Europe generally, and Germany and Austria particularly.</p> + +<p>In order to ascertain the real cause it will be necessary for me to +explain the policy of the above-named two Governments on one side and +the evolution of the character of the German Nation on the other side. +In glancing at the map of Germany, and particularly her frontiers and +geographical position, she being wedged in between two powerful +neighbors, Russia in the east and France backed up by England in the +west, it is apparent that her situation is very delicate, owing to the +lack of marked natural boundaries.</p> + +<p>Tremendous military power and highly developed diplomatic ability are +the two necessary elements to create friendly relations with her +neighbors. After the creation of the great German Empire in 1870, Prince +Bismarck succeeded in establishing and maintaining for Germany friendly +relations with the other great powers. It was his policy to acquire +colonies for Germany outside of Europe, and to carefully avoid any +territorial encroachments on the neighboring States. He sounded his +warning to his countrymen not to try to increase German territory at +the expense of Russian territory.</p> + +<p>Germany's colonial acquisitions created a new era in her policy, and, if +I may be permitted to so express myself, changed completely the face of +the German Empire. The protection and development of her colonial +possessions and her commerce required a strong navy. England's +competition of the commerce controlled by Germany started the tremendous +growth of England's naval power, and gave Germany second place. Her +rivalry with England compelled Germany to increase her army, too, and we +observed how from a quiet, inoffensive, modest State Germany gradually +became very strong and endeavored to play the first violin in the +concert not only of all Europe, but also of the whole world. Such seems +to be the fate of all nations that acquire sudden power—they get +conceited and aggressive.</p> + +<p>The political events of the last ten years prove sufficiently the +aggressiveness of the German policy—the events at Agadir, the +annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria, the ultimatum sent by +the latter to Servia are only passing instances in the growing conceit +of the German policy. It should be remembered that in March, 1909, +Chancellor von Bülow announced to the German Reichstag that Germany +would support Austria in her annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by +force, even if the whole of Europe were to oppose it.</p> + +<p>Europe at that time did not oppose the Germans, but it seems to me that +just then Europe began to realize how dangerous and unsafe it was to +have in the heart of that Continent a power with such bellicose and +driving intentions. Her political acts were too uncanny and alarmed the +whole of Europe, which began to seek ways and means to get rid of this +German hegemony, coupled with its rough militarism and unscrupulous ways +of acting.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 364]</span>The military and economical developments of Germany induced her +to go further in her tendency to enlarge her territory. Emperor William +feels that his empire is not big enough to suit his ambition and for the +part which he intends to play in Europe. He therefore endeavors to enter +into an agreement with the heir of the Austrian throne, Franz Ferdinand, +a man of great energy and wide political views, to the effect to mold +out of Austria an exclusive Slavish power and to surrender to Germany +the Archduchy of Austria with Vienna and Tyrol, and annex Servia to +Austria.</p> + +<p>Franz Ferdinand could afford to agree to this plan most readily, because +he knew that Austria in her present state could not continue her +existence, as she was on the brink of an insurrection of 25,000,000 +Austrian Slavs against the continuance of a Government over them of +9,000,000 Austrian Germans. There is no doubt that this question was +fully discussed at the conference at Konopish, where the German Emperor, +accompanied by Admiral von Tirpitz, went to pay a visit to Franz +Ferdinand one month before the latter was assassinated.</p> + +<p>The tragedy of Serajevo found Germany after a course of action already +had been agreed upon, and the sending of the ultimatum by Austria to +Servia can be explained only by the desire of the two nations to fully +complete their preparations.</p> + +<p>Now, why do we find at this important moment of the world's history such +opposition not only against Germany but also an upheaval of other +nations?</p> + +<p>The German press of the United States endeavors to prove that the +underlying reason for the struggle is the eventual triumph in Europe +either of Teutonic or Slavish civilization, and denounces Russian +barbarism and extols German culture.</p> + +<p>I will not discuss the respective merits of Teutonic and Slavic culture +and civilization, as in my opinion these are questions absolutely +foreign to the events leading up to the war. The Russian, French, +English, and Servian nations are not fighting against German culture, +as represented by intellectual giants, such as Goethe, Wagner, and many +others, but against German militarism, accompanied by systematic +oppression of the individual residing in German territory.</p> + +<p>This internal German policy created a national spirit against which the +Allies now are fighting—the national spirit of Germany, which the whole +world knows, and which is rough, conceited, arrogant, and intolerant +toward foreigners beyond all measures, and admits nothing good unless it +is German or made in Germany. This kind of German national spirit is in +the majority in the empire of Germany and particularly in Prussia; the +real cultured, good-hearted, sentimental German is about to die out +completely, and the few remaining representatives of this type have no +voice in Germany.</p> + +<p>The pronounced antipathy to the above-described present majority type of +Germans united all European nations against Germany, and supports their +respective Governments in their efforts to put a stop to the furor +teutonicus of the twentieth century.</p> + +<p>For this reason the task of the allied Governments will find unlimited +support of the nations and this war against Germany in Europe will prove +to be most popular.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="RUSSIAS_LITTLE_BROTHERquot" id="RUSSIAS_LITTLE_BROTHERquot"></a>RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER."</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by George Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador to the United +States, New York, Oct. 11.</b></p> + + +<p>It will be a long time, I suppose, before the American will be able +fully to understand Russia's reasons for entering the present war and +the great racial thought that lies back of it. The whole situation in a +nutshell is that Germany entered the war from racial hate and motives of +commercial greed, while Russia drew her sword out of motives of humane +and kindly sympathy for a small and oppressed nation of her own kindred. +Germany had been grabbing and wished to grab more; Russia rose in arms +to stand by and protect her "little brother."</p> + +<p>Indeed you are quite right when you say that there are spiritual forces +back <span class="pagenum">[pg 365]</span>of Russia's deeds in battle far more than there can be in +the case of any other of the warring nations. The reasons lie deep +within our national life, and I doubt if any American will be able fully +to comprehend them without coming to see us in our own country and +seeing us as we are. The great and really wonderful achievements of the +German are visible and material, while ours are things of the +spirit—invisible, modest, resigned. The representative spirit of +Germany's materialism and heartless aggressiveness is that of the +megalomaniac Nietzsche and his followers, Treitschke and von Bernhardi. +The spokesmen of what is more truly Russian today are Tolstoy and +Dostoievski, who have recorded forever the spirit of self-sacrifice, +humility and piety in the Russian soul.</p> + +<p>Yes, it is true that those who have learned to know us in Russia are +aware that the epithets of "Hun" and "barbarian" used against us are +stark lies promulgated by bitter enemies who take ignoble advantage of +the tradition in America fostered by the melodramatic exploitation of +the Jewish problem and the occasional brutalities by our drunken soldier +to make you believe that a Russian is a sort of treacherous bandit with +a knife in his teeth ready to betray and slay. We regret exceedingly +that that tradition has taken root in the United States. We admire and +emulate Americans because they have mellowed and complemented their +industrial and political achievements with national charity and +religious ideals.</p> + +<p>In Russia the Jewish question, as such, has not arisen since the opening +of the war. Political promises have been made to Poland and these +promises will be kept. It is a mistaken idea here that any overtures +have been made to the Jews as a class. You think we are as anxious as +all that to have them enlist as soldiers? No. We do not wish to make +them any special inducements to enlist. You are well aware that nobody +hates the Jews more cordially than the Pole himself. Our offer was to +the Poles, who have a national entity and a country and home of their +own. The Jews have none of these things.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h1><a name="The_Facts_About_Belgiumquot" id="The_Facts_About_Belgiumquot"></a>"The Facts About Belgium"</h1> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<p><b>Statement Issued by the Belgian Legation at Washington.</b></p> + + +<p><i>The Belgian Legation at Washington has compiled the following statement +of the Belgian case, in the present European War, in answer to the many +inquiries that have been received on the subject.</i></p> + +<p>By the treaty of April 19th, 1839, Prussia, France, England, Austria, +and Russia declared themselves guarantors of the treaty concluded on the +same day between the King of the Belgians and the King of the +Netherlands. This treaty provides:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Belgium forms an independent State of perpetual neutrality.</p></div> + +<p>That is to say, Belgium was forbidden, in case of war, to take the part +of any of the belligerents.</p> + +<p>Since then Belgium has fulfilled all her neutrality obligations; she has +acted in a spirit of absolute impartiality. She has left nothing undone +to maintain and make respected her neutrality. Germany's obligation to +respect Belgian neutrality was even more emphatically affirmed by one of +Germany's greatest men, by the creator of the empire. Prince, then +Count, Bismarck, wrote to Baron Nothomb, Belgian Minister in Berlin, on +the 22nd of July, 1870, as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In confirmation of my verbal assurances, I have the honor to give +in writing a declaration which, in view of the treaties in force, +<i>is quite superfluous</i>, that the Confederation of the North and its +allies will respect the neutrality of Belgium on the understanding, +of course, that it is respected by the other belligerents.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 366]</span>On July 31 of the present year the Belgian Minister of Foreign +Affairs and the Secretary General of the Foreign Office had a long +conversation with the German Minister in Brussels. It was pointed out to +him that in the course of the controversy raised in 1911 by the +introduction of the Dutch project for the fortification of the Scheldt, +that his predecessor, Herr von Flotow, had assured the Belgian +Government that in the event of a Franco-German war Germany would not +violate Belgian neutrality; that Mr. Bethmann-Hollweg, the Imperial +Chancellor, had given similar assurance; that in 1913 Herr von Jagow, +the German Foreign Secretary, had made similar statements of a +reassuring character in the budget committee of the Reichstag concerning +the neutrality of Belgium; to which the German Minister replied that he +was aware of the conversation with his predecessor, and that "he was +certain that the sentiments expressed at that epoch had not changed."</p> + +<p>On August 2nd, in the course of the day, the German Minister in +Brussels, M. De Below Saleske, gave an interview to the newspaper Le +Soir, and declared that Belgium had nothing to fear from Germany. He +went so far as to employ this expression:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>You will see, perhaps, your neighbor's house on fire, but your +house will remain intact.</p></div> + +<p>The same day, at 7 o'clock in the evening, he communicated the following +note to the Belgian Government:</p> + +<p><b>The German Note</b>.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The German Government has received unimpeachable news to the effect +that the French forces have the intention of marching on the Meuse +by Givet and Namur. This news leaves no doubt as to the intention +of France to march upon Germany from Belgian territory. The +Imperial Government of Germany cannot help fearing that Belgium, in +spite of the best intentions, will not be in a position to repulse +without help an incursion by the French of such great magnitude. In +this case it is sufficiently certain that Germany is seriously +threatened. It is the urgent business of Germany to forestall this +attack on the part of the enemy. The German Government would be +filled with lively regret if Belgium were to regard as an act of +hostility against her the fact that her precautionary measures +oblige her to violate on her side Belgian territory.</p> + +<p>In order to avoid the possibility of misunderstanding, the German +Government makes the following comment:</p> + +<p>1st. Germany contemplates no act of hostility against Belgium. If +Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence +the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German +Government on its side engages, when peace is restored, to +guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions.</p> + +<p>2nd. Germany engages herself, on the aforesaid conditions, to +evacuate Belgian territory as soon as peace is concluded.</p> + +<p>3rd. If Belgium observes a friendly attitude, Germany is ready, in +co-operation with the authorities of the Government of Belgium, to +buy for cash everything that is necessary for her troops, and to +pay indemnities for damage done in Belgium; but if Belgium behaves +in a hostile manner against the troops, and in particular places +difficulties in the way of their advance by opposition by the +fortifications of the Meuse, or by the destruction of roads, +railways, tunnels, or other works, Germany will be obliged to +consider Belgium as an enemy.</p> + +<p>In that case Germany will enter into no agreement with the kingdom, +but will allow the further relationship of the two States to be +left to the decision of arms. The German Government feels that it +is justified in hoping that this eventuality will not materialize +and that the Belgian Government will know how to take appropriate +measures to prevent its materialization. In that case the friendly +relations which unite the two neighboring States will become closer +and more lasting.</p></div> + +<p>Such is the German note. It will be noticed that there is no question of +the alleged entry of French aviators and officers into Belgium, as has +been stated in several papers here. The document, in fact, knocks that +fable on the head. The only reason given for the violation of Belgian +territory is the alleged intention of the French Army to march upon +Givet and Namur. This assertion is supported by no proof, and is denied +by the French Government, which officially declared to Belgium and +England its intention of not violating Belgian territory. On the +contrary, the premeditated intention of Germany to violate Belgian +neutrality is proved in the most irrefutable way, namely, by the +affirmation of the German Secretary of State himself, and by that of the +German Chancellor.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 367]</span>To the request of Sir William Goschen, the English Ambassador in +Berlin, to be allowed to know if Germany would pledge herself to respect +the neutrality of Belgium, the German Secretary of State replied that +"this neutrality had already been violated by Germany." Herr von Jagow +went again into the</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>reasons why the Imperial Government had been obliged to take this +step, namely, that they had to advance into France by the quickest +and easiest way so as to be able to get well ahead with their +operations and endeavor to strike some decisive blow as early as +possible. It was a matter of life and death to them, for, if they +had gone by the more southern route, they could not have hoped, in +view of the paucity of the roads and the strength of the +fortresses, to have got through without formidable opposition +entailing great loss of time. This loss of time would mean time +gained by the Russians for the bringing up of their troops to the +German frontier. Rapidity of action was the great German asset, +while that of Russia was the inexhaustible supply of troops. +[Official Report of the British Ambassador in Berlin to the British +Government.]</p></div> + +<p><b>"A Scrap of Paper."</b></p> + +<p>This conversation preceded by a few minutes that in which the German +Chancellor, giddy at the sight of the abyss into which Germany was +falling, uttered these celebrated words:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Just for a word, NEUTRALITY, a word which in war times has been so +often disregarded; just for A SCRAP OF PAPER, Great Britain is +going to make war on a kindred nation. At what price would that +compact [neutrality] have been kept? Has the British Government +thought of that?</p></div> + +<p>Sir William Goschen replied, that fear of consequences would hardly be +regarded as an excuse for breaking a solemn engagement. [Official report +of the British Ambassador in Berlin to his Government.]</p> + +<p>It is very clear from these documents that Germany had for a long time +premeditated the violation of the neutrality of Belgium and that she has +even reconciled herself to the terrible danger of war with Great +Britain, rather than renounce the advantages she thought she would gain +by not respecting the treaty. In the face of these confessions the +allegations that France wished to violate the neutrality of Belgium, an +allegation supported by no proof, falls to the ground.</p> + +<p>To continue the analysis of the German note:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>If Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence +the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German +Government, on its side, engages, when peace is restored, to +guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions.</p></div> + +<p>Could Belgium, without being false to her duties of neutrality, take up +the position which the German Government calls "friendly neutrality"? +That is to say, could she allow the German armies to pass without +opposition through her territory? Can the German Government itself +answer that question?</p> + +<p>It is enough to reread the conversation given above between the British +Ambassador and the German Secretary of State to come to a clear +conclusion in that respect. If the violation of Belgian territory was to +procure so signal an advantage to Germany that she had no fear of +bringing on war with England to attain it, then for Belgium to lend +herself to the passage of German troops must have meant the certainty of +fatal consequences for France. Thus for Belgium to have yielded to the +German ultimatum would <i>ipso facto</i> have conferred a considerable +advantage to Germany, to the detriment of the other belligerent, and +would have constituted a breach of neutrality.</p> + +<p>Germany concludes her note by threats. She engages, on the condition +already defined, to evacuate Belgian territory at the conclusion of +peace. If Belgium behaves in a hostile manner [<i>that is to say, if she +does her duty</i>] Germany will be obliged to consider Belgium as an enemy. +She would then leave the ultimate arrangements of the relations of the +two States to the decision of arms. In other words, if Belgium does not +agree to violate the treaty, Germany will treat her as an enemy, and she +adds a veiled threat of annexing a part or the whole of her territory.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 368]</span>The moral fibre of nations is not always measured by their size +or power. Belgium is small and weak, but her answer bears witness to her +love of justice and to her respect of the right. She would rather die +with honor than live dishonored.</p> + +<p>That was made clear by the answer of her Government. The answer was as +follows:</p> + +<p><b>Reply to German Note.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The German note has been a painful surprise to the Belgian +Government. The intentions which the note attributes to France are +in contradiction to the formal declarations which were made to us +on the 1st of August in the name of the republic. Besides, if +contrary to our expectations, France is about to violate the +neutrality of Belgium, Belgium would be prepared to fulfil its +neutrality obligations, and her army would offer to the invader the +most vigorous resistance. The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the +treaties of 1870, commit to the guarantee of the powers and notably +to the Government of his Majesty the King of Prussia the +independence and neutrality of the Kingdom of Belgium.</p></div> + +<p>The Chancellor of the German Empire said in a sitting of the Reichstag +on the 4th of August:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We are in a state of legitimate defense <i>Necessity knows no law</i>. +Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and have perhaps already +penetrated into Belgium. This is against the law of nations. +France, it is true, has declared to Brussels that she is determined +to respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as her adversary +respects it, but we know that France was ready to invade Belgium. +France can afford to wait; we cannot. A French attack on our flank +in the region of the lower Rhine might have been fatal. It is for +that reason we have been compelled to ignore the just protests of +the Governments of Luxemburg and Belgium. The <i>injustice</i> which we +thus commit we will <i>repair</i> as soon as our military object has +been attained.</p></div> + +<p>It has been shown how much value can be attached to the assertion of the +alleged intention of France to invade Belgium. That intention, and the +realization of that intention belongs exclusively to Germany and they +must be left in her possession. This is especially the case in view of +the fact that the military dispositions undertaken by France absolutely +refute the allegations of the German Chancellor. So true is this that +when the violation of Belgian territory became an accomplished fact, and +when the King of Belgium appealed under the terms of the treaty of 1839 +for support, in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium which these powers +had guaranteed, France was so little prepared to invade Belgium that it +took her more than ten days to get her troops into the country.</p> + +<p>The world is familiar with the way Germany has repaired in Belgium the +injustice of which she was guilty, to use the words of the German +Chancellor.</p> + +<p><b>Atrocities in Belgium.</b></p> + +<p>Under the pretext that her troops were attacked by civilians, and even +under no pretext at all, whole villages have been razed to the ground. +Important towns whose boast it was to represent part of the common +inheritance of civilization were not spared. Their monuments, which have +been respected during the centuries in all of the constant wars of which +Belgium has been the theatre, were deliberately destroyed. Open cities +were bombarded. Exorbitant taxation was imposed upon conquered towns, +and when the inhabitants were unable to pay the taxes, a large number of +their houses were set on fire. That is what happened to Wavre, among +other cities, whose 8,500 inhabitants were unable to pay a tax of +$600,000. Termonde, with 10,000 inhabitants, was utterly destroyed. On +the 15th of September, there only remained in that town 282 houses out +of 1,400. The town of Aerschot, with 8,000 inhabitants, is now nothing +but a mass of ruins and more than 150 of its inhabitants have been shot. +Dirigible balloons have thrown bombs at night upon Antwerp. It cannot be +maintained by those who were in the balloons that they were trying to +hit the forts, as the forts are outside the boundaries of the town, and +a good distance outside them as well. Nor could the bombs thrown have +had any effect upon the forts, which are even stronger than those of +Liége. There was no warning of this bombardment, a fact which +constitutes a violation of Article 26 of the Fourth Convention of The +Hague, and more than a dozen people <span class="pagenum">[pg 369]</span>were killed, all of them +non-combatants and several of them women and children.</p> + +<p>The town of Louvain, with its 42,000 inhabitants, was one of the centres +of Belgian culture. It had no mercy shown to it and has been nearly +obliterated. Several quarters of the town were set on fire, the Church +of St. Pierre, a marvelous example of Gothic art; the buildings of the +University, including the Library with more than 70,000 volumes, of +which a large number were ancient manuscripts, the collections belonging +to the University; nearly all the scientific institutions, and nearly +all the houses of the town were <i>deliberately</i> burned. They are now +nothing more than heaps of ashes. Their destruction has been a loss to +the whole civilized world.</p> + +<p>Numbers of absolutely innocent women and children lost their lives in +the fire which was started by order of the German military officials. Of +those who were saved, several thousand, including women enfeebled by +age, and children in arms, are today wandering homeless over the roads, +without food or clothing. They are not to blame for anything, unless it +is because they belong to a nation which has refused to purchase peace +at the price of dishonor. That can be the only crime accounted to them +and it is for that they have lost all their possessions upon the earth.</p> + +<p>From the declaration made by the Imperial German Chancellor it may be +seen that the German Government is conscious of its wrongdoing. As one +of the guarantors of Belgium's neutrality, it wanted to force Belgium to +relinquish its neutrality for Germany's benefit. Because Belgium would +not consent to this injustice and because Germany could not reproach her +with anything else, Germany invaded and covered with blood and ruin a +small peaceful country of hard-working and honest people, a country +which it had promised to protect.</p> + +<p>This attack upon her neutrality is the first violation for which Belgium +asks judgment from the universal conscience.</p> + +<p>The entire Belgo-German question today is dominated by the fact of this +violation of the neutrality of Belgium. Therefore, there is not a single +shot fired by a German soldier in Belgium, which is not manifestly and +avowedly belying most sacred things: the keeping of a solemn pledge, and +the right for an honest nation that never wanted war, nor showed +aggressive dispositions, to be allowed to live its peaceful and neutral +life.</p> + +<p>Such is the Belgian case. Humanity will judge it.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="Belgo_British_Plot_Alleged_by_Germany" id="Belgo_British_Plot_Alleged_by_Germany"></a>Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany</h2> + +<p><b>Statement Issued by German Embassy at Washington, Oct. 13.</b></p> + +<p>The German Ambassador drew special attention today to the telegram which +came from German headquarters. This telegram proves the German +contention that the Allies did not intend to respect Belgian neutrality. +It even proves more, namely, that Belgian neutrality practically did not +exist and that the Belgian Government was conspiring with the Allies +against Germany. Notwithstanding the denials coming from French sources +it is a fact that French prisoners were taken at Liége and Namur, who +acknowledged that they had been in those fortresses before the German +troops entered Belgium.</p> + +<p>On the French side it has been asserted that the German Chancellor in +Parliament had acknowledged that Germany was doing wrong in violating +Belgian neutrality. It must, however, not be overlooked that the +Chancellor further said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We know that the Allies do not intend to respect Belgian +neutrality, and Germany, in the position she is in, attacked <span class="pagenum">[pg +370]</span>from three sides, cannot wait, while the Allies can wait.</p></div> + +<p>At that time the Belgian archives were not at the disposal of the German +Government. If the Chancellor had known at the time he made his speech +that Belgium was not neutral he would certainly have spoken of the +alleged Belgian neutrality in a different way.</p> + +<p>Germany has violated the frontiers of no really neutral country, while +the Allies are on record for disregarding all obligations toward China.</p> + +<p><b>Text of Wireless Message.</b></p> + +<p>Headquarters report German military authorities searching archives of +Belgian General Staff at Brussels, found portfolio inscribed +"Intervention Anglaise-Belgique," containing important documents:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>1. Report to Belgian War Minister, dated April 10, 1906, containing +result detailed negotiations between Chief of Belgian General Staff +and British Military Attaché at Brussels, Lieut. Col. Barnardiston. +Plan of English origin sanctioned by Major Gen. Grierson, Chief +English General Staff, contains strength, formation, landing +places, expeditionary-force 100,000 men; continuing, settles plan +Belgian General Staff transport accommodations, feeding in Belgium, +Belgian interpreters, gendarmerie, landing places at Dunkirk, +Calais, Boulogne. Details Barnardiston remarks for present Holland +cannot be relied upon. Further confidential communication that +English Government after destruction of German Navy will direct +supply provision via Antwerp. Finally suggestion from England +military attaché that Belgian espionage service should be organized +in Prussian Rheinland.</p> + +<p>2. Map showing strategical drawing up of French Army demonstrating +existence of French-Belgian agreement.</p> + +<p>3. Report of Baron Greindl, Belgian Minister to Berlin, to Belgian +Foreign Office, dated Dec. 23, 1911. Greindl, commenting on plan of +Belgian General Staff for defense of Belgo-German frontier in +Franco-German war, points to threatening violation of neutrality by +France, saying: "Danger French attack threatening us, not only near +Luxemburg, but on whole length of common frontier, This assertion +no guess work, but founded upon positive facts."</p> + +<p>Minister further thoroughly discusses Entente's plans for passage +through Belgium, Calais, and England. France doubtful protectors, +Barnardiston's insinuations relative Flushing question, both +perfidious and naïve postulates dressing plan of battle against +threatening Franco-British invasion into Belgium in Franco-German +war.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="GREAT_BRITAINS_DENIAL" id="GREAT_BRITAINS_DENIAL"></a>GREAT BRITAIN'S DENIAL.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement Issued by British Foreign Office, London, Oct. 14.</b></p> + +<p>The story of an alleged Anglo-Belgian agreement of 1906, published in +the German press and based on documents said to have been found at +Brussels is only a press edition of a story which has been reproduced in +various forms and denied on several occasions. No such agreement has +ever existed as Germans well know. Gen. Grierson is dead and Col., now +Gen., Barnardiston is commanding the British forces before Tsing-tau.</p> + +<p>In 1906 Gen. Grierson was on the General Staff at the War Office and +Col. Barnardiston was military attaché at Brussels. In view of the +solemn guarantee given by Great Britain to protect the neutrality of +Belgium against violation from any side some academic discussions may, +through the instrumentality of Col. Barnardiston, have taken place +between Gen. Grierson and the Belgian military authorities as to what +assistance the British Army might be able to afford to Belgium should +one of her neighbors violate that neutrality. Some notes with reference +to the subject may exist in the archives at Brussels.</p> + +<p>It should be noted that the date mentioned, namely 1906, was the year +following that in which Germany had, as in 1911, adopted a threatening +attitude toward France with regard to Morocco and in view of the +apprehensions existing of an attack on France through Belgium it was +natural that possible eventualities should be discussed.</p> + +<p>The impossibility of Belgium having been a party to any agreement of the +nature indicated or to any design for violation of Belgian neutrality is +clearly shown by reiterated declarations that she has made for many +years past that she would resist to the utmost any violation of her +neutrality from whatever <span class="pagenum">[pg 371]</span>quarter and in whatever form such +violation might come. It is worthy of attention that these charges of +aggressive designs on the part of other powers are made by Germany who, +since 1906, has established an elaborate network of strategical railways +leading from the Rhine to the Belgian frontier through a barren, thinly +populated tract, deliberately constructed to permit of the sudden attack +upon Belgium which was carried out two months ago.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="REPLY_TO_GREAT_BRITAIN" id="REPLY_TO_GREAT_BRITAIN"></a>REPLY TO GREAT BRITAIN.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador, Washington, Oct. +15.</b></p> + + +<p>Concerning the Anglo-Belgian military agreement existing since 1906, a +formal denial has been issued by England, which proves nothing. The +documents are in the hands of the German authorities, and will be +published in full. The facts remain that a so-called "neutral" country +concluded a military agreement with England, which provided for landing +of British troops in this "neutral" country. The document proves that by +its own free will "neutral Belgium" accepted the British offer and +decided to fight on the side of the Allies.</p> + +<p>England instigated Belgium to go to war, and when the time came to +protect the unfortunate little country it was left to its own resources. +Germany, on the other hand, which had heard of Belgium's agreement with +England at the beginning of this war, offered to protect Belgium and to +pay full indemnity for all her losses. Germany would have religiously +kept her promise.</p> + +<p>The documents found in Brussels further prove that as far back as 1906 +England was systematically trying to bring about the coalition which has +now forced war on Germany.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="GRAY_BOOKS_TESTIMONY" id="GRAY_BOOKS_TESTIMONY"></a>GRAY BOOK'S TESTIMONY.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by E. Havenith, Belgian Minister to the United States, +Washington, Oct. 22.</b></p> + +<p>The Belgian Legation has just received the copies of the "Gray Book." It +is evident from these documents that there has never existed any +military agreement between Belgium and England, either offensive or +defensive, such as the German Government asserts to have been in +existence since 1906. The following extracts speak for themselves:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>No. 28—Offer of intervention by England. Note handed to Sir +Francis H. Villiers, British Minister to Belgium, to M. Davignon, +Minister of Foreign Affairs.</i></p> + +<p>Brussels, Aug. 4, 1914.</p> + +<p>I am instructed to inform the Belgium Government that, if Germany +exercises pressure for the purpose of compelling Belgium to abandon +her position of a neutral country, the Government of his Britannic +Majesty expects Belgium to resist by every possible means.</p> + +<p>The Government of his Britannic Majesty is ready in that event to +join with Russia and France, if desired by Belgium, to offer to the +Belgian Government at once common action for the purpose of +resisting the use of force by Germany against Belgium and at the +same time to offer a guarantee to maintain the independence and +integrity of Belgium in the future.</p> + +<p><i>No. 37—Offer of England for an alliance for the object of +assuring the neutrality of Belgium against the pressure of +Germany.</i></p> + +<p>London, Aug. 4, 1914.</p> + +<p>The Minister of Foreign Affairs has informed the British Ministers +in Norway, Holland, and Belgium that Great Britain expects that +these three kingdoms will resist the pressure of Germany and +maintain neutrality. They will be supported in their resistance by +England, who in such a case is ready to co-operate with France and +Russia, if such is the desire of these three Governments, in +offering an alliance to the said Governments to repel the +employment of force against them by Germany and a guarantee for the +future maintenance of the independence and the integrity of the +three kingdoms.</p> + +<p>I pointed out that Belgium is neutral in perpetuity. The Minister +for Foreign Affairs replied: "It is for the event of neutrality +being violated."</p> + +<p class="author">(Signed) LALAING,</p> + +<p>Belgium Minister in London.</p> + +<p><i>No. 40—Belgium appeals to the powers after the invasion of +Belgium.</i></p> + +<p>Brussels, Aug. 4, 1914.</p> + +<p>Monsieur le Ministre—The Belgium Government regrets to have to +announce to your Excellency that this morning the armed forces of +Germany penetrated into Belgian territory, violating the +engagements which they have undertaken by treaty.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 372]</span>The Belgian Government are firmly decided to resist by all +means in their power.</p> + +<p>Belgium appeals to England, to France, and to Russia to co-operate +as guarantors in the defense of her territory.</p> + +<p>There should be a concerted and common action, having as its object +to resist the measures of force employed by Germany against Belgium +and at the same time to guarantee the maintenance of the +independence and integrity of Belgium for the future.</p> + +<p>Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she will undertake the +defense of the fortified places. I am, &c.,</p> + +<p class="author">(Signed) DAVIGNON,</p> + +<p>Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belgium.</p></div> + +<p>Where is to be found the alleged military convention said to have been +concluded in 1906 with England? Where is the agreement said to have +existed since 1906 between the Allies to force war on Germany? These +documents clearly prove that such compact never existed.</p> + +<p>The Belgian nation preferred ruin and death to the shameful perjury +proposed to her by Germany. For this reason Germany has devastated and +immersed in blood a peaceful little country. Today she seeks to rob her +of honor, her only remaining treasure.</p> + +<p>The official documents, the confessions of the German statesmen, the +ruins of Louvain, Malines, Aerschot, Termonde, and of so many villages +burned and razed to the ground, the blood of her children unjustly +massacred are the testimonies which the Belgian people cites before the +tribunal of public conscience. To this tribunal, without fear, the +Belgian Nation confides the cause of her honor.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="BELGIUMS_ANSWER" id="BELGIUMS_ANSWER"></a>BELGIUM'S ANSWER.</h2> + +<p><b>Transmitted to The London Times and Published Oct. 23.</b></p> + + +<p>The Times of Oct. 14 reproduces a long article from The North-German +Gazette commenting on the discovery in the archives at Brussels of a map +entitled "English Intervention in Belgium" and of a memorandum to the +Belgian Minister of War which goes to prove that in the month of April, +1906, the Chief of the General Staff, on the suggestion of the British +Military Attaché and with the approval of Gen. Grierson, had worked out +a plan of co-operation between British expeditionary forces and the +Belgian Army against Germany in the event of a Franco-German war. This +agreement is assumed to have been preceded in all probability by a +similar arrangement with the French General Staff.</p> + +<p>The North-German Gazette also publishes certain passages of a report of +the Belgian Minister at Berlin in December, 1911, relating to another +plan of the Belgian General Staff, in which the measures to be taken in +case of the violation of Belgian neutrality by Germany are discussed. +Baron Greindl pointed out that this plan dealt only with the precautions +to be taken in the event of an aggression on the part of Germany, while, +owing to its geographical situation, Belgium might just as well be +exposed to an attack by France and England. The North-German Gazette +draws from this discovery the strange conclusion that England intended +to drag Belgium into the war, and at one time contemplated the violation +of Dutch neutrality.</p> + +<p>We have only one regret to express on the subject of the disclosure of +these documents, and that is that the publication of our military +documents should be mangled and arranged in such a way as to give the +reader the impression of duplicity on the part of England and adhesion +by Belgium, in violation of her duties as a neutral State, to the policy +of the Triple Entente. We ask the North-German Gazette to publish in +full the result of its search among our secret documents. Therein will +be found fresh and striking proof of the loyalty, correctness, and +impartiality with which Belgium for 81 years has discharged her +international obligations.</p> + +<p>It was stated that Col. Barnardiston, the military representative at +Brussels of a power guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium, at the time +of the Algeciras crisis, questioned the Chief of the Belgian General +Staff as to the measures which he had taken to prevent any violation of +that neutrality. The Chief of the General Staff, at that time Lieut. +Gen. Ducarne, replied that Belgium <span class="pagenum">[pg 373]</span>was ready to repel any +invader. Did the conversation extend beyond these limits, and did Col. +Barnardiston, in an interview of a private and confidential nature, +disclose to Gen. Ducarne the plan of campaign which the British General +Staff would have desired to follow if that neutrality were violated? We +doubt it, but in any case we can solemnly assert, and it will be +impossible to prove the contrary, that never has the King or his +Government been invited, either directly or indirectly, to join the +Triple Entente in the event of a Franco-German war. By their words and +by their acts they have always shown such a firm attitude that any +supposition that they could have departed from the strictest neutrality +is eliminated a priori.</p> + +<p>As for Baron Greindl's dispatch of Dec. 23, 1911, it dealt with a plan +for the defense of Luxembourg, due to the personal initiative of the +Chief of the First Section of the War Ministry. This plan was of an +absolutely private character and had not been approved by the Minister +of War. If this plan contemplated above all an attack by Germany, there +is no cause for surprise, since the great German military writers, in +particular T. Bernhardi, V. Schlivfeboch, and von der Goltz, spoke +openly in their treatises on the coming war of the violation of Belgian +territory by the German armies.</p> + +<p>At the outbreak of hostilities the Imperial Government, through the +mouth of the Chancellor and of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, did +not search for vain pretexts for the aggression of which Belgium has +been the victim. They justified it on the plea of military interests. +Since then, in face of the universal reprobation which this odious +action has excited, they have attempted to deceive public opinion by +representing Belgium as bound already before the war to the Triple +Entente. These intrigues will deceive nobody. They will recoil on the +head of Germany. History will record that this power, after binding +itself by treaty to defend the neutrality of Belgium, took the +initiative in violating it, without even finding a pretext with which to +justify itself.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h1><a name="ATROCITIES_OF_THE_WAR" id="ATROCITIES_OF_THE_WAR"></a>WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br /> <br />ATROCITIES OF THE WAR</h1> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 374]</span><b>By Pope Pius X., Kaiser Wilhelm II., President Poincare, and +King Albert of Belgium.</b></p> + + +<p><b>Official Message from Pope Pius X. at the Vatican, Aug. 2.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>At this moment, when nearly the whole of Europe is being dragged +into the vortex of a most terrible war, with its present dangers +and miseries and the consequences to follow, the very thought of +which must strike every one with grief and horror, we whose care is +the life and welfare of so many citizens and peoples cannot but be +deeply moved and our heart wrung with the bitterest sorrow.</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="pope_pius_x" id="pope_pius_x"></a><img src="images/pope_pius_x.jpg" alt="pope_pius_x" width="314" height="500" /> +<p class="center">HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X.<br /> +(<i>From a Painting by A. Muller-Ury.</i>)</p> + +</div> + + +<p>And in the midst of this universal confusion and peril we feel and +know that both Fatherly love and the Apostolic ministry demand of +us that we should with all earnestness turn the thoughts of +Christendom thither "whence cometh help"—to Christ, the Prince of +Peace, and the most powerful mediator between God and man.</p> + +<p>We charge, therefore, the Catholics of the whole world to approach +the throne of Grace and Mercy, each and all of them, and more +especially the clergy, whose duty furthermore it will be to make in +every parish, as their Bishops shall direct, public supplication so +that the merciful God may, as it were, be wearied with the prayers +of His children and speedily remove the evil causes of war, giving +to them who rule to think the thoughts of peace and not of +affliction.</p> + +<p>From the palace of the Vatican, the second day of August, 1914.</p> + + +<p class="author">PIUS X. Pontifex Maximus.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="THE_POPES_DYING_WORDS" id="THE_POPES_DYING_WORDS"></a>THE POPE'S DYING WORDS.</h2> + +<p><b>Pronounced by Pius X. at the Vatican, Aug. 20.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In ancient times the Pope, with a word, might have stayed the +slaughter. Now I am impotent and forced to see the spectacle of my +own children, even those who yesterday worked here with me, leaving +for the war and abandoning their cassocks and cowls for soldiers' +uniforms. Yesterday, although belonging to different nationalities, +we were here studying in sympathetic companionship. Now we are in +different fields, armed against each other and ready to take each +other's lives.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="GERMAN_KAISERS_PROTEST" id="GERMAN_KAISERS_PROTEST"></a>GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST.</h2> + +<p><b>Addressed to Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, Aug. 7.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I consider it my duty, Sir, to inform you, as the most notable +representative of the principles of humanity, that after the +capture of the French fort of Longwy my troops found in that place +thousands of dumdum bullets, which had been manufactured in special +works by the French Government. Such bullets were found not only on +French killed and wounded soldiers and on French prisoners, but +also on English troops. You know what terrible wounds and awful +suffering are caused by these bullets, and that their use is +strictly <span class="pagenum">[pg 375]</span>forbidden by the generally recognized rules of +international warfare.</p> + +<p>I solemnly protest to you against the way in which this war is +being waged by our opponents, whose methods are making it one of +the most barbarous in history. Besides the use of these awful +weapons, the Belgian Government openly incited the civil population +to participate in the fighting, and has for a long time carefully +organized their resistance. The cruelties practiced in this +guerrilla warfare, even by women and priests, toward wounded +soldiers, and doctors and hospital nurses—physicians were killed +and lazarets fired on—were such that eventually my Generals were +compelled to adopt the strongest measures to punish the guilty and +frighten the bloodthirsty population from continuing their shameful +deeds.</p> + +<p>Some villages and even the old town of Louvain, with the exception +of its beautiful town hall, (Hotel de Ville,) had to be destroyed +for the protection of my troops.</p> + +<p>My heart bleeds when I see such measures inevitable and when I +think of the many innocent people who have lost their houses and +property as a result of the misdeeds of the guilty.</p> + +<p class="author">WILHELM I. R.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="REPLY_TO_THE_KAISER" id="REPLY_TO_THE_KAISER"></a>REPLY TO THE KAISER.</h2> + +<p><b>Made by President Wilson at Washington, Sept. 16.</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I received your Imperial Majesty's important communication of the +7th and have read it with the gravest interest and concern. I am +honored that you should have turned to me for an impartial judgment +as the representative of a people truly disinterested as respects +the present war and truly desirous of knowing and accepting the +truth.</p> + +<p>You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Presently, I pray +God very soon, this war will be over. The day of accounting will +then come, when I take it for granted the nations of Europe will +assemble to determine a settlement. Where wrongs have been +committed, their consequences and the relative responsibility +involved will be assessed.</p> + +<p>The nations of the world have fortunately by agreement made a plan +for such a reckoning and settlement. What such a plan cannot +compass the opinion of mankind, the final arbiter in all such +matters, will supply. It would be unwise, it would be premature, +for a single Government, however fortunately separated from the +present struggle, it would even be inconsistent with the neutral +position of any nation which, like this, has no part in the +contest, to form or express a final judgment.</p> + +<p>I speak thus frankly because I know that you will expect and wish +me to do so as one friend speaks to another, and because I feel +sure that such a reservation of judgment until the end of the war, +when all its events and circumstances can be seen in their entirety +and in their true relations, will commend itself to you as a true +expression of sincere neutrality.</p> + +<p class="author">WOODROW WILSON.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHARGE_AGAINST_GERMANY" id="CHARGE_AGAINST_GERMANY"></a>CHARGE AGAINST GERMANY.</h2> + +<p><b>President Poincare of the French Republic to President Wilson, Sept. +11.</b></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr. President: I am informed that the German Government is +attempting to abuse your Excellency's good faith by alleging that +dumdum bullets are manufactured in French State workshops, and are +used by our soldiers. The calumny is nothing but an audacious +attempt to reverse the rôles. Germany has since the beginning of +the war employed dumdum bullets, and has daily committed violations +of the laws of nations.</p> + +<p>On Aug. 18 and on several occasions since then we have had to +report crimes to your Excellency as well as to the powers signatory +to the Convention of The Hague. Germany, which was aware of our +protests, is now trying to deceive and to make use of pretexts and +lies in order to indulge in further acts of barbarity in the name +of right. Outraged civilization sends your Excellency an indignant +protest.</p> + +<p class="author">RAYMOND POINCARE.</p></div> + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="M_DELCASSES_NOTE" id="M_DELCASSES_NOTE"></a>M. DELCASSE'S NOTE.</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 376]</span><b>French Cabinet Minister Addresses the Danish Government, Sept. +10.</b></p> + + +<p>The French Government protested on Aug. 18 to the Permanent Bureau of +The Hague Court of Arbitration against the use of dumdum bullets by the +Germans, producing proof obtained by surgeons that French soldiers had +been killed or wounded by these bullets. The German General Staff has +countered this by alleging that it was the French and English who used +the bullets, and the Imperial Chancellor has announced in fiery tones +that in the presence of the example given by the English and French the +German soldiers would henceforth use dumdum bullets; the responsibility +for this procedure, which he himself describes as an act of cruelty and +a violation of an international convention signed by Germany, will rest, +he says, upon the powers of the Triple Entente.</p> + +<p>By my Government's orders I have the honor to protest in the most formal +manner to the Danish Government against the lying German allegations. +French soldiers have never used dumdum bullets. The French Government +has never authorized, nor will authorize, its troops to use such +barbarous means of warfare, whatever be the infringements of law and the +cruelties committed by its adversaries. The "Instructions for French +Officers in Wartime" also lay down, and will continue to lay down, that +they are to forbid their men to use bullets at variance with the +stipulations of the Geneva and Hague conventions.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="THE_BELGIAN_MISSION" id="THE_BELGIAN_MISSION"></a>THE BELGIAN MISSION.</h2> + +<p><b>Officially Explained to President Wilson at the White House, +Washington, Sept. 16.</b></p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="king_albert" id="king_albert"></a><img src="images/king_albert.jpg" alt="king_albert" width="314" height="500" /> +<p class="center">ALBERT, KING OF THE BELGIANS</p> + +</div> + +<p>His Majesty the King of the Belgians has appointed a special envoy for +the purpose of acquainting the President of the United States of America +with the deplorable state of affairs prevailing in Belgium, whose +neutrality has been unjustly violated, and who since the beginning of +hostilities has been the theatre of the worst outrages on the part of +the invading German Army, in defiance of rules solemnized by +international treaty and customs consecrated by public right and law of +nations.</p> + +<p>Mr. Henry Carton de Wiart, Minister of Justice, has been chosen for this +mission. He is accompanied by Messrs. de Sadeleer, Hymans, and +Vandervelde, Ministers of State. Count Louis Lichtervelde is attached to +the mission as Secretary.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="M_DE_WIARTS_ADDRESS" id="M_DE_WIARTS_ADDRESS"></a>M. DE WIART'S ADDRESS.</h2> + +<p><b>Made to the President at the White House, Washington, Sept. 16.</b></p> + + +<p>Excellency: His Majesty the King of the Belgians has charged us with a +special mission to the President of the United States.</p> + +<p>Let me say to you how much we feel ourselves honored to have been called +upon to express the sentiments of our King and of our whole nation to +the illustrious statesman whom the American people have called to the +highest dignity of the Commonwealth.</p> + +<div class="figleft"><a name="carton_de_wiart" id="carton_de_wiart"></a><img src="images/carton_de_wiart.jpg" alt="carton_de_wiart" width="312" height="500" /> +<p class="center">CARTON DE WIART,<br /> +Minister of Justice,<br /> Spokesman of the Royal Belgian<br /> +Commission to the United States.</p> + +</div> + +<p>As far as I am concerned, I have already been able, during a previous +trip, to fully appreciate the noble virtues of the American Nation, and +I am happy to take this opportunity to express all the admiration with +which they inspire me.</p> + +<p>Ever since her independence was first established, Belgium has been +declared neutral in perpetuity. This neutrality, guaranteed by the +powers, has recently been violated by one of them. Had we consented to +abandon our neutrality for the benefit of one of the belligerents, we +would have betrayed our obligations toward the others. And it was the +sense of our international obligations as well as that of our dignity +and honor that has driven us to resistance.</p> + +<p>The consequences suffered by the Belgian Nation were not confined purely +to the harm occasioned by the forced march of an invading army. This +army not only seized a great portion of our territory, but it committed +incredible acts of <span class="pagenum">[pg 377]</span>violence, the nature of which is contrary to +the law of nations.</p> + +<p>Peaceful inhabitants were massacred, defenseless women and children were +outraged, open and undefended towns were destroyed, historical and +religious monuments were reduced to dust, and the famous library of the +University of Louvain was given to the flames.</p> + +<p>Our Government has appointed a judicial commission to make an official +investigation, so as to thoroughly and impartially examine the facts and +to determine the responsibility thereof, and I will have the honor, +Excellency, to hand over to you the proceedings of the inquiry.</p> + +<p>In this frightful holocaust which is sweeping all over Europe, the +United States has adopted a neutral attitude.</p> + +<p>And it is for this reason that your country, standing apart from either +one of the belligerents, is in the best position to judge, without bias +or partiality, the conditions under which the war is being waged.</p> + +<p>It is at the request, even at the initiative, of the United States that +all civilized nations have formulated and adopted at The Hague a law +regulating the laws and usage of war.</p> + +<p>We refuse to believe that war has abolished the family of civilized +powers, or the regulations to which they have freely consented.</p> + +<p>The American people has always displayed its respect for justice, its +search for progress, and an instinctive attachment for the laws of +humanity. Therefore, it has won a moral influence which is recognized by +the entire world. It is for this reason that Belgium, bound as she is to +you by ties of commerce and increasing friendship, turns to the American +people at this time to let it know the real truth of the present +situation. Resolved to continue unflinching defense of its sovereignty +and independence, it deems it a duty to bring to the attention of the +civilized world the innumerable grave breaches of rights of mankind of +which she has been a victim. At the very moment we were leaving +Belgium, the King recalled to us his trip to the United States and the +vivid and strong impression your powerful and virile civilization left +upon his mind.</p> + +<p>Our faith in your fairness, our confidence in your justice, in your +spirit of generosity and sympathy—all these have dictated our present +mission.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="PRESIDENT_WILSONS_REPLY" id="PRESIDENT_WILSONS_REPLY"></a>PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY.</h2> + +<p><b>Addressed to the Royal Belgian Commission in the White House, +Washington, Sept. 16.</b></p> + + +<p>Permit me to say with what sincere pleasure I receive you as +representatives of the King of the Belgians, a people for whom the +people of the United States feel so strong a friendship and admiration, +a King for whom they entertain so sincere a respect, and express my hope +that we may have many opportunities of earning and deserving their +regard.</p> + +<p>You are not mistaken in believing that the people of this country love +justice, seek the true paths of progress, and have a passionate regard +for the rights of humanity.</p> + +<p>It is a matter of profound pride to me that I am permitted for a time to +represent such a people and to be their spokesman, and I am proud that +your King should have turned to me in time of distress as to one who +would wish on behalf of the people he represents to consider the claims +to the impartial sympathy of mankind of a nation which deems itself +wronged.</p> + +<p>I thank you for the document you have put in my hands containing the +result of an investigation made by a judicial committee appointed by the +Belgian Government to look into the matter of which you have come to +speak. It shall have my utmost attentive perusal and my most thoughtful +consideration.</p> + +<p>You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Presently, I pray God +very soon, this war will be over. The day of accounting will then come, +when, I take it for granted, the nations of Europe will assemble to +determine a settlement. <span class="pagenum">[pg 378]</span>Where wrongs have been committed their +consequences and the relative responsibility involved will be assessed.</p> + +<p>The nations of the world have, fortunately, by agreement made a plan for +such a reckoning and settlement. What such a plan cannot compass, the +opinion of mankind, the final arbiter in such matters, will supply. It +would be unwise, it would be premature for a single Government, however +fortunately separated from the present struggle, it would be +inconsistent with the neutral position of any nation, which, like this, +has no part in the contest, to form or express a final judgment.</p> + +<p>I need not assure you that this conclusion, in which I instinctively +feel that you will yourselves concur, is spoken frankly because in warm +friendship, and as the best means of perfect understanding between us, +an understanding based upon mutual respect, admiration, and cordiality.</p> + +<p>You are most welcome and we are greatly honored that you should have +chosen us as the friends before whom you could lay any matter of vital +consequence to yourselves, in the confidence that your cause would be +understood and met in the same spirit in which it was conceived and +intended.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="OFFICIAL_SUMMARY" id="OFFICIAL_SUMMARY"></a>OFFICIAL SUMMARY.</h2> + +<p class="center"><b>Findings Presented by the Belgian Royal Commission to President Wilson +at Washington, Sept. 16.</b></p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + +<h2><a name="Ia" id="Ia"></a>I.<br />Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael.</h2> + + +<p>Belgium, which wanted peace, has been obliged by Germany to resort to +arms and to oppose a legitimate defense to an aggression which nothing +can justify, and which is contrary to the solemn pledges of treaties.</p> + +<p>Belgium is bound in honor to fight loyally and to observe all the rules, +laws, and customs of war.</p> + +<p>From the beginning of the invasion of its territory by German troops, +the Belgian Government had posted each and every day, in all the towns, +and the papers have each day repeatedly printed, instructions warning +the non-combatant civilians not to offer any resistance to the troops +and soldiers invading the country.</p> + +<p>The information on which the German Government believes today that it +can base its contention that the Belgian population contravenes the law +of nations and is not worthy of respect is absolutely unfounded.</p> + +<p>The Government protests most vigorously against these allegations and +against the odious threats of retaliation. If any deed contrary to the +rules of warfare should ultimately be proved, to understand such fact it +is only necessary to realize the well-founded excitement which the +cruelties of the German soldiers are provoking among the Belgian +population—a population which is thoroughly honest but energetic in the +defense of its rights and in its respect for humanity.</p> + +<p>If we were to publish a list of these atrocities, of which the first +ones are here recorded, this would indeed be a long list.</p> + +<p>Whole regions have been ravaged and abominable deeds perpetrated in the +towns.</p> + +<p>A committee attached to the Department of Justice is drawing up a list +of these horrors with scrupulous impartiality.</p> + +<p>As an example, a few facts are here published, facts which will depict +the state of mind and the procedure of certain German troops:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>1. German cavalry, occupying the village of Linsmeau, were attacked +by some Belgian infantry and two gendarmes. A German officer was +killed by our troops during the fight, and subsequently buried at +the request of the Belgian officer in command. None of the civilian +population took part in the fighting at Linsmeau. Nevertheless the +village was invaded at dusk Aug. 10 by a strong force of German +cavalry, artillery and machine guns. In spite of formal assurances +given by the Burgomaster that none of the peasants had taken part +in the previous fighting, two farms and six outlying houses were +destroyed by gun fire and burned. All the male population were <span class="pagenum">[pg +379]</span>then compelled to come forward and hand over whatever arms they +possessed. No recently discharged firearms were found. Nevertheless +the invaders divided these peasants into three groups. Those in one +group were bound and eleven of them placed in a ditch, where they +were afterward found dead, their skulls fractured by the butts of +German rifles.</p> + +<p>2. During the night of Aug. 10 German cavalry entered Velm in great +numbers; the inhabitants were asleep. The Germans without +provocation fired on Mr. Deglimme-Gever's house, broke into it, +destroyed furniture, looted money, burned barns, hay, corn stacks, +farm implements, six oxen, and the contents of the farm-yard. They +carried off Mme. Deglimme half-naked to a place two miles away. She +was then let go and fired upon as she fled; without being hit. Her +husband was carried away in another direction and fired upon; he is +dying. The same troops sacked and burned the house of a railway +watchman.</p> + +<p>3. Farmer Jef Dierchx of Neerhespen bears witness to the following +acts of cruelty committed by German cavalry at Orsmael and +Neerhespen on Aug. 10, 11, and 12. An old man of the latter village +had his arm sliced in three longitudinal cuts; he was then hanged +head downward and burned alive. Young girls have been raped and +little children outraged at Orsmael, where several inhabitants +suffered mutilations too horrible to describe. A Belgian soldier +belonging to a battalion of cyclist carbineers, who had been +wounded and made prisoner, was bound to a telegraph pole on the St. +Trond road and shot.</p> + +<p>4. On Wednesday, Aug. 12, after an engagement at Haelen, Commandant +Van Damme, so severely wounded that he was lying on his back, was +finally murdered by German infantrymen firing their revolvers into +his mouth.</p> + +<p>5. On Monday, Aug. 9, at Orsmael the Germans picked up Commandant +Knappen very seriously wounded, propped him against a tree and shot +him. Finally they hacked his corpse with swords.</p> + +<p>6. Numerous soldiers, disarmed and unable to defend themselves, +have been ill-treated or killed by certain German soldiers. The +inquiry brings forth new facts of this kind every day.</p> + +<p>7. In different places, notably at Hellonge-sur-Geer, at Barchon, +at Pontisse, at Haelen, at Zelk, German troops have fired on +doctors, nurses, ambulances, and ambulance wagons.</p> + +<p>8. At Boncelles a body of German troops went into a battle carrying +a Belgian flag.</p> + +<p>9. On Thursday, Aug. 6, before a fort at Liége, German soldiers +continued to fire on a party of Belgian soldiers, who were unarmed +and had been surrounded while digging a trench, after these had +hoisted the white flag.</p> + +<p>10. On Thursday, Aug. 10, at Vootem, near the Fort of Loncin, a +group of German infantry hoisted the white flag. When Belgian +soldiers approached to take them prisoners the Germans suddenly +opened fire on them at close range.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="IIa" id="IIa"></a>II.<br />Report on Aerschot.</h2> + +<p><b>Antwerp, Aug. 28, 1914.</b></p> + + +<p>The commission of inquiry on violation of the laws of nations and the +laws and customs of warfare, after an impartial and careful +investigation, can make the following report of its findings:</p> + +<p>It appears from precise and concurring testimony that in the entire +region of Aerschot the Germans have committed veritable atrocities. The +majority of the population fled in terror. On their passage the German +troops set fire to farms and houses and furniture, shooting inoffensive +citizens whom they found along the road or who were working in the +field.</p> + +<p>At Hersselt, north of Aerschot, thirty-two houses of the village were +set on fire; the miller and his son, who fled, and about twenty-one +other persons were killed; and all this while no Belgian troops were +visible.</p> + +<p>The German troops penetrated into Aerschot, a town of 8,000 inhabitants, +on Wednesday, Aug. 19, in the morning. No Belgian forces remained +behind. No sooner did the Germans enter the town than they shot five or +six inhabitants whom they caused to leave their houses. In the evening, +pretending that a superior German officer had been killed on the Grand +Place by the son of the Burgomaster, or, according to another version of +the story, that a conspiracy had been hatched against the superior +commandant by the Burgomaster and his family, the Germans took every man +who was inside of Aerschot; they led them, fifty at a time, some +distance from the town, grouped them in lines of four men, and, making +them run ahead of them, shot them and killed them afterward <span class="pagenum">[pg +380]</span>with their bayonets. More than forty men were found thus massacred.</p> + +<p>They gave up the town to be pillaged, taking from private residences all +they could take, breaking furniture, and forcing safes. The following +day they lined up, three by three, the villagers whom they had arrested +the day before, taking one man out of each line. These they led to a +distance of about 100 meters from the town, taking with them the +Burgomaster of the town, Mr. Tielmans, and his son, aged 15½ years, +and his brother, and shot them.</p> + +<p>Later on they forced the remaining villagers to dig holes to bury their +victims.</p> + +<p>For three whole days they continued to pillage and set fire to +everything in sight.</p> + +<p>About 150 inhabitants of Aerschot are supposed to have been thus +massacred.</p> + +<p>The largest part of the city is totally destroyed. Five times the +Germans tried to set fire to the large church, the interior of which has +been sacked. The records of the town have been carried away.</p> + +<p>The ambulance attendants, although wearing the Red Cross badge, were not +respected. One of them reports that German troops fired upon him while +he was collecting his wounded, and that they continued to fire even +though he displayed his Red Cross armband. Moreover, during the entire +day of the 19th, while he was engaged in hospital service, he was +threatened and ill-used. A German officer, among others, took him by the +head, thrusting against his forehead the butt of a revolver. A +collector, wearing the insignia of the Red Cross, was killed in the Rue +de l'Hospital on the evening of Aug. 19 by Germans.</p> + +<p><b>Deny Any Civilian Attack.</b></p> + +<p>From all the testimony taken it appears that the civil population of +Aerschot has in no wise participated in the hostilities, that no shot +was fired by them; that all the witnesses agree in pointing out the +improbability of the German version, according to which the +Burgomaster's son, a youth of 15½ years, and of extremely gentle +disposition, is said to have fired upon a superior German officer +during the night of Aug. 19. Still more improbable is the version of the +conspiracy organized by the Burgomaster. It is to be remarked that if—a +thing which is not known—a German officer has been hit on the Grand +Place, it might have happened by a stray bullet, German soldiers being +engaged in shooting in the neighboring streets in order to frighten the +populace.</p> + +<p>Moreover, the Burgomaster, a very quiet man, had repeatedly warned his +fellow-citizens, by means of posters and circulars addressed to every +inhabitant of the town, that in case of invasion they were to abstain +from any hostility. These posters were still in evidence when the +Germans entered the city, and they were shown to them.</p> + +<p>The German troops which were traversing localities situated on this side +of Aerschot indulged in the same horrors. They shot fleeing citizens and +set fire to and sacked private houses, all this without provocation.</p> + +<p>At Rotselaer, for instance, they set fire to about fifteen houses. A +German officer, addressing an inhabitant whose house was afire, wanted +to make him declare, at the point of a pistol, that the fire had been +started by the Belgians. When this inhabitant protested, claiming that +the Belgians had left the town the previous evening, this officer +declared that if the Germans had set fire to the town it was due +probably to the fact that the civilians had fired at them, a fact which +is also denied by all the witnesses.</p> + +<p>There, too, the German troops pillaged everything they could lay their +hands on during their passage.</p> + +<p>Up to this writing the Commission of Inquiry has been unable to obtain +the testimony of inhabitants of Diest and Tirlemont, which towns were +occupied by the Germans on the 18th and 19th of August, 1914, and which +are cut off from communication.</p> + +<p>However, the inhabitants of Schaffen, a town near Diest, have stated +that the same abominations were committed in <span class="pagenum">[pg 381]</span>their locality and +in the adjoining communities, Lummen and Molenstede. The whole region +has been laid waste. German troops, at an hour's distance from Diest, +had begun their work of destruction all along the highway from Diest to +Beeringen. Turning upon Diest they set fire to everything they could lay +hands on—farms, houses, furniture. Arriving at the village of Schaffen, +the Germans set fire to the town, massacring the few inhabitants who +remained behind, and whom they found in their houses or in the streets.</p> + +<p>The witness gives the names and addresses of eighteen persons whom he +knows to have been massacred.</p> + +<p>Among them are:</p> + +<p>The wife of Francois Luyck, 45 years old, and her 12-year-old daughter, +who were discovered in a sewer and shot.</p> + +<p>The daughter of Jean Ouyen, 9 years old, who was shot.</p> + +<p>Andre Willem, 23 years old, sexton, who was tied to a tree and burned +alive.</p> + +<p>Joseph Reynders, forty years old, who was killed together with his +nephew, a lad of ten years.</p> + +<p>Gustave Lodt, forty years old, and Jean Marken, also aged forty, +probably buried alive.</p> + +<p>The witness testifies that he personally proceeded to exhume these two +bodies, and that he afterward buried them in the town cemetery.</p> + +<p>The village of Rethy, near Turnhout, was the object of devastation and +shooting during the day of Aug. 22 by seventeen cavalrymen who had +penetrated into the village. A young woman of fifteen years was killed +by a bullet.</p> + +<p>Still more horrible crimes, if that were possible, have been committed +by the German troops on account of their defeat at the hands of the +Belgian Army before Malines. The City of Louvain, with its artistic and +scientific riches, has not been spared.</p> + +<p>New reports will be submitted very shortly.</p> + + +<p class="author">GOOREMAN,<br /> +President,</p> +<p class="author">ERNST DE BUNSWYCK,<br /> +Secretary of the Commission.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="IIIa" id="IIIa"></a>III.<br />Destruction of Louvain.</h2> + + +<p style="text-align: right">Antwerp, Aug. 31, 1914</p> + +<p>To the Minister of Justice:</p> + +<p>Sir: The Commission of Inquiry begs to make the following report on the +deeds of which the City of Louvain and the surrounding localities and +the vicinity of Malines have been the theatre.</p> + +<p>The German Army penetrated into Louvain on Wednesday, Aug. 19, after +having set fire to the towns through which it had passed.</p> + +<p>From the moment of their entrance into the City of Louvain the Germans +requisitioned lodgings and victuals for their troops. They entered every +private bank of the city and took over the bank balances. German +soldiers broke the doors of houses abandoned by their inhabitants, +pillaged them and indulged in orgies.</p> + +<p>The German authorities took hostages—the Mayor of the city, Senator +Vander Kelm, the Vice Rector of the Catholic University, the Dean of the +city; magistrates and Aldermen were also detained. All arms, down to +fencing foils, had been handed over to the town administration and +deposited by the said authorities in the Church of St. Peter.</p> + +<p>In a neighboring village, Corbeek-Loo, a young matron, 22 years old, +whose husband was in the army, was surprised on Wednesday, Aug. 19, with +several of her relatives, by a band of German soldiers. The persons who +accompanied her were locked in an abandoned house, while she was taken +into another house, where she was successively attacked by five +soldiers.</p> + +<p>In the same village, on Thursday, Aug. 20, German soldiers were +searching a house where a young girl of 16 years lived with her parents. +They carried her into an abandoned house, and while some of them kept +the father and mother off, others went into the house, the cellar of +which was open, and forced the young woman to drink. Afterward they +carried her out on the lawn in front of the house and attacked her +successively. She continued to resist, and they pierced <span class="pagenum">[pg 382]</span>her +breast with their bayonets. Having been abandoned by the soldiers after +these abominable attacks, the girl was carried off by her parents, and +the following day, owing to the gravity of her condition, she was +administered the last rites of the Church by the priest of the parish +and carried to the hospital at Louvain. At that time her life was in +danger.</p> + +<p>On Aug. 24 and 25 Belgian troops, leaving the intrenched camp in +Antwerp, attacked the German Army which was outside of Malines.</p> + +<p>The German troops were driven back as far as Louvain and Vilvorde.</p> + +<p>Penetrating the towns which had been occupied by the enemy, the Belgian +Army found the whole country devastated. The Germans, while retiring, +had ravaged and set fire to the villages, taking with them all the male +inhabitants, driving them before them.</p> + +<p><b>Old Woman Killed by Bayonets.</b></p> + +<p>Upon entering Hofstade, on Aug. 25, the Belgian soldiers found there the +corpse of an old woman who had been killed by bayonet thrusts; she still +held in her hands the needle with which she was sewing when she was +attacked; one mother and her son, aged about 15 or 16 years, lay there, +pierced with bayonet wounds; one man was found hanging.</p> + +<p>In Sempst, a neighboring village, were found the corpses of two men +partially burned. One of them was found with his legs cut off at the +knees, the other was minus his arms and legs. A workman (whose charred +body several witnesses have seen) had been pierced with bayonets, and +afterward, while still living, the Germans soaked him with petroleum and +locked him in a house, which they set on fire. An old man and his son +had been killed by bullets; a woman coming out of her house had been +stricken down in the same manner.</p> + +<p>A witness whose declaration has been received by Edward Hertslet, son of +Sir Cecil Hertslet, Consul General of Great Britain in Antwerp, +testifies to have seen not far from Malines on Aug. 26 (that is, during +the last attack of the Belgian troops) an old man attached by the arms +to a beam of a barn. The body was completely burned; the head, the arms, +and the feet were intact. Further on was a body all over stabbed with +bayonet thrusts. Numerous corpses of peasants were found in positions of +supplication, arms lifted and hands folded in prayer. The Belgian Consul +to Unganda, who had entered the Belgian Army as a volunteer, reports +that everywhere the Germans had passed through the country was +devastated. The few inhabitants who remained in the villages told of +horrors committed by the enemy. Thus in Wacherzeel seven Germans are +said to have consecutively attacked a woman, afterward killing her. In +the same village they had stripped a young boy, threatening him with +death by pointing a revolver at his breast, piercing him with their +lances, and chasing him into the open fields and shooting after him, +without, however, hitting him.</p> + +<p>Everywhere there was ruin and devastation. At Bulcken numerous +inhabitants, including the priest, a man more than 80 years old, were +killed.</p> + +<p>Between Impde and Wolverthem two wounded Belgian soldiers were lying +near a house which was burning. The Germans threw these two unfortunate +men into the raging fire.</p> + +<p>The German troops repulsed by our soldiers entered Louvain in full +panic. Various witnesses assure us that at that moment the German +garrison occupying Louvain was advised erroneously that the enemy was +entering the town. Immediately the German garrison withdrew toward the +station, where it met with the German troops that had been repulsed and +pursued by the Belgian troops. Everything seems to indicate that a +collision took place between the two German regiments. From that moment, +under pretext that the Louvain civilians had fired upon them, a fact +which is contradicted by all witnesses, and which would hardly have been +possible inasmuch as all the inhabitants of Louvain, for several days +past, had been obliged to hand their arms over to the local <span class="pagenum">[pg +383]</span>authorities, the German soldiers began to bombard the city. +Moreover, not one of the witnesses has seen the body of a single +civilian at the place where the affray happened. The bombarding lasted +until 10 o'clock at night. Afterward the Germans set fire to the city.</p> + +<p><b>Burning of the Town.</b></p> + +<p>The houses which had not taken fire were entered by German soldiers, who +threw fire grenades, which seem to have been provided for the occasion. +The largest part of the City of Louvain, especially the quarters of the +Ville Haute, comprising the modern houses, the Cathedral of St. Peter, +the University Halls, with the whole library of the university, its +manuscripts, its collections, the largest part of the scientific +institutions, and the town theatres, were at the moment being consumed +by flames.</p> + +<p>The commission deems it necessary, in the midst of these horrors, to +insist on the crime of lèse humanity which the deliberate annihilation +of an academic library—a library which was one of the treasures of our +time—constitutes.</p> + +<p>Numerous corpses of civilians covered the street and squares. On the +route from Louvain to Tirlemont alone one witness testifies having seen +more than fifty of them. On the threshholds of houses were found burned +corpses of people who, surprised in their cellars by the fire, had tried +to escape and fell into the heap of live embers. The suburbs of Louvain +have been completely annihilated.</p> + +<p>A group of seventy-five persons, among whom were several notables of the +city, such as Father Coloboet and a Spanish priest, and also an American +priest, were conducted during the morning of Wednesday, Aug. 26, to the +square in front of the station. The men were brutally separated from +their wives and children, and after having received the most abominable +treatment, and after repeated threats of being shot, they were driven in +front of the German troops as far as the village of Campenhout. They +were locked in the church during the night. The following day at 4 +o'clock a German officer came to inform them that they might all +confess themselves, and that they would be shot half an hour later. But +at 4:30 o'clock they were allowed to go, and shortly afterward they were +again arrested by a German brigade, which forced them to march in front +of them to Malines. Answering a question on the part of one of the +prisoners, a German officer told them that they were going to taste some +of the Belgian grapeshot before Antwerp. At last they were liberated on +Thursday afternoon at the entrance of Malines.</p> + +<p>Further testimony shows that several thousand male inhabitants of +Louvain who had escaped the shooting and burning were sent toward +Germany. We do not at this writing know for what purpose.</p> + +<p>The fire continued for several days. An eye-witness, who on Aug. 30 left +Louvain, describes the state of the city as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"From Weert St. Georges," he says, "I have seen nothing except +burned towns and crazed villagers lifting to each comer their arms +as a mark of submission. From each house was hanging a white flag, +even from those that had been set on fire, and rags of them were +found hanging from the ruins.</p> + +<p>At Weert St. Georges I inquired from the inhabitants the cause of +the German reprisals. They all assured me that absolutely none of +the inhabitants had fired; that all arms had been previously given +up, and that the Germans had taken vengeance on the population +because a Belgian soldier of the Gendarme Corps had killed a Uhlan.</p> + +<p>The population which remained in Louvain took refuge in the suburb +of Heverle, where they are all piled up, the population having been +driven from the town by the troops and by the fire.</p> + +<p>The fire in Louvain began a little above the American College, and +the city is entirely destroyed, with the exception of the Town Hall +(Hôtel de Ville) and the depot. Today the fire continued, and the +Germans—far from trying to stop it—seem rather to maintain it by +throwing straw into the fire, as I have myself seen in the streets +behind the Hôtel de Ville. The cathedral and the <span class="pagenum">[pg 384]</span>theatres +have been destroyed and have fallen in, also the library. The town +resembles an old city in ruins, in the midst of which drunken +soldiers are circulating, carrying bottles of wine and liquor; the +officers themselves being installed in armchairs, sitting around +tables and drinking like their own men.</p> + +<p>In the streets dead horses are decaying, horses which are already +inflated, and the smell of the fire and of the decaying animals is +such that it has followed me for a long time."</p></div> + +<p>The commission up to this writing has been unable to obtain any +information regarding the fate of the Burgomaster of Louvain, nor +regarding the prominent persons taken for hostages.</p> + +<p><b>Conclusions of the Commission.</b></p> + +<p>By facts which have thus far been brought to its attention, the +commission reaches the following conclusions:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In this war, German occupation of territory is systematically +followed by (and is at times preceded by and accompanied by) acts +of violence against the civil population, which acts of violence +are contrary to the conventional laws of war and to the most +elementary principles of humanity.</p> + +<p>The procedure of the Germans is everywhere the same. They advance +along the roads, shooting inoffensive passersby, particularly +cyclists and even peasants occupied in the fields which the Germans +traverse.</p> + +<p>In the towns and villages where they stop, the Germans first of all +requisition victuals and drinks which they consume to the point of +drunkenness; then they begin to shoot wildly, sometimes from the +interior of empty houses, declaring that the inhabitants have fired +the shots. It is then that the firing scenes begin, and murder and +especially pillage accompanied by acts of cold cruelty set in, acts +which respect neither sex nor age. Even where they claim to know +the perpetrator of the deeds which they allege, they do not content +themselves with executing the culprits summarily, but take +advantage of the occasions to decimate the population, to pillage +all the inhabitants, and to set fire to them.</p> + +<p>After a first massacre, somewhat at random, they shut the men into +the church of the town and order all women to go back to the houses +and leave the doors open during the night.</p> + +<p>In several localities the civil population has been sent to +Germany, to be compelled there, it appears, to labor in the fields, +as was done in the slave days of olden times. Numerous cases are +known where the inhabitants were forced to serve as guides and to +make trenches for the Germans. Numerous depositions reveal that in +their march, and even in their attacks, the Germans put before them +civilians, men and women, in order to prevent our soldiers from +firing. Other testimony proves that German detachments do not +hesitate to fly either a white flag or a Red Cross flag, so as to +approach our troops without being suspected. On the other hand they +fire on our ambulances and ill-treat our ambulance nurses. They +ill-treat and even kill our wounded. Clergymen seem to be +particularly the object of their attacks. Last, but not least, we +have in our possession explosive bullets left behind them by the +enemy at Wechter, and we are also in receipt of medical +certificates testifying that the wounds must have been inflicted by +bullets of the variety mentioned above.</p> + +<p>Documents and testimonials in support of these facts will be +published.</p> + +<p>(Signed)</p> + +<p style="margin-left: 7em">GOOREMAN, President.<br /> +COUNT GOBLET D'ALVIELLA.</p> + +<p style="margin-left: 5em">ERNST DE BUNSWYCK,<br /> +ORTS, Secretaries.</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="FURTHER_REPORTS" id="FURTHER_REPORTS"></a>FURTHER REPORTS.</h2> + +<p><b>Cabled to Royal Commission at Washington from Belgian Foreign Office. +Cablegram Received Sept. 8.</b></p> + + +<p>You have received the reports of the commission of Aug. 25 and 31. +Since <span class="pagenum">[pg 385]</span>then a great many localities, situated in the +Vilvorde-Malines-Louvain triangle, an extremely fertile and densely +populated district, have been partially pillaged and totally destroyed +by fire. Their inhabitants have fled, while a number of them, among +others women and children, were arrested and shot without trial, and +without apparent reason, except to inspire the population with terror. +This was done in Sempst, Weerde, Elewyt, Hofstade, Wespelaer, Wilsele, +Bucken, Eppeghem, Houthem, Tremeloo, Tistelt, Gelrode, Herent. At Wavre, +where the population was unable to pay a levy of 3,000,000 francs, +fifty-six houses were set on fire. The largest part of Cortenberg is +burned. To excuse these attacks the Germans allege that an army of +civilians resisted them. According to trustworthy testimony, no +provocation can be proved at Vise, Aerschot, Louvain, Wavre, and in +other localities situated in the Malines-Louvain-Vilvorde district, +where fire was set and massacres committed several days after the German +occupation.</p> + +<p><b>Cablegram Received Sept. 15.</b></p> + +<p>Inform the Belgian Commission that the Belgian Committee on Inquiry +continues to report ruins and devastations and pillage, systematically +organized by German troops in the towns invested by them. The City of +Termonde was destroyed without any hostile participation on the part of +the civilian population. Out of 1,400 houses, only 295 remain standing, +others were destroyed by fire and razed from the ground, after the +Germans entered the city. Several civilians were imprisoned and executed +with bayonets in the presence of their relatives and fellow-citizens. In +Melle nine civilians were killed and forty-five properties destroyed, +without any reason.</p> + +<p>The re-occupation of Aerschot by the Belgian Army reveals disastrous +deeds. Dwellings, which were not destroyed by fire were completely +sacked and pillaged on Sept. 6 before the return of the Belgian troops. +Four hundred civilians, among them thirty clergymen, were locked since +Aug. 30 in the church without food, carried off, and sent to +destinations unknown. Localities in the neighborhood are completely +destroyed, and everywhere along the road are corpses. Women and young +girls were outraged. Systematic pillage.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="A_SUPPLEMENT" id="A_SUPPLEMENT"></a>A SUPPLEMENT.</h2> + +<p><b>Published by Belgian Commission of Inquiry on Sept. 10 to Complete Its +Report of Aug. 31.</b></p> + + +<p>Of the two reports, dated August 28 and 31, which the Commission has had +the honor of addressing to you, the former recounted more particularly +the events which occurred at Aerschot and in the neighboring district, +while the latter dealt with the destruction of the town of Louvain by +the German troops. In order to complete its report of Aug. 31, the +Commission thinks it its duty to record that after the burning of +Louvain the houses which remained standing, the inhabitants of which had +been forced to flee, were pillaged under the eyes of German officers. On +Sept. 2 the Germans were seen setting fire to four houses.</p> + +<p><b>The "Chastisement" of Louvain.</b></p> + +<p>Another fact which emphasizes the ruthless character of the treatment to +which the peaceable population of Louvain was subjected has also been +established. On Aug. 28 a crowd of 6,000 to 8,000 persons, men, women +and children, of every age and condition, was conducted under the escort +of a detachment of the 162nd Regiment of German infantry to the riding +school of the town, where they spent the whole night. The place of +confinement was so small in proportion to the number of the occupants +that all had to remain standing, and so great were their sufferings that +in the course of this tragic night several women lost their reason and +children of tender years died in their mothers' arms.</p> + +<p>A communiqué from the German Great General Staff, the text of which is +published in the Cologne Gazette of Aug. 29, declares that the +"chastisement" inflicted <span class="pagenum">[pg 386]</span>upon Louvain was justified by the fact +that a battalion of Landwehr, which had been left unsupported in the +town in order to guard the communications, had been attacked by the +civil population, which was under the impression that the main German +Army had definitely retired. The same journal has published a narrative +purporting to come from a person who was a witness of the occurrence.</p> + +<p>The inquiry has established that this statement must be considered +false. It is, in fact, ascertained that the people of Louvain, who, +moreover, had been disarmed by the Communal Authority, did not provoke +the Germans by any act of hostility.</p> + +<p>The commission has resumed the inquiry begun at Brussels on the subject +of the occurrences at Visé.</p> + +<p>This place was the first Belgian town destroyed in pursuance of the +system applied subsequently by the invader to so many other of our +cities and villages. It is for this reason that we have been careful to +determine what truth there is in the German version according to which +the civilian population of Visé took part in the defense of the town or +rose against the Germans after the town had been occupied.</p> + +<p>Several witnesses now at Antwerp have been heard, notably soldiers +belonging to the detachment which disputed with the Germans the passage +of the Meuse, north of Liége, and a lady of German nationality, who +belongs to the religious community of the Sisters of Notre Dame at Visé.</p> + +<p><b>Innocent Vise.</b></p> + +<p>The result is to prove that the inhabitants took no part whatever in the +fighting which took place on Aug. 4 at the ford of Lixhe and at Visé +itself.</p> + +<p>Moreover, it was only in the night of Aug. 15-16 that the destruction of +the town began, the signal being given by several shots fired on the +evening of the 15th. The Germans asserted that the inhabitants had fired +upon them, particularly from a house the owner of which gave evidence +before the commission.</p> + +<p>The Germans discovered no arms in this house, any more than they did in +neighboring buildings, which, nevertheless, were burned after being +pillaged, and the male occupants of which were carried off to Germany.</p> + +<p>The evidence has brought to light the improbability of any rising among +a disarmed population against a numerous German garrison at a time when +the last Belgian troops had for eleven days evacuated the district, and +the witnesses have declared that the first shots were fired by +intoxicated German infantry soldiers at their own officers. This fact +appears not to be exceptional. It is, indeed, notorious that at +Maestricht, either by mistake or in consequence of a mutiny, Germans +about this same time killed one another during the night at a cavalry +camp which they had established at Mesch, close to the Dutch frontier in +Limbourg.</p> + +<p>It is confirmed that the town of Visé was entirely burned, with the +exception, it appears, of a religious establishment which seems to have +been respected, and that several citizens, both of the town and of the +village of Canne, were shot.</p> + +<p><b>A Deliberate System.</b></p> + +<p>A large number of places situated in the triangle between Vilvorde, +Malines, and Louvain—that is to say, in one of the most populous and, a +few days ago, one of the most prosperous regions in Belgium—have been +given over to plunder, partially or entirely destroyed by fire, their +population dispersed, while the inhabitants were indiscriminately +arrested and shot without trial and without apparent reason, the sole +object being, it seems, to inspire terror and to compel the migration of +the population.</p> + +<p>This was notably the case in the communes or hamlets of Sempst, Weerde, +Elewyt, Holstade, Wespelaer, Wilsele, Bueken, Eppeghem, Wackerzeele, +Rotselaer, Werchter, Thildonck, Boortmeerbeek, Houthem, Tremeloo. In +this last village only the church and the presbytery remained standing. +On the few houses which have been spared may be seen the following +inscriptions: "Nicht <span class="pagenum">[pg 387]</span>abbrennen," (do not burn,) "Bitte +schonen," (please spare,) "Gute leute, nicht plundren," (good people, do +not plunder.) These houses, however, were sacked afterward.</p> + +<p>In all these villages the women who have been unable to escape are +exposed to the brutal instincts of the German soldiers.</p> + +<p>The district immediately adjoins that of Aerschot, the devastation of +which was described in an earlier report. It extends at present to the +northwest of Brussels, where the important towns of Grimberghen and +Wolverthem have been sacked, while southeast of the capital, more than +twenty-five kilometers from the scene of military operations, the town +of Wavre, which was unable to furnish the exorbitant war levy of +3,000,000 francs (£120,000) imposed by the General Staff of the enemy, +has seen fifty-six of its houses destroyed by fire.</p> + +<p>We must also record that on Sept. 4 and 5 bombs were hurled from an +aeroplane upon Ghent and Escloo, which are open and undefended towns.</p> + +<p>Finally, you are aware, M. le Ministre, that the town of Malines, after +it had been completely evacuated by Belgian troops on Aug. 27, was +subjected for several days to a bombardment which has seriously damaged +the cathedral church of St. Rombaut, the pride of this ancient city. The +town of Heyst-opden-Berg was also bombarded without mercy, though there +was no strategic interest to warrant such an act.</p> + +<p><b>The Plea of Armed Resistance.</b></p> + +<p>The Germans, in order to excuse their violence, declare that, wherever +they have shot civilians or burned and pillaged towns and villages, +armed resistance has been offered by the inhabitants. While there may +possibly have been isolated instances of this kind, that is nothing more +than occurs in all wars, and if they had confined themselves to +executing the guilty persons we could only have bowed before the rigor +of military law. But in no case could individual and absolutely +exceptional acts of aggression justify the wholesale measures of +repression which have been adopted against the persons and the property +of the inhabitants of our towns and villages—the shooting, the burning, +the pillaging which has proceeded pretty well everywhere in our country, +not only by way of reprisals but with a refinement of cruelty. Moreover, +no provocation has been proved at Visé, Marsage, Louvain, Wavre, +Termonde, and other places which have been entirely and deliberately +destroyed several days after being occupied, not to mention the +systematic burning of isolated buildings situated in the line of march +of the troops, and the shooting of the unfortunate inhabitants who fled.</p> + +<p>The Germans have asserted in their newspapers that the Belgian +Government distributed to the civil population arms which were to be +used against the invaders. They add that the Catholic clergy preached a +sort of holy war and incited their flock everywhere to massacre the +Germans. Finally, they have declared, in order to justify the massacres +of women, that women showed themselves as ferocious as the men, and went +so far as to pour boiling oil from their windows upon the troops on the +march.</p> + +<p><b>A Tissue of Falsehoods.</b></p> + +<p>All these allegations are so many falsehoods. Far from having +distributed arms, the authorities everywhere on the approach of the +enemy disarmed the inhabitants. The Burgomasters everywhere warned the +townspeople against acts of violence, which would involve reprisals. The +clergy have unceasingly preached calm to their flock. As for the women, +if we except a story in a foreign newspaper, the source of which is +suspected, everything shows that their only anxiety was to escape the +horrors of a ruthless war.</p> + +<p>The true motives for the atrocities the moving evidence of which we have +gathered can only be, on the one hand, the desire to terrorize and +demoralize the people in accordance with the inhuman theories of German +military writers, and, <span class="pagenum">[pg 388]</span>on the other hand, the desire for +plunder. A shot fired, no one knows where, or by whom, or against whom, +by a drunken soldier, or an excited sentry, is enough to furnish a +pretext for the sack of a whole city. Individual plunder is succeeded by +war levies of a magnitude which it is impossible to satisfy and by the +taking of hostages who will be shot or kept in confinement until payment +of the ransom in full, according to the well-known procedure of classic +brigandage. It must also be stated that in order to establish the German +case all resistance offered by detachments of the regular army is laid +to the account of the civilian population, and that the invader +invariably avenges himself upon the civilians for the checks or even the +disappointments which he suffers in the course of the campaign.</p> + +<p>In the course of this inquiry we use only facts supported by trustworthy +evidence. It should be noted that up to the present we have been able to +record only a small part of the crimes committed against law, humanity, +and civilization, which will constitute one of the most sinister and +most revolting pages in contemporary history. If an international +inquiry, like that which was conducted in the Balkans by the Carnegie +Commission, could be conducted in our country, we are convinced that it +would establish the truth of our assertions.</p> + +<p class="author">[Signed by M. Gooreman, Minister of State, President.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="NOT_A_WORD_OF_TRUTHquot" id="NOT_A_WORD_OF_TRUTHquot"></a>"NOT A WORD OF TRUTH."</h2> + +<p><b>Denial of Belgian Charges by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador at +Washington, Sept. 17.</b></p> + + +<p>All that I care to say about the Belgian charges is that I have +officially informed the State Department in Washington that there is not +one word of truth in the statements made to the President yesterday by +the Belgian Commission.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + +<h2><a name="GERMANYS_VERSIONS" id="GERMANYS_VERSIONS"></a>GERMANY'S VERSIONS.</h2> + +<p><b>Official Dispatch from Berlin to German Embassy at Washington, Aug. +29.</b></p> + +<p>In consequence of a sudden attack of Belgian troops from Antwerp the +German garrison at Louvain meets the enemy, leaving only one battalion +of the last reserve and army service corps in Louvain. Thinking that +this meant the retreat of the German troops, priests at Louvain gave +arms and ammunition to the civilians, who began, at different places, +suddenly to shoot out of windows at unsuspecting German troops, of whom +many were wounded. A fight of twenty-five hours between German soldiers +and the civil population of Louvain took place. Parts of Louvain were +burning. Civilians met with arms are killed. The manifesto of the Chief +General speaks of bestial cruelties committed on wounded and makes the +magistrates responsible for the provocation and for providing people +with arms.</p> + +<p>The German Army protests against the news spread out by enemies about +the cruelty of German warfare. The German troops had to take severe +measures sometimes when provoked, the population making treacherous +attacks upon them and bestial atrocities against the wounded. The +responsibility for the recourse of warfare falls entirely upon the +authorities of the occupied territories who gave arms to the civil +population and stirred them up to take part in the war wherever the +population was not hostile. The German troops never did harm people or +property. The German soldier is not an incendiary nor pillager. He only +fights against a hostile army. The news published in foreign papers +about the Germans chasing the population means the characterizing +immorality of the authors.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<p><b>Official Communication of the German General Staff.</b></p> + + +<p>BERLIN, Aug. 30, 1914.</p> + +<p>The City of Loewen (Louvain) had surrendered and was given over to us by +the Belgian authorities. On Monday, <span class="pagenum">[pg 389]</span>Aug. 24, some of our troops +were shipped there and intercourse with the inhabitants was developing +in a quite friendly manner.</p> + +<p>On Tuesday afternoon, Aug. 25, our troops, hearing about an imminent +Belgian sortie from Antwerp, left in that direction, the Commanding +General ahead in a motor car, leaving behind only a Colonel with +soldiers to protect railroad, (landsturm battalion "neuss.")</p> + +<p>As the rest of the Commanding General's staff, with the horses, was +going to follow, and collected on the market place, suddenly rifle fire +opened from all the surrounding houses, all the horses being killed and +five officers wounded, one of them seriously.</p> + +<p>Simultaneously fire opened at about ten different places in town, also +on some of our troops, just arrived and waiting on the square in front +of the station, and on incoming military trains. A designed co-operation +with the Belgian sortie from Antwerp established beyond doubt. Two +priests caught in handing out ammunition to the people were shot at once +in front of the station.</p> + +<p>Street fights lasted till Wednesday, the 26th, in the afternoon, +(twenty-four hours,) when stronger forces, arrived in the meantime, +succeeded in getting the upper hand. Town and northern suburbs were +burning at different places and by this time have probably burned down +altogether.</p> + +<p>On the part of the Belgian Government a general rising of the population +against the enemy had been organized for a long time; depots of arms +were found where to each gun was attached the name of the citizen to be +armed.</p> + +<p>A spontaneous rising of the people has been recognized, at the request +of the smaller States at The Hague Conference, as being within the law +of nations as far as weapons are carried openly and the laws of +civilized warfare are being observed; but such rising was only admitted +in order to fight the attacking.</p> + +<p>In the case of Loewen the town had already surrendered and the +population renounced, without any resistance, the town being occupied +by our troops. Nevertheless the population attacked on all sides and +with a murderous fire the occupying forces and newly arriving troops, +which came in trains and automobiles, considering the hitherto peaceful +attitude of the population.</p> + +<p>Therefore there can be no question of means of defense allowed by the +law of nations, neither of a warlike guet-apens, (ambush,) but only of a +treacherous attempt of the civil population all along the line, and all +the more to be condemned as it was apparently planned long beforehand +with simultaneous attack from Antwerp, as arms were not carried openly, +as women and young girls took part in the fight and blinded our wounded, +sticking their eyes out.</p> + +<p>The barbarous attitude of the Belgian population in all parts occupied +by our troops has not only justified our severest measures, but forced +them on us for the sake of self-preservation. The intensity of the +resistance of the population is shown by the fact that in Loewen +twenty-four hours were needed to break down their attack.</p> + +<p>We ourselves regret deeply that during these fights the town of Loewen +has been destroyed to a great extent. Needless to say that these +consequences are not intentional on our part, but cannot be avoided in +this infamous franc-tireur war being led against us.</p> + +<p>Whoever knows the good-natured character of our troops cannot seriously +pretend that they are inclined to needless or frivolous destruction.</p> + +<p>The entire responsibility for these events rests with the Belgian +Government, who with criminal frivolity have given to the Belgian people +instructions contrary to law of nations and incited the resistance, and +who, in spite of our repeated warnings, even after the fall of Luettich, +(Liége,) have done nothing to induce them to a peaceful attitude.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<p><b>Official German Statement Published in Berlin, Sept. 7.</b></p> + + +<p>Belgium is officially spreading false representations about the +occurrences <span class="pagenum">[pg 390]</span>through which the City of Louvain was made to +suffer. It is claimed that German troops, having been repulsed by +Belgians making a sortie from Antwerp, were fired upon by mistake by the +German garrison of Louvain and that in this way fighting occurred there. +But events prove incontestably that the Germans repulsed the Belgian +sortie.</p> + +<p>During this battle before Antwerp an undoubtedly organized attack was +made upon the German troops at many places in Louvain, after apparently +friendly relations between the Germans and the citizens of the town had +seemed for twenty-four hours to be beginning. The attack was at first +against a Landwehr battalion composed of older men of quiet disposition +and themselves mostly fathers of families; also against sections of the +General Staff that had remained in the city, and upon moving columns of +troops. The Germans had many wounded and killed. They won the upper +hand, however, owing to the arrival of fresh troops by rail, who were +fired upon at the station. The truth of the foregoing statements is +established beyond all cavil. The City Hall was saved, but further +attempts to extinguish the fire were unsuccessful.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="LOUVAINS_ART_TREASURES" id="LOUVAINS_ART_TREASURES"></a>LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES.</h2> + +<p><b>Official Report by Superior Confidential Councilor von Falke After +Inspection of Louvain, Sept. 17.</b></p> + + +<p>The ancient Tuchhalle, which was used for university and library +purposes, was completely destroyed by fire, with the exception of the +front and rear facades in Gothic and Renaissance style. The library, +with its very valuable treasures of manuscripts and books, was therefore +a total loss. Officials of the library who might have called attention +to the saving of the imperiled treasures were not present when the +adjoining houses on both sides of the hall caught fire, and no hope +exists that any of the books or manuscripts, or even parts thereof, +might be found in the ruins.</p> + +<p>Apart from this—by far the worst damage—and the partial destruction +by fire of the Cathedral of St. Peter no other losses of extraordinary +importance took place at Louvain.</p> + +<p>The Rathaus, or City Hall, in late Gothic style, under reconstruction +for several years and on which work has not been finished yet, was +saved, thanks to the orders of the commander, Major von Manteuffel, who +ordered that the burning houses on the right side of the City Hall be +leveled to the ground. The military removed from a cellar of the City +Hall a quantity of ammunition which threatened to explode through +extreme heat of the fire. Four soldiers were severely injured thereby. +The Rathaus, thanks to the precautions taken by the German military, and +in spite of its nearness to the conflagration, was not damaged in the +interior, nor did its rich outer architecture suffer any at all.</p> + +<p>The roof of the Cathedral of St. Peter, which was set afire by sparks +from adjoining buildings, was very considerably damaged, however only to +such an extent as to allow its restoration to the original condition. +The roof frame is burned to the beginning of the curve of the dome. The +inner ceiling has prevented the fire from spreading to the inner part of +the church, containing rich art treasures. Above the choir, however, the +inner ceiling gave way, thereby partially damaging the upper part of the +rococo altar of stone which was without any particular artistic value.</p> + +<p>The small sacrament house standing next to the altar—a very fine and +rich stonework of late Gothic style by the builder of the City Hall, M. +de Layens—has been slightly damaged by the collapse of the ceiling, +which chipped off the upper phiales. These broken pieces have been +collected without any substantial loss and can easily be replaced. The +damage to the sacrament house can therefore be replaced. Close to the +main portal of the cathedral, following the fire in the bell tower, the +falling bells pierced the roof. Near the entrance in the southerly part +of the church at the <span class="pagenum">[pg 391]</span>right side the fire did some damage to the +walls and the stone balustrades in the side chapel. Notable art +treasures have, however, not been damaged. Only the ventilator in the +main portal, a beautiful Renaissance carving, (of wood,) was burned. An +ancient glass painting of the seventeenth century remained undamaged.</p> + +<p>The left side chapel to the north of the entrance, with its Gothic +bronze baptismal and the iron arm in Gothic style, (the cover being +missing for many years,) with its rococo carved altars and heavy +sideboards, are untouched, as well as the organ of the year 1556 in a +beautiful carved oak inclosure of the Renaissance period in the +northerly centre chapel.</p> + +<p>The paintings in the choir chapels, to which belong the most precious +art treasures of Louvain, such as the works of Dierik Bouts and the +Master of Flemalle, together with all movable art treasures of St. +Peter's Church, were saved by Lieut. Col. of Reserves Thelemann and +transferred to a hall in the Rathaus, where they are now under the +supervision of the Mayor. Here can be found "The Holy Communion" by +Dierik Bouts, and his "Martyrdom of the Holy Erasmus," the +"Kreuzabnahme" ("Removal from the Cross") by the Master of Flemalle, and +two side paintings representing the donors (apparently by another +artist.) Three paintings by J.v. Rillaerz and several later paintings of +lesser value are stored there.</p> + +<p>The oaken church treasure chest containing eight silver Holy Virgins, +some of them from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a Gothic +incense bowl, Gothic Renaissance monstrances of silver, highly artistic +and valuable ciboriums of the eighteenth century, also chandeliers, +candlesticks, swinging lamps, and other church regalia have been stored +in the City Hall. The report continues that an architect of Louvain has +been ordered to temporarily repair the damage of the roof regardless of +cost.</p> + +<p>Thus of the old art works of the Church of St. Peter only the ventilator +is destroyed; the stone structure of the building itself remains intact. +Until the framework of the roof is rebuilt a temporary roof should be +constructed to shelter the interior of the church. A Louvain architect +has been authorized by the Mayor to do this work.</p> + +<p>The semi-official Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, after publishing this +report, says:</p> + +<p>"The disastrous accidental fire, called forth by the revolt of the +populace and then spread further through the storm wind, devastated +especially the rows of houses near the railroad station, in the +Bahnhofstrasse and in the centre of the city. The remaining churches lie +outside of the zone touched by the fire, which comprised about one-sixth +the area of the city; they were therefore not touched by the fire. Thus +there remained undamaged the Church of St. Michael, the Church of St. +Jacob, the Church of St. Gertrude, with all their notable art works; +likewise the College du Saint Esprit, with its library."</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<h1><a name="Bombardment_of_Rheims_Cathedral" id="Bombardment_of_Rheims_Cathedral"></a>Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral</h1> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 392]</span><b>Protest Issued to Neutral Powers from French Foreign Office, +Bordeaux, Sept. 21.</b></p> + +<p>Without being able to invoke even the appearance of military necessity, +and for the mere pleasure of destruction, German troops have subjected +the Cathedral of Rheims to a systematic and furious bombardment. At this +hour the famous basilica is but a heap of ruins.</p> + +<p>It is the duty of the Government of the republic to denounce to +universal indignation this revolting act of vandalism, which, in giving +over to the flames this sanctuary of history, deprives humanity of an +incomparable portion of its historic patrimony.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + +<h2><a name="POPE_BENEDICT_SILENT" id="POPE_BENEDICT_SILENT"></a>POPE BENEDICT SILENT.</h2> + +<p><b>Authorized Dispatch to The London Daily News, Sept. 27.</b></p> + +<p>Although the Pope is greatly shocked and deeply grieved at the +destruction of the Rheims Cathedral, which he is convinced was entirely +unnecessary, and could easily have been averted, he still declines to +make a public statement. I am merely authorized to state that the Pope's +sorrow at the destruction of the magnificent cathedral is so great that +it is impossible for him to express it.</p> + +<p>The Pope is convinced that his sorrow is shared not only by Catholics, +but by all Christians, since all believers in God mourn the destruction +of His temples, which even war does not justify.</p> + +<p>A member of the Pope's entourage explained the reasons why a public +statement was not issued. He said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Pope's sorrow is understood, if not publicly announced. It is +inconceivable that even if the destruction of the cathedral was +necessary for strategical reasons the intensity of the Pope's +sorrow would be lessened, but a public statement implies blame, +which the Pope thinks now is inopportune and inexpedient, hence he +refrains from any comment. God's mercy is undoubted; His justice +inevitable. Time will show whether the criminal destruction of one +of the most famous of the world's cathedrals will remain +unpunished. Vengeance is God's</p></div> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="ATTACK_NOT_WILLFUL" id="ATTACK_NOT_WILLFUL"></a>ATTACK NOT WILLFUL.</h2> + +<p><b>Statement by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador at Washington, +Sept. 23.</b></p> + + +<p>It would seem from certain published reports that the destruction of +this grand old edifice was the result of malice or envy. This is +ridiculous. All that I have to say on this matter is that I am positive +that the attack on the cathedral at Rheims was not willful.</p> + +<p>For my part, I feel much more for the thousands of men who have +sacrificed their lives, although I regret as much as any man the +destruction of such a beautiful work of art.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="SPARE_THE_CATHEDRALquot" id="SPARE_THE_CATHEDRALquot"></a>"SPARE THE CATHEDRAL."</h2> + +<p><b>German Government Disclaimer Issued by Count von Bernstorff, +Washington, Sept. 23.</b></p> + + +<p>The German Government states officially in contradiction of the report +made by the Havas Agency that German artillery purposely destroyed +important buildings at Rheims, that, on the contrary, orders were given +to spare the cathedral by all means.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="THE_FRENCH_ARE_BLAMED" id="THE_FRENCH_ARE_BLAMED"></a>THE FRENCH ARE BLAMED</h2> + +<p><b>Official German Dispatch from Berlin, Received in Amsterdam, Sept. 23.</b></p> + + +<p>The Cathedral of Rheims was not used as a mark for a systematic +bombardment. During the last few days the French had <span class="pagenum">[pg +393]</span>strengthened the fortress to defend their present position, and +consequently the German bombardment became necessary. Orders had been +given to spare the cathedral.</p> + +<p>If it should prove true that during the fire the cathedral suffered, +which cannot be yet ascertained, nobody would deplore it more than +ourselves, but the French who made Rheims a fortress in support of their +defense line are alone to blame.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="THE_DAMAGE_DONE" id="THE_DAMAGE_DONE"></a>THE DAMAGE DONE.</h2> + +<p><b>Official Report Made by Whitney Warren to the French Government, Sept. +28.</b></p> + +<p>On Friday, Sept. 25, I received word from the embassy that the French +Government had made arrangements to take me to Rheims in order that I +might make a report on general conditions and especially upon the +cathedral. So at 8 o'clock the next morning I started off with two +automobiles under the escort of Capt. Henri Charbonnel, accompanied by +two soldiers; one automobile, conducted by Mr. Hall of New York, +containing Major Morton Henry, Major Cosby, and Lieut. Boyd of the +embassy.</p> + +<p>We followed the route direct to Meaux, then to La Ferte-sur-Jouarre, +from there to Château-Thierry, where we picked up a third automobile +containing Capt. Perrin, with authority from Gen. Joffre to conduct us +anywhere we chose to go, providing it was safe.</p> + +<p>From there to Epernay, where we had luncheon, and then to +Chalons-sur-Marne, where was stationed the chef d'etat-major. There they +told us it was possible to go to Rheims, although the bombardment had +been rather severe the day before. So we turned northwest and proceeded +to Rheims, passing by Conde-sur-Marne and Verzy. Here we passed many +troops, who, although fagged, seemed to be in very good condition, and +we arrived at Rheims at 4:30, proceeding directly to the cathedral, +where I remained until dark, talking and visiting the monument with the +Curé Landrieux and the Abbé Thinot, who had been in charge of the +cathedral from the commencement.</p> + +<p>The next day I was again at the cathedral, from 7:30 in the morning +until 4:30 in the afternoon, visiting it in every particular, +endeavoring to realize the damage done, whether intentionally inflicted +or not. The following is as near as I am able to ascertain the different +phases of the bombardment:</p> + +<p><b>Four Bombs on First Day.</b></p> + +<p>On Sept. 4, when the Germans first entered Rheims, there was a first +bombardment by their guns, interpreted by the Germans themselves as +either a mistake or caused by the jealousy of some corps not allowed +that privilege. Four bombs fell upon the cathedral—one on the north +transept—doing but little damage, however.</p> + +<p>On Sept. 14 and 15, after the Germans had evacuated the city and the +French had entered, the bombardment recommenced, but without touching +the cathedral. On Sept. 17 two bombs struck, one on the apse and the +other on the north transept.</p> + +<p>On the 18th the cathedral was again hit on the southern flying +buttresses and on the roof, killing a gendarme and several German +wounded.</p> + +<p>On Sept. 19 the cathedral was fairly riddled by bombs during the entire +day, and at about 3:45 the scaffolding surrounding the north tower +caught fire. This fire lasted about one hour, and during that time two +further bombs struck the roof, setting it also on fire. The curé claims +that one of these bombs must have been incendiary, otherwise it would be +impossible to explain the extraordinary quickness with which the fire +spread throughout the roof timbers.</p> + +<p>The fire from the scaffolding descended until it reached the north door +of the main façade, which caught rapidly, burned through and +communicated to the straw with which the floor of the cathedral was +covered. This straw had been ordered on Sept. 12 by the German Commander +in order to prepare the cathedral to receive 3,000 German wounded but +the evacuation of the city by the Germans <span class="pagenum">[pg 394]</span>had prevented the +cathedral being used for that purpose.</p> + +<p>When the French came back the straw was gathered together with the +intention of removing it, but on the 17th the French General ordered it +to be re-spread, the flag of the Red Cross hoisted on the north tower +and the German wounded placed there, in the hopes that this might save +the cathedral.</p> + +<p>As I have said, on Sept. 19 the straw caught from the fire originating +in the scaffold, burning through the doors and destroying what was known +as the very fine wooden tambours, or vestibules, surrounding these doors +on the inside, and also calcinating the extraordinary stone sculptures +decorating the entire interior of this western wall. These sculptures +were peculiar to Rheims, being in high, full relief and cut out of the +mass of the stone itself instead of being applied. This is one of the +irreparable destructions occasioned.</p> + +<p>All the wonderful glass of the nave is absolutely gone; that of the apse +still exists, though greatly damaged.</p> + +<p><b>Decorative Motifs Lost.</b></p> + +<p>The fire on the outside calcinated the greater part of the façade, the +north tower and the entire clerestory, with the flying buttresses and +the turret crowning each of them. This stone, as far as its surface is +concerned, is irreparably damaged and when touched detaches itself; +consequently all decorative motifs wherever the flames reached are lost.</p> + +<p>The tresor was saved at the commencement of the fire by the priests and +the tapestries for which Rheims is so greatly renowned had been +fortunately removed before. Half the stalls have been destroyed. The +organ is intact and several crucifixes and pictures in the apse are +untouched.</p> + +<p>That anything remains of the monument is owing to the strong +construction of what might be called the carcass of the cathedral and, I +am firmly convinced, through no desire on the part of the bombarding +forces to spare this monument. The walls and vaults are of a robustness +which can resist even modern implements of destruction, for even on +Sept. 24, when the bombardment was again taken up, three bombs landed on +the cathedral, but the vaults resisted absolutely, not even being +perforated.</p> + +<p>Had the Cathedral of Amiens received the same punishment, because of the +lightness of its construction the vaults would undoubtedly have given +way, the flying buttresses would have crushed in the walls and nothing +would have remained but a mass of crumbled stone, with the exception of +perhaps the ruins of the towers. If anything therefore remains of Rheims +Cathedral it is due, as I have already said, to the robustness of its +construction and not to any desire on the part of those bombarding it to +spare it from utter destruction.</p> + +<p>The monument, about which no troops were massed, towers above the rest +of the town; to avoid it, in view of the uselessness of destroying it +and because it was serving as a hospital, would have been an easy +matter. The entire quarter of the city situated between it and the enemy +is destroyed, including the Episcopal Palace, which contained the +Archaeological Museum, the Episcopal Chapel, and what was known as the +"Apartment of the Kings." This quarter also contained the principal +commercial houses.</p> + +<p><b>"Blind Rage" Causes Attack.</b></p> + +<p>It would seem that the only explanation which can be offered was blind +rage upon the part of the besieging army.</p> + +<p>There are two monuments of almost equal importance to the world which +are in jeopardy of the same fate as the Cathedral of Rheims, viz., the +Cathedrals of Noyon and Laon. That these will be respected is to be +hoped, in spite of the ruthless and miserable attempt to reduce the +glorious monuments of Rheims to ruins.</p> + +<p>On Friday, Sept. 25, the Germans further shelled the Abbey of Rémy at +Rheims, one shell exploding in the interior and destroying an immense +quantity of glass. The civil hospital, which occupies the cloisters of +St. Rémy, received <span class="pagenum">[pg 395]</span>as its quota nine bombs, one of which killed +four of the patients in the beds, and another one of the attendants. +Needless to say that over this building also were flying flags of the +Red Cross.</p> + +<p>On Sunday, Sept. 27, I spent about two hours on top of the north tower +of the cathedral, behind the parapets, where I could not be seen, +watching the bombardment of the French forces, which was going on in the +suburbs of the town, situated at about two kilometers from my point of +vantage. It was most interesting, the precision with which the German +shells arrived in groups of six at intervals of, I should say, three to +five minutes. The French troops were all wonderfully covered so that +they could not be seen, their guns being concealed under straw or beet +leaves, according to the character of the ground upon which the battery +was established.</p> + +<p>No smoke came from their guns, their powder being absolutely smokeless, +and yet the Germans seemed to have located them very thoroughly and kept +up a continual bombardment, their shells landing repeatedly over the +same place, seemingly, without any deviation whatever.</p> + +<p><b>Shot Proclaims "Lights Out."</b></p> + +<p>We all slept the Saturday and Sunday nights in Rheims, which was in a +state of siege, all lights being out at 8 o'clock. One of our party +foolishly left his window open while he had his light on; a pistol shot +from the police drew attention to the fact, and the entire electric +light of the hotel was immediately cut off.</p> + +<p>In the day time great numbers of the population would leave the city and +go out in the suburbs on the safe side to watch the combat, returning at +night to their homes to see what destruction had been occasioned and, if +possible, to get a night's rest. I had a large quantity of tobacco with +me, which was received by the troops and by the civilians with great +joy, for they had seen none for a month, the Germans having taken +everything.</p> + +<p>While the commercial part of the city had been absolutely destroyed, in +other parts one would find places where stray shells had fallen, doing +great damage. It all seemed absolutely ruthless and useless. The curé of +the cathedral told me that the Germans during their occupation had +established an observation post in the north tower with an electric +searchlight. This they took away with them, and some of the French +officers, during the first days of reoccupation, occasionally went up +there to have a look, but the curé had strongly objected and they had +given it up.</p> + +<p>I know that the two days that I was there nobody but myself went into +the tower and I did so unbeknown to the authorities, being very careful +not to show myself, as I was assured it would draw fire if the Germans +saw anybody moving about on it. I think, myself, that this is an +exaggeration, as their line of observation must be at least seven or +eight miles removed and at that distance, even with a very strong glass, +it would be almost impossible to distinguish a human silhouette.</p> + +<p>We left Rheims at 7 o'clock on Monday morning, proceeding to +Villers-Cotterets and stopping at Lafere-en-Tardenois, which was the +headquarters of the English. Here there were great quantities of +automobiles and considerable commotion that it was his honest opinion +that this was not the case. The village had been bombarded before the +arrival of the Germans, and the Mayor had taken refuge in the cellar of +the Mairie. When the Germans arrived at about 3 o'clock they dragged him +out and took him to a little place about three kilometers from Senlis, +where he is supposed to have been questioned, together with other +hostages. At 10 o'clock that night he was shot and buried where he fell.</p> + +<p>The next day seven other hostages were shot in view of the fact that +some civilians were accused of having fired upon the military. Three +days after this the Acting Mayor and a party of citizens recovered the +body of the Mayor, who had been buried under a very thin covering <span class="pagenum">[pg +396]</span>of earth in a very shallow grave—so much so that his hands and feet +were uncovered. He had one bullet hole in his forehead, which would seem +to indicate that the execution was not a military one, but that some +officer had, for some reason, shot him—perhaps in a moment of +impatience.</p> + +<p>From Senlis we went to Clermont, which is the headquarters of the left +wing. There I had the great good fortune to be introduced to Gen. +Castelnau, who showed me his maps and the way a battle was fought on +paper. This is one of the greatest privileges I think I have ever +enjoyed, and the curious part of it was that their way of working in the +military art is very similar to the way we plot and scheme as +architects. The General interested me as a very fine, simple citizen. +Among other things he said to me:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"My dear Sir, how is it possible to fight with these people? They +seem to have no mercy, no decency. It really seems impossible to +know how to meet them."</p></div> + +<p>He had with him several of his staff officers and one of them was +charged with making a report upon the atrocities committed. He allowed +me to read several of these reports and showed me photographs of one +incident that impressed me greatly. These photographs this officer had +taken himself and in order to prove that he had seen the incident and +was on the ground he was himself in the photograph. This special +happening was as follows:</p> + +<p>In some little town to the east the Germans had taken out sixteen +peasants and field laborers. They bound their hands either in front or +at the back, tied them in bunches of five, cut their suspenders and +unbuttoned their trousers so that escape was impossible and shot them in +an open field. The report contained the names and ages of these poor +chaps. The oldest, I remember, was 67, and several were over 50. The +French had been able to get no explanation whatever of what had +occurred, as the village was absolutely deserted. The persecution of +women seems to be quite prevalent.</p> + +<p>From here we returned to Paris, passing by Creil and Chantilly without +any incident, arriving in Paris at about 8 o'clock at night.</p> + +<p class="author">WHITNEY WARREN.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<h1><a name="THE_SOCIALISTS_PART" id="THE_SOCIALISTS_PART"></a>WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?<br /> <br />THE SOCIALISTS' PART</h1> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="HOW_INTERNATIONAL_SOCIALISTS_ARMED_AGAINST_EACH_OTHER" id="HOW_INTERNATIONAL_SOCIALISTS_ARMED_AGAINST_EACH_OTHER"></a>HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER.</h2> + + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 397]</span><b>Concluding Remarks of Emil Vandervelde, Belgian Minister of +State, Chairman International Socialist Bureau, in Harlem Casino, New +York, Sept. 21.</b></p> + + +<p>You in the United States represent the International within a nation. +You have undertaken to do what no nation of Europe has ever +accomplished. You have taken the men and women and children of all +nationalities and molded of them one uniform nation of peace.</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="emil_van_der_velde" id="emil_van_der_velde"></a><img src="images/emil_van_der_velde.jpg" alt="emil_van_der_velde" width="315" height="500" /> + +<p class="center">EMIL VAN DER VELDE,<br /> +Belgian Minister of State and Chairman<br /> +International Socialist Bureau.<br /> +<i>(Photo from Wiener Agency</i>.)</p> +</div> + + +<p>This meeting here tonight is a demonstration of this. The International, +unfortunately divided by war, has not been seen in Europe in weeks. I +find it again in the United States. These United States, which are to +be, not merely the United States of America, or the United States of +capitalism, but the United States of the Socialism of the world.</p> + +<p>At the last meeting of the International Socialist Bureau in Paris I can +see gathered at the same table, Hugo Haase, the Chairman of the +Parliamentary group of the German Social Democracy, drafting resolutions +of peace on behalf of the entire International. And at the same table +sat our unforgettable Jean Léon Jaurès, who fell at the first mad rush +of the war tide. What a frightful succession of events have taken place +since that time!</p> + +<p>Jaurès dead; Guesde, the uncompromising, the Marxist, the Socialist, a +member of the French Cabinet; Dr. Ludwig Frank, one of the most +promising of the young German Socialists, shot dead in battle! +Socialists become national! French, Russian, Belgian, German, Austrian +Socialists fighting one another, destroying one another!</p> + +<p>Who was right, who wrong? Did the majority of the German Socialists, +under the leadership of David, do right in voting the war credits asked +by the Kaiser? Or did the minority do right, under the direction of Dr. +Liebknecht, in refusing these credits? Who can pass judgment? But this +we do know and can truthfully say—not a single capitalistic Government +of all Europe but shares in the guilt.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="ENVOY_OF_MY_PARTYquot" id="ENVOY_OF_MY_PARTYquot"></a>"ENVOY OF MY PARTY."</h2> + + +<p><b>Statement by Jules Guesde, Minister in France's War Cabinet and +Exponent of French Socialism, at Paris, Aug. 29.</b></p> + + +<p>I go into the Cabinet as an envoy of my party, not to govern, but to +fight. If I were younger, I would have shouldered a gun. But as my age +does not permit this I will, nevertheless, face the enemy and defend the +cause of humanity.</p> + +<p>I am confident of final victory, and without hesitation as to its +subsequent role in France, the party will never deviate from the line of +conduct laid out. As the solidarity of workmen does not shut out the +right to defend themselves against traitor workmen, so international +<span class="pagenum">[pg 398]</span>solidarity does not exclude the right of one nation to defend +itself against a Government traitor to the peace of Europe.</p> + +<p>France has been attacked, and she will have no more ardent defenders +than the workmen's party.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="MINISTER_JULES_GUESDE" id="MINISTER_JULES_GUESDE"></a>MINISTER JULES GUESDE.</h2> + +<p><b>Editorial Article in the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Aug. 28.</b></p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="jules_guesde" id="jules_guesde"></a><img src="images/jules_guesde.jpg" alt="jules_guesde" width="316" height="500" /> + +<p class="center">JULES GUESDE<br /> +French Cabinet Minister<br /> +and Exponent of French Socialism,<br /> +(<i>Photo from Trans Atlantic Co.</i>)</p> +</div> + +<p>Who would have suspected in 1904 that Jules Guesde would come to be once +more a member of a Ministry, popular in its majority? Who would have +thought then—it was in the time of the memorable debates over +socialistic "ministerialism" in the Amsterdam Congress of the +International—that there ever could come a time when this clear-headed +and unswerving exponent of academic socialism would be forced by the +need of the hour to take a step which in ordinary circumstances would be +absolutely inconceivable for him?</p> + +<p>And now this has actually happened. Jules Guesde, who has been +called—in contrast to the easily moved emotional Jaurès—the +stiff-necked dogmatist, is not only become Minister, but with him +another proved Socialist champion, Marcel Sembat, who for his part too +would rather have split the party than to have approved the entrance of +Millerand into the Cabinet of Waldeck Rousseau.</p> + +<p>But now these two are sitting on the same Ministerial bench, not only +with this self-same Millerand, but with the much more deeply despised +renegade Briand, with the anti-Socialist abettor Ribot, and the +disgusting reactionary and favorite of the Czar, Pelcassi. The world +seems to be unhinged.</p> + +<p>Yet the incomprehensible is under the existing circumstances only too +easily understood, Guesde and Sembat have taken this difficult step, +because there was no other choice for them, they had to take it. They, +as representatives of a party which had sent 102 members to the Chamber +of Deputies, could not refuse, when this was the question, to create a +Ministry for Defense.</p> + +<p>That was the question! It was demanded of all the larger parties that +they put up their best—that is, their intellectually strongest—men for +a Cabinet whose sole task was the defense of France. When this task is +accomplished, when the war is ended in one way or the other, then the +Ministry will undoubtedly dissolve, and the Ministerial magnificance of +Comrades Guesde and Sembat will be at an end until the opportunity +offers of creating a Socialist Ministry.</p> + +<p>France, according to all news emanating from the scene of hostilities, +is in an extraordinarily difficult situation. Should the German Army +succeed, as seems already to have been the case in two places, in +breaking through the French-Belgian-English chain of defense, then the +way to Paris is as good as open. If nothing more, at least the reported +preparations of the Parisians indicate that a siege is expected there in +the very near future; and since Paris is still the heart of France, the +taking of that city would be one with the fall of the French Republic.</p> + +<p>If in such an hour of danger a nation calls upon its sons, there is for +them no choice; they must answer the call.</p> + +<p>Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat did no more than their duty!</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="REVOLUTIONquot" id="REVOLUTIONquot"></a>"REVOLUTION!"</h2> + +<p><b>Cry Raised by Jean Jaurès at Session of International Socialist Bureau, +Brussels, July 29.</b></p> + +<p>The diplomats negotiate. It seems that they will be satisfied to take +from Servia a little of its blood. We have, therefore, a little rest to +insure peace. But to what lesson is Europe submitted? When after twenty +centuries of Christianity, when after 100 years of the triumph of the +principles of the rights of men, how is it possible that millions of +persons, without knowing why, can kill each other?</p> + +<p>And Germany? If she knew of the Austrian note, it is inexcusable to have +permitted such a step. And if she did not know of this Austrian note, +what is <span class="pagenum">[pg 399]</span>her Governmental wisdom? You have an agreement which +drags you into war and you do not know what you have been dragged for? I +ask, What people have shown so much anarchy?</p> + +<p>Nevertheless the authorities hesitate. Let us profit by it and organize. +For us, French Socialists, our duty is simple. We do not need to impose +on our Government a policy of peace. They are practicing it. I, who have +never hesitated to bring upon my head the hatred of our patriots by my +desire to bring about a Franco-German understanding, have the right to +say that at this time the French Government desires peace.</p> + +<p>The French Government is the best ally for peace of the English +Government, which has taken the initiative in conciliation and gives to +Russia advice of prudence and patience.</p> + +<p>As for us, it is our duty to insist that it shall speak with force that +Russia may abstain. If unfortunately Russia does not abstain, it is our +duty to say, "We do not know of any other treaty except the one which +binds us to the human race."</p> + +<p>This is our duty, and in expressing it we find ourselves in accord with +our German comrades who demand of their Government to see to it that +Austria moderates its acts. It is possible that the telegram of which I +spoke is due partly to that desire of the German workers. One cannot go +against the wish of four millions of enlightened consciences.</p> + +<p>Do you know what the proletariat is? They are the men who have +collectively an affection for peace and a horror for war. The +chauvinists, the nationalists, &c., are men who have collectively an +affection for war and carnage. When they feel, however, over their heads +the menace of conflicts, or wars which may put an end to their +capitalist existence, then they remind themselves that they have friends +who seek to reduce the storm. But for the supreme masters the ground is +mined. In the drunkenness of the first battles they succeed in pulling +along the masses. In proportion as typhus completes the work of death +and misery these men will turn to the masters of Germany, France, +Russia, Austria, Italy, and so on, and will demand what reason they can +give for all those corpses. And then the revolution will tell them: Go +and demand grace from God and men.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="COMPOSURE_IS_NECESSARY" id="COMPOSURE_IS_NECESSARY"></a>COMPOSURE IS NECESSARY.</h2> + +<p><b>Editorial Article for l'Humanite, Written by Jean Jaurès on the Night +He Was Assassinated, July 31.</b></p> + + +<p>If we put things at their worst, if we take, in view of the most +formidable hypothesis, the necessary precautions, let us keep the +lucidity of our spirit, the firmness of our reason. To judge from all +the common elements, it does not seem that the international situation +is desperate. To be sure, it is grave, but all chances of an amicable +adjustment have not disappeared. On one side it is evident that if +Germany had a design to attack us she would have proceeded according to +the famous sudden attack. On the contrary, she has allowed days to pass, +and France, like Russia, could have put to profit this delay, the one, +Russia, in order to proceed to a partial mobilization, the other, +France, to take precautions compatible with the maintenance of peace.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, Austria and Russia have entered into direct +negotiations. Russia demands of Austria what treatment she reserves for +Servia. Austria answers that she will respect her "territorial +integrity." Russia figures that it is not enough and that it must also +include that "the sovereign rights of Servia are guaranteed."</p> + +<p>Even if discord comes between the views of Austria and those of Russia, +one could measure the distance of the ideas and work on a solution of a +problem whose points are determined. It is then, it seems, that the +English idea of mediation which seeks a form, its means of expression, +but which in the end will prevail, for it embodies the profound +sentiments of the people, and without <span class="pagenum">[pg 400]</span>doubt the desire of the +rulers who feel rising toward them, like punishment, this peril of war, +with which for a moment they thought of playing like a diplomatic toy.</p> + +<p>If we judge what war itself will be and the effects it will produce by +panic, sinister rumors, economic difficulties, monetary difficulties, +and the financial disasters which the mere possibility of a conflict +creates; when we think that even now we must postpone payments, and +prepare to decree a forced circulation for the paper certificates, one +asks if the most crazy or the sanest of men are capable to open such a +crisis.</p> + +<p>The greatest danger at this time is not, if I can say it, in the events +themselves. It is not even in the real dispositions of the +chancelleries, however guilty they may be; it is not in the real will of +the people; it is in the nervousness which is gaining, in the worry +which is spread, in the sudden impulse which grows from fear, of the +growing uncertainty, prolonged anxiety. To these crazy panics the crowd +may give in, and it is not sure that the Governments, too, may give in. +They spend their time (delicious occupation) to frighten and to reassure +each other. And this, do not mistake, can last for weeks. Those who +imagine that a diplomatic crisis must be or can be settled in a few days +are mistaken. Just as the battles of modern war develop on an immense +front, last seven or eight days, the same way the diplomatic battles, +placing now in the game entire Europe and involving a number of powerful +nations, will spread necessarily over several weeks. To resist this test +one must have nerves of steel, or, better still, they need a firm +reasoning, clear and calm. It is to the intelligence of the people, it +is to their reasoning, that we must now make an appeal if we wish them +to remain masters of themselves, escape the panics, dominate the +excitement, and supervise the march of men and things, to spare the +human race from the horror of war.</p> + +<p>The danger is great, but it is not unavoidable if we preserve clearness +of mind and a strong will, if we have both heroism of patience and +heroism of action. The clear view of our duty will give us the power to +accomplish it.</p> + +<p>All the militant Socialist members of the Federation of the Seine are +called, for next Sunday morning, to Wagram Hall, to a meeting where the +situation will be explained, where the action which the International +expects of you will be defined.</p> + +<p>A number of meetings will keep in action the thought and will of the +proletariat and will prepare the magnificent demonstration which will be +a prelude to the labors of the International Congress.</p> + +<p>What counts now is the continuity of action, the constant awakening of +the reason and conscience of the workers. There lies true salvation. +There lies the guarantee of the future.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="PRESSURE_FOR_PEACE" id="PRESSURE_FOR_PEACE"></a>PRESSURE FOR PEACE.</h2> + +<p><b>Resolutions of International Socialist Bureau at Brussels, July 29.</b></p> + + +<p>In assembly of July 29 the International Socialist Bureau has heard +declarations from representatives of all nations threatened by a world +war, describing the political situation in their respective countries.</p> + +<p>With unanimous vote, the bureau considers it an obligation for the +workers of all nations concerned not only to continue but even to +strengthen their demonstrations against war in favor of peace and of a +settlement of the Austro-Servian conflict by arbitration.</p> + +<p>The German and French workers will bring to bear on their Governments +the most vigorous pressure in order that Germany may secure in Austria a +moderating action, and in order that France may obtain from Russia an +undertaking that she will not engage in the conflict. On their side the +workers of Great Britain and Italy shall sustain these efforts with all +the power at their command.</p> + +<p>The congress urgently convoked in Paris [it was never held] will be the +<span class="pagenum">[pg 401]</span>vigorous expression of the absolutely peaceful will of the +workers of the whole world.</p> + +<p>It is further resolved that the International Socialist Bureau +congratulates the Russian workers on their revolutionary attitude, and +invites them to continue their heroic efforts against Czardom as being +one of the most effective guarantees against the threatened world war.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="HUGO_HAASE_AT_BRUSSELS" id="HUGO_HAASE_AT_BRUSSELS"></a>HUGO HAASE AT BRUSSELS.</h2> + +<p><b>Speech of German Social Democratic Leader on July 30, Five Days Before +His Declaration in the Reichstag.</b></p> + + +<p>For twenty-five years Austria-Hungary has been attempting to strangle +Servia economically. Therefore, the ultimatum sent to Servia must be +regarded as a provocation to long desired war. As you know, Servia's +answer was so conciliatory in tone that if Austria had had the honest +desire peace could have been brought about. Austria wanted war.</p> + +<p>The most fearful thing about it all is that this criminal sport may +deluge all Europe with blood. A telegram says that Austria does not wish +to carry on a long war with Servia, but only intends taking the capital +city, Belgrade, by way of teaching Servia a lesson. This rôle of the +teacher punishing the pupils is both reprehensible and dastardly.</p> + +<p>Austria seems to count upon Germany's help. Nevertheless, the German +Socialists declare that secret negotiations have very little weight with +the proletariat. The German proletariat says that Germany is not to +involve herself, even if Russia enters in. The German capitalists, on +the other hand, demand that Germany step in because Austria makes war +with Servia. And on the same illogical, reprehensible grounds the French +capitalists are demanding war with Germany. The French proletariat is +one with the German proletariat.</p> + +<p>The people, sunk deep in want and despair, will at last awake and +establish socialism. Yesterday thousands and tens of thousands of them +in Berlin protested against the war. Their slogan was: "Long live peace, +and down with war!"</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="HAASE_IN_THE_REICHSTAG" id="HAASE_IN_THE_REICHSTAG"></a>HAASE IN THE REICHSTAG.</h2> + +<p><b>Speech of Aug. 4—"We Do Not Desert Our Fatherland."</b></p> + + +<p>We are face to face with a great crisis. The consequences of the +imperialistic policy by means of which an era of competitive preparation +for war has been inaugurated, and which has served to intensify hostile +feeling between nations, have swept down over Europe like a torrent. The +responsibility lies with those who have upheld this policy; we refuse +it. [Applause from the Socialists.] Social Democracy has fought this +disastrous development with all its strength, and even up to the very +last hour, by means of prodigious public demonstrations, particularly in +close co-operation with its brothers in France, [applause from the +Socialists,] it has labored for the maintenance of peace. Its endeavors +have been in vain. We now stand before the brazen facts of actual war; +the horrors of hostile invasion threaten us. It is not for us today to +decide for or against war, but to deliberate on the problem of the +available means of national defense. We have now to think of the +millions of our fellow-countrymen who, through no fault of theirs, have +been drawn into this disaster. [Applause.] They will be the ones to +suffer most heavily from the devastation of this war.</p> + +<p>Our warmest sympathy, accorded without reference to party, accompanies +all our brothers who have been called to the front. [Vigorous applause +from all sides of the House.] We are thinking also of the mothers who +must give up their sons, of the women and children robbed of their +mainstay and support, of those whom, to the anxiety of their loved ones, +the pangs of hunger threaten. To these will very soon be added tens of +thousands of wounded and crippled soldiers. To stand by them all, to +ease their misfortune, to alleviate their immeasurable <span class="pagenum">[pg +402]</span>need—this we consider our compelling duty. [Vigorous applause.]</p> + +<p>With a victory of the Russian despotism, which is stained with the blood +of the best of its own people, much, if not all, which concerns our +people and their future in freedom will be at stake. [Storm of +applause.]</p> + +<p>It is necessary to ward off the danger in order to render secure the +culture and the independence of our own country. [Vigorous applause.]</p> + +<p>Thus do we actualize what we have always claimed—in the hour of danger +we do not desert our Fatherland! [Vigorous demonstrations of approval.]</p> + +<p>In this regard we feel ourselves in perfect accord with the +International, which has at all times recognized the right of every +people to natural independence and self-defense, just as we agree with +it in denouncing every war of conquest.</p> + +<p>We demand that as soon as this purpose of securing national safety is +achieved, and the combatants shall be disposed toward peace, that an end +be made to the war through a peace which shall facilitate friendship +between neighboring peoples. We demand this not only in the interests of +that international solidarity for which we have continually fought, but +also in the interests of the German people. We hope that the grisly +lessons learned from suffering in this conflict will waken in new +millions of hearts the horror of war, and will win them over to the +ideal of Socialism and peace between nations.</p> + +<p>Guided by these principles, we approve the proposed appropriations. +[Vigorous applause.]</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="GERMAN_SOCIALISTS_DIVIDED" id="GERMAN_SOCIALISTS_DIVIDED"></a>GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED.</h2> + +<p><b>Letter from Dr. Carl Liebknecht, Social-Democratic Member of the +Reichstag, in the Burger Zeitung, Bremen, Sept. 18.</b></p> + + +<p>I understand that several members of the Socialist Party have written +all sorts of things to the press with regard to the deliberations of +the Socialist Party in the Reichstag on Aug. 3 and 4.</p> + +<p>According to these reports there were no serious differences of opinion +in our party in regard to the political situation, and our own position +and decision to assent to war credits are alleged to have been arrived +at unanimously.</p> + +<p>In order to prevent the dissemination of an inadmissible legend I feel +it to be my duty to put on record the fact that the issues involved gave +rise to diametrically opposite views within our parliamentary party, and +these opposing views found expression with a violence hitherto unknown +in our deliberations.</p> + +<p>It is also entirely untrue to say that assent to the war credits was +given unanimously.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="SOCIALISTS_STILL_GERMANS" id="SOCIALISTS_STILL_GERMANS"></a>SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS.</h2> + +<p><b>Letter from Philipp Scheidemann, Ex-Vice President of the Reichstag, in +the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Sept. 10.</b></p> + + +<p>BERLIN, Aug. 21.</p> + +<p>——, I send you a few facts.</p> + +<p>No one in Germany wanted this war. The fact that Germany declared war on +Russia and finally on France does not contradict this statement. If +Germany, who was exactly informed as to the preparations being made by +her neighbors, had delayed for ever so short a time, Russia would have +completed her mobilization which she had secretly been carrying on for +some time, and with her Cossacks would have swept down on our eastern +country which was only moderately well protected. And then woe to us!</p> + +<div class="figleft"><a name="philipp_scheidemann" id="philipp_scheidemann"></a><img src="images/philipp_scheidemann.jpg" alt="philipp_scheidemann" width="312" height="500" /> +<p class="center">PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN,<br /> +Chairman German Socialist Party and<br /> +ex-Vice President of the Reichstag.</p> + +</div> + +<p>That the Government, after the failure of all its efforts to maintain +peace, promptly took the initiative, disturbed not a little the Czar of +Russia. This was perhaps indicated most dramatically by his manifesto to +the Jews. This same Czar, whose hands are stained with the blood of many +thousands of the Jews whom his servants of slaughter have murdered +during the pogroms, this same Czar who has degraded and abused the <span class="pagenum">[pg +403]</span>Jews in the most inhuman fashion, has now, in order to create an +agreeable impression, issued a manifesto "to my beloved Jews!" Now when +he has to fear that the Poles and those Jews living in Russian Poland +may rise up against his army of shame, now does he begin to make bright +promises for the future!</p> + +<p><b>Russia to Blame.</b></p> + +<p>Upon Russia rests the entire responsibility for the present war. While +the Czar was still negotiating with the German Kaiser for the declared +purpose of bringing about peace, he was arming his troops not only +against Austria but against Germany.</p> + +<p>That France, republican France, has allied herself with Russian +absolutism for the purpose of murder and destruction, is an almost +inconceivable fact. And that England, parliamentarian England, +democratic England, is fighting side by side with the Russians for +"freedom and culture," that is a truly gigantic and shameless piece of +hypocrisy.</p> + +<p>I do not need to place before those of our readers who are schooled in +socialism any comments on the causes of this war—the fact itself as it +stands is of a stupendous, terrifying magnitude. And it is with this +fact that we have now to reckon. Russia, France, Belgium, England, +Servia, Montenegro and Japan are now involved in this battle for +"freedom and culture," which means fighting against Germany, against the +world which has given birth to Goethe, to Kant and to Karl Marx! It +would be laughable were the situation not so desperately grave.</p> + +<p>Socialism in each of the West European powers has done all it could to +prevent the war. Its strength could not sufficiently prevail—it was not +enough. On Aug. 1, 1914, socialism in each country found itself +confronted with the hideous certainty of war. What was to be done?</p> + +<p>On the 1st of August there was no longer any possibility whatsoever of +sending a letter or telegram across the German frontier. The telegram of +condolence which we sent to Paris on the assassination of Jean Jaurès +never arrived. Socialism in each country was forced back entirely upon +itself.</p> + +<p>At the time when I am writing this letter, Aug. 21, we in Germany know +absolutely nothing concerning the details of the action taken in the +Belgian and French Parliament. Only this much has penetrated to us, that +our comrades in all of the countries under consideration have come to +the same conclusion as we in Germany. The French have approved the war +credits, the Belgians have admitted Vandervelde to the Ministry for +Defense. That our comrades in England have come out for the strictest +neutrality is easily understood. Any other attitude on their part would +be a crime against socialism. No one would be so ignorant as to find +analogies between the situation of the German and the English +Socialists. We in Germany had to perform the duty of protecting +ourselves against Czarism, we had to accomplish the task of saving the +country in which Social Democracy has reached its highest point of +development, from impending subjection to Russia. In England the +decision had to be made only as to whether sides should be taken in the +conflict between Russia and Germany, or whether neutrality should be +preserved.</p> + +<p>A Germany under the yoke of the Czar would have set back a century the +Socialist movement not only of Germany itself but of the whole world.</p> + +<p>Moreover, we Social Democrats have never ceased to be Germans, because +we belong to the Socialist International. And if we in the Reichstag +have unanimously approved the war credit, we have done no more after all +than to carry out what has often been repeated by our greatest +Socialists from the Reichstag platform.</p> + +<p><b>Quotes Bebel and Elder Liebknecht.</b></p> + +<p>The words of Bebel and of the elder Liebknecht have always been heard +with favor in America. And what, for example, has Bebel said in this +connection?</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In the preservation of Germany's independence all the laboring +classes, to the very least among them, are just as much concerned +as those who consider themselves the chosen leaders and rulers <span class="pagenum">[pg +404]</span>of the people, and the working class in nowise desires to bend +its back under any sort of foreign rule.</p></div> + +<p>Still more fully did Bebel declare himself during the session of the +Reichstag of March 7, 1904. At that time he said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Gentlemen: You cannot in the future carry on any successful wars +without our aid. ["Very true!" "Right!" from the Socialists.] If +you conquer you will conquer with us and not against us; without +our help you can no longer subsist. ["True!" "Right!" from the +Socialists.] I will go still further, we would have the greatest +possible interest were we to be involved in a war—a war in which +the existence of Germany was threatened, for—and I give you my +word for it—we are ready to the last and the oldest man among us +to shoulder arms and protect German soil not in service to you but +to ourselves—as far as I am concerned, in fact in defiance of you. +["True indeed!" "Right!" from the Socialists.]</p> + +<p>We live and fight on this soil, the land of our fathers, as much if +not more our fatherland than yours, to the end that it will be a +joy even for the last and least among us to live therein. ["Very +good!" from the Socialists.]</p> + +<p>That is our endeavor and that it is which we are laboring to +achieve, and it is for this reason that we shall repulse with all +the power at our command and to our very last breath every attempt +to snatch from this Fatherland one inch of land. ["Very good!" from +the Socialists.]</p></div> + +<p>There are numerous declarations of similar nature which have been +uttered by our great friend, Wilhelm Liebknecht has also spoken in +similar fashion. On the 28th of November, 1888, he addressed the +Reichstag as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>What the opponents of German consolidation over there in France and +Russia fear is a German people united for the defense of their +land. And in this regard—that I can assure you—I have personally +removed for our part every doubt, if any existed, among influential +French politicians; if France attacks, straightway there is no +party in Germany on which she can rely, and straightway every +Socialist in Germany is pledged and prepared to march against the +invader.</p></div> + +<p>For years we have been slandered by our enemies in Germany as traitors +and worse. The imperial anti-Socialist association has had an excellent +example of this alleged treachery of ours. Our vote has stretched the +anti-Socialists in the dust, together with all the other political +vultures who have lived by slandering us.</p> + +<p>As Socialists of firm conviction we have voted for the war credit and +moved this vote through a declaration from the party representative, +Haase. In our programme we have demanded that a volunteer army replace +the standing army. Why do we demand the volunteer army? Because we +consider it the best protection against every attack on the Fatherland. +This is it, then! We, too, wish to defend the Fatherland. Suppose that +instead we had said in the hour of need: Yes, we want to protect our +Fatherland against the knout regiments of the Czar all right enough, but +we demand that protection from the militia! Since we do not as yet have +the militia, we shall make no use of the standing army, for we would +rather let the Cossacks into the country!</p> + +<p>From whatever side we consider the situation, we German Socialists could +not have acted otherwise than we have. A party like that of Social +Democracy, the strongest in the country, cannot avoid the facts by +hiding its head in the sand; it must act! It is no exaggeration to state +that in the present crisis the entire German people is united. That +whole nation is determined, cost what it may, to end the war as speedily +as possible, but at the same time victoriously. There is no one here who +feels any resentment toward France, and every one wishes that a worthy +peace will be established between Germany and France as soon as +possible.</p> + +<p><b>England's Shameful Role.</b></p> + +<p>England is playing a perfectly shameful rôle in this war. Even though +France were allied to Russia by an unfortunate treaty, England was not +so allied! But England, who has ever been jealous of the industrial +development of our country, used the violation of our treaty of +neutrality with Belgium, which was incurred only in dire need and which +was yielded openly and honestly in the Reichstag by the Chancellor, as a +pretext to declare war against us. And England crowned this abhorrent +action by mobilizing <span class="pagenum">[pg 405]</span>against us an east-Asiatic nation. Japan, +whose sons have enjoyed the most genuine and far-reaching hospitality at +our hands, whose culture has been enriched through us, who has won from +us our industrial secrets, shows herself suddenly as the most +despicable, the most treacherous nation of this whole world. I do not +need to go into details over the demands which Japan has presented to +Germany, for I assume that your readers are already in full possession +of the facts.</p> + +<p>Germany will perhaps lose a part of her colonial possessions in this +war. Germany is in no position to protect these against many enemies +during the war. Germany has steadily counted upon some colonial losses +in the struggle. We Socialists especially have in our opposition to +capitalistic colonial policy continually pointed to the fact that in the +event of war colonies cannot be retained.</p> + +<p>For the rest, however, Germany is of good courage. No one has the +slightest doubt that our country will claim victory against the hostile +oppression from without. In the meantime you in America have long since +learned that all announcements of defeats which Germany is said to have +suffered in the east, in the west, and on the sea, are lies. It is true +that at Schirmek in Alsace a few cannon were lost by our troops. But, on +the other hand, the fact is established that in the very first days +after mobilization all the enemies' troops were completely driven from +Germany, and further, that during the mobilization of our troops +victorious battles occurred at Mülhausen and Lagarde in Alsace; that in +the east they have made sharp inroads on the Russians; that they +overcame Lüttich with all its forts and captured Brussels on the 20th of +August.</p> + +<p>Here in Germany we are expecting every moment news of the taking of +Namur. The quicker decisive battles take place, by so much sooner will +there be some possibility of establishing peace with France.</p> + +<p class="author">PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + +<h2><a name="CRITIQUE_OF_WEAPONSquot" id="CRITIQUE_OF_WEAPONSquot"></a>"CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS."</h2> + +<p><b>Karl Kautsky, in the Neue Zeit, Berlin, Aug. 8.</b></p> + + +<p><i>Kautsky has for over a quarter of a century been one of the foremost +Socialist leaders in Germany; the founder and present editor of the Neue +Zeit. The present article on the war appeared before the periodical was +suppressed by the Government</i>.</p> + +<p>War, with all its attendant horrors, has broken loose, the "Critique of +Weapons" has been set up, and the weapons of criticism are consequently +broken. This is not merely the inevitable result of the automatic +limitations which would be imposed by any state of war, but +rather—though this is but a transitory phase—because of an absolute +lack of interest in any sort of critical estimate of the whole +situation. In breathless suspense, every man is concentrating the whole +of his mental energy on the news of the next moment, news concerning +which none can make even fairly clear surmise, and about which one fact +only is known in advance, that whatever it is, it is sure to be +horrible. For relief from this wretched suspense men are looking to +dispatches and decisions of battles, not to critical speculation.</p> + +<p>Yet by the time these lines come before the reader this stage may +already be giving way, and in all probability there will be beginning to +be felt the need of regaining our usual attitude, of taking account of +this monstrous event which has broken in on us so suddenly—so +unexpectedly that for the moment it has stunned us—of making ourselves +clear concerning the end toward which we are moving.</p> + +<p>Of course, to discuss the chances of each or any of the combatants +involved is out of the question; indeed, it would be a difficult task +for the shrewdest military expert to establish a sound estimate, for +there are probably few, perhaps none, to whom the armies under +consideration are sufficiently well known for that. Besides all this, +moreover, the present conflict is taking place under conditions +absolutely different from any <span class="pagenum">[pg 406]</span>we have before known, totally new +to our experience.</p> + +<p>Formerly, when the situation was more simple than at present, there were +always at the outbreak of war a few experienced experts who could +correctly estimate the prospects for each side in the struggle, for it +was usually fairly clear from the very beginning what each side wanted +to gain and what in the case of victory each would gain. But in the +present situation there is not a word of prophecy which can be uttered +in face of the fact that the most terrible war known to history has +broken out without any of the powers involved in the least wishing it. +It was in Russia first that at the last moment the war party seemed to +have gained the upper hand and to have set in motion the whole bloody +sport. We may rely on it that the statesmen of Austria were of the +honest belief that they could localize the conflict with Servia.</p> + +<p>But it is impossible any longer to consider this world war as a +continuation of that conflict. Servia has vanished completely from the +horizon, and in the moment when that end disappeared from view, each +nation found itself suddenly fighting for nothing else save its own +national integrity. The real purposes in this war will not come to the +surface until the balance of the power becomes a little more sharply +defined. Then in the victors' camp all manner of purposes and desires +will suddenly spring up wide awake.</p> + +<p><b>When Everything Is Over.</b></p> + +<p>Meanwhile, little as may be affirmed today concerning the prospects for +the parties in this struggle and the manner of the war's conclusion, +this assertion may safely be put forth; this world will wear a vastly +different appearance when everything is over.</p> + +<p>We hope, and may reasonably expect, that the war will be relatively +short. The Franco-Prussian war lasted from the middle of July to the end +of February; military operations began early in August and closed with +the truce of Jan. 28. That the present war will be dragged out to so +great a length, involving so incredible a number of men, demanding so +severe a straining of energies—especially the financial—on the part of +all the nations, is hardly conceivable. But however short a time it may +last, we shall emerge a world very different from before.</p> + +<p>The time is long since past when a great war brings in its train no +changes other than the ceding of a few square miles of conquered +territory. Under the capitalistic method of production, continual +changes, irreconcilable situations, constantly new problems pile up so +rapidly that no great war is any longer possible which does not bring +with it a prolonged breaking down as well as a building up of industrial +organisms.</p> + +<p>Especially is it clear that the non-European world will undergo a +powerful change. The non-European nations are already in the ascendency; +more and more they are becoming a strong opposition force to Europe. +Their advance must win tremendous impetus from a war which in every case +will weaken seriously the European nations, no matter how it may swing +the balance of power among them.</p> + +<p>The United States particularly will derive the greatest profit from the +struggle. Without any exertion whatsoever she is already able to control +the entire American market, and in the Far East it is possible for her +to exercise considerable restraint on her European competitors. In time +she will be in a position to constitute herself the only great money +power of that section of the world which employs the use of free +capital. Already there is a colossal stream of European securities +flowing to the United States, who is acquiring them at the very lowest +prices. The remedy for the economic wrongs of Europe which will be +created by this war as well as the fixing of indemnities will not be +possible without the aid of America. At the very least, the conquered +nations will be wholly dependent on American capital.</p> + +<p>Next to the United States in this amazingly swift advance stand the +nations of Asia and of Islam—Japan, China, India, Persia, Turkey with +her <span class="pagenum">[pg 407]</span>tributary possessions. The progress of these nations has +been considerably hampered by the control—both financial and +military—exerted over them by the European powers. In the free States +this control has been suddenly lifted; in the dependencies, such as +India, Persia, and Egypt, it has been materially weakened, and it will +be long before it can again operate with the same force. We must reckon +with the possibility of revolt among these nations and of their entrance +into the world war. Russia, England, France—these could be considerably +weakened by such a turn of affairs. Colonial policy would then show the +obverse side of the medal. It might well prove a decided source of +military and economic strength for Germany that her colonial possessions +are relatively unimportant.</p> + +<p><b>World Imperialism Doomed.</b></p> + +<p>The stronger the non-European nations become, the fewer grow the +possibilities for a continuation of the policy of empire. This world +war, born in the very midst of imperialism, can readily end in +circumstances which knock the supports from under the imperialistic +policy.</p> + +<p>It may be said similarly of our worldwide preparation for war, that it +too has been a direct consequence of imperialism; and our own party has +steadily maintained that it would create an atmosphere in which powder +would finally go off of itself—a spontaneous combustion.</p> + +<p>The burdens imposed by this war will be so terrible that from the +financial point of view it may be extremely difficult if not absolutely +impossible when peace shall at length have been concluded to add thereto +the burden of renewed preparation for war, especially in the face of +competition with America, strong and industrially intact.</p> + +<p>These changes must inevitably give an entirely new aspect to our +external as well as to our internal political state. To what extent will +follow changes in the political relations of the different classes it is +too early yet to surmise. But here also there is every assurance for the +assertion that political life will recommence stronger than ever +before.</p> + +<p>As soon as the "Critique of Weapons" ceases, immediately the weapons of +criticism are bound to take on a sharper edge. What forms critical +effort will assume, against what it will direct its force, what +circumstances will bring it to maturity, all of this lies in the lap of +Time. In any case, Social Democracy, like any other party, will in that +time need the full measure of its strength to assert itself and to +protect the interests of the class of which it is made up. To preserve +this strength through the vicissitudes which the future has in store is +presently to be the most important problem of our internal politics.</p> + +<p>We must hold intact the organizations and the party organs together with +the trade unions; we must guard their members from imprudences as well +as from defection. This goes without saying and there is no true comrade +who will not act in this spirit.</p> + +<p>No less necessary, however, is unity within the party, the absolute +relinquishing of all petty individual grievances. We are a party +committed to self-criticism, but in time of a great crisis criticism +must become mute. Never has it been more difficult, never, in fact, less +possible, to adopt and to maintain a position which would satisfy every +Socialist without exception. Every war brings Social Democracy into the +fatal dilemma between the necessity for defending our individual homes +on the one hand and, on the other, for preserving international +solidarity. The present war confronts us as well as the army staff with +particular difficulties, for it is a war possessing many faces. It is +not only a war against the Czar of Russia, but also against the +democracies of France and England, whose Governments felt themselves +forced out of fear of isolation and later subjection to stand by the +Russian Czar.</p> + +<p>We can very easily understand how to many this or that decision by our +party may seem a false step, but it would be still more false, still +more disastrous, were we, through any difference of opinion, to allow an +internal disagreement to arise. In time of war discipline is not <span class="pagenum">[pg +408]</span>for the army alone; for a party it, too, is the first requirement. +Under its rule we must all stand together, more courageous, more firmly +united than ever before. Not criticism but faith is now the essential +condition of our success.</p> + +<p class="author">KARL KAUTSKY.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + +<h2><a name="SOCIALISTS_OF_ITALY_FIRM" id="SOCIALISTS_OF_ITALY_FIRM"></a>SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM.</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum">[pg 408]</span><b>Manifesto Resenting German Mission of Herr Sudekum Issued by +Socialist Party at Rome, Sept. 3.</b></p> + + +<p>We are Socialists, and we do not hesitate to proclaim that the sending +of a Socialist mission from Germany to Italy at this moment cannot be +free from insidious suspicion; and as such it offends the dignity and +the independence of Italian socialism, and offends it so much more +because international socialism knows that on German Socialists depended +the lesser or greater efficacy in the action of international socialism +to arrest the provocative struggle of armaments promoted by Germany, and +thus to prevent war.</p> + +<p>It offends it so much more because the German Socialist Party, assuming +for the justification of the aggressive policy of Germany and Austria +the same arguments as the Kaiser's diplomacy, has lost the right to +attach itself to the ties of international socialism.</p> + +<p>We have thus far kept silent, not to disturb the neutrality proclaimed +since the outbreak of the war by the Italian people, irrevocably decided +not to dishonor themselves before the world and before history in giving +aid to Austria and Germany, and requiring peace after two years of war +in Lybia.</p> + +<p>Today, however, we are no longer able to be silent in the presence of +German Socialist activity encouraging the obscure play of diplomatic +intrigues on the part of the Governments of the ex-Triple Alliance, +which tends to move Italian neutrality toward the tortuous and perilous +paths of indirect co-operation. We want to affirm that our wishes are +for the immediate cessation of the war without conquerors or conquered.</p> + +<p>But if now this hope is vain, we express our desire that this infamous +war may be concluded by the defeat of those who have provoked it; the +Austrian and German Empires, since the empires of Austria and Germany +form the rampart of European reaction, even more than Russia, which is +shaken by democratic and Socialist forces, which have shown that they +know how to attempt a heroic effort of liberation; since if the German +and Austrian Empires emerge victorious from the war it will mean the +triumph of military absolutism in its most brutal expression, of a +barbarian horde massacring, devastating, destroying, and conquering in +violation of every treaty and right and law.</p> + +<p>Nor do the German Socialists give us any confidence of knowing how to +restrain this; in the past they have only been able to realize +advantageous contrasts of labor and to attain gigantic election results +without exercising any influence in the policy of their own country.</p> + +<p>The defeat of the German Empire may instead offer German socialism the +opportunity of emerging from its voluntary impotence and redeem itself +by breaking down the feudal political régime of the empire, taking away +from Russian absolutism the assistance it has hitherto enjoyed, and +contributing to alter decisively the aims of all European policy.</p> + +<p>Since, finally, the victory of the French Republic, now imbued with +genuine socialism, and that of England, where the truest democracy +flourishes, signifies the victory of a European political régime open to +all social conquests and desiring peace, it signifies the agreement +between States at last free and nationally reinforced by the limitation +of armaments and the substitution of a system of national militia for +defense in the place of hordes professionally organized for aggression, +which would imply the liberation as well of the German people.</p> + +<p>Therefore, under actual conditions, <span class="pagenum">[pg 409]</span>while nearly the whole of +Europe is at war, we may well raise our cry of horror and of protest; +but our protest strikes only those who desired the war, not those who +submit to it to defend themselves against oppression.</p> + +<p>In this war is outlined on one side the defense of European reaction, on +the other the defense of all revolutions, past and future, brought about +by historical necessity stronger than the intentions of Governments. And +because of this we must confirm that there remains for us only one way +of being internationalists—namely, to declare ourselves loyally in +favor of whoever fights the empires of reaction, just as the Italian +Socialists residing in Paris have understood that one way only remains +to be anti-militarist—to arm and fight against the empires of +militarism.</p> + +<p>This is our answer as Italian Socialists to the German Socialists.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + +<h2><a name="BRITISH_MANIFESTO" id="BRITISH_MANIFESTO"></a>BRITISH MANIFESTO.</h2> + +<p><b>Issued by Keir Hardie and Arthur Henderson, July 31.</b></p> + +<p>The long-threatened European war is now upon us. For more than 100 +years no such danger has confronted civilization. It is for you to +take full account of the desperate situation and to act promptly +and vigorously in the interest of peace. You have never been +consulted about the war.</p> + +<div class="figright"><a name="keir_hardie" id="keir_hardie"></a><img src="images/keir_hardie.jpg" alt="keir_hardie" width="312" height="500" /> +<p class="center">KEIR HARDIE, M.P.,<br /> +British Representative<br /> +International Socialist Bureau.</p> + +</div> + + +<p>Whatever may be the rights and wrongs of the sudden, crushing +attack made by the militarist Empire of Austria upon Servia, it is +certain that the workers of all countries likely to be drawn into +the conflict must strain every nerve to prevent their Governments +from committing them to war.</p> + +<p>Everywhere Socialists and the organized forces of labor are taking +this course. Everywhere vehement protests are made against the +greed and intrigues of militarists and armament mongers.</p> + +<p>We call upon you to do the same here in Great Britain upon an even +more impressive scale. Hold vast demonstrations against war in +every industrial centre. Compel those of the governing class and +their press who are eager to commit you to co-operate with Russian +despotism to keep silence and respect the decision of the +overwhelming majority of the people, who will have neither part nor +lot in such infamy. The success of Russia at the present day would +be a curse to the world.</p> + +<p>There is no time to lose. Already, by secret agreements and +understandings, of which the democracies of the civilized world +know only by rumor, steps are being taken which may fling us all +into the fray.</p> + +<p>Workers, stand together therefore for peace! Combine and conquer +the militarist enemy and the self-seeking imperialists today, once +and for all.</p> + +<p>Men and women of Britain, you have now an unexampled opportunity of +rendering a magnificent service to humanity and to the world!</p> + +<p>Proclaim that for you the days of plunder and butchery have gone +by; send messages of peace and fraternity to your fellows who have +less liberty than you. Down with class rule! Down with the rule of +brute force! Down with war! Up with the peaceful rule of the +people! (Signed on behalf of the British Section of the +International Socialist Bureau,)</p> + +<p class="author">J. KEIR HARDIE,</p> + +<p class="author">ARTHUR HENDERSON.</p> + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="KEIR_HARDIES_QUESTIONS" id="KEIR_HARDIES_QUESTIONS"></a>KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS.</h2> + +<p><b>Directed at Sir Edward Grey, British Minister for Foreign Affairs, in +House of Commons, Aug. 27.</b></p> + + +<p><i>Mr. Keir Hardie</i> (Merthyr Tydvil, Lab.) asked the Secretary for Foreign +Affairs whether the suggestions for a peace settlement made by the +German Ambassador, ["White Paper," Page 66, Item No. 123,] together with +his invitation to the Foreign Secretary to put forward proposals of his +own which would be acceptable as a basis for neutrality, were submitted +to and considered by the Cabinet; and, if not, why proposals involving +<span class="pagenum">[pg 410]</span>such far-reaching possibilities were thus rejected.</p> + +<p><i>Sir E. Grey</i> (Northumberland, Berwick)—These were personal suggestions +made by the Ambassador on Aug. 1, and without authority to alter the +conditions of neutrality proposed to us by the German Chancellor in No. +85 in the "White Paper"—Miscellaneous, No. 6, [1914.]</p> + +<p>The Cabinet did, however, consider most carefully the next morning—that +is, Sunday, Aug. 2—the conditions on which we could remain neutral, and +came to the conclusion that respect for the neutrality of Belgium must +be one of these conditions. ["Hear, hear!"] The German Chancellor had +already been told on July 30 that we could not bargain that way.</p> + +<p>On Monday, Aug. 3, I made a statement in the House accordingly. I had +seen the German Ambassador again at his own request on Monday, and he +urged me most strongly, though he said that he did not know the plans of +the German military authorities, not to make the neutrality of Belgium +one of our conditions when I spoke in the House. It was a day of great +pressure, for we had another Cabinet in the morning, and I had no time +to record the conversation, and therefore it does not appear in the +"White Paper"; but it was impossible to withdraw that condition [loud +cheers] without becoming a consenting party to the violation of the +treaty, and subsequently to a German attack on Belgium.</p> + +<p>After I spoke in the House we made to the German Government the +communication described in No. 153 in the "White Paper" about the +neutrality of Belgium. Sir Edward Goschen's report of the reply to that +communication had not been received when the "White Paper" was printed +and laid. It will be laid before Parliament to complete the "White +Paper."</p> + +<p>I have been asked why I did not refer to No. 123 in the "White Paper" +when I spoke in the House on Aug. 3. If I had referred to suggestions to +us as to conditions of neutrality I must have referred to No. 85, the +proposals made, not personally by the Ambassador, but officially by the +German Chancellor, which were so condemned by the Prime Minister +subsequently, and this would have made the case against the German +Government much stronger than I did make it in my speech. ["Hear, +hear!"] I deliberately refrained from doing that then.</p> + +<p>Let me add this about personal suggestions made by the German +Ambassador, as distinct from communications made on behalf of his +Government. He worked for peace; but real authority at Berlin did not +rest with him and others like him, and that is one reason why our +efforts for peace failed. [Loud cheers.]</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Keir Hardie</i>—May I ask whether any attempt was made to open up +negotiations with Germany on the basis of suggestions here set forth by +the German Ambassador?</p> + +<p><i>Sir E. Grey</i>—The German Ambassador did not make any basis of +suggestions. It was the German Chancellor who made the basis of +suggestions. The German Ambassador, speaking on his own personal +initiative and without authority, asked whether we would formulate +conditions on which we would be neutral. We did go into that question, +and those conditions were stated to the House and made known to the +German Ambassador.</p> + +<p><i>Mr. Keir Hardie</i> [who was received with cries of "Oh!" from all parts +of the House]—May I ask whether the German authorities at Berlin +repudiated the suggestions of their Ambassador in London, and whether +any effort at all [renewed cries of "Oh!" and "Order!"] was made to find +out how far the German Government would have agreed to the suggestions +put before them by their own Ambassador?</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="REPLY_TO_MINISTER_GREY" id="REPLY_TO_MINISTER_GREY"></a>REPLY TO MINISTER GREY.</h2> + +<p><b>Made by J. Ramsay Macdonald, Member of Socialist Labor Party, in House +of Commons, Aug. 4.</b></p> + + +<p>I would have preferred to remain silent this afternoon, but +circumstances do not permit of it. I shall model what I have <span class="pagenum">[pg 411]</span>to say +upon the two speeches to which we have just listened. The right +honorable gentleman has delivered a speech the echoes of which will go +down in history. However much we may resist the conclusions to which we +have come, we have not been able to resist the moving character of his +appeal ["Hear, hear!"]</p> + +<p>I think, however, he is wrong, and I think the Government for which he +speaks is wrong. I think the verdict of history will be that they are +wrong.</p> + +<p>The effect of the right honorable gentleman's speech in this House will +not be its final effect. There may or may not be opportunities for us to +go into details, but I want to say to the House, and without +provocation, that if the right honorable gentleman had come here today +and told us that our country was in danger, then I do not care what +party he appealed to or to what class, we would be behind him. We would +vote him what money he wants, and we would go further, for we would +offer him ourselves—if the country was in danger. [Cries of "But it +is!"] He has not persuaded me that it is, and he has not persuaded +honorable friends with me that it is.</p> + +<p>I am perfectly certain that when the light honorable gentleman's speech +gets into cold print tomorrow he will not persuade a large section of +the country. If the nation's honor were in danger we would be with them. +There has been no crime committed by statesmen of this character without +those statesmen appealing to the nation's honor.</p> + +<p>We went into the Crimean war because of our honor; we rushed into the +South African war because of our honor, and the right honorable +gentleman is appealing to us today because of our honor.</p> + +<p>If the right honorable gentleman would come to us and say that a small +European nationality like Belgium is in danger [cries of "It is +invaded!"] and would assure us that he is going to confine the conflict +to that quarter, then we will support him. But what is the use of +talking about going to the aid of Belgium when you are really going +into a European war which will not leave the map of Europe as it was +before.</p> + +<p>The right honorable gentleman said nothing about Russia. We want to know +about that and try and find out what is going to happen after this is +all over. We are not going to go blindly into this conflict without +having at least some rough idea of what is going to happen afterward.</p> + +<p>At all events, so far as France is concerned, we can say solemnly and +definitely that no such friendship as is described by the right +honorable gentleman between one nation and another can ever justify one +of those nations going into war on behalf of the other.</p> + +<p>If France is really in danger, if as the result of all this we are going +to have the power, civilization and genius of France removed in European +history, let the right honorable gentleman say so. It is an absolutely +impossible conception.</p> + +<p>So far as we are concerned, whatever attacks may be made upon us, +whatever may be said about us, we will take the action that he will take +by saying that this country ought to have remained neutral [Labor +cheers] because in the deepest parts of our hearts we believe that that +was right and that that alone was consistent with the honor of the +country and the traditions of the party that are now in office.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="MR_MACDONALD_REPENTS" id="MR_MACDONALD_REPENTS"></a>MR. MACDONALD REPENTS.</h2> + +<p><b>But Does Not Recant—Accusation of The London Times.</b></p> + + +<p>It is to be noted that while Mr. Macdonald has never withdrawn his +accusations of bad faith against the Government—while he allows them +still to be circulated as a broadsheet—he ventures to pose as having +abandoned them. Belgian neutrality was, he said in The Labour Leader, +and in effect in the House of Commons also, being used as an excuse—it +was "a pretty game of hypocrisy." But writing in The Leicester Daily +Post on Sept. 24 in vindication of his attitude he said:</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum">[pg 412]</span>On one point I wish to be quite clear.... We could not +afford, either from the point of view of honor or of interest, to +see Germany occupy Belgium. The war that comes nearest having a +Divine justification is the war in which a great and mighty State +engages to protect a small nation. From that position I have never +receded. In the controversies that have been raised I have doubted +whether, when our diplomacy is judged with the whole of the facts +before the judges, it will come well out of its trial on this +point, but that when the popular sentiment of the country is judged +it will come out clean and fine, so far as Belgium is concerned, I +am quite convinced.</p></div> + + +<p>This is the man who charges the Government with dragging the country +into war because it would not acquiesce in the German armies marching +through Belgium on the condition that the integrity and independence of +Belgium were respected!</p> + +<p>And will it be believed that Mr. Macdonald, whose indictment of the +Government for deliberately dragging us into an unnecessary war is still +in circulation, has actually ventured to associate himself with the +recruiting movement?</p> + +<p>In the House of Commons on Aug. 3 Mr. Macdonald predicted that Sir +Edward Grey's statement "would not persuade a large section of the +country." That prediction having been falsified, it has been necessary +for the prophet to hedge. So when a recruiting meeting was held in +Leicester on Sept. 11, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald wrote a letter to the Mayor +expressing his regret that he could not be present, and saying:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Victory must be ours. England is not played out. Her mission is not +accomplished. She can, if she would, take the place of esteemed +honor among the democracies of the world, and if peace is to come +with healing on her wings the democracies of Europe must be her +guardians. There should be no doubt about that.... History will in +due time apportion the praise and the blame, but the young men of +the country must, for the moment, settle the immediate issue of +victory. Let them do it in the spirit of the brave men who have +crowned our country with honor in the times that are gone.... +Should, an opportunity arise to enable me to appeal to the pure +love of country ... I shall gladly take that opportunity. If need +be, I shall make it for myself. I want the serious men of the trade +union, the brotherhood, and similar movements to face their duty. +To such men it is enough to say "England has need of you."</p></div> + +<p>Thus the man who is doing his best to enfeeble sympathy abroad for his +country's cause, by representing that cause as one based on hypocrisy, +is at the same time exhorting his fellow-countrymen to make the +hypocrisy victorious!</p> + +<p>Clearly, when the officials of the Berlin news department described Mr. +Ramsay Macdonald as "Ramsay and Macdonald" they were not so ill-informed +as at first appeared.</p> + +<p>Though Mr. Macdonald is not two persons, he has at least two voices.</p> + + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of New York Times Current History: The +European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2, by Various + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT *** + +***** This file should be named 16331-h.htm or 16331-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/3/3/16331/ + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, David Gundry and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 + Who Began the War, and Why? + +Author: Various + +Release Date: July 19, 2005 [EBook #16331] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT *** + + + + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, David Gundry and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +[Transcriber's Note: +Table of Contents and List of Illustrations +have been compiled by the transcriber.] + + +CURRENT HISTORY: THE EUROPEAN WAR + + +FROM THE BEGINNING TO MARCH 1915 + + +"WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?" + + + + + * * * * * + +Published by the _New York Times_ + + * * * * * + + + + +TABLE OF CONTENTS. + + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +THE CASE FOR GERMANY + + * * * * * + + SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II. + FORGIVES ENEMIES. + SPEECH FROM THE THRONE. + TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY. + "TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE." + TO GERMAN WOMEN. + JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY. + FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE. + A PRAYER FOR VICTORY. + "UP AND AT THE FOES." + ON VICTORY NEAR METZ. + THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN. + HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED." + WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH. + + The Mighty Fate of Europe + "YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY." + AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER. + DECLARES FOR WAR. + STATEMENT TO AMERICA. + GERMANY'S ARMAMENTS. + + Austria-Hungary's Version of the War + MANIFESTO. + DECLARATION OF WAR. + "DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY." + WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD. + A PURELY DEFENSIVE WAR. + A DISCORDANT NOTE. + + A German Review of the Evidence + I. THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION + II. GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS + III. THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE + IV. BELGIAN NEUTRALITY + + "Truth About Germany" + HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT. + REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR. + THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION. + ARMY AND NAVY. + THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES. + LIES ABOUT GERMANY. + GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER. + COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS + WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS? + + Speculations About Peace, September, 1914 + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE + + * * * * * + + FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL + Speeches by British Ministers + "A CLOUD OVER EUROPE." + AUSTRO-SERVIAN CRISIS. + A GRAVE SITUATION. + RISK OF A CATASTROPHE. + OPPOSITION CONCURS. + PEACE THE GREAT OBJECT. + RUSSIA'S MOBILIZATION. + THE GERMAN INVASION. + PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED. + Sir Edward Grey - House of Commons - Aug. 3. + GERMANY AND BELGIUM. + UNHESITATING SUPPORT. + CHANGED IRISH FEELING. + GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY. + PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY. + + Great Britain's Mobilization + KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET. + NAPOLEONISM ONCE AGAIN. + PACT OF TRIPLE ENTENTE. + A COUNTERSTROKE. + IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS. + 438,000 MEN RECRUITED. + EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS + PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. + + Summons of the Nation to Arms + PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER. + MR. ASQUITH IN LONDON. + GERMANY SPEAKS. + GREAT BRITAIN REPLIES. + MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH. + MR. ASQUITH AT DUBLIN. + MR. ASQUITH AT CARDIFF. + LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE. + NOW THE WAR HAS COME. + THE GREAT WAR. + + Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi + + Entrance of France Into War + NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED. + THE NATION IN ARMS. + POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC. + BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE. + + Russia to Her Enemy + Slav Emperor Announces New Policies. + A MANIFESTO. + CZAR AT THE KREMLIN. + APPEAL TO THE POLES. + THE POLISH RESPONSE. + NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY + POLISH AMERICAN OPINION. + RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY. + DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN. + NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS. + WAR ON GERMAN TRADE. + FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM. + NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE. + RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER." + + "The Facts About Belgium" + + Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany + GREAT BRITAIN'S DENIAL. + REPLY TO GREAT BRITAIN. + GRAY BOOK'S TESTIMONY. + BELGIUM'S ANSWER. + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +ATROCITIES OF THE WAR + + * * * * * + + THE POPE'S DYING WORDS. + GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST. + REPLY TO THE KAISER. + CHARGE AGAINST GERMANY. + M. DELCASSE'S NOTE. + THE BELGIAN MISSION. + M. DE WIART'S ADDRESS. + PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY. + OFFICIAL SUMMARY. + I. Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael. + II. Report on Aerschot. + III. Destruction of Louvain. + FURTHER REPORTS. + A SUPPLEMENT. + "NOT A WORD OF TRUTH." + GERMANY'S VERSIONS. + LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES. + + Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral + POPE BENEDICT SILENT. + ATTACK NOT WILLFUL. + "SPARE THE CATHEDRAL." + THE FRENCH ARE BLAMED + THE DAMAGE DONE. + + * * * * * + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? +THE SOCIALISTS' PART + + * * * * * + + HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER. + "ENVOY OF MY PARTY." + MINISTER JULES GUESDE. + "REVOLUTION!" + COMPOSURE IS NECESSARY. + PRESSURE FOR PEACE. + HUGO HAASE AT BRUSSELS. + HAASE IN THE REICHSTAG. + GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED. + SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS. + "CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS." + SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM. + BRITISH MANIFESTO. + KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS. + REPLY TO MINISTER GREY. + MR. MACDONALD REPENTS. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. + + + WILHELM II. + + AUGUSTA VICTORIA + + T. VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG + + COUNT LEOPOLD BERCHTOLD. + + SIR EDWARD GREY + + W.L. SPENCER CHURCHILL + + RENE VIVIANI + + STATE COUNCILLOR SAZONOF + + HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X. + + WOODROW WILSON + + ALBERT KING OF THE BELGIANS + + CARTON DE WIART + + PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN + + JULES GUESDE + + EMIL VAN DER VELDE + + KEIR HARDIE M.P. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +THE CASE FOR GERMANY + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +From the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, July 31, 1914. + + + A fateful hour has fallen for Germany. + + Envious peoples everywhere are compelling us to our just defense. + + The sword is being forced into our hand. I hope that if my efforts + at the last hour do not succeed in bringing our opponents to see + eye to eye with us and in maintaining peace we shall with God's + help so wield the sword that we shall restore it to its sheath + again with honor. + + War would demand enormous sacrifices of blood and property from the + German people, but we should show our enemies what it means to + provoke Germany. + + And now I commend you to God. Go to church. Kneel down before God + and pray for His help for our gallant Army. + + + * * * * * + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +FORGIVES ENEMIES. + + +Kaiser Wilhelm's Speech from the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2. + + I thank you for the love and loyalty shown me. When I enter upon a + fight let all party strife cease. We are German brothers and + nothing else. All parties have attacked me in times of peace. I + forgive them with all my heart. I hope and wish that the good + German sword will emerge victorious in the right. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: WILHELM II., +German Emperor. +(_Photo from Charles E. Ritzmann._)] + + + + +SPEECH FROM THE THRONE. + +Kaiser Wilhelm II., Opening Special Session of the Reichstag in White +Room of the Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 4. + + + Honored Sirs: It is in an hour fraught with fate that I have + assembled about me all the representatives of the German people. + For almost half a century we have been able to keep to the path of + peace. The attempts to attribute a warlike temperament to Germany + and to circumscribe its position in the world have often put to + severe tests the patience of our people. With unswerving honesty, + my Government, even in provoking circumstances, has pursued as its + highest aim the development of all moral, spiritual, and economic + powers. The world has been witness how tirelessly we strove in the + first rank during the pressure and confusion of the last few years + to spare the nations of Europe a war between the great powers. + + The very grave dangers which had arisen owing to the events in the + Balkans appeared to have been overcome, but then the murder of my + friend, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, opened up a great abyss. My + high ally, the Emperor and King Francis Joseph, was compelled to + take up arms to defend the security of his empire against dangerous + intrigues from a neighboring State. In the pursuit of her proper + interests the Dual Monarchy has found her path obstructed by the + Russian Empire. Not only our duty as an ally calls us to the side + of Austria-Hungary, but on us falls also the mighty task of + defending the ancient community of culture of the two kingdoms and + our own position in the world against the attack of hostile powers. + With a heavy heart I have been compelled to mobilize my army + against a neighbor with whom it has fought side by side on so many + fields of battle. With sincere sorrow I saw a friendship broken of + which Germany had given faithful proofs. The Imperial Russian + Government, yielding to the pressure of an insatiable nationalism, + has taken sides with a State which by encouraging criminal attacks + has brought on the evil of this war. That France, also, placed + herself on the side of our enemies could not surprise us. Too often + have our efforts to arrive at friendlier relations with the French + Republic come in collision with old hopes and ancient malice. + + Honored Sirs: What human insight and power could do to arm a people + against the last extremities has been done with your patriotic + help. The hostility which has been smouldering for a long time in + the East and in the West has now burst into bright flames. The + present situation did not proceed from transient conflicts of + interest or diplomatic entanglements, it is the result of an ill + will which has for many years been active against the strength and + the prosperity of the German Empire. We are not incited by lust for + conquest, we are inspired by the unyielding determination to keep + for ourselves and all future generations the place which God has + given us. + + From the proofs which have been given you, you will see how my + Government, and especially my Chancellor, strove up to the last + moment to avert the worst. We grasp the sword in compulsory + self-defense, with clean hands and a clean conscience. + + To the peoples and races of the German Empire my call goes forth to + defend with all their strength and in brotherly co-operation with + our ally that which we have created by peaceful labor. After the + example of our fathers, firmly and faithfully, sincerely and with + chivalry, humbly before God and battling joyfully before the enemy, + let us place our trust in the eternal Omnipotence, and may He + strengthen our defense and bring it to a good end! + + To you, honored sirs, the whole German people, assembled about its + Princes and its leaders, look this day. Make your decision + unanimously and quickly. That is my heartfelt wish. + + Gentlemen (addressing the Deputies directly): You have read what I + said to my people the other day from the balcony of my castle. I + repeat now that I no longer know any parties. I know only Germans. + And in order to testify that you are firmly resolved without + distinction of party to stand by my side through danger and death, + I call upon the leaders of the different parties in this House to + come forward and lay their hands in mine as a pledge. + + + * * * * * + + + + +TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY. + +Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II. + + + After three and forty years of peace I call the men of Germany to + arms. + + It has become necessary to protect our most sacred possessions, the + Fatherland, our very hearths against ruthless destruction. + + Enemies on every hand! That is the situation. A mighty struggle, a + great sacrifice confronts us. + + I trust that the old spirit of battle still lives on in the German + people, that powerful spirit of battle which grapples with the foe + wherever it meets it, be the cost what it may, which has ever been + the terror and fear of our enemies. + + Soldiers of Germany, in you I place my trust! In each one of you + lives the passionate will to conquer, which nothing can subdue. + Each one of you knows, if need be, how to die a hero's death. + + Remember our great and glorious past! + + Remember that you are Germans! + + God help us! + + WILHELM. + + Berlin, Schloss, Aug. 6, 1914. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: AUGUSTA VICTORIA, +German Empress. +(_Photo from M.E. Burner._)] + + + + +TO GERMAN WOMEN. + +An Appeal from the Kaiserin. + + + On the summons of the Emperor our people are preparing for an + unprecedented struggle, which it did not invoke and which it is + only carrying on in its defense. Whoever can bear arms will + joyfully hasten to the colors to defend the Fatherland with his + blood. The struggle will be gigantic and the wounds to be healed + innumerable, therefore I call upon you women and girls of Germany, + and all to whom it is not given to fight for our beloved home, for + help. Let every one now do what lies in her power to lighten the + struggle for our husbands, sons, and brothers. I know that in all + ranks of our people, without exception, the will exists to fulfill + this high ideal, but may the Lord God strengthen us in our holy + work of love, which summons us women to devote all our strength to + the Fatherland in its decisive struggle. + + The organizations primarily concerned who should be supported first + have already sent out notices regarding the mustering of volunteers + and the collection of gifts of all kinds. + + AUGUSTE VICTORIA. + + Berlin, Aug. 6. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE." + +Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II. + + Since the foundation of the empire it has been for forty-three + years the object of the efforts of myself and my ancestors to + preserve the peace of the world and to advance by peaceful means + our vigorous development. But our adversaries were jealous of the + successes of our work. There has been latent hostility on the east + and on the west and beyond the sea. It was borne by us till now, as + we were aware of our responsibility and power. Now, however, these + adversaries wish to humiliate us, asking that we should look on + with crossed arms and watch our enemies preparing themselves for a + coming attack. They will not suffer that we maintain resolute + fidelity to our ally who is fighting for its position as a great + power and with whose humiliation our power and honor would equally + be lost. So the sword must decide. + + In the midst of perfect peace the enemy surprises us. Therefore to + arms! Any dallying, any temporizing would be which our fathers + founded; to be or not to be, is the question for the empire which + our fathers founded. To be or not to be German power and German + existence. We shall resist to the last breath of man and horse, and + shall fight out the struggle even against a world of enemies. Never + has Germany been subdued when it was united. Forward with God, who + will be with us as He was with our ancestors! + + Berlin, Aug. 6. WILHELM. + + + * * * * * + + + + +JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY. + +Speech of Kaiser at a Parade During Swift German Advance Toward Paris. + + + Comrades: I have gathered you around me here in order to take joy + with you in the glorious victory which our comrades have in several + days of hot battle won with their swords. Troops out of every nook + and cranny of the empire helped one another in invincible bravery + and unshakable loyalty to win great results. There stood together + under the leadership of the son of the Bavarian King and fought, + with equal blades, troops of all ages, active, reservists, and + landwehr. + + For our victory we are thankful, in the first place, to our God, + (unserem alten Gott.) He will not desert us, since we stand for a + holy cause. Many of our comrades have already fallen in battle. + They died as heroes for the Fatherland. We will think of them with + honor here, and shout to the honor of those still in the field. + Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! + + We still have many a bloody battle before us. Let us hope for + further successes like this. We shall not relent, and we shall get + to the enemy's hide. We shall not lose our faith and trust in our + good old God up there, (unserem guten alten Gott dort oben.) We are + determined to win, and we must win. + + + * * * * * + + + + +FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE. + +Telegram from Kaiser Wilhelm II. to Chief of Troops in Upper Alsace, +Aug. 15. + + + Grateful to God, Who was with us. I thank you and your troops for + the first victory. Please convey to all the troops which took part + in the fight my imperial thanks in the name of the Fatherland. + + YOUR CHIEF WAR CAPTAIN. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A PRAYER FOR VICTORY. + +By the Kaiser's Order to Supreme Council of the Evangelical Church--To +Be Included in the Liturgy Throughout the War. + + + Almighty and merciful God! God of the armies! We beseech Thee in + humility for Thy almighty aid for our German Fatherland. Bless the + entire German war force, lead us to victory, and give us grace that + we may show ourselves to be Christians toward our enemies as well. + Let us soon arrive at the peace which will everlastingly safeguard + our free and independent Germany. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"UP AND AT THE FOES." + +Kaiser's Farewell Speech to First Regiment of Foot Guards at Potsdam. + + + I draw the sword that with God's help I have kept all these years + in the scabbard. I have drawn the sword, which without victory and + without honor I cannot sheath again. All of you will see to it that + only in honor is it returned to the scabbard. You are my guarantee + that I can dictate peace to my enemies. Up and at the foes, and + down with the enemies of Brandenburg! + + + * * * * * + + + + +ON VICTORY NEAR METZ. + +From Cabinet Order of Kaiser Wilhelm II., Published in Berlin Aug. 23. + + + The mobilization and concentration of the army is now complete, the + German railways having carried out the enormous transport movements + with unparalleled certainty and punctuality. With a heart filled + with gratitude my first thoughts turn to those who since 1870-71 + have worked quietly upon the development of an organization which + has emerged from its first serious test with such glorious success. + To all who have co-operated with them I wish to express my imperial + thanks for their loyal devotion to duty in making possible in + obedience to my call the transportation of armed masses of German + troops against my enemies. The present achievement [near Metz] + convinces me that the railways of the country will be equal to the + heaviest demands that might be made upon them during the course of + the gigantic struggle in which we are engaged for the future of the + German Nation. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN. + +Kaiser's Telegram from Dresden to the King of Saxony, Oct. 2. + + + I am very glad to be able to send you the best reports of the + Nineteenth Army Corps and the Twelfth Reserve Corps. I visited + yesterday the Third Army and greeted especially the brave 181st + Regiment, to which I expressed my recognition. I found your third + son and your brother Max as well as Laffert and Kirchbach in the + best of health. The spirit among the men is splendid. With such an + army we shall be able to complete victoriously the rest of our + difficult task. To this end may the Almighty stand by us. + + WILHELM. + + + * * * * * + + + + +HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED." + +Interview With Kaiser Wilhelm II., Oct. 28, 1908, and Its +Consequences. + + +_An interview between the German Emperor and "a representative +Englishman, who long since passed from public to private life," +appeared in The London Telegraph on Oct. 28, 1908, and was the next day +authenticated by the German Foreign Office in Berlin with the comment +that it was "intended as a message to the English people." This last +expression of the Kaiser toward Great Britain--until his declarations on +the eve of the present war--deeply stirred the German people in protest +and resulted in the Kaiser's pledge to Chancellor von Buelow that +henceforth the imperial views would be subject to the bridle of the +Ministry and the Council of the Empire. The interview as recorded by the +"representative Englishman" was as follows:_ + + Moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated + indiscretion proves of the highest public service. It is for this + reason that I have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy + conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with the + Emperor. + + I do so in the hope that it will help to remove that obstinate + misconception of the character of the Emperor's feelings toward + England, which I fear is deeply rooted in the ordinary Englishman's + breast. It is the Emperor's sincere wish that it should be + eradicated. He has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and + deed. But, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now; he + finds himself so continually misrepresented and has so often + experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary + improvement in relations is followed by renewed outbursts of + prejudice and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion. + + His Majesty spoke with impulsive and unusual frankness, saying: + "You English are as mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come + over you that you are completely given over to suspicions that are + quite unworthy of a great nation? What more can I do than I have + done? I declared with all the emphasis at my command in my speech + at the Guildhall that my heart was set upon peace and that it was + one of my dearest wishes to live on the best terms with England. + Have I ever been false to my word? Falsehood and prevarication are + alien to my nature. My actions ought to speak for themselves, but + you will not listen to them, but to those who misinterpret and + distort them." + +Resents a Personal Insult. + + "This is a personal insult which I resent; to be forever misjudged, + to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized + with jealous, mistrustful eyes taxes my patience severely. I have + said time after time that I am a friend of England, and your press, + or at least a considerable section of it, bids the people of + England to refuse my proffered hand and insinuates that the other + hand holds a dagger. How can I convince a nation against its will?" + + Complaining again of the difficulty imposed on him by English + distrust, his Majesty said: "The prevailing sentiment of large + sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not + friendly to England. I am, therefore, so to speak, in the minority + in my own land, but it is a minority of the best element, just as + it is in England respecting Germany." + + The Englishman reminded the Kaiser that not only England but the + whole of Europe viewed with disapproval the recent sending of the + German Consul at Algiers to Fez and forestalling France and Spain + by suggesting the recognition of Sultan Mulai Hafid. The Kaiser + made an impatient gesture and exclaimed: "Yes? that is an excellent + example of the way German actions are misrepresented," and with + vivid directness he defended the aforesaid incident, as the German + Government has already done. + + The interviewer reminded the Kaiser that an important and + influential section of the German newspapers interpreted these acts + very differently, and effusively approved of them because they + indicated that Germany was bent upon shaping events in Morocco. + + "There are mischief makers," replied the Emperor, "in both + countries. I will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for + misrepresentation, but the facts are as I have stated. There has + been nothing in Germany's recent action in regard to Morocco + contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace made both + at the Guildhall and in my latest speech at Strassburg." + +Kaiser and the Boer War. + +Reverting to his efforts to show his friendship for England, the Kaiser +said they had not been confined to words. It was commonly believed that +Germany was hostile to England throughout the Boer war. Undoubtedly the +newspapers were hostile and public opinion was hostile. "But what," he +asked, "of official Germany? What brought to a sudden stop, indeed, to +an absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates, who were +striving to obtain European intervention?" + + "They were feted in Holland. France gave them a rapturous welcome. + They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have + crowned them with flowers, but when they asked me to receive them I + refused. The agitation immediately died away and the delegates + returned empty handed. Was that the action of a secret enemy? + + "Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government + was invited by France and Russia to join them in calling upon + England to end the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to + save the Boer republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust. + What was my reply? I said so far from Germany joining in any + concerted European action to bring pressure against England and + bring about her downfall Germany would always keep aloof from + politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power + like England. + + "Posterity will one day read the exact terms of a telegram, now in + the archives of Windsor Castle, in which I informed the sovereign + of England of the answer I returned to the powers which then sought + to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my + word should know what my actions were in the hour of their + adversity. + + "Nor was that all. During your black week in December, 1899, when + disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a + letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in + sorrow and affliction and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties + which were preying upon her mind and health. I at once returned a + sympathetic reply. I did more. I bade one of my officers to procure + as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants + on both sides and the actual positions of the opposing forces. + + "With the figures before me I worked out what I considered the best + plan of campaign in the circumstances and submitted it to my + General Staff for criticism. Then I dispatched it to England. That + document likewise is among the State papers at Windsor awaiting the + serenely impartial verdict of history. + + "Let me add as a curious coincidence that the plan which I + formulated ran very much on the same lines as that actually adopted + by Gen. Roberts and carried by him into successful operation. Was + that the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just + and say." + +The German Navy. + + +Touching then upon the English conviction that Germany is increasing her +navy for the purpose of attacking Great Britain, the Kaiser reiterated +the explanation that Chancellor von Buelow and other Ministers have made +familiar, dwelling upon Germany's worldwide commerce, her manifold +interests in distant seas, and the necessity for being prepared to +protect them. He said: + + "Patriotic Germans refuse to assign any bounds to their legitimate + commercial ambitions. They expect their interests to go on growing. + They must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the + globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must + be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee + what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come, days not so + distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all + European powers with Far Eastern interests ought to steadily + prepare? + + "Look at the accomplished rise of Japan. Think of a possible + national awakening in China, and then judge of the vast problems of + the Pacific. Only those powers which have great navies will be + listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be + solved, and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful + fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that + Germany has a fleet when they speak together in the great debates + of the future." + +The interviewer concludes: + + "The Emperor spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner + when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. I ask my + fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what I have + written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and + his friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had + enjoyed the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer + doubt either his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms + with England or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust + with which his offer of friendship is too often received." + +The Consequences. + +On Nov. 17 following Prince von Buelow met the Kaiser at Kiel, taking +with him evidence of the feeling in Germany regarding the Emperor's +published interview and setting forth: + + First, that the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundesrat, or + Federal Council, is firm in the opinion formulated at the meeting + held yesterday that it would be wiser for the Emperor not to + express views affecting the relations of the empire with other + countries except through his responsible Ministers. This + expression, derives weight from the fact that the Governments of + Bavaria, Wuerttemberg, and Saxony were represented on the committee. + + Second, that the entire Reichstag assented to the declarations made + by the speakers on Tuesday that the Emperor had exceeded his + constitutional prerogatives in private discussion with foreigners + concerning Germany's attitude on controverted questions. + + Third, that the feeling of the people at large on this matter was + accurately indicated by the press of the country. + +The Kaiser's reply was published on the same date in the Reichsanzeiger, +in the form of a communication, which read: + + During today's audience granted to the Imperial Chancellor, his + Majesty, the Emperor and King, listened for several hours to a + report by Prince von Buelow. The Imperial Chancellor described the + feeling and its causes among the German people in connection with + the article published in The Daily Telegraph. He also explained the + position he had taken during the course of the debates and + interpellations on this subject in the Reichstag. His Majesty the + Emperor received the statements and explanations with great + earnestness, and then expressed his will as follows: + + "Heedless of the exaggerations of public criticism, which are + regarded by him as incorrect, his Majesty perceives that his + principal imperial task is to insure the stability of the policies + of the empire, under the guardianship of constitutional + responsibilities. In conformity therewith, his Majesty the Emperor + approves the Chancellor's utterances in the Reichstag, and assures + Prince von Buelow of his continued confidence." + + + * * * * * + + + + +WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH. + +Published by The Morning Post of London, Oct. 30, 1914. + + +The subjoined letter written to the late Lord Tweedmouth by the German +Emperor is made public for the first time. It is a literal transcript of +the original document in which occur a few slight errors in spelling. +The existence of the document was first made known to the public by the +military correspondent of The Times, who published a letter on the +subject on March 6, 1908, but its contents were not divulged. + +The significance of the letter can be understood only in the light of +the naval and political situation six years ago. During the preceding +year, 1907, The Hague Conference, ostensibly convened in the interests +of international peace, had resolved itself into a committee to +determine how to diminish the severities of war. There was a section of +opinion in this country which was persuaded that the only method of +seeking peace was to reduce the navy and army. At the same time the +Imperial German Navy was making swift and steady progress, and its +menace to British supremacy aroused considerable alarm in this country. +Although the British Navy held superiority over the German Navy in ships +not of the dreadnought type, the balance in dreadnoughts was virtually +even. + +Dreadnought Supremacy. + +It was stated in Parliament that in the year 1916 Germany, according to +her naval law, would have thirty-six dreadnoughts, a number which would +involve the building by this country of forty-four such vessels in the +same period, toward which the Government was only providing two in the +current year. It was also stated that in the year 1911 Germany would +possess thirteen dreadnoughts and Great Britain only twelve, which +statement was founded upon reasonable assumptions. Could Germany reckon +upon the continuance of such a relative position, the advantage to her +would be very great. + +It was at this critical moment that the German Emperor indited his +letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty, which is printed below. When +the fact became known there was a good deal of public feeling aroused +both in this country and abroad. Lord Tweedmouth stated that the letter +was a private letter and purely personal. Prince von Buelow informed the +Reichstag that the letter was of both a private and political character, +adding some remarks concerning the "purely defensive character of our +naval programme which," said the Chancellor, "cannot be emphasized too +frequently." + +The German Foreign Office officially announced that "in his letter the +Emperor merely corrected certain erroneous views prevalent in England +regarding the development of the German fleet." + +Readers are now in a position to judge for themselves the accuracy of +these statements. It should be remembered that the reduced navy +estimates of 1908-9 were followed by national alarm and the publication +of Admiral Lord Charles Beresford's shipbuilding programme and large +increase in estimates of the following year. Here is the letter: + + +The Kaiser's Letter. + + Berlin, 14th-2, 1908. + + My Dear Lord Tweedmouth--May I intrude on your precious time and + ask for a few moments' attention to these lines I venture to submit + to you? I see by the daily papers and reviews that a battle royal + is being fought about the needs of the navy. I therefore venture to + furnish you with some information anent the German naval programme, + which it seems is being quoted by all parties to further their ends + by trying to frighten peaceable British taxpayers with it as a + bogy. + + During my last pleasant visit to your hospitable shores I tried to + make your authorities understand what the drift of German naval + policy is, but I am afraid that my explanations have been either + misunderstood or not believed, because I see "German danger" and + "German challenge to British naval supremacy" constantly quoted in + different articles. This phrase, if not repudiated or corrected, + sown broadcast over the country and daily dinned into British ears, + might in the end create the most deplorable results. + + I therefore deem it advisable, as Admiral of the Fleet, to lay some + facts before you to enable you to see clearly that it is absolutely + nonsensical and untrue that the German naval bill is to provide a + navy meant as a challenge to British naval supremacy. The German + fleet is built against nobody at all; it is solely built for + Germany's needs in relation with that country's rapidly growing + trade. The German naval bill was sanctioned by the Imperial + Parliament and published ten years ago, and may be had at any large + bookseller's. There is nothing surprising, secret, or underhand in + it, and every reader may study the whole course mapped out for the + development of the German Navy with the greatest ease. + +Thirty to Forty Battleships in 1920. + + The law is being adhered to, and provides for about thirty to forty + ships of the line in 1920. The number of ships fixed by the bill + included the fleet then actually in commission, notwithstanding its + material being already old and far surpassed by contemporary types. + In other foreign navies the extraordinary rapidity with which + improvements were introduced in types of battleships, armaments, + and armor made the fleet in commission obsolete before the building + programme providing additions to it was half finished. + + The obsolete fleet had to be struck off the list, thus leaving a + gap, lowering the number of ships below the standard prescribed by + the bill. This gap was stopped by using the finished ships to + replace the obsolete ones instead of being added to them as + originally intended. Therefore, instead of steadily increasing the + standing fleet by regular additions it came to a wholesale + rebuilding of the entire German Navy. Our actual programme in + course of execution is practically only the exchange of old + material for new, but not an addition to the number of units + originally laid down by the bill of ten years ago, which is being + adhered to. + + It seems to me that the main fault in the discussions going on in + the papers is the permanent ventilating of so-called two to three + or more power standard and then only exemplifying on one power, + which is invariably Germany. It is fair to suppose that each nation + builds and commissions its navy according to its needs and not only + with regard to the programme of other countries. Therefore, it + would be the simplest thing for England to say: "I have a + world-wide empire and the greatest trade of the world, and to + protect them I must have so and so many battleships, cruisers, &c., + as are necessary to guarantee the supremacy of the sea to me, and + they shall, accordingly, be built and manned." + + That is the absolute right of your country, and nobody anywhere + would lose a word about it, and whether it be 60 or 90 or 100 + battleships, that would make no difference and certainly no change + in the German naval bill. May the numbers be as you think fit, + everybody here would understand it, but the people would be very + thankful over here if at last Germany was left out of the + discussion, for it is very galling to the Germans to see their + country continually held up as the sole danger and menace to Great + Britain by the whole press of the different contending parties, + considering that other countries are building, too, and there are + even larger fleets than the German. + +Fears German Retaliation. + + Doubtless, when party faction runs high there is often a lamentable + lack of discrimination in the choice of weapons, but I really must + protest that the German naval programme should be only one for her + exclusive use, or that such a poisoned view should be forged as a + German challenge to British supremacy of the sea. If permanently + used mischief may be created at home, and the injured feeling + engendering the wish for retaliation in the circle of the German + Naval League as a representative of the nation which would + influence public opinion and place the Government in a very + disagreeable position by trying to force it to change its programme + through undue pressure, difficult to ignore. + + In a letter which Lord Esher caused to be published a short time + ago he wrote that every German, from the Emperor down to the last + man, wished for the downfall of Sir John Fisher. Now I am at a loss + to tell whether the supervision of the foundations and drains of + royal palaces is apt to qualify somebody for the judgment of naval + affairs in general. As far as regards German affairs, the phrase is + a piece of unmitigated balderdash, and has created immense + merriment in the circles of those here who know. But I venture to + think that such things ought not to be written by people who are + high placed, as they are liable to hurt public feelings over here. + + Of course I need not assure you that nobody here dreams of wishing + to influence Great Britain in the choice of those to whom she means + to give the direction of her navy or to disturb them in the + fulfillment of their noble task. It is expected that the choice + will always fall on the best and ablest, and their deeds will be + followed with interest and admiration by their brother officers in + the German Navy. + + It is, therefore, preposterous to infer that the German authorities + work for or against persons in official positions in foreign + countries. It is as ridiculous as it is untrue, and I hereby + repudiate such calumny. Besides, to my humble notion, this + perpetual quoting of the German danger is utterly unworthy of the + great British Nation, with its world-wide empire and mighty navy. + There is something nearly ludicrous about it. The foreigners in + other countries might easily conclude that Germans must be an + exceptionally strong lot, as they seem to be able to strike terror + into the hearts of the British, who are five times their superiors. + + I hope your Lordship will read these lines with kind consideration. + They are written by one who is an ardent admirer of your splendid + navy, who wishes it all success, and who hopes that its ensign may + ever wave on the same side as the German Navy's, and by one who is + proud to wear a British naval uniform of Admiral of the Fleet, + which was conferred on him by the late great Queen of blessed + memory. + + Once more the German naval bill is not aimed at England and is not + a challenge to British supremacy of the sea, which will remain + unchallenged for generations to come. Let us all remember the + warning Admiral Sir John Fisher gave to his hearers in November, + when so cleverly he cautioned them not to get scared by using the + admirable phrase "if Eve had not always kept her eye on the apple + she would not have eaten it, and we should not now be bothered with + clothes." + + I remain yours truly, + + WILLIAM I. R., + Admiral of the Fleet. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Attacks Kaiser's Veracity. + +The Morning Post, commenting on the letter of the Kaiser, says: + + It is not usual for an Emperor to address a Minister of a foreign + country with reference to the affairs of his department. It is a + fact that it is not done. Lord Tweedmouth said the letter was a + private letter. The German Chancellor, Prince von Buelow, said the + letter partook of both a private and a political character. The + fact remains that it involved an extraordinary breach of etiquette. + There is no reflection cast upon the late Lord Tweedmouth. No one + can help receiving a letter from an Emperor if that monarch + condescends to dispatch it. Few persons, perhaps, could help being + influenced, albeit unconsciously influenced, by the perusal of such + an epistle. + + Perhaps the German Emperor reflected upon that psychological + contingency; for to what conclusion is the whole tenor of the + letter directed? That the German Navy existed solely for purposes + of defense in case of aggression and for the protection of German + commerce, and that it was no part of German policy, and never had + been, to menace the sea power of Britain. + + Now turn to the notorious preamble of the German navy law of 1900, + which in his letter the Emperor cites as a guarantee of good faith. + It is there stated that the German Navy must be made so powerful + that it would be dangerous for any nation, even the strongest + maritime nation, to attack it. + + If that is not a challenge, what is? Had it not been in terms a + challenge the preamble would surely have run that it was not the + intention to make the German Navy so strong that the strongest + naval power could not attack it without danger to that power. + + + * * * * * + + + + +The Mighty Fate of Europe + +As Interpreted by Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial +Chancellor. + + + + * * * * * + + + + +"YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY." + +Speech from Balcony of Chancellor's Official Residence, +Berlin, Aug. 1. + + + At this serious hour in order to give expression to your feelings + for your Fatherland you have come to the house of Bismarck, who + with Emperor William the Great and Field Marshal von Moltke welded + the German Empire for us. + + We wished to go on living in peace in the empire which we have + developed in forty-four years of peaceful labor. + + The whole work of Emperor William has been devoted to the + maintenance of peace. To the last hour he has worked for peace in + Europe, and he is still working for it. Should all his efforts + prove vain and should the sword be forced into our hands we will + take the field with a clear conscience in the knowledge that we did + not seek war. We shall then wage war for our existence and for the + national honor to the last drop of our blood. + + In the gravity of this hour I remind you of the words of Prince + Frederick Charles to the men of Brandenburg: + + "Let your hearts beat for God and your fists on the enemy." + + + * * * * * + + + + +AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER. + +Speech from Balcony of Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2. + + + All stand as one man for our Kaiser, whatever our opinions or our + creeds. I am sure that all the young German men are ready to shed + their blood for the fame and greatness of Germany. We can only + trust in God, Who hitherto has always given us victory. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: T. VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, +German Imperial Chancellor. +(_Photo from Brown Brothers._)] + + + + +DECLARES FOR WAR.[01] + +Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, Berlin, Afternoon of Aug. 4. + + + A mighty fate has descended upon Europe. Because we were struggling + for the esteem of the German Empire in the world, we have for + forty-four years lived in peace and safeguarded the peace of + Europe. In peaceful industry we have become strong and mighty and + in consequence envied. With patience we have borne that, under the + pretext that Germany was desirous of war, hostility toward us was + being nursed and chains forged for us both in the East and in the + West. + + We wished to continue to live in peaceful industry, and, like an + unexpressed vow, there was passed on from Kaiser to the youngest + soldier: "Only in defense of a righteous cause shall our sword be + drawn." (Hearty applause.) The day when we must draw it has + appeared, contrary to our desire, contrary to our honest efforts to + avoid it. Russia has applied the firebrand to the house. We find + ourselves in a forced war with Russia and France. + + Gentlemen, a series of documents, composed in the rush of events, + is in your hands. Allow me to place before you the facts which + characterize our attitude. + + From the very beginning of the Austrian conflict we strove and + worked toward the end that this trouble remain confined to + Austria-Hungary and Servia. All Cabinets, especially that of + England, take the same stand; only Russia declares that she must + have a word in the decision of this conflict. Therewith the danger + of European entanglements arises. As soon as the first authentic + reports of the military preparations in Russia reached us we + declared in a friendly but emphatic manner in St. Petersburg that + war measures and military preparations would force us also to + prepare, and that mobilization is closely akin to war. + + Russia asserts in what is an apparently friendly manner that she is + not mobilizing against us. In the meantime England tries to mediate + between Vienna and St. Petersburg, in which she is warmly supported + by us. On July 28 the Kaiser telegraphed the Czar, asking him to + consider that Austria-Hungary has the right and that it is her duty + to defend herself against Servian intrigues, which threaten to + undermine her existence. The Kaiser called the attention of the + Czar to their common monarchical interests with regard to the + Serajevo outrage, and asked him personally to support him in order + to establish harmony between Vienna and St. Petersburg. + + At about the same hour in which this telegram was sent the Czar + asked the Kaiser for his support and requested him to advise Vienna + to be moderate in its demands. The Kaiser assumed the role of + mediator. Hardly had he begun his activity when Russia mobilized + its entire fighting force against Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary, + however, had mobilized only those army corps which were directed + against Servia; in the north there were only two army corps and + these far from the Russian border. + + The Kaiser immediately called the attention of the Czar to the fact + that this mobilization of his forces against Austria-Hungary made + his position as mediator difficult or absolutely impossible. In + spite of this we continued our mediatorial activities in Vienna, + going to the utmost limits of consistency with the terms of our + federal treaty. ["Very true! Hear, hear!"] During this time Russia + again spontaneously assured us that her military preparations were + not directed against us. ["Hear, hear, fie!"] + + The 31st of July arrived. In Vienna the decision was to be made. In + the meantime we had succeeded with our negotiations to reaching a + point where Vienna resumed intercourse with St. Petersburg, which + for some time had been discontinued, but before the final decision + was reached in Vienna the news arrived that Russia had mobilized + its entire fighting force, which meant also against us. ["Hear, + hear!"] + +Russia's Mobilization. + + The Russian Government, which from repeated admonitions knew what + mobilizing on our borders meant, did not notify us of this + mobilization and gave us absolutely no explanation. ["Hear! hear!"] + Not until the afternoon of July 31 did the Kaiser receive a message + from the Czar in which he assured him that the attitude of his army + was not hostile toward us. ["Hear! hear!" and laughter.] + + However, the mobilization against us on the Russian border was on + the night of July 31 already in full progress. While we, at the + request of Russia, were mediating in Vienna, the Russian Army + appeared on our long, almost entirely open border. France, although + not yet mobilizing, was making preparations for war. And we, up to + this point, had intentionally not then called a single soldier of + the reserve, for the sake of European peace. ["Bravo!"] + + Should we continue to wait with patience until the powers by which + we are surrounded choose the moment for attack? ["No!"] To expose + Germany to this danger would have been criminal! [Stormy, + concerted, prolonged "Very true and bravo!"--also from the Social + Democrats.] Therefore, on July 31 we demanded that Russia + demobilize, this being the only measure which could save the peace + of Europe. [Hearty approval.] The Imperial Ambassador received, + furthermore, the order to declare to the Russian Government that in + case they did not comply with our demands they should consider that + a state of war exists. + + The Imperial Ambassador performed this mission. Up till the present + we have not learned Russia's answer to this demand. ["Hear, hear!"] + Telegraphic reports concerning it have not yet reached us, although + the wire still transmits less important messages. ["Hear, hear!"] + Therefore, on Aug. 1, at 5 o'clock, when the appointed period of + grace was long past, the Kaiser considered it necessary to + mobilize. + + At the same time we had to make sure of the position France would + take. To our direct question whether in case of a German-Russian + war she would remain neutral, France answered that she would do + what she had to do in her own interests. [Laughter.] That was an + evasive if not a negative answer to our question. + +Declares France Began War. + + In spite of this the Kaiser gave the order that the French border + should be respected. The command was strictly enforced, with a + single exception. France, which mobilized simultaneously with us, + declared that she would respect a zone of ten kilometers from the + border. ["Hear, hear!"] And what happened in reality? There were + bomb-throwing flyers, cavalry patrols, invading companies in the + Reichsland, Alsace-Lorraine. ["Unheard of!"] Thereby France, + although the condition of war had not yet been declared, had + attacked our territory. + + Concerning the French complaints in regard to violations of the + border, I have received from the Chief of the General Staff the + following report: Only one offense has been committed. Contrary to + an emphatic order a patrol of the Fourteenth Army Corps, led by an + officer, crossed the border on Aug. 2. They apparently were killed. + Only one man returned. However, long before the crossing of the + border French flyers were dropping bombs in Southern Germany, and + at Schluchtpass the French troops had attacked our border troops. + + Until the present our troops have confined their activity to the + protection of our borders. They are now on the defense, and + necessity recognizes no law. ["Very true!"] + + Our troops have occupied Luxemburg, and perhaps have also found it + necessary to enter Belgian territory. [Hearty applause.] This is + contrary to international law. The French Government has declared + in Brussels they will respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as + she respects the opponent. We knew, however, that France was ready + to invade Belgium. ["Hear, hear!"] France could wait; we, however, + could not, because a French invasion in our lower Rhein flank + would have proved fatal. + + So we were forced to disregard the protests of the Luxemburg and + Belgian Governments. We shall try to make good the injustice we + have committed as soon as our military goal has been reached. + [Applause.] Who like we are fighting for the highest, must only + consider how victory can be gained. [Enthusiastic applause in + entire house.] + + Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with + Austria-Hungary. With reference to England, the declaration which + Sir Edward Grey made in the House of Commons yesterday plainly + shows our attitude. We have assured England that as long as she + remains neutral our fleet will not attack the northern coast of + France and that the territorial integrity and independence of + Belgium will not be violated. This declaration I repeat before the + whole world, and I can add that so long as England remains neutral + we are prepared in case of reciprocity to refrain from all hostile + operations against French merchant vessels. [Applause.] + + Gentlemen, so much for the events. I repeat the words of the + Kaiser: "With a clear conscience Germany goes to the battlefield." + [Enthusiastic approval.] We are fighting for the fruits of our + peaceful industry, for the inheritance of a great past, and for our + future. + + The fifty years of which Moltke spoke, and in which we should stand + armed and ready to protect our inheritance and the acquisitions of + 1870, have not yet passed. The hour of trial for the German nation + has struck, but we are facing it with confidence. [Stormy + approval.] + + Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready for battle, and behind + it stands the entire German Nation. [Enthusiastic applause from the + entire house.] The entire nation! [with a gesture particularly + directed toward the Social Democrats. Renewed applause, in which + the Social Democrats also joined.] You, gentlemen, realize your + duty in its entirety. The question needs no further consideration, + and I request speedy action. [Enthusiastic applause.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +[01] The Times of London contained on Aug. 12, 1914, the following: + +"The statement made by the German Imperial Chancellor to the Reichstag +on Aug. 4, which we published yesterday and reproduce below, lends +piquancy to a communication that reached us from an influential quarter +in Germany on Aug. 2. The communication, which we give in its original +form, bore the name of a personage holding a prominent position in +Germany, and standing in a close personal relationship to the German +Emperor. It was evidently timed for publication on the morning of Aug. +3, the day of Sir Edward Grey's historic speech in the House of +Commons": + + Aug. 2, 1914. + + I hear with astonishment that in France and elsewhere in the world + it is imagined that Germany wants to carry on an aggressive war, + and that she had with this aim brought about the present situation. + It is said that the Emperor was of the opinion that the moment had + come to have a final reckoning with his enemies; but what a + terrible error that is! Whoever knows the Emperor as I do, whoever + knows how very seriously he takes the responsibility of the crown, + how his moral ideas are rooted in true religious feeling, must be + astonished that any one could attribute such motives to him. + + He has not wanted the war; it has been forced upon him by the might + of the circumstances. He has worked unswervingly to keep the peace, + and has together with England thrown his whole influence into the + scales to find a peaceful solution, in order to save his people + from the horrors of war. But everything has been wrecked upon the + attitude of Russia, which in the middle of negotiations which + offered good outlook of success mobilized her forces, wherewith she + proved that she did not mean in earnest what her assurances of + peaceful intentions indicated. + + Now Germany's frontiers are menaced by Russia which drags her + allies into the war, now Germany's honor is at stake. Is it + possible under these circumstances that the most peace-loving + monarch can do otherwise than take to the sword in order to defend + the most sacred interests of the nation? + + And, finally, the German people! In them is firmly rooted the word + of Prince Bismarck against aggressive wars: "One must not try to + look into the cards of Fate." + + It must be stated again: Russia alone forces the war upon Europe. + Russia alone must carry the full weight of responsibility. + + + * * * * * + + + + +STATEMENT TO AMERICA. + +Issued to The Associated Press from General Headquarters, Sept. 2. + + + I do not know what is thought of this war in America. I assume + there have been published in America the telegrams exchanged + between the German Emperor, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of + England, containing the history of the events that preceded the + outbreak of the war, and which bears irrefutable testimony of how + the Emperor, until the last moment, strove hard to preserve the + peace. + + These efforts had to be futile, as Russia, under all circumstances, + had resolved upon war, and as England, which for decades had + encouraged the anti-German nationalism in Russia and France, did + not avail herself of the splendid opportunity offered her to prove + her often-emphasized love of peace, otherwise the war between + Germany and France and England could have been averted. + + When once the archives are opened the world will learn how often + Germany extended to England her friendly hand, but England did not + desire the friendship of Germany. Jealous of the development of + Germany, and feeling that by German efficiency and German industry + she has been surpassed in some fields, she had the desire to crush + Germany by brute force, as she in former times subdued Spain, + Holland, and France. She believed the moment had arrived, and + therefore the entry of German troops into Belgium gave her a + welcome pretext to take part in the war. + + Germany, however, was forced to enter Belgium because she had to + forestall the planned French advance, and Belgium only awaited this + advance to join France. That only a pretext was involved as far as + England is concerned is proved by the fact that already on the + afternoon of Aug. 2, that is, prior to the violation of Belgium + neutrality by Germany, Sir Edward Grey assured the French + Ambassador unconditionally of the help of England in case the + German fleet attacked the French coast. + + Moral scruple, however, the English policy does not know. And thus + the English people, who always posed as the protagonist of freedom + and right, has allied itself with Russia, the representative of the + most terrible barbarism, a country that knows no spiritual or no + religious freedom, that tramples upon the freedom of peoples as + well as of individuals. Already England is beginning to recognize + that she has made a mistake in her calculations, and that Germany + will master her enemies. She is therefore trying by the pettiest + means to injure Germany as much as possible in her commerce and + colonies, by instigating Japan, regardless of the consequences to + the cultural community of the white race, to a pillaging expedition + against Kiao-Chau, and leading the negroes in Africa to fight + against the Germans in the colonies. + + Having strangled the news service of Germany to the whole world, + and having opened the campaign against us with a falsehood, England + will tell your countrymen that the German troops burned down + Belgian villages and cities, but will pass over in silence the fact + that Belgian girls gouged out the eyes of defenseless wounded. + Officials of Belgian cities have invited our officers to dinner and + shot and killed them across the table. Contrary to all + international law, the whole civilian population of Belgium was + called out, and after having at first shown friendliness, carried + on in the rear of our troops a terrible warfare with concealed + weapons. + + Belgian women cut the throats of soldiers whom they had quartered + in their homes while they were sleeping. England also will say + nothing of the dumdum bullets which are being used by the English + and French despite all conventions and their hypocritical + proclamations of humanity, which can be seen here in their original + packing as they were found on French and English prisoners of war. + + The Emperor has authorized me to say all this and to state that he + has full confidence in the sense of justice of the American people, + which will not allow itself to be deceived through the war of + falsehood which our enemies are conducting against us. + +The statement of the Chancellor concludes as follows: + + Every one who has lived in Germany since the outbreak of the war + has been able to witness the great moral uprising of all Germans + who, pressed hard on all sides, cheerfully take the field for the + defense of their rights and their existence; every one knows that + this people is not capable of any unnecessary cruelty or of any + brutality. We will win, thanks to the great moral strength which + our just cause gives to our troops, and in the end the greatest + falsehoods will be able to obscure our victories as little as they + do our rights. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY'S ARMAMENTS. + +Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, March 30, 1911. + + + I have asked to speak in order to make a few brief remarks on the + question of disarmament and arbitration. The Social Democratic + motion proposes that I should take steps to bring about a general + limitation of armaments. As a matter of fact, the idea of + disarmament is being constantly discussed by pacifists in + Parliaments and in Congresses far and wide. Even the first peace + conference at The Hague had to confine itself to expressing the + wish that the Governments should devote themselves to the continued + study of the question. + + Germany has responded to this desire, but has been able to find no + suitable formula, and I am not aware that other Governments have + been more successful. The time when wars were made by Cabinets is + past. The feelings which here in Europe may lead to war lie + elsewhere. + + They have their roots in antagonisms which must be found in popular + sentiment. Everybody knows how easily this sentiment is influenced + and how, unfortunately, in many cases, it abandons itself + helplessly to irresponsible press agitations. A counterpoise to + all such and similar influences can but be desired. I shall be the + first to welcome it whenever international efforts succeed in + creating such a counterpoise. + + But if I am to take practical steps and am to propose mutual + disarmament to the other powers, then general pacific assurances + and adjurations are not enough. With Germany there is no need for + such assurances or adjurations, in view of her constant policy + throughout forty years, which shows that we seek no quarrels in the + world. I should have to submit a fixed, definite programme. Then I + should have to consider in all sobriety whether such a programme + could be drawn up and carried out. Any one who makes uncertain and + vague proposals can easily become a disturber of the peace rather + than a peacemaker. + + I shall have to decline to draw up such a formula and submit it to + an international congress. + +England's Naval Police. + + England is convinced, and has repeatedly declared, in spite of her + desires for the limitation of expenditure on armaments and for the + adjustment of any disputes that may arise by arbitral procedure, + that her fleet must in all circumstances be superior, or at any + rate equal, to any possible combination in the world. England has a + perfect right to strive for such a state of things, and, precisely + because of the position that I take up toward the disarmament + question, I am the last to cast doubts upon it. It is quite another + thing, however, to make such a claim the basis of a convention + which must be recognized by all the other powers in peaceful + agreement. What if counterclaims are raised and the other powers + are not satisfied with the roles assigned to them? + + One only requires to propound these questions in order to see + things would not go well for European dignity at any world congress + which had to decide upon such claims. + + + And then armies. If, for example, Germany should be required to + reduce her army by 100,000 men, by how many men must the other + powers diminish their armies? Notwithstanding all the pacific + assurances which, thank God, are being given everywhere, every + nation would reply to me at any preliminary inquiry that it claims + that position in the world which corresponds with the sum of its + national power, that the strength of its defensive forces must be + adapted to this claim. At any rate, I would give no other reply for + Germany. I should be touching the honor and national sentiment of + any other people if I expected any other statement from it. + +Question of Control. + + Every attempt at international disarmament must break down on the + question of control, which is absolutely impracticable. A classic + example of that is afforded by Prussia when overthrown by Napoleon. + Her army was to be limited to 45,000 men, but her patriotism, + notwithstanding the most ruthless application of every means of + control, managed to raise an army four times as large. The question + of disarmament is insoluble so long as men are men and States are + States. + + In the course of the debate reference has been made to the recent + utterances of the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in + the House of Commons on the disarmament question. The English + Minister gave expression to the idea that a reciprocal exchange of + information concerning the naval construction of both countries + would insure them against surprises, and that thereby both + countries would be convinced that they were not trying mutually to + outstrip each other, while other powers would thereby be kept + informed regarding the relations of Germany and England, and so the + exchange of announcements would, on the whole, serve to promote + peace. + + We were all the more able to adhere to this idea as our naval + building programme has always lain open. We have already declared + our readiness to come to an understanding on this point with + England, in the hope that it may bring about a desired appeasement. + + + World-embracing international arbitration treaties dictated by an + international areopagus I consider just as impossible as general + international disarmament. Germany takes up no hostile position + toward arbitration. In all the new German treaties of commerce + there are arbitration clauses. In the main it was due to Germany's + initiative that an agreement was arrived at at the second Hague + conference for the establishment of an International Prize Court. + + Arbitration treaties can certainly contribute in a great measure to + maintain and fortify peaceful relations. But strength must depend + on readiness for war. The dictum still holds good that the weak + becomes the prey of the strong. If a nation can not or will not + spend enough on her defensive forces for her to be able to make her + way in the world, then she falls back into the second rank. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Austria-Hungary's Version of the War + +By Kaiser Franz Josef and Count Berchtold. + + + + * * * * * + + + + +The Imperial Rescript and Manifesto. + + + Ischl, July 28. + + Dear Count Stuergkh: + + I have resolved to instruct the Ministers of my Household and + Foreign Affairs to notify the Royal Servian Government of the + beginning of a state of war between the Monarchy and Servia. In + this fateful hour I feel the need of turning to my beloved peoples. + I command you, therefore, to publish the inclosed manifesto. + + + + +MANIFESTO. + + + To my peoples! It was my fervent wish to consecrate the years + which, by the grace of God, still remain to me, to the works of + peace and to protect my peoples from the heavy sacrifices and + burdens of war. Providence, in its wisdom, has otherwise decreed. + The intrigues of a malevolent opponent compel me, in the defense of + the honor of my Monarchy, for the protection of its dignity and its + position as a power, for the security of its possessions, to grasp + the sword after long years of peace. + + With a quickly forgetful ingratitude, the Kingdom of Servia, which, + from the first beginnings of its independence as a State until + quite recently, had been supported and assisted by my ancestors, + has for years trodden the path of open hostility to + Austria-Hungary. When, after three decades of fruitful work for + peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I extended my Sovereign rights to + those lands, my decree called forth in the Kingdom of Servia, whose + rights were in nowise injured, outbreaks of unrestrained passion + and the bitterest hate. My Government at that time employed the + handsome privileges of the stronger, and with extreme consideration + and leniency only requested Servia to reduce her army to a peace + footing and to promise that, for the future, she would tread the + path of peace and friendship. Guided by the same spirit of + moderation, my Government, when Servia, two years ago, was + embroiled in a struggle with the Turkish Empire, restricted its + action to the defense of the most serious and vital interests of + the Monarchy. It was to this attitude that Servia primarily owed + the attainment of the objects of that war. + + The hope that the Servian Kingdom would appreciate the patience and + love of peace of my Government and would keep its word has not been + fulfilled. The flame of its hatred for myself and my house has + blazed always higher; the design to tear from us by force + inseparable portions of Austria-Hungary has been made manifest with + less and less disguise. A criminal propaganda has extended over the + frontier with the object of destroying the foundations of State + order in the southeastern part of the monarchy; of making + the people, to whom I, in my paternal affection, extended my full + confidence, waver in its loyalty to the ruling house and to the + Fatherland; of leading astray its growing youth and inciting it to + mischievous deeds of madness and high treason. A series of + murderous attacks, an organized, carefully prepared, and well + carried out conspiracy, whose fruitful success wounded me and my + loyal peoples to the heart, forms a visible bloody track of those + secret machinations which were operated and directed in Servia. + + A halt must be called to these intolerable proceedings and an end + must be put to the incessant provocations of Servia. The honor and + dignity of my monarchy must be preserved unimpaired, and its + political, economic, and military development must be guarded from + these continual shocks. In vain did my Government make a last + attempt to accomplish this object by peaceful means and to induce + Servia, by means of a serious warning, to desist. Servia has + rejected the just and moderate demands of my Government and refused + to conform to those obligations the fulfillment of which forms the + natural and necessary foundation of peace in the life of peoples + and States. I must therefore proceed by force of arms to secure + those indispensable pledges which alone can insure tranquillity to + my States within and lasting peace without. + + In this solemn hour I am fully conscious of the whole significance + of my resolve and my responsibility before the Almighty. I have + examined and weighed everything, and with a serene conscience I set + out on the path to which my duty points. I trust in my peoples, + who, throughout every storm, have always rallied in unity and + loyalty around my throne, and have always been prepared for the + severest sacrifices for the honor, the greatness, and the might of + the Fatherland. I trust in Austria-Hungary's brave and devoted + forces, and I trust in the Almighty to give the victory to my arms. + + FRANZ JOSEF. + + + * * * * * + + + + +DECLARATION OF WAR. + +Published in Special Edition of Official Gazette, Vienna, July 28. + + + The Royal Government of Servia not having given a satisfactory + reply to the note presented to it by the Austro-Hungarian Minister + in Belgrade on July 23, 1914, the Imperial and Royal Government of + Austria-Hungary finds it necessary itself to safeguard its rights + and interests and to have recourse for this purpose to force of + arms. Austria-Hungary, therefore, considers itself from this moment + in a state of war with Servia. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY." + + +Congratulatory Telegram to Kaiser Wilhelm II., Aug. 27. + + Victory after victory. God is with you. He will be with us also. I + most sincerely congratulate you, dear friend, also the young hero, + your dear son, the Crown Prince, and the Crown Prince Rupprecht, as + well as the incomparably brave German Army. Words fail to express + what moves me and, with me, my army, in these days of world's + history. + + "FRANZ JOSEPH." + + + * * * * * + + + + +WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD. + +Kaiser Franz Josef's Address in Bestowing the Great Cross on the German +Kaiser, September, 1914. + + + The glorious victories, so crushing to the foe, which the German + Army has won in battle under your chief command owe their begetting + and their success to your iron will, which sharpened and swung the + heavy sword. + + To the laurel that crowns you as victor I wish to add, if I may, + the highest military honor which we possess, in begging you to take + in true brotherhood of arms and as a token of my appreciation the + Great Cross of my military Order of Marie Theresa. The decoration + itself, dear friend, shall be handed to you by a special envoy as + soon as it is convenient for you. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: COUNT LEOPOLD BERCHTOLD. +Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs. +(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)] + + + + + A PURELY DEFENSIVE WAR. + +By Count Berchtold, Foreign Minister for Austria-Hungary. + +(Copyright, Evening News Publishing Company of Newark, N.J., 1914.) + + + Austria-Hungary looks upon this war as a purely defensive one, + which has been forced on her by the agitation directed by Russia + against her very existence. Austria-Hungary has given many proofs + in late years of her peaceful intention. She refrained from any + interference with arms in the Balkan war, though her interests were + at stake. Subsequent events have proved what a serious danger the + increase in territory and prestige which it brought Servia were for + Austria-Hungary. Servia's ambitions have since grown and have been + solely directed against the Dual Monarchy. Russia has tacitly + approved of Servia's action because Russian statesmen wish to form + an iron ring of enemies around Austria-Hungary and Germany in order + that Russia's grasp on Constantinople and on Asia should never + again be meddled with. Austro-Hungarian soldiers are fighting for + their homes and for the maintenance of their country, the Russians + are fighting to help the Russian Czar to gain the rule of the + world, to destroy all his neighbors who may be dangerous to Russian + ambitions. England is helping the Russians to oust her German + rival. She feared for some time that German culture and German + scientific methods would prove the stronger in a peaceful + competition, and she now hopes to crush Germany with the help of + Russia and France. And France is fighting to win back + Alsace-Lorraine, to take her revenge on Germany, which the French + nation has been aiming at for the last forty-four years. + + That is how Austria-Hungary looks upon the war. She never wished + for territorial increase, she wished for peace and that her people + should develop in safety. + + Germany equally had nothing to gain by a war, but Germany knows + that Austria-Hungary's enemies are her enemies and that the + dismemberment of the Hapsburg monarchy would mean the isolation of + the German Empire. + + And so, after all efforts to keep Russia and England from breaking + the peace of Europe had failed, she drew her sword to defend her + and her allies' (ally's) interests. + + Truth and honor are on the side of the two empires in this war, the + unspeakable inventions and prevarications published by the French, + Russian, and English press in the last weeks alone must prove to + the American people who can afford to tell the truth and nothing + but the truth in this war. + + The Austro-Hungarian and German people have a clear conscience and + need fear no misrepresentation of their action. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A DISCORDANT NOTE. + +By Count Michael Karolyi, Leader of Hungarian Independent Party, New +York, July 27. + + + If Austria had pursued a policy of directly helping the Balkan + countries, if Austria had in the past made it a point to be + actively their friend, this war would not confront us. Since it has + come, of course all Hungarians will support the empire and internal + differences will be dismissed while the empire is imperiled. + + As for the loyalty of the many Serbs within Austria-Hungary it is + hard to say. There again we must hope that they will take the + Austrian side. But the Austrian policy toward the Balkan countries + has been wrong, all wrong. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A German Review of the Evidence + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Certified by Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, German Ex-Colonial +Secretary. + + +_The following is presented as a complete defense of the German position +in the present war and is based upon examination of the German and +English "White Papers." It was prepared in Germany and forwarded to Dr. +Bernhard Dernburg, who had it translated for_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _of +Nov. 1, 1914_. + +_Dr. Dernburg gives this statement his full approval and accepts complete +responsibility for it._ + + +Two of the five great European powers that are at present engaged in +war, Austria-Hungary and Russia, whose differences for years have been +constantly increasing in sharpness, and after the tragedy in Serajevo +became impossible to be bridged by diplomacy, conjured up the frightful +struggle. + +With these two, two other powers are so closely united by alliances that +their participation in the war also was unavoidable; they are Germany +and France. + +There are two other great European powers whose relations to the two +aforesaid groups before the war were very much alike in the essential +points. Just as Italy was politically tied by alliance to the central +powers, so England was with the Franco-Russian Alliance. Hence it was +uncertain how these countries, each geographically removed from the main +body of the Continent, would act in a war, and it seemed quite possible +that both would decide to remain neutral. + +As a matter of fact, the Italian Government came to the view that such a +stand would be for the best interests of its country. + +This decision might have made it considerably more easy for England to +also maintain her neutrality, which, from political, economical, and +ethical reasons, would have been advantageous and natural for the Island +Empire. To the surprise and indignation of all those Germans who for +years had been working toward an adjustment of the conflicting interests +of both countries--among these ought to be mentioned, above all, the +Kaiser and the Imperial Chancellor--the Liberal British Ministry +immediately declared war on Germany, and did not confine itself to a +naval war, but, in keeping with agreements reached years ago between the +English and the French General Staffs, as is now admitted, equipped an +expeditionary army, thus considerably strengthening the French forces. + +The question arises, "What reasons led British politics to this +monstrous step?" + +Much has been written during the last weeks from the German side, +criticising most sharply and with great justification the motive of the +London Cabinet. In the following discussion we will confine ourselves to +an impartial review of the documents published by the English Government +itself in its own defense. + +The essential part of this justification is contained in the +"Correspondence Concerning the European Crisis," placed before the +British Parliament shortly after the start of the war, which is known as +the British "White Paper." In amplification are to be considered the +"White Book" placed by the German Government before the Reichstag and +the "Orange Book" published by Russia. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: STATE COUNCILLOR SAZONOF +Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs. +(_Photo (C) by American Press Assn._)] + + + + +I. + +THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION. + + +In a public speech, delivered Sept. 19, the Secretary of the Treasury, +Mr. Lloyd George, according to the report of The Westminster Gazette, +which may be considered as his organ, characterized the quarrel between +Germany and Russia in the picturesque manner which this statesman +prefers, as follows: + + GERMANY--I insist that you stand aside with crossed arms while + Austria strangles your little brother, (Servia.) + + RUSSIA--Just you touch this little fellow and I will tear + your ramshackle empire limb from limb. + +We will not waste words in considering the flippant form here used in a +discussion of an unspeakably bloody and world-historic conflict. But +this expression in very pregnant form makes Russia appear in the light +in which the London powers-that-be desire to show the empire of the Czar +to the British people, viz., in the role of the noble-hearted protector +of persecuted innocence, while Germany, supporting and egging on +Austria-Hungary, is shown as morally responsible for the war. + +Cites English Documents. + +This, also, is the chain of thought in the speech of the British Prime +Minister in the House of Commons on Aug. 4. Translations of this speech +have been spread by the British Government in neutral countries in +hundreds of thousands of copies under the title: "The Power Responsible +for War Is Germany." + +Now, we claim that the British "White Paper" itself furnishes +irrefutable proof that not Germany, which up to the last moment offered +the hand of mediation, but Russia is responsible for the war, and that +the Foreign Office at London was fully cognizant of this fact. + +Furthermore, the "White Paper" shows that England's claim that she +entered this war solely as a protector of the small nations is a fable. + +The documents reproduced in the "White Paper" do not begin until July +20, and only a few introductory dispatches before the 24th are given. +The first of the very important reports of the British Ambassador at St. +Petersburg, Sir George Buchanan, to the Secretary of State, Grey, is +dated on that day; on the same day the note addressed by Austria-Hungary +to the Servian Government had been brought to the knowledge of the +European Cabinets, and the British Ambassador conferred with the Russian +Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Sazonof, over this matter. The French +Minister also took part in this conference. When the latter and M. +Sazonof, in the most insistent way, tried to prove to Buchanan that +England, together with Russia and France, must assume a threatening +attitude toward Austria-Hungary and Germany, the British Ambassador +replied: + + I said that I would telegraph a full report to you of what their + Excellencies had just said to me. I could not, of course, speak in + the name of his Majesty's Government, but personally I saw no + reason to expect any declaration of solidarity from his Majesty's + Government that would entail an unconditional engagement on their + part to support Russia and France by force of arms. Direct British + interests in Servia were nil, and a war on behalf of that country + would never be sanctioned by British public opinion.--(British + "White Paper" No. 6.) + +The British Ambassador thereupon asked the question whether Russia was +thinking of eventually declaring war on Austria. The following was the +answer: + + M. Sazonof said that he himself thought that Russian mobilization + would at any rate have to be carried out; but a council of + Ministers was being held this afternoon to consider the whole + question.... + +The dispatch continues: + + French Ambassador and M. Sazonof both continue to press me for a + declaration of complete solidarity of his Majesty's Government with + French and Russian Governments.... (British "White Paper" No. 6.) + +This shows plainly that the Russian mobilization must have been planned +even before July 24, for otherwise M. Sazonof could not have spoken of +the necessity of carrying it through. + +It is furthermore very remarkable that the Russian Minister on this +early day spoke of the mobilization in general and not of the partial +mobilization against Austria-Hungary. + +Finally we find that the British Government was fully informed at the +very latest on July 24--it may have had before it previous documents, +but they are not contained in the "White Paper"--concerning Russian +mobilization and thereby the development of Russian and French politics +that had to be anticipated. + +Russian Aggression. + +Had there been any doubts concerning these matters on the part of the +British Government, the continual urging of Russian and French +diplomatists must have made things plain. Russia's aggressive +policy, and not the Austrian declaration of war on Servia, which did not +come until five days later, led to the European war. Servia meant so +little to England, although England traditionally poses as a protector +of small nations, that the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg was able +to describe England's interest in the kingdom on the Save as "nil." Only +later, after the beginning of the war, England warmed up to Servia, and +in the aforementioned speech Mr. Lloyd George found the most hearty +tones in speaking of the heroic fight of this "little nation," although +he was obliged to admit simultaneously that its' history is not +untainted. + +On the day following that conversation, on July 25, the British +Ambassador had another talk with M. Sasonof, during the course of which +he felt obliged to express to the Russian Government a serious warning +concerning its mobilization. + + On my expressing the earnest hope that Russia would not precipitate + war by mobilizing until you had had time to use your influence in + favor of peace his Excellency assured me that Russia had no + aggressive intentions and she would take no action until it was + forced on her. Austria's action was in reality directed against + Russia. She aimed at overthrowing the present status quo in the + Balkans and establishing her own hegemony there. He did not believe + that Germany really wanted war, but her attitude was decided by + ours. If we took our stand firmly with France and Russia there + would be no war. If we failed them now rivers of blood would flow + and we would in the end be dragged into war.... + + I said all I could to impress prudence on the Minister for Foreign + Affairs and warned him that if Russia mobilized Germany would not + be content with mere mobilization or give Russia time to carry out + hers, but would probably declare war at once! His Excellency + replied that Russia could not allow Austria to crush Servia and + become the predominant power in the Balkans, and, if she feels + secure of the support of France, she will face all the risks of + war. He assured me once more that he did not wish to precipitate a + conflict, but that unless Germany could restrain Austria I could + regard the situation as desperate.--(British "White Paper" No. 17.) + +A more convincing contradiction of the claim that Germany fell upon +unexpectant Russia can hardly be imagined. Sazonof's conversation with +the British Ambassador shows that Russia had decided from the beginning +to bring about the war, unless Austria would subject itself to Russia's +dictation. + +Now, Russia was not alone concerned about Servia, but from its viewpoint +Austria-Hungary must not maintain the preponderant position in the +Balkans. + +Sure of French help, Russia was determined to work against this. The +reports of the British representative do not suggest with a word that +Germany was responsible for the war; on the contrary, Sir Buchanan +again, on his own account, warned the Russian Government to keep aloof +from military measures, in his conversation with M. Sazonof on July 27, +although the "White Paper" does not show that he had received any +instructions by Sir Edward Grey. + + His Excellency must not, if our efforts were to be successful, do + anything to precipitate a conflict. In these circumstances I + trusted that the Russian Government would defer the mobilization + ukase for as long as possible, and that troops would not be allowed + to cross the frontier even when it was issued.--(British "White + Paper," No, 44.) + +Just as its own Ambassador in Petersburg pointed out to the British +Government the dangers of Russian mobilization, England did not lack +German warnings. On July 28 the British Ambassador in Berlin, Sir E. +Goschen, reported as follows by wire concerning a conversation with the +Imperial Chancellor: + + ... but if the news were true which he had just read in the papers, + that Russia had mobilized fourteen army corps in the South, he + thought the situation was very serious, and he himself would be in + a very difficult position, as in these circumstances it would be + out of his power to continue to preach moderation at Vienna. He + added that Austria, who as yet was only partially mobilizing, would + have to take similar measures, and if war were to result Russia + would be entirely responsible.--(British "White Paper" No. 71.) + +In a telegram of Mr. Goschen's of July 30, reporting a conversation with +the Secretary of State, von Jagow, it is stated: + + He begged me to impress on you difficulty of Germany's + position in view of Russian mobilization and military measures + which he hears are being taken in France.--(British "White Paper" + No. 98.) + +The British Government has added a few further publications to its +"White Paper." Among these is a report of the hitherto British +Ambassador in Vienna, Sir Maurice de Bunsen. The document is dated Sept. +1; that is, a full month after the outbreak of the war. The tendency of +this publication is not only to unburden Russia and England from all +blame and to put it upon German and Austro-Hungarian politics, but it +attempts to make Germany responsible for the war to greater extent than +Austria-Hungary in trying to sow dissension between the two allies. + +Ambassador de Bunsen represents matters as if Germany, through its +ultimatum to Russia on July 31, had roughly interrupted negotiations +promising success then going on between Vienna and Petersburg. In this +report it is stated: + + (Retranslated.) M. Schebeko [the Russian Ambassador at Vienna] on + July 28th attempted to induce the Austrian Government to authorize + Count Scapary to continue negotiations which he had been carrying + on with M. Sazonof and which appeared very promising. Count + Berchtold on this day declined, but two days later, July 30th, + although Russia then had already started partial mobilization + against Austria, he received M. Schebeko again in the most + courteous manner and gave his consent to continuation of the pour + parleurs.... On Aug. 1st M. Schebeko informed me that Austria was + ready to submit to mediation those parts of its note to Servia + which appeared to be irreconcilable to the independence of + Servia.... Unfortunately these pour parleurs in St. Petersburg and + Vienna were suddenly broken off by the quarrel being removed to the + more dangerous territory of a direct conflict between Germany and + Russia. Germany on July 31 stepped between the two with its double + ultimatum addressed to St. Petersburg and Paris.... A delay of a + few days in all probability would have spared Europe one of the + greatest wars in history. + +On the other hand, be it remembered that the fact that any negotiations +between Austria and Russia were carried on up to the last hour was +solely the result of the uninterrupted German efforts to maintain +peace, which fact Sir Maurice de Bunsen very wisely buries in silence. +These negotiations, by the way, hardly were as promising of success as +is made to appear. The Austrian version of it is found in the Vienna +Fremdenblatt of Sept. 25, 1914. There the most important spots of +Bunsen's report, that Austria-Hungary had been ready to moderate several +points of its note to Servia, are mentioned, as follows: + + As we are told by a well-informed source, these assertions do not + at all correspond to the facts; furthermore, from the very nature + of the steps undertaken by the dual monarchy in Belgrade, this + would have been entirely inconceivable. + +A glance at the date shows that the Bunsen report is misleading, for he +himself tells that Count Berchtold, on July 30, had expressed his +consent to a continuation of the exchange of thought in Petersburg; the +latter, therefore, could not begin before the 31st, while in the night +from July 30 to 31 the mobilization of the entire Russian Army against +Germany was ordered in Petersburg, finally making impossible the +continuation of the last German attempt at mediation in Vienna. + +The truth is, in spite of Russian and English twistings, that without +the interval caused by Germany's efforts in Vienna, which interval +England allowed to pass unused in Petersburg, the war would have broken +out a few days sooner. + +Let us consider how the fact of the Russian mobilization, the dimensions +and tendency of which was brought to the knowledge of the London Cabinet +at the very latest on July 24, must affect Germany. + +On July 24 the Russian Government declared, in an official communique, +it would be impossible for it to remain indifferent in an Austro-Servian +conflict. + +Germany's Hand Forced. + +This declaration was followed immediately by military measures which +represented the beginning of Russian mobilization long planned. But even +on July 27 the Russian Minister of War, Suchomlinof, assured +the German Military Attache upon word of honor (Annex 11 of the German +"White Paper") that no order for mobilization had been given and no +reservists had been drawn and no horse had been commandeered. + +Although in this conversation there had been left no doubt to the +Russian Minister of War concerning the fact that measures of +mobilization against Austria must be considered by Germany also as very +threatening toward itself, during the next days news of the Russian +mobilization arrived in quick succession. + +On the 29th mobilization of Southern and Southwestern Russia was +ordered, which was extended on the 30th to twenty-three provinces. + +On the night of the 30th to the 31st, while the efforts of the Kaiser to +maintain peace were continuing and were receiving friendly attention in +Vienna, in St. Petersburg the mobilization of the entire Russian Army +was ordered. Even as late as 2 P.M. on the 31st, however, (German "White +Paper," Page 18, of NEW YORK TIMES reprint,) the Czar telegraphed the +Kaiser that the military measures now being taken were meant for +defensive purposes against Austria's preparations, and he gave his +pledge as far away from desiring war. + +In the face of such evident duplicity of Russian politics, a further +delay such as was desired by Sir Maurice de Bunsen would have been for +every German statesman a crime against the security of his own country. + +On the other hand, upon what German measures did the Russian Government +base its order for mobilization? The British "White Paper" proves how +frivolously steps leading to the most serious results were ordered in +St. Petersburg. On July 30 Sir George Buchanan telegraphed: + + M. Sazonof told us that absolute proof was in possession of the + Russian Government that Germany was making military and naval + preparations against Russia, more particularly in the direction of + the Gulf of Finland,--(British "White Paper" No. 97.) + +Proofs Lacking. + +On the other hand, Buchanan's telegram of July 31 (British "White +Paper" No. 113) states: + + Russia has also reason to believe that Germany is making active + military preparations, and she cannot afford to let her get a + start.--(British "White Paper" No. 113.) + +So, from one day to the next the "absolute proof" changed to a reason +for the assumption. In reality, both were assertions that lack all +proof. + +The finishing part of a telegram sent by the British Ambassador in +Berlin to Sir Edward Grey on July 31 deserves special mention: + + He [the German Secretary of State] again assured me that both the + Emperor William, at the request of the Emperor of Russia and the + German Foreign Office, had even up till last night been urging + Austria to show willingness to continue discussion--and telephonic + communications from Vienna had been of a promising nature--but + Russia's mobilization had spoiled everything.--(British "White + Paper" No. 121.) + +Therefore, the German Chancellor, in his memorandum placed before the +Reichstag, stated with full justification: + + The Russian Government has smashed the laborious attempts at + mediation on the part of the European State Chancelleries, on the + eve of success, by the mobilization, endangering the safety of the + empire. The measures for a mobilization, about whose seriousness + the Russian Government was fully acquainted from the beginning, in + connection with their constant denial, show clearly that Russia + wanted war. + + To this is to be added that the English Government also was made + fully cognizant of the intentions of the Russian mobilization, by a + witness that could not be suspected, namely, its own representative + in St. Petersburg, and therefore must bear full responsibility. + + + * * * * * + + + + +II. + +GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS. + + +We have seen from the "Blue Book" that the Secretary of State in London +was informed at the very latest on July 24 by his Ambassador in St. +Petersburg of the plan of the Russian mobilization and consequently of +the tremendous seriousness of the European situation. Yet eight to nine +days had to elapse before the beginning of the war. Let us see whether +Sir Edward Grey used this time to preserve peace, according to his +own documents. + +From this testimony it appears that even at the beginning of the last +and decisive part of the European crisis, which began on June 28, 1914, +with the assassination of the Austrian heir to the throne, Sir Edward +Grey refrained from considering a direct participation of his country in +the possible world war. At least, this must be the impression gained +from his remarks to the representatives of the two powers with whom +England is today at war. Thus, he said to the Austro-Hungarian +Ambassador, Count Mensdorff, on July 23: + + The possible consequences of the present situation were terrible. + If as many as four great powers of Europe--let us say Austria, + France, Russia, and Germany--were engaged in war, it seemed to me + that it must involve the expenditure of so vast a sum of money and + such an interference with trade that a war would be accompanied or + followed by a complete collapse of European credit and + industry.--(British "White Paper" No. 3.) + +Here Grey speaks only of four of the big powers at most that may go to +war, without even hinting at the fifth, namely, England. On July 24 he +had another conversation with the Austrian Ambassador, the theme of +which was the note--meanwhile presented to Servia. It caused +apprehensions on his part, but he declared again: + + The merits of the dispute between Austria and Servia were not the + concern of his Majesty's Government.... + + I [Grey] ended by saying that doubtless we should enter into an + exchange of views with other powers, and that I must await their + views as to what could be done to mitigate the difficulties of the + situation.--(British "White Paper" No. 5.) + +We are already striking the fateful peculiarity of Grey's policy to +hesitate where prompt action, or at least a clear and open conduct, +would have been his duty. This weakness of his nature has been used with +great art by French and Russian diplomacy. This is illustrated by the +conversation of July 24 between him and the French Ambassador, Cambon, +in London: + + M. Cambon said that, if there was a chance of mediation by the four + powers he had no doubt that his Government would be glad to join + in it; but he pointed out that we could not say anything in St. + Petersburg till Russia had expressed some opinion or taken some + action. But, when two days were over, Austria would march into + Servia, for the Servians could not possibly accept the Austrian + demand. Russia would be compelled by her public opinion to take + action as soon as Austria attacked Servia, and, therefore, once the + Austrians had attacked Servia it would be too late for any + mediation.--(British "White Paper" No. 10.) + +Thus, England must not give any advice to Russia before it knows +Russia's intent and even its measures. But inasmuch as Austria will have +proceeded against Servia by that time Russia must make war, and the +conclusion is that even on July 24 the catastrophe is considered +unavoidable. Grey shows himself more and more hypnotized by the +fatalistic view that it is too late. Hence he reports also on July 24 a +conversation of the German Ambassador, Prince Lichnowsky: + + I reminded the German Ambassador that some days ago he had + expressed a personal hope that if need arose I would endeavor to + exercise moderating influence at St. Petersburg, but now I said + that, in view of the extraordinarily stiff character of the + Austrian note, the shortness of time allowed, and the wide scope of + the demands upon Servia, I felt quite helpless as far as Russia was + concerned, and I did not believe any power could exercise influence + alone.--(British "White Paper" No. 11.) + +From a conversation of Grey with the Prince Lichnowsky, the German +Ambassador, on July 25: + + Alone we could do nothing. The French Government were traveling + [this refers to the visit at St. Petersburg by Messrs. Poincare and + Viviani] at the moment, and I had had no time to consult them, and + could not, therefore, be sure of their views.--(British "White + Paper" No. 25.) + +If Sir Edward Grey sincerely desired the maintenance of peace, he must +have had to use his entire influence at St. Petersburg to bring about +the stopping of the threatening military measures taken by Russia, +whereas he was waiting for the opinion of the French Government. He was +bound to do this, so much the more in view of the fact that he demanded +from Germany that it should exert its influence with Austria. + +That this request of Grey's was complied with by Germany in so far as +it was in any way in accord with the alliance with Austria-Hungary, and +that in Vienna every effort was made to conciliate matters, is shown by +the assurance of the Chancellor; he declares: + + In spite of this [the Austro-Hungarian Government having remarked + with full appreciation of our action that it had come too late] we + continued our mediatory efforts to the utmost and advised Vienna to + make any possible compromise consistent with the dignity of the + monarchy.--(German "White Paper," Page 17, of NEW YORK TIMES + reprint.) + +Grey well knew that Germany was doing all it could to mediate in Vienna. +He expressed his recognition and his joy over it on July 28 ("Blue +Book," Page 67): + + It is very satisfactory to hear from the German Ambassador here + that the German Government have taken action at Vienna in the sense + of the conversation recorded in my telegram of yesterday to + you.--(British "White Paper" No. 67.)[02] + +Neither has Grey been left in the dark by the German side concerning the +difficulties, which by the Russian mobilization made every attempt to +mediate in Vienna abortive. Even on July 31 the British Ambassador in +Berlin telegraphed: + + The Chancellor informs me that his efforts to preach peace and + moderation at Vienna have been seriously handicapped by the Russian + mobilization against Austria. He has done everything possible to + obtain his object at Vienna, perhaps even rather more than was + altogether palatable at the Ballplatz.--(British "White Paper" No. + 108.) + +England and Russia. + +How, on the other hand, about Grey's action with Russia? From the very +beginning one should have had a right to expect that, as Germany acted +in Vienna, thus France, if it was active in Grey's spirit, would be +working in St. Petersburg for peace. Of this no trace whatsoever can be +found. The French Government thus far has not published any series of +documents concerning its activity during the crisis, and neither in the +Russian "Orange Book" nor in the English "Blue Book" is anything +mentioned of the mediating activity on the part of France. + +On the contrary, the latter power, wherever she puts in an +appearance--as for instance in the conversation of the English +Ambassador in St. Petersburg with his French colleague and M. Sazonof, +as mentioned above--appears as fully identical with Russia. + +It is also stated on July 24: + + The French Ambassador gave me to understand that France would + fulfill all the obligations entailed by her alliance with Russia if + necessity arose, besides supporting Russia strongly in all + diplomatic negotiations.... It seems to me from the language held, + by French Ambassador that even if we decline to join them, France + and Russia are determined to make a strong stand.--(British "White + Paper" No. 6.) + +One should think that Grey, who in view of this could not possibly +expect an influence for peace being brought to bear by France, but only +a strengthening of the Russian desire for aggression, now would have +acted in the most energetic manner in St. Petersburg for the maintenance +of peace. + +In reality, however, during the days that still remained, aside from a +weak and in St. Petersburg absolutely ineffective advice to postpone +mobilization, he did nothing whatsoever, and later placed himself in a +manner constantly more recognizable on the side of Russia. + +The claim that the time limit given by the Austrian note to Servia was +the cause of the war, that Grey's mediation had only miscarried owing to +the haste of Germany, is disproved by the British documents +themselves. De Bunsen on July 26 telegraphed to Grey from Vienna: + + Russian Ambassador just returned from leave, thinks that + Austro-Hungarian Government are determined on war and that it is + impossible for Russia to remain indifferent. He does not propose to + press for more time in the sense of your telegram of the 25th + inst.--(British "White Paper" No. 40.) + +Therefore Russia has paid little attention to the very shy and timid +efforts to maintain peace by the London Secretary of State, even where +these were concerned in the attempt to change the position taken by +Austria. + +Another proof: Sazonof on July 27 sent a telegram to the Russian +Ambassador in London which the latter transmitted to Grey, and which +concerns itself with the much mentioned proposition of the latter to +have the conflict investigated by a conference of the four great powers +not immediately concerned. + +Russian Sincerity Questioned. + +The conference plan was declined without much hesitation and openly by +Germany, because it was compelled to see therein an attempt to place +Austria before a European court of arbitration, and because it knew the +serious determination of its ally in this matter. But did Russia really +want the conference? Minister Sazonof declares: + + I replied to the [British] Ambassador that I have begun + conversations with the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, under + conditions which I hope may be favorable. I have not, however, + received as yet any reply to the proposal made by me for revising + the note between the two Cabinets.--(British "White Paper" No. + 53.) + +Here it is shown plainly how little the conference plan was after the +heart of the Russians. Had they accepted it it would have had to be done +immediately. As soon as the situation had grown very much more serious +by the failure of the negotiations with Austria-Hungary there would have +been no more time for this.[03] + +A telegram of the English Ambassador in St. Petersburg, dated July 27, +(British "White Paper" No. 55,) shows how this conference was expected +to be conducted in St. Petersburg: + + His Excellency [Sazonof] said he was perfectly ready to stand aside + if the powers accepted the proposal for a conference, but he + trusted that you would keep in touch with the Russian Ambassador in + the event of its taking place.--(British "White Paper" No. 55.) + +Russian shrewdness evidently expected to control the conference by +keeping in touch with Grey, who of course would have been the Chairman. +The dispatches of his own Ambassadors lying before him should have +enabled the Secretary of State to see the perfidy of the Russian policy. +Buchanan wrote on the 28th from St. Petersburg: + + ... and asked him whether he would be satisfied with the assurance + which the Austrian Ambassador had, I understood, been instructed to + give in respect to Servia's integrity and independence.... In reply + his Excellency stated that if Servia were attacked Russia would not + be satisfied with any engagement which Austria might take on these + two points....--(British "White Paper" No. 72.) + +Entirely in contrast herewith is one report of the British +representative in Vienna, dated Aug. 1, and speaking of a conversation +with the Russian Ambassador there: + + Russia would, according to the Russian Ambassador, be satisfied + even now with assurance respecting Servian integrity and + independence. He said that Russia had no intention to attack + Austria.--(British "White Paper" No. 141.) + +What, then, may one ask, was the opinion which Sir Edward Grey had +formed concerning Russia's real intentions? He learns from Russian +sources and notes faithfully that Russia will accept Austrian guarantees +for independence of Servia, and also that it will not accept such +guarantees. It is the same duplicity which Russia, when its own +mobilization was concerned, showed toward Germany. Did Sir Edward not +notice this duplicity, or did he not wish to notice it? If the documents +of the English Government have not been selected with the purpose to +confuse, then in London the decision to take part in the war does not +seem to have been a certainty at the beginning. We have seen that +Ambassador Buchanan in St. Petersburg on July 24 gave the Russian +Minister to understand that England was not of a mind to go to war on +account of Servia. This position, taken by the Ambassador, was approved +by Sir Edward Grey on the following day in the following words: + + I entirely approve what you said ... and I cannot promise more on + behalf of the Government.--(British "White Paper" No. 24.) + +Based upon these instructions, Sir George Buchanan, even on July 27, +stated to M. Sazonof, who continued to urge England to unconditionally +join Russia and France: + + I added that you [Grey] could not promise to do anything more, and + that his Excellency was mistaken if he believed that the cause of + peace could be promoted by our telling the German Government that + they would have to deal with us as well as with Russia and France + if she supported Austria by force of arms. Their [the German] + attitude would merely be stiffened by such a menace.--(British + "White Paper" No. 44.) + +But on this same 27th day of July, Grey, submitting to the intrigues of +Russian and French diplomacy, had committed one very fateful step +(Telegram to Buchanan, July 27): + + I have been told by the Russian Ambassador that in German and + Austrian circles impression prevails that in any event we would + stand aside. His Excellency deplored the effect that such an + impression must produce. This impression ought, as I have pointed + out, to be dispelled by the orders we have given to the first fleet + which is concentrated, as it happens, at Portland not to disperse + for manoeuvre leave. But I explained to the Russian Ambassador that + my reference to it must not be taken to mean that anything more + than diplomatic action was promised.--(British "White Paper" No. + 47.) + +For Russia this order to the fleet meant very much more than a +diplomatic action. Sazonof saw that the wind in London was turning in +his favor and he made use of it. Among themselves the Russian +diplomatists seem to have for a long time been clear and open in their +discussion of their real object. You find among the documents of the +Russian "Orange Book" the following telegram of Sazonof of July 25 to +the Russian Ambassador in London: + + In case of a new aggravation of the situation, possibly provoking + on the part of the great powers' united action, [des actions + conformes,] we count that England will not delay placing herself + clearly on the side of Russia and France, with the view to + maintaining the equilibrium of Europe, in favor of which she has + constantly intervened in the past, and which would without doubt be + compromised in the case of the triumph of Austria.--(Russian + "Orange Paper" No. 17.) + +There is no mention of Servia here, but Austria should not triumph. +Russia's real intention, of course, was not placed so nakedly before the +British Secretary of State, hence to him the appearance was maintained +that the little State of the Sawe was the only consideration, although +the Russian Army was already being mobilized with all energy. + +On the 28th he wires to the Russian Ambassador, Count Benckendorff, to +London to inform the British Government: + + It seems to me that England is in a better position than any other + power to make another attempt at Berlin to induce the German + Government to take the necessary action. There is no doubt + that the key of the situation is to be found at Berlin.--(British + "White Paper" No. 54.) + +The opinion subtly suggested upon him by Paris and Petersburg diplomacy, +namely, that he should not use any pressure upon Russia, but upon +Germany, now takes hold of Grey more and more. On July 29 he writes to +the German Ambassador as follows: + + In fact, mediation was ready to come into operation by any method + that Germany thought possible if only Germany would "press the + button in the interests of peace."--(British "White Paper" No. 84.) + +Petersburg, now assured of the support of Grey, becomes more and more +outspoken for war. On the 28th Grey again expressed one of his +softhearted propositions for peace. Mr. Sazonof hardly made the effort +to hide his contempt. Buchanan telegraphs on the 29th as follows: + + The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that proposal referred to in + your telegram of the 28th inst. was one of secondary importance. + Under altered circumstances of situation he did not attach weight + to it.... Minister for Foreign Affairs had given me to understand + that Russia would not precipitate war by crossing frontier + immediately, and a week or more would in any case elapse before + mobilization was completed. In order to find an issue out of a + dangerous situation it was necessary that we should in the + meanwhile all work together.--(British "White Paper" No. 78.) + +Naivete or Cynicism? + +Here it really becomes impossible to judge where the naivete of the +British Secretary of State ends and cynicism begins, for Sazonof could +not have told to him more plainly than in these lines that all Russia's +ostensible readiness for peace served no other purpose than to win time +to complete the strategical location of the Russian troops. + +This point is emphasized by one document coming from a writer presumably +unbiased, but presumably distrustful of Germany, wherein the +confirmation is found that England and Russia had come to a full +agreement during these days. + +On July 30 the Belgian Charge d'Affaires de l'Escaille in Petersburg +reported to the Belgian Government upon the European crisis. Owing to +the fast developing events of a warlike nature, this letter did not +reach its address by mail, and it was published later on. The Belgian +diplomatist writes: + + It is undeniable that Germany tried hard here [that is, in + Petersburg] and in Vienna to find any means whatsoever in order to + forestall a general conflict.... + +And after M. de l'Escaille has told that Russia--what the Czar and his +War Minister with their highest assurances toward Germany had +denied--was mobilizing its own army, he continues: + + Today at Petersburg one is absolutely convinced, yes, they have + even received assurances in that direction, that England and France + will stay by them. This assistance is of decisive importance and + has contributed much to the victory of the [Russian] war party. + +This settles Grey's pretended "attempts at mediation." The truth is that +British politics decided to prevent a diplomatic success of Germany and +Austria, now worked openly toward the Russian aim. "The exertion of +pressure upon Berlin" included already a certain threat, mingled with +good advice. + +On July 23 Grey had only spoken of four possible powers in war; hence +when on the German side some hope of England maintaining neutrality was +indulged in, this impression rested upon Grey's own explanations. On +July 29, however, after a political conversation with Prince Lichnowsky, +German Ambassador in London, he adds an important personal bit of +information. He wires concerning it to Berlin, to Goschen: + + After speaking to the German Ambassador this afternoon about the + European situation, I said that I wished to say to him, in a quite + private and friendly way, something that was on my mind. The + situation was very grave.... But if we failed in our efforts to + keep the peace, and if the issue spread so that it involved every + European interest, I did not wish to be open to any reproach from + him, that the friendly tone of all our conversations had misled him + or his Government into supposing that we should not take action.... + But we knew very well that if the issue did become such that we + thought that British interests required us to intervene, we must + intervene at once and the decision would have to be very + rapid.--(British "White Paper" No. 89.) + +But what is especially wrong is that Grey brought this warning, +which only could have any effect if it remained an absolute, +confidential secret between the English and German Governments, also to +the French Ambassador, so that the entire Entente could mischievously +look on and see whether Germany really would give in to British +pressure. Of course, in his manner of swaying to and fro, he did not +wish either that Cambon should not accept this information to the German +Ambassador as a decided taking of a position on the part of England: + + I thought it necessary [speaking to M. Cambon] to say that because + as he knew we were taking all precautions with regard to our fleet + and I was about to warn Prince Lichnowsky not to count on our + standing aside, but it would not be fair that I should let M. + Cambon be misled into supposing that we had decided what to do in a + contingency that I still hoped might not arise....--(British "White + Paper" No. 87.) + +Stirring Up Trouble. + +On the German side Grey's open threat, which was presented, however, +with smooth and friendly sounding words, was received with quiet +politeness. Goschen telegraphed on the 30th concerning a talk with State +Secretary von Jagow: + + His Excellency added that telegram received from Prince Lichnowsky + last night contains matter which he had heard with regret, but not + exactly with surprise, and, at all events, he thoroughly + appreciated the frankness and loyalty with which you had + spoken.--(British "White Paper" No. 98.) + +Now the work of stirring up trouble is continued unceasingly. On July 30 +the British Ambassador in Paris, Sir F. Bertie, concerning a +conversation with the President of the Republic, reports: + + He [Poincare] is convinced that peace between the powers is in the + hands of Great Britain. If his Majesty's Government announced that + England would come to the aid of France in the event of a conflict + between France and Germany ... there would be no war, for Germany + would at once modify her attitude.--(British "White Paper" No. 99.) + +Did Grey really think for one moment that the German Empire would +change its position immediately, in other words, would suddenly leave +its ally in need, or is all this only a mass of diplomatic +blandishments? + +On the same day Grey steps from the personal warning which he had given +to the German Ambassador to the sharpest official threat. In a telegram +to the Ambassador in Berlin upon the question placed before him by the +Chancellor of the empire on the day prior, (British "White Paper" No. +85,) whether England would remain neutral if Germany would bind itself, +after possible war, to claim no French territory in Europe whatever, +while in lieu of the French colonies a like guarantee could not be +accepted, Grey answers with thundering words: + + His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment entertain the + Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to + neutrality on such terms. What he asks us in effect is to engage to + stand by while French colonies are taken and France is beaten, so + long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the + colonies. From a material point of view such a proposal is + unacceptable, for France without further territory in Europe being + taken from her could be so crushed as to lose her position as a + great power and become subordinate to German policy. Altogether + apart from that, it would be a disgrace for us to make this bargain + with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the + good name of this country could never recover.--(British "White + Paper" No. 101.) + +With this telegram the war on Germany was practically declared, for as a +price of British neutrality an open humiliation of Germany was demanded. +If France--the question of French colonies is of very minor importance +in this connection--must not be defeated by Germany, then England +forbade the German Government to make war. It was furthermore stated +that Germany was absolutely compelled to accept Russian-French dictates, +and would have to leave Austria to its own resources. This would have +meant Germany's retirement from the position of a great power, even if +she had backed down before such a challenge. + + + * * * * * + + + + +III. + +THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE. + + +Only in the light of the developments concerning England's relation to +France, given at the beginning of the war, Grey's policy, swaying +between indecision and precipitate action, becomes apparent. + +In all the explanations which the British Government in the course of +eight years had presented to the British Parliament concerning the +relations to other large powers, the assurance had been repeated that no +binding agreements with the two partners of the Franco-Russian alliance +had been made, above all, that no agreement with France existed. Only in +his speech in the House of Commons on Aug, 3, 1914, which meant the war +with Germany, Grey gave to the representatives of the people news of +certain agreements which made it a duty for Great Britain to work +together with France in any European crisis. + +The fateful document, which in the form of an apparently private letter +to the French Ambassador, dealt with one of the most important compacts +of modern history, was written toward the end of the year 1912, and is +published in the British "White Paper" No. 105, Annex 1: + + London Foreign Office, Nov. 22, 1912. + + My Dear Ambassador: + + From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and + military experts have consulted together. It has always been + understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of + either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to + assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation + between experts is not, and ought not to be, regarded as an + engagement that commits either Government to action in a + contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The + disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets + respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement + to co-operate in war. + + You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave + reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might + become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon + the armed assistance of the other. + + I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an + unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened + the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other + whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression + and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be + prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the + plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into + consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect + should be given to them. + + Yours, &c., + + E. GREY. + +Was Parliament Deceived? + +A few members of the English Parliament who on Aug. 3 dared to gingerly +protest against the war may have had reason to complain about the hiding +of facts from the House of Commons. When such understandings can be made +without any one having an idea of their existence, then--so far as +England is concerned--the supervision of the Government, theoretically +being exercised by a Parliament, becomes a fiction. + +Veiled Defensive Alliance. + +As a matter of fact, Grey does not desire to have accepted as political +obligations the conversations of the French and English Army and Navy +General Staffs concerning the future plans of campaign which took place +from time to time in times of peace. However, the true tendency of this +agreement, for such it is, gives itself away in the promise to +immediately enter with France into a political and military exchange of +opinions in every critical situation; it means in realty nothing less +than a veiled defensive alliance which by clever diplomatic +manipulations can be changed without any difficulty to an offensive one, +for inasmuch as the English Government promises to consult and work +together with France, and consequently also with its ally, Russia, in +every crisis, before a serious investigation of the moments of danger, +it waives all right of taking an independent position. + +How would England ever have been able to enter a war against France +without throwing upon itself the accusation of faithlessness against one +with whose plans for war it had become acquainted through negotiations +lasting through years? + +Here a deviation may be permissible, which leaves for a moment the basis +of documentary proof. + +If one considers how this agreement of such immeasurable +consequences was not only hidden from the British Parliament by the +Cabinet, but how to the very edge of conscious deceit its existence was +denied--in the year 1913 Premier Asquith answered a query of a member of +the House of Commons that there were no unpublished agreements in +existence which in a case of war between European powers would interfere +with or limit free decision on the part of the British Government or +Parliament as to whether or not Britain should take part at a war--then +certain reports making their appearance with great persistency in June, +1914, concerning an Anglo-Russian naval agreement are seen in a +different light. + +Persons who were acquainted with the happenings in diplomacy then stated +that the Russian Ambassador in Paris, M. Iswolski, during the visit +which the King of England and Sir Edward Grey were paying to Paris, had +succeeded in winning the English statesmen for the plan of such an +agreement. A formal alliance, it was said, was not being demanded by +Russia immediately, for good reasons. M. Iswolski was attempting to go +nearer to his goal, carefully, step by step. + +It had been preliminarily agreed that negotiations should be started +between the British Admiralty and the Russian Naval Attache in London, +Capt. Wolkow. As a matter of fact Wolkow during June went to St. +Petersburg for a few days to, as was assumed, obtain instructions and +then return to London. + +Grey's "Twisty" Answer. + +These happenings aroused so much attention in England that questions +were raised in Parliament concerning them. It was noted how twisty +Grey's answer was. He referred to the answer of the Premier, already +mentioned, stated that the situation is unchanged, and said then that no +negotiations were under way concerning a naval agreement with any +foreign nation. "As far as he was able to judge the matter," no such +negotiations would be entered into later on. + +The big Liberal newspaper, The Manchester Guardian, was not at all +satisfied with this explanation; it assumed that certain conditional +preliminary agreements might not be excluded. + +This Russian plan, which was later worked out in St. Petersburg, went +into oblivion on account of the rapidly following European war. In the +light of the following revelation of Grey's agreement with France, the +news of the naval agreement desired by Iswolski assumed another aspect. + +Let us return to the Anglo-French agreement. The following remarks by +the French Ambassador in London, reported by Grey, prove that, on the +ground of this agreement, France, with very little trouble, would be +able to make out of a diplomatic entanglement a case for Allies' +interest as far as England is concerned. + +A German "Attack." + +He [Cambon] anticipated that the [German] aggression would take the form +of either a demand to cease her preparations or a demand that she should +engage to remain neutral if there was war between Germany and Russia. +Neither of these things would France admit.--(British "White Paper" No. +105.) + +Therefore, even the demand addressed to France not to, jointly with +Russia, attack Germany became a German "attack," which obliged England +to come to the aid! + +In spite of this, even on July 27 in a conversation with Cambon, Grey +gave himself the appearance as if his hands were free. He told the +Frenchman: + + If Germany became involved and France became involved we had not + made up our minds what we should do; it was a case that we should + have to consider.... We were free from engagements and we should + have to decide what British interests required us to do.--(British + "White Paper" No. 87.) + +M. Cambon remarked in reply that the Secretary of State had clearly +pictured the situation, but on the very following day the French +Ambassador took the liberty to remind Grey of the letter written in +1912. (British "White Paper" No. 105.) + +Grey did not deny the claim implied in this reminder, but even as late +as July 31 he reports as follows concerning the conversation with +Cambon: + + Up to the present moment we did not feel and public opinion + did not feel that any treaties or obligations of this country were + involved.... M. Cambon repeated his question whether we would help + France if Germany made an attack on her. I said I could only adhere + to the answer that, as far as things had gone at present, we could + not take any engagement.... I said that the Cabinet would certainly + be summoned as soon as there was some new development; that at the + present moment the only answer I could give was that we could not + undertake any definite engagement.--(British "White Paper" No. + 119.) + +Now, if we remember that even on the day before Grey had informed the +German Imperial Chancellor that it would be a shame for England to +remain neutral and allow France to be crushed, we here find a new proof +of the unreliability of his conduct. If he has been gullible, the +declaration of 1912, the dangerous character of which is increased by +its apparently undefined tenor, has enmeshed him more and more. Also the +military and naval circles, whose consultations with the representatives +of the French Army and Navy certainly have been continued diligently +since the beginning of the Servian crisis, were forcing toward a +decision. + +At all events, it became more impossible with every hour for Germany to +keep England out of the way by any offers whatsoever. This is proved by +Grey's conversation of Aug. 1 with the German Ambassador: + + He asked me whether if Germany gave a promise not to violate + Belgian neutrality we would engage to remain neutral. I replied + that I could not say that; our hands were still free, and we were + considering what our attitude should be.... The Ambassador pressed + me as to whether I could not formulate conditions on which we would + remain neutral. I said that I felt obliged to refuse definitely any + promise.... (British "White Paper" No. 123.) + +Belgium Not the Cause. + +Hence, only if Germany would permit herself to be humiliated war with +England could be avoided. The violation of Belgium's neutrality was in +no way the cause of England joining Germany's enemies, for while German +troops did not enter Belgium until the night from Aug. 3 to 4, Grey gave +on Aug. 2 the following memorandum to the French Ambassador after a +session of the Cabinet in London: + + I am authorized to give an assurance that if the German fleet comes + into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile + operations against French coasts or shipping, the British fleet + will give all the protection in its power.--(British "White Paper" + No. 148.) + +As the aim of this decision, of which M. Cambon was informed verbally, +was to give France an assurance that it would be placed in a position +"to settle the disposition of its own Mediterranean fleet," Grey would +not accept the version of Cambon that England would take part in a war +with Germany. This is a case of splitting hairs in order to put the +blame of starting the war on Germany, for while England promised to +protect the French coast and to make it possible for the French fleet to +stay in the Mediterranean, she almost immediately proceeded to a warlike +action against Germany, especially as the English Minister +simultaneously refused to bind himself to maintain even this peculiar +neutrality. + + + * * * * * + + + + +IV. + +BELGIAN NEUTRALITY. + + +The highest representatives of the German Empire with emphatic +seriousness declared that it was with a heavy heart and only following +the law of self-preservation that they decided to violate the neutrality +of the Kingdom of Belgium, guaranteed by the great powers in the +treaties of 1831 and 1839. + +The German Secretary of State on Aug. 4 informed the English Government +through the embassy in London that Germany intended to retain no Belgian +territory, and added: + + Please impress upon Sir E. Grey that German Army could not be + exposed to French attack across Belgium, which was planned, + according to absolutely unimpeachable information. Germany had + consequently to disregard Belgian neutrality, it being with her a + question of life or death to prevent French advance.--(British + "White Paper" No. 157.) + +In answer Grey caused the English Ambassador in Berlin to demand his +passports and to tell the German Government that England would +take all steps for defense of Belgian neutrality. This, therefore, +represents, in the view which very cleverly has been spread broadcast by +British publicity, the real reason for the war. But in spite of the +moral indignation that is apparent against Germany, the consideration +for Belgium, up until very late, does not seem in any way to have been +in the foreground. We find on July 31 Grey stated to Cambon: + + The preservation of the neutrality of Belgium might be, I would not + say a decisive, but an important, factor in determining our + attitude.--(British "White Paper" No. 119.) + +Here, therefore, there was no talk about England grasping the sword on +account of Belgium. Now no one will claim that the assumption that the +German troops could march through Belgium would be new or unheard of. +For years this possibility had been discussed in military +literature.[04] + +This expression on the part of the historical Faculty is very +interesting. It shows that a plan of campaign between the English and +French had long been considered, and that the Belgian entry into the +alliance against Germany was a matter agreed upon. + +A Sudden Decision. + +It must also be assumed that the Belgian Government knew toward the end +of July at the latest that the war between Germany and France was +probable and the march of Germans through Belgium very possible. + +If England had not taken part in the war against Germany, it may be +assumed that it would have given Belgium the advice to permit the +marching through of the German Army, somewhat in the same manner as the +Grand Duchy of Luxemburg did, with a protest. In doing so the Belgian +people would have been spared a great deal of misery and loss of blood. +On Aug. 3 the Belgian Government replied to an offer of military help by +France as follows: + + We are sincerely grateful to the French Government for offering + eventual support. In the actual circumstances, however, we do not + propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers. Belgian + Government will decide later on the action which they may think + necessary to take.--(British "White Paper" No. 151.) + +One day later London decided to make Belgian neutrality the cause of the +war against Germany before the eyes of the world. The Ambassador in +Brussels received the following orders: + + You should inform Belgian Government that if pressure is applied to + them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, his + Majesty's Government expects that they will resist by any means in + their power and that his Majesty's Government will support them in + offering such resistance, and that his Majesty's Government in this + event are prepared to join Russia and France.--(British "White + Paper" No. 155.) + +Not until England thus stirred Belgium up, holding out the deceptive +hope of effective French and English help, did Belgian fanaticism break +loose against Germany. Without the intervention of England in Brussels +the events in Belgium, one may safely assert, would have taken an +entirely different course, which would have been far more favorable to +Belgium. + +But, of course, England had thus found a very useful reason for war +against Germany. Even on the 31st of July Grey had spoken of the +violation of Belgian neutrality as not a decisive factor. On Aug. 1 he +declined to promise Prince Lichnowsky England's neutrality, even if +Germany would not violate Belgium's neutrality. On Aug. 4, however, the +Belgian question was the cause that suddenly drove England to maintain +the moral fabric of the world and to draw the sword. + +This suddenly became the new development, which was still +lacking for Grey in order to justify this war before public opinion in +England. + +Another English Advantage. + +And something else was secured by the drawing of Belgium into the war by +the British Government, which had decided to make war on Germany for +entirely different reasons: the thankful part of the protector of the +weak and the oppressed. + +As an English diplomat, when Russia was mobilizing, openly stated, the +interests of his country in Servia were nil, so for Grey even Belgium, +immediately before the break with Germany, was not decisive. However, +when England had irrevocably decided to enter the war it stepped out +before the limelight of the world as the champion of--the small nations. + + + * * * * * + + + + +[02] Recently a book entitled "Why We Make War," in defense of Great +Britain, appeared at Oxford, as the authors of which "Members of the +Faculty for Modern History in Oxford" are mentioned. This work +undertakes, on the ground of the official publications, to whitewash +Grey's policy, and of course incidentally the Russian policy. All +together this publication, parading in the gown of science, is +contradicted by our own presentation of the facts; it may be mentioned +also that this work contains in part positive untruths. Thus it states +on Page 70 (retranslation): + + No diplomatic pressure whatever was exerted [by Germany] on Vienna, + which, under the protection of Berlin, was permitted to do with + Servia as she liked. + + Grey's own words contradict this assertion. + + +[03] In the aforementioned book of the Oxford historians there is +stated on Page 69 (retranslation): + + This mediation [namely, Grey's mediation proposition] had already + been accepted, by Russia on July 25th. + +We have shown in the foregoing that the Russian Government did in no +manner subscribe to the conference plan in binding terms. As an +additional proof, a part of Buchanan's dispatch of the 25th may be +mentioned: + + He [Sazonof] would like to see the question placed on international + footing.... If Servia should appeal to the powers, Russia would be + quite ready to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of + England, France, Germany, and Italy. It would be possible in his + opinion that Servia might propose to submit the question to + arbitration.--(British "White Paper" No. 17.) + +Hence, not if England, but only if Servia would propose arbitration by +the powers, Mr. Sazonof was willing! The most amusing part of this is +that the Russian Minister himself considers such a proposition on the +part of Servia merely as "possible"; evidently it would have appeared as +a great condescension on the part of the Government at Belgrade if it, +standing on the same basis as Austria-Hungary, would appear before a +European tribunal! For us there is no additional proof necessary that a +mediation conference, which for Austria was not acceptable even when +proposed by England, would be unthinkable if the move for such came from +Servia. In expressing such an idea. Mr. Sazonof proved that it was his +intention to bring war about. + + +[04] The book, which appeared at Oxford, "Why We Are at War," mentioned +previously states on Page 27 (retranslation): + + That such a plan [the marching through Luxemburg and Belgium] had + been taken into consideration by the Germans has been known in + England generally for several years; and it has also been generally + accepted that the attempt to carry out this plan would bring about + the active resistance of the British armed forces: one assumed that + these would be given the task of assisting the left wing of the + French, which would have to resist German advance from Belgian + territory. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +"Truth About Germany" + + + + + * * * * * + + +Attested by Thirty-four German Dignitaries.[05] + + +Board of Editors. + + + Paul Dehn, Schriftsteller, Berlin. + + Dr. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin. + + Matthias Erzberger, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. Francke, Berlin. + + B. Huldermann, Direktor der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Hamburg. + + Dr. Ernst Jaeckh, Berlin. + + D. Naumann, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des preussischen Herrenhauses, + Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Graf zu Reventlow, Schriftsteller, Charlottenburg. + + Dr. Paul Rohrbach, Dozent an der Handelshochschule, Berlin. + + Dr. Schacht, Direktor der Dresdner Bank, Berlin. + + + + +Honorary Committee. + + + Ballin, Vorsitzender des Direktoriums der Hamburg-Amerika Linie, + Hamburg. + + Fuerst von Buelow, Hamburg. + + Dr. R.W. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin. + + D. Dryander, Ober-Hof-und Domprediger, Berlin. + + Dr. Freiherr von der Goltz, Generalfeldmarschall, Berlin. + + Von Gwinner, Direktor der Deutschen Bank, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. von Harnack, Berlin. + + Fuerst von Hatzfeldt, Herzog zu Trachenberg. + + Dr. Heineken, Direktor des Norddeutschen Lloyds, Bremen. + + Fuerst Henckel von Donnersmarck. + + Dr. Kaempf, Praesident des Reichstags, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. Eugen Kuehnemann, Breslau. + + Prof. Dr. Lamprecht, Leipsic. + + Dr. Theodor Lewald, Direktor im Reichsamt des Innern, Berlin. + + Franz von Mendelssohn, Praesident der Handelskammer, Berlin. + + Fuerst Muenster-Derneburg, Mitglied des Herrenhauses. + + Graf von Oppersdorff, Mitglied des Herrenhauses und des Reichstags, + Berlin. + + Graf von Posadowsky-Wehner. + + Dr. Walther Rathenau, Berlin. + + Viktor Herzog von Ratibor. + + Dr. Schmidt, Ministerialdirektor, Berlin. + + Prof. Dr. von Schmoller, Berlin. + + Graf von Schwerin-Loewitz, Praesident des Hauses der Abgeordneten. + + Wilhelm von Siemens, Berlin. + + Friedrich Fuerst zu Solms-Baruth. + + Max Warburg, Hamburg. + + Siegfried Wagner, Baireuth. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Try to realize, every one of you, what we are going through! Only a few +weeks ago all of us were peacefully following our several vocations. The +peasant was gathering in this Summer's plentiful crop, the factory hand +was working with accustomed vigor. Not one human being among us dreamed +of war. We are a nation that wishes to lead a quiet and industrious +life. This need hardly be stated to you Americans. You, of all others, +know the temper of the German who lives within your gates. Our love of +peace is so strong that it is not regarded by us in the light of a +virtue, we simply know it to be an inborn and integral portion of +ourselves. Since the foundation of the German Empire in the year 1871, +we, living in the centre of Europe, have given an example of +tranquillity and peace, never once seeking to profit by any momentary +difficulties of our neighbors. Our commercial extension, our financial +rise in the world, is far removed from any love of adventure, it is the +fruit of painstaking and plodding labor. + +We are not credited with this temper, because we are insufficiently +known. Our situation and our way of thinking are not easily grasped. + +Every one is aware that we have produced great philosophers and poets, +we have preached the gospel of humanity with impassioned zeal. America +fully appreciates Goethe and Kant, looks upon them as cornerstones of +elevated culture. Do you really believe that we have changed our +natures, that our souls can be satisfied with military drill and servile +obedience? We are soldiers because we have to be soldiers, because +otherwise Germany and German civilization would be swept away from the +face of the earth. It has cost us long and weary struggles to attain our +independence, and we know full well that, in order to preserve it, we +must not content ourselves with building schools and factories, we must +look to our garrisons and forts. We and all our soldiers have remained, +however, the same lovers of music and lovers of exalted thought. We have +retained our old devotion to all peaceable sciences and arts; as all the +world knows, we work in the foremost rank of all those who strive to +advance the exchange of commodities, who further useful technical +knowledge. But we have been forced to become a nation of soldiers in +order to be free. And we are bound to follow our Kaiser, because he +symbolizes and represents the unity of our nation. Today, knowing no +distinction of party, no difference of opinion, we rally around him, +willing to shed the last drop of our blood. For though it takes a great +deal to rouse us Germans, when once aroused our feelings run deep and +strong. Every one is filled with this passion, with the soldier's ardor. +But when the waters of the deluge shall have subsided, gladly will we +return to the plow and to the anvil. + +It deeply distresses us to see two highly civilized nations, England and +France, joining the onslaught of autocratic Russia. That this could +happen will remain one of the anomalies of history. It is not our fault; +we firmly believed in the desirability of the great nations working +together, we peaceably came to terms with France and England in sundry +difficult African questions. There was no cause for war between Western +Europe and us, no reason why Western Europe should feel itself +constrained to further the power of the Czar. + +The Czar, as an individual, is most certainly not the instigator of the +unspeakable horrors that are now inundating Europe. But he bears before +God and posterity the responsibility of having allowed himself to be +terrorized by an unscrupulous military clique. + +Ever since the weight of the crown has pressed upon him, he has been the +tool of others. He did not desire the brutalities in Finland, he did not +approve of the iniquities of the Jewish pogroms, but his hand was too +weak to stop the fury of the reactionary party. Why would he not permit +Austria to pacify her southern frontier? It was inconceivable that +Austria should calmly see her heir apparent murdered. How could she? All +the nationalities under her rule realized the impossibility of tamely +allowing Servia's only too evident and successful intrigues to be +carried on under her very eyes. The Austrians could not allow their +venerable and sorely stricken monarch to be wounded and insulted any +longer. This reasonable and honorable sentiment on the part of Austria +has caused Russia to put itself forward as the patron of Servia, as the +enemy of European thought and civilization. + +Russia has an important mission to fulfill in its own country and in +Asia. It would do better in its own interest to leave the rest of the +world in peace. But the die is cast, and all nations must decide whether +they wish to further us by sentiments and by deeds, or the government of +the Czar. This is the real significance of this appalling struggle, all +the rest is immaterial. Russia's attitude alone has forced us to go to +war with France and with their great ally. + +The German Nation is serious and conscientious. Never would a German +Government dare to contemplate a war for the sake of dynastic interest, +or for the sake of glory. This would be against the entire bent of our +character. Firmly believing in the justice of our cause, all parties, +the Conservatives and the Clericals, the Liberals and the Socialists, +have joined hands. All disputes are forgotten, one duty exists for all, +the duty of defending our country and vanquishing the enemy. + +Will not this calm, self-reliant and unanimous readiness to sacrifice +all, to die or to win, appeal to other nations and force them to +understand our real character and the situation in which we are placed? + +The war has severed us from the rest of the world, all our cable +communications are destroyed. But the winds will carry the mighty voice +of justice even across the ocean. We trust in God, we have confidence in +the judgment of right-minded men. And through the roar of battle, we +call to you all. Do not believe the mischievous lies that our enemies +are spreading about! We do not know if victory will be ours, the Lord +alone knows. We have not chosen our path, we must continue doing our +duty, even to the very end. We bear the misery of war, the death of our +sons, believing in Germany, believing in duty. + +And we know that Germany cannot be wiped from the face of the earth. + + + * * * * * + + + + +[05] + + "Athenwood," Newport, R.I., + + Sept. 17, 1914. + + Today I have received from Germany a pamphlet entitled "Truth About + Germany, Facts About the War." The correctness and completeness of + its statements are vouched for by thirty-four persons, whose names + are recorded therein as members of an Honorary Committee. I know + personally seventeen of these thirty-four persons, and have known + them for years, some of them intimately. With six of them I have + labored as a colleague in university work. I have been introduced + into their homes, have broken bread at their tables and have + conversed with them long and often upon the problems of life and + culture. They are among the greatest thinkers, moralists and + philanthropists of the age. They are the salt of the earth! The + great theologian Harnack, the sound and accomplished political + scientist and economist von Schmoller, the distinguished + philologian von Wilamowitz, the well-known historian Lamprecht, the + profound statesman von Posadowsky, the brilliant diplomatist von + Buelow, the great financier von Gwinner, the great promoter of trade + and commerce Ballin, the great inventor Siemens, the brilliant + preacher of the Gospel Dryander, the indispensable Director in the + Ministry of Education Schmidt. Two of them are, in a sense, our own + countrywomen, the Baroness Speck von Sternburg and Frau + Staats-minister von Trott zu Solz. The latter is the granddaughter + of our own John Jay. I have known her, her mother and her + grandfather. No statement was ever issued which was vouched for by + more solid, intelligent, and conscientious people. Its correctness, + completeness and veracity cannot be doubted. As I read it the + emotions which it arouses make both speech and sight difficult. I + wish it might come into the hands of every man, woman, and child in + the United States. + + (Signed) JOHN W. BURGESS, + + Ex-Dean Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, Pure Science + and Fine Arts, Columbia University; Roosevelt Professor of American + History and Institutions at Friedrich Wilhelms University, Berlin, + 1906; Visiting American Professor at Austrian Universities, + 1914-15. + + +Under the head of "An Anti-British Pamphlet," The London Times of Aug. +23, 1914, noted as follows: + + The Vossischezeitung gives extracts from a brochure issued under + the auspices of a committee of such prominent Germans as Prince + Buelow, Herr Ballin, Dr. von Gwinner, and Field Marshal von der + Goltz, for the purpose of "opening the eyes" of the United States + regarding the causes of the present war. Copies of this pamphlet + are being given to all Americans returning home from Germany. One + chapter, headed "Neutrality by Grace of England," scoffs at the + idea of England today being the defender of neutral States and + declares that it was England who in 1911 was ready to land 160,000 + men at Antwerp to help the French against the Germans. + + As to who will ultimately win in the war, the pamphlet asks whether + it will be the striving nation, the young strength, or the old + peoples, France and England, with their flagging civilization in + alliance with Muscovite retrogression. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT. + + +Who is responsible for the war?--Not Germany! England's policy! Her +shifting of responsibility and promoting the struggle while alone +possessing power to avert it. + + +It is an old and common experience that after the outbreak of a war the +very parties and persons that wanted the war, either at once or later, +assert that the enemy wanted and began it. The German Empire especially +always had to suffer from such untruthful assertions, and the very first +days of the present terrible European war confirm again this old +experience. Again Russian, French, and British accounts represent the +German Empire as having wanted the war. + +Only a few months ago influential men and newspapers of Great Britain as +well as of Paris could be heard to express the opinion that nobody in +Europe wanted war and that especially the German Emperor and his +Government had sincerely and effectively been working for peace. +Especially the English Government, in the course of the last two years, +asserted frequently and publicly, and was supported by The Westminster +Gazette and a number of influential English newspapers in the assertion, +that Great Britain and the German Empire during the Balkan crisis of the +last few years had always met on the same platform for the preservation +of peace. The late Secretary of State, von Kiderlen-Waechter, his +successor, Mr. von Jagow, and the Imperial Chancellor, von +Bethmann-Hollweg, likewise declared repeatedly in the Reichstag, how +great their satisfaction was that a close and confidential diplomatic +co-operation with Great Britain, especially in questions concerning the +Near East, had become a fact. And it has to be acknowledged today that +at that time the German and British interests in the Near East were +identical or at any rate ran in parallel lines. + +The collapse of European Turkey in the war against the Balkan Alliance +created an entirely new situation. At first Bulgaria was victorious and +great, then it was beaten and humiliated by the others with the +intellectual help of Russia. There could be no doubt about Russia's +intentions: she was preparing for the total subjection of weakened +Turkey and for taking possession of the Dardanelles and Constantinople +in order to rule from this powerful position Turkey and the other Balkan +States. Great Britain and the German Empire, which only had economic +interests in Turkey, were bound to wish to strengthen Turkey besides +trying to prevent the Muscovite rule on the whole Balkan peninsula. + +Servia had come out of the second Balkan war greatly strengthened and +with her territory very much increased. Russia had done everything to +strengthen this bitter enemy of our ally, Austria-Hungary. For a great +number of years Servian politicians and conspirators had planned to +undermine the southeastern provinces of Austria-Hungary and to separate +them from the Dual Monarchy. In Servia as well as in Russia prevailed +the opinion that, at the first attack, Austria-Hungary would fall to +pieces. In this case Servia was to receive South Austria and Russia was +to dictate the peace in Vienna. The Balkan war had ruined Turkey almost +entirely, had paralyzed Bulgaria, that was friendly, and had +strengthened the Balkan States that were hostile to Austria. At the same +time there began in Rumania a Russian and French propaganda, that +promised this country, if it should join the dual alliance, the +Hungarian Province of Siebenbuergen. + +Thus it became evident in Germany and in Austria that at St. Petersburg, +first by diplomatic and political, then also by military, action a +comprehensive attack of Slavism under Russian guidance was being +prepared. The party of the Grand Dukes in St. Petersburg, the party of +the Russian officers, always ready for war, and the Pan-Slavists, the +brutal and unscrupulous representatives of the idea that the Russian +Czarism was destined to rule Europe--all these declared openly that +their aim was the destruction of Austria-Hungary. In Russia the army, +already of an immense size, was increased secretly but comprehensively +and as quick as possible; in Servia the same was done, and the Russian +Ambassador in Belgrade, Mr. von Hartwig, was, after the second Balkan +war, the principal promoter of the plan to form against Austria a new +Balkan alliance. In Bosnia, during all this time, the Servian propaganda +was at work with high treason, and in the end with revolver and the +bomb. + +In Vienna and in Berlin the greatness and the purpose of the new danger +could not remain doubtful, especially as it was openly said in St. +Petersburg, in Belgrade, and elsewhere that the destruction of +Austria-Hungary was imminent. As soon as the Balkan troubles began +Austria-Hungary had been obliged to put a large part of her army in +readiness for war, because the Russians and Servians had mobilized on +their frontiers. The Germans felt that what was a danger for their ally +was also a danger for them and that they must do all in the power to +maintain Austria-Hungary in the position of a great power. They felt +that this could only be done by keeping perfect faith with their ally +and by great military strength, so that Russia might possibly be +deterred from war and peace be preserved, or else that, in case war was +forced upon them, they could wage it with honor and success. Now it was +clear in Berlin that in view of the Russian and Servian preparations, +Austria-Hungary, in case of a war, would be obliged to use a great part +of her forces against Servia and therefore would have to send against +Russia fewer troops than would have been possible under the conditions +formerly prevailing in Europe. Formerly even European Turkey could have +been counted upon for assistance, that after her recent defeat seemed +very doubtful. These reasons and considerations, which were solely of a +defensive nature, led to the great German military bills of the last two +years. Also Austria-Hungary was obliged to increase its defensive +strength. + +Whoever considers carefully the course of events that has been briefly +sketched here will pronounce the assertion of our enemies, that Germany +wanted the war, ridiculous and absurd. On the contrary, it can be said +that Germany never before endeavored more eagerly to preserve peace than +during the last few years. Germany had plenty of opportunities to attack +and good opportunities to boot, for we knew for years that the army of +France was no more ready than that of Russia. But the Germans are not a +warlike nation and the German Emperor, with his Government, has always +shown how earnestly he meant his reiterated assertions that the +preservation of peace was his principal aim. He was actuated in this by +general considerations of humanity, justice, and culture, as well as by +the consideration of the German trade and commerce. This, especially the +transoceanic commerce of Germany, has increased from year to year. War, +however, means the ruin of commerce. Why expose Germany needlessly to +this terrible risk, especially as everything in Germany prospered and +her wealth increased? No, the German Army bills were merely meant to +protect us against, and prepare us for, the attacks of Muscovite +barbarism. But nobody in Germany has ever doubted for a moment that +France would attack us at the first Russian signal. Since the first days +of the Franco-Russian alliance things have become entirely reversed. +Then France wanted to win Russia for a war of revenge against Germany; +now, on the contrary, France thought herself obliged to place her power +and her existence at the disposal of the Russian lust of conquest. + +In the Spring of 1914 the German press reported from St. Petersburg +detailed accounts of Russia's comprehensive preparations for war. They +were not denied in Russia, and Paris declared that Russia would be ready +in two or three years and then pursue a policy corresponding to her +power; France, too, would then be at the height of her power. If the +German Government had desired war, on the strength of these accounts, +which were true, it could have waged a preventive war at once and +easily. It did not do so, considering that a war is just only when it is +forced upon one by the enemy. Thus Spring went by with the atmosphere +at high tension. From St. Petersburg and Paris overbearing threats came +in increasing numbers to the effect that the power of the Dual Alliance +was now gigantic and that Germany and Austria soon would begin to feel +it. We remained quiet and watchful, endeavoring with perseverance and +with all our might to win over Great Britain to the policy of preserving +peace. Colonial and economic questions were being discussed by the +German and English Governments, and the cordiality between the two great +powers seemed only to be equaled by their mutual confidence. + +Then on the 28th of June occurred that frightful assassination by +Servians of the successor to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke +Francis Ferdinand. The Greater Servia propaganda of action had put aside +the man who was especially hated in Servia as the powerful exponent of +Austro-Hungarian unity and strength. This murder is the real cause of +the present European war. Austria-Hungary was able to prove to a +shuddering world, a few days after the murder, that it had been prepared +and planned systematically, yea, that the Servian Government had been +cognizant of the plan. The immense extent of the Servian revolutionary +organization in the provinces of Southern Austria, the warlike spirit of +the Servians and its instigation by Russia and France, imposed upon the +Vienna Government the duty to insist upon quiet and peace within and +without its borders. It addressed to the Servian Government a number of +demands which aimed at nothing but the suppression of the anti-Austrian +propaganda. Servia was on the point of accepting the demand, when there +arrived a dispatch from St. Petersburg, and Servia mobilized. Then +Austria, too, had to act. Thus arose the Austro-Servian war. But a few +days later the Russian Army was being mobilized, and the mobilization +was begun also in France. At the same time, as the German "White Book" +clearly proves, the diplomacy of Russia and France asserted its great +love of peace and tried to prolong the negotiations in order to gain +time, for, as is well known, the Russian mobilization proceeds slowly. +Germany was waiting, and again and again the German Emperor tried to win +the Czar over to the preservation of peace, for he considered him +sincere and thought him his personal friend. Emperor William was to be +cruelly disappointed. He finally saw himself obliged to proclaim a state +of war for Germany. But at that time the Russian and French armies were +already in a state of complete mobilization. At that time The London +Daily Graphic wrote the following article, which shows how an English +paper that was only slightly friendly to Germany judged of the situation +at that time: + + The Mobilization Mystery. + + + A general mobilization has been ordered in Russia, and Germany has + responded by proclaiming martial law throughout the empire. We are + now enabled to measure exactly the narrow and slippery ledge which + still stands between Europe and the abyss of Armageddon. Will the + Russian order be acted upon in the provinces adjoining the German + frontier? If it is, then the work of the peacemakers is at an end, + for Germany is bound to reply with a mobilization of her own armed + forces, and a rush to the frontiers on all sides must ensue. We + confess that we are unable to understand the action of Russia in + view of the resumption of the negotiations with Austria. It is not + likely that these negotiations have been resumed unless both sides + think that there is yet a chance of agreement, but if this is the + case, why the mobilization which goes far beyond the limits of + necessary precaution, and is, indeed, calculated to defeat the + efforts of the diplomatists, however promising they may be? There + may, of course, be a satisfactory explanation, but as the matter + stands it is inexplicable, and is all the more regrettable because + it is calculated--we feel sure unjustly--to cast doubts on the + loyalty and straightforwardness of the Russian Government. + +When Russia had let pass the time limit set by Germany, when France had +answered that she would act according to her own interests, then the +German Empire had to mobilize its army and go ahead. Before one German +soldier had crossed the German frontier a large number of French +aeroplanes came flying into our country across the neutral territory of +Belgium and Luxemburg without a word of warning on the part of the +Belgian Government. At the same time the German Government learned that +the French were about to enter Belgium. Then our Government, with great +reluctance, had to decide upon requesting the Belgian Government to +allow our troops to march through its territory. Belgium was to be +indemnified after the war, was to retain its sovereignty and integrity. +Belgium protested, at the same time allowing, by an agreement with +France, that the French troops might enter Belgium. After all this, and +not till France and Belgium itself had broken the neutrality, our troops +entered the neutral territory. Germany wanted nothing from Belgium, but +had to prevent that Belgian soil be used as a gate of entrance into +German territory. + +Little has as yet been said of Great Britain. It was Germany's +conviction that the sincerity of Britain's love for peace could be +trusted. At any rate, Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith asserted again and +again in the course of the last few years that England wished friendly +relations with Germany and never would lend its support to a +Franco-Russian attack on Germany. Now this attack had been made; Germany +was on the defensive against two powerful enemies. What would Great +Britain do about it? That was the question. Great Britain asked in +return for its neutrality that the German forces should not enter +Belgium. In other words, it asked that Germany should allow the French +and Belgian troops to form on Belgian territory for a march against our +frontier! This we could not allow. It would have been suicidal. The +German Government made Great Britain, in return for its neutrality, the +following offers: we would not attack the northern coast of France, we +would leave unmolested the maritime commerce of France and would +indemnify Belgium after the war and safeguard its sovereignty and +integrity. In spite of this Great Britain declared war on Germany and +sides today with those Continental powers that have united for our +destruction, in order that Muscovite barbarism may rule Europe. We know +that Germany did not deserve such treatment on the part of Great +Britain, and do not believe that Great Britain by this action did a +service to humanity and civilization. + +Today we are facing hard facts. Germany has to fight for her existence. +She will fight knowing that the great powers beyond the ocean will do +her justice as soon as they know the truth. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR. + + +England, France, and Russia, unthreatened by Germany, go to war for +political reasons--Germany defends her independence and fights for her +very existence, for her future as a great power--How a peaceful people +were imbued with the spirit of war. + + +The last days of the month of July were days of anxiety and distress for +the German people. They hoped that they would be permitted to preserve +an honorable peace. A few months earlier, in 1913, when the centennial +of the war for independence from French oppression and the twenty-fifth +anniversary of Emperor William's ascent of the throne had been +celebrated, they had willingly taken upon their shoulders the great +sacrifice of the so-called "Wehrvorlage," which increased the peace +strength of the standing army enormously and cost 1,000,000,000 marks. +They considered it simply as an increase of their peace insurance +premium. Our diplomats worked hard for the maintenance of peace, for the +localization of the Austro-Servian war. So sure were the leading men of +the empire of the preservation of general peace that at the beginning of +the week which was to bring general mobilization they said to each other +joyfully: Next week our vacation time begins. But they were fearfully +disappointed. Russia's unexpected, treacherous mobilization compelled +Germany to draw the sword also. On the evening of the first day of +August the one word, Mobilization! was flashed by the electric spark all +over the country. There was no more anxiety and uncertainty. Cool, firm +resolution at once permeated the entire German folk. The Reichstag was +called together for an extra session. + +Three days later, on the anniversary of the battles of Weissenburg and +Spichern, the representatives of the German people met. This session, +which lasted only a few hours, proved worthy of the great historical +moment marking the beginning of such a conflagration as the world had +never seen before. The railroad lines were under military control and +used almost exclusively for purposes of mobilization. In spite of all +such difficulties, more than 300 of the 397 Deputies managed to get to +Berlin in time. The rest sent word that they were unable to come. On the +evening of Aug. 3 the Imperial Chancellor called the leaders of all +parties, including the Socialists, to his house and explained to them in +a concise and impressive statement how frivolously Germany had been +driven to war. At the time of this meeting the unanimous acceptance of +all war measures by the Reichstag was already assured. In numerous +conferences the heads of the several departments explained the content +and meaning of the bills to be submitted to the Reichstag. The +participants of the conferences showed already what spirit would +characterize the next day. The session of the Reichstag filled the +entire German nation with pride and enthusiasm; the Reichstag maintained +the dignity of the German Empire and the German people. + +In greater numbers than ever before the Deputies, high officers of the +army and navy and the Civil Government assembled on Aug. 4, first in +houses of worship to pray to God, and then in the Royal Castle of +Berlin. The military character of the ceremony at the opening of the +session showed under what auspices this memorable act took place. The +Kaiser entered the hall in the simple gray field uniform, without the +usual pomp, unaccompanied by chamberlains and court officials and pages +in glittering court dresses. Only State Ministers, Generals, and +Admirals followed him to the throne, from where he read his speech, +after covering his head with his helmet. His voice betrayed the strain +under which he was laboring. Repeatedly he was interrupted by +enthusiastic applause, and when he closed, a rousing cheer thundered +through the famous White Hall, something that had never before occurred +there since the erection of the old castle. Then came a surprise. The +Emperor laid down the manuscript of his speech and continued speaking. +From now on he knew only Germans, he said, no differences of party, +creed, religion or social position, and he requested the party leaders +to give him their hands as a pledge that they all would stand by him "in +Not und Tod"--in death and distress. This scene was entirely impromptu, +and thus so much more impressive and touching. And it was hardly over +when the Reichstag--an unheard of proceeding in such surroundings--began +to sing the German national hymn, "Heil Dir im Siegerkranz." The +magnificent hall, until then only the scene of pompous court +festivities, witnessed an outburst of patriotism such as was never seen +there before. To the accompaniment of loud cheers the Kaiser walked out, +after shaking the hands of the Imperial Chancellor and the Chief of the +General Staff, von Moltke. + +One hour later the Reichstag met in its own house. The Emperor had +begged for quick and thorough work. He was not to be disappointed. +Without any formalities the presiding officers of the last session were +re-elected--in times of peace and party strife this would have been +impossible. This short curtain raiser being over, the first act of the +drama began. Before an overcrowded house the Chancellor described simply +and clearly the efforts of the Government for the preservation of peace. +He stated cold facts, showing unmistakably Russia's double dealing and +justifying Germany's beginning of a war which she did not want. The +Chancellor had begun in a quiet, subdued tone. Then he raised his voice +and when, in words that rang through the hall, he declared that the +entire nation was united, the Deputies and the spectators in the +galleries could sit still no longer. They rose, with them at first some +Socialists, then all of them, carried away by the impulse of the +moment; the members of the Federal Council, of the press, diplomats and +the crowds in the galleries joined them. The whole multitude cheered and +clapped its hands frantically. It reflected truly the spirit of the +whole nation. The Speaker, who under ordinary circumstances would have +suppressed the clapping of hands as unparliamentary and the +demonstrations of the galleries as undignified, let the patriotic +outburst go on to its end. + +After a short intermission the business meeting began. Sixteen war +measures had been introduced, the most important of which was the one +asking for 5,000,000,000 marks to carry on the war. The leader of the +Social Democrats read a statement explaining why his party, despite its +opposition on principle to all army and navy appropriations, would vote +for the proposed bills. Without further debates all the bills were +passed, and shortly after 5 P.M. the Reichstag adjourned. At 7 P.M. the +Emperor received the presiding officers of the Reichstag to thank them +for their prompt and useful work. He signed the bills, which were +immediately published and thus became laws. + +The resolute attitude and quick work of the Reichstag reflected the +unity and resolution of the entire nation. Sixty-seven millions of +Germans feel, think, and act with their elected representatives. No +party, no class, no creed is standing back; all are imbued with one +single thought: United Germany is unconquerable. + +The entire German people are united as never before in their history. +Even 101 years ago, in 1813, the entire population cannot have been so +uniformly seized by the spirit of war as at the outbreak of this +struggle, which is the people's war in the truest sense of the word, and +which was predicted by Bismarck. All reigning Princes are going out to +fight with the army and have appointed their wives as regents. Instances +include the Kaiser's son-in-law, the Duke of Brunswick, who appointed +his consort, the only daughter of the Emperor, as regent. The Princes +call their people to arms, and they themselves all stand ready to +sacrifice all they have. This example from above carries the nation with +them. The Reichstag knew parties and factions no more, and neither does +the nation. The Emperor sounded the word which has become common +property from Koenigsberg to Constance, from Upper Silesia to the Belgian +frontier: "I know only Germans!" And yet how terribly is our nation +otherwise disrupted by party strife. Ill-advised persons across our +frontiers hoped that creed differences would make for disunion, +Frenchmen and Russians expected to weaken our empire with the aid of +Alsatians and Poles. This hope has been destroyed--we are a united +people, as united as was the Reichstag, the Socialists included. The +latter have for years voted against all army and navy appropriations, +have advocated international peace, and last year voted against the +bills increasing the army strength. In many foreign quarters strong +hopes were nourished that this party would help them. But those men did +not know our German people. Our civilization, our independence as a +nation was threatened, and in that moment party interest or creed +existed no more. The true German heart is beating only for the +Fatherland, east and west, north and south, Protestants, Catholics, and +Jews are "a united people of brethren in the hour of danger." When +Germany was so threatened by Russia, when the German "Peace Emperor" was +shamefully betrayed by the Czar of all the Russians, then there was but +one sacred party in existence: The party of Germans. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION. + + +The clockworks of mobilization; perfect order and quiet +everywhere--General acceptance by all classes and factions of the +necessities of a war not sought by Germany. + + +The German mobilization was the greatest movement of people that the +world has ever seen. Nearly four million men had to be transported from +every part of the empire to her borders. The manner in which the +population is distributed made this task extremely difficult. Berlin, +Rhenish Westphalia, Upper Silesia and Saxony especially had to send +their contingents in every direction, since the eastern provinces are +more thinly settled and had to have a stronger guard for the borders +immediately. The result was a hurrying to and fro of thousands and +hundreds of thousands of soldiers, besides a flood of civilians who had +to reach their homes as soon as possible. Countries where the population +is more regularly distributed have an easier task than Germany, with its +predominating urban population. The difficulties of the gigantic +undertaking were also increased by the necessity for transporting war +materials of every sort. In the west are chiefly industrial +undertakings, in the east mainly agricultural. Horse raising is mostly +confined to the provinces on the North Sea and the Baltic, but chiefly +to East Prussia, and this province, the furthest away from France, had +to send its best horses to the western border, as did also +Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover. Coal for our warships had to go in the +other direction. From the Rhenish mines it went to the North Sea, from +Upper Silesia to the Baltic. Ammunition and heavy projectiles were +transported from the central part of the empire to the borders. And +everywhere these operations had to be carried on with haste. One can +thus say that the German mobilization was the greatest movement of men +and materials that the world has ever seen. + +And how was it carried on? No one could have wondered if there had been +hundreds of unforeseen incidents, if military trains had arrived at +their stations with great delays, if there had resulted in many places a +wild hugger-mugger from the tremendous problems on hand. But there was +not a trace of this. On the Monday evening of the first week of +mobilization a high officer of the General Staff said: "It had to go +well today, but how about tomorrow, the main day?" Tuesday evening saw +no reason for complaint, no delay, no requests for instructions. All had +moved with the regularity of clockwork. Regiments that had been ordered +to mobilize in the forenoon left in the evening for the field, fully +equipped. Not a man was lacking. There were no deserters, no shirkers, +no cowards. Instead, there were volunteers whose numbers far exceeded +the number that could be used. Every German wanted to do his duty. + +The most noteworthy thing was the earnest quietness with which the +gigantic gathering proceeded. Not a city, not a village reported unrest +or even an untoward incident. The separation was hard for many a +soldier. Many a volunteer tore himself away from his dear ones with +bleeding heart, but with face beaming with the light of one who looks +forward to victory. Following the Kaiser's wish, those who remained +behind filled the churches and, kneeling, prayed to God for victory for +the just German cause. The folk-war, brought on by the wantonness of the +opponents, in itself brought peace and order, safety and discipline. +Never, probably, have the police had fewer excesses to deal with than in +the days of the mobilization, although great crowds gathered constantly +in every city. + +The best criterion of the enthusiasm of the people is without doubt the +number of volunteers. More than 1,000,000 of these, a number greater +than that of the standing army, presented themselves within a few days. +They came from all classes. There were sons of the nobility, university +students, farmers, merchants, common laborers. No calling hung back. +Every young man sorrowed when he was rejected. No section of the +Fatherland was unrepresented, not even the Reichsland Alsace-Lorraine, +where, indeed, the number of volunteers was conspicuously great. When +the lists in various cities had to be closed, the young men who had not +been accepted turned away with tears in their eyes, and telegraphed from +regiment to regiment, hoping to find one where there were still +vacancies. Where the sons of the wealthy renounced the pleasures of +youth and the comforts of their homes to accept the hardships of war in +serving the Fatherland, the poor and the poorest appeared in like +degree. In families having four or five sons subject to military duty a +youngest son, not yet liable for service, volunteered. The year 1870, +truly a proud year in our history, saw nothing like this. + +A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still higher was the +appearance of the troops in brand-new uniforms, complete from head to +foot. The first sight of these new uniforms of modest field gray, +faultlessly made, evoked everywhere the question: Where did they come +from? On the first day of mobilization dozens of cloth manufacturers +appeared at the War Ministry with offers of the new material. "We don't +need any," was the astonishing reply. Equal amazement was caused by the +faultless new boots and shoes of the troops, especially in view of the +recent famous "boot speech" of the French Senator Humbert. + +Small arms, cannons, and ammunition are so plentiful that they have +merely to be unpacked. In view of all this, it is no wonder that the +regiments marching in were everywhere greeted with jubilation, and that +those marching out took leave of their garrisons with joyful songs. No +one thinks of death and destruction, every one of victory and a happy +reunion. German discipline, once so slandered, now celebrates its +triumph. + +There was still another matter in which the troops gave their countrymen +cause for rejoicing. Not one drunken man was seen during these earnest +days in the city streets. The General Staff had, moreover, wisely +ordered that during the mobilization, when every one had money in his +pockets, alcoholic drinks were not to be sold at the railroad stations. +Despite this, the soldiers did not lack for refreshments on their +journey. Women and girls offered their services to the Red Cross, and +there was no station where coffee, tea, milk, and substantial food were +not at the disposal of the soldiers. They were not required to suffer +hunger or any other discomfort. The German anti-alcoholists are +rejoicing at this earnest tribute to their principles, which were at +first laughed at and then pitied, but triumphed in the days of the +mobilization. + +The army is increased to many times its ordinary strength by the +mobilization. It draws from everywhere millions of soldiers, workmen, +horses, wagons, and other material. The entire railway service is at its +disposal. The mobilization of the fleet goes on more quietly and less +conspicuously, but not less orderly and smoothly. Indeed, it is, even in +peace times, practically mobilized as to its greatest and strongest +units. For this reason its transports are smaller than those of the +army; they are concentrated in a few harbors, and, therefore, do not +attract so much public attention. The naval transports, working +according to plans in connection with those of the army, have moved +their quotas of men and materials with the most punctual exactitude. The +naval reserve of fully trained officers and men is practically +inexhaustible. The faithful work of our shipbuilding concerns, carried +on uninterruptedly day and night under plans carefully prepared in time +of peace, has wrought for our navy a strong increase in powerful +warships. + +As is known, the German fleet is built on the so-called +"assumption-of-risk" plan. That is, it is intended that it shall be so +strong that even the strongest sea power, in a conflict with the +Germans, risks forfeiting its former role as a world factor. This "risk" +idea has been hammered into the heart of every German seaman, and they +are all eager to win for the fleet such glory that it can be favorably +contrasted with the deeds of the old and the new armies. + +Contrary to general expectation, the German fleet has taken the +offensive, and the first loss of the war was on the English side and in +English waters, the English cruiser Amphion running on to German mines +in the mouth of the Thames. In the Baltic and the Mediterranean also +German ships have taken the offensive against the enemies' coast, as is +shown by the bombardment by the Germans of the war harbor of Libau and +of fortified landing places on the Algerian coast. + +Thus the fleet, confiding in the "risk" idea now proved to be true, and +in its earnest and courageous spirit, may look forward with confidence +to coming events. + +But will not civilians have to hunger and thirst in these days? That is +an earnest question. The answer is, No. Even in Berlin, city of +millions, the milk supply did not fail for a day. Infants will not have +to bear the privations of war. All provisions are to be had at +reasonable prices. Empire, municipalities and merchants are working +successfully together to insure that there shall be a sufficient food +supply at not too great a cost. Not only is our great army mobilized, +but the whole folk is mobilized, and the distribution of labor, the food +question and the care of the sick and wounded are all being provided +for. The whole German folk has become a gigantic war camp, all are +mobilized to protect Kaiser, Folk and Fatherland, as the closing report +of the Reichstag put it. And all Germany pays the tribute of a salute to +the chiefs of the army and navy, who work with deeds, not words. + + + * * * * * + + + + +ARMY AND NAVY. + + +The German Army and Navy on the watch--Four million German men in the +field--Thousands of volunteers join the colors to fight for Germany's +existence, among them the flower of her scientific and artistic life. + + +There can be no greater contrast than that between the United States and +Germany in one of the most important questions of existence with which a +State is confronted. In its whole history the United States has never +had a foreign hostile force of invaders upon its territory, foreign +armies have never laid waste its fields. Until late in the last century, +however, Germany was the battlefield for the then most powerful nations +of Europe. The numerous German States and provinces, too, fought among +themselves, often on behalf of foreign powers. The European great powers +of that day were able, unhindered and unpunished, to take for themselves +piece after piece of German territory. In the United States, on the +other hand, it was years before the steadily increasing population +attained to the boundaries set for it by nature. + +Our Bismarck was finally able, in the years from 1864 to 1871, to create +a great empire from the many small German States. As he himself often +remarked, however, this was possible only because his policies and +diplomacy rested upon and were supported by a well trained and powerful +army. How the German Empire came into being at that time is well known. +A war was necessary because of the fact that the then so powerful France +did not desire that North and South Germany should unite. She was not +able to prevent this union, was defeated and had to give back to us two +old German provinces which she had stolen from the Germans. The old +Field Marshal von Moltke said not long after the war of 1870-71 that the +Germans would still have to defend Alsace-Lorraine for fifty years more. +Perhaps he little realized how prophetic his words were, but he and +those who followed him, the German Emperors and the German War +Ministers, prepared themselves for this coming defensive struggle and +unremittingly devoted their attention to the German Army. + +From 1887 on there had been no doubt that in the event of war with +France we should have to reckon also with Russia. This meant that the +army must be strong enough to be equal to the coming fight on two +borders--a tremendous demand upon the resources of a land when one +considers that a peaceful folk, devoted to agriculture, industry, and +trade, must live for decades in the constant expectation of being +obliged, be it tomorrow, be it in ten years, to fight for its life +against its two great military neighbors simultaneously. There are, +moreover, the great money expenditures, and also the burden of universal +military service, which, as is well known, requires every able-bodied +male German to serve a number of years with the colors, and later to +hold himself ready, first as a reservist, then as member of the +Landwehr, and finally as member of the Landsturm, to spring to arms at +the call of his supreme war lord, the German Emperor. A warlike, +militant nation would not long have endured such conditions, but would +have compelled a war and carried it through swiftly. As Bismarck said, +however, the German Army, since it is an army of the folk itself, is not +a weapon for frivolous aggression. Since the German Army, when it is +summoned to war, represents the whole German people, and since the whole +German people is peaceably disposed, it follows that the army can only +be a defensive organization. If war comes, millions of Germans must go +to the front, must leave their parents, their families, their children. +They must. And this "must" means not only the command of their Emperor, +but also the necessity to defend their own land. Did not this necessity +exist, these sons, husbands, and fathers would assuredly not go gladly +to the battlefield, and it is likewise certain that those who stayed at +home would not rejoice so enthusiastically to see them go as we Germans +have seen them rejoicing in these days. Again, then, let us repeat that +the German Army is a weapon which can be and is used only for defense +against foreign aggressions. When these aggressions come, the whole +German folk stands with its army, as it does now. + +The German Army is divided into 25 corps in times of peace. In war times +reservists, members of the Landwehr, and occasionally also of the +Landsturm, are called to the colors. The result is that the German Army +on a war footing is a tremendously powerful organ. + +Our opponents in foreign countries have for years consistently +endeavored to awaken the belief that the German soldier does his +obligatory service very unwillingly, that he does not get enough to eat +and is badly treated. These assertions are false, and anybody who has +seen in these weeks of mobilization how our soldiers, reservists, and +Landwehr men departed for the field or reported at the garrisons, +anybody who has seen their happy, enthusiastic and fresh faces knows +that mishandled men, men who have been drilled as machines, cannot +present such an appearance. + +On the day the German mobilization was ordered we traveled with some +Americans from the western border to Berlin. These Americans said: "We +do not know much about your army, but judging by what we have seen in +these days there prevails in it and all its arrangements such system +that it must win. System must win every time." In this saying there is, +indeed, much of truth--order and system are the basis upon which the +mighty organization of our army is built. + +Now a word concerning the German officer. He, too, has been much +maligned, he is often misunderstood by foreigners, and yet we believe +that the people of the United States in particular must be able to +understand the German officer. One of the greatest sons of free America, +George Washington, gave his countrymen the advice to select only +gentlemen as officers, and it is according to this principle that the +officers of the German Army and Navy are chosen. Their selection is +made, moreover, upon a democratic basis, in that the officers' corps of +the various regiments decide for themselves whether they will or will +not accept as a comrade the person whose name is proposed to them. + +One sees that the German Army is not, as many say, a tremendous machine, +but rather a great, living organism, which draws its strength and +lifeblood from all classes of the whole German folk. The German Army can +develop its entire strength only in a war which the folk approve, that +is, when a defensive war has been forced upon them. That this is true +will have been realized by our friends in the United States before this +comes into their hands. + +The German fleet is in like manner a weapon of defense. It was very +small up to the end of the last century, but has since then been +consistently built up according to the ground principles which Mr. +Roosevelt has so often in his powerful manner laid down for the American +fleet. The question has often been asked, what is there for the German +fleet to defend, since the German coastline is so short? The answer +is that the strength of a fleet must not be made to depend upon the +length of coastlines, but upon how many ships and how much merchandise +go out from and enter the harbors, how great oversea interests there +are, how large the colonies are and how they are situated, and, finally, +how strong the sea powers are with which Germany may have to carry on a +war and how they are situated. To meet all these requirements there is +but one remedy, namely, either that our fleet shall be strong enough to +prevent the strongest sea power from conducting war against us, or that, +if war does come, it shall be able so to battle against the mightiest +opponent that the latter shall be seriously weakened. + +Germany, as especially the Americans know, has become a great merchant +marine nation, whose colonies are flourishing. Furthermore, since the +land's growing population has greatly increased its strength in the +course of the last years, the mistrust and jealousy of Great Britain +have in particular been directed steadily against the development of our +ocean commerce, and later of our navy. To the upbuilding of the German +Navy were ascribed all manner of plans--to attack Great Britain, to make +war on Japan, &c. It was even declared by the English press that Germany +intended to attack the United States as soon as its fleet was strong +enough. Today, when Great Britain has needlessly declared war upon us, +the Americans will perhaps believe that our fleet was never planned or +built for an attack on any one. Germany desired simply to protect its +coasts and its marine interests in the same manner in which it protects +its land boundaries. It is realized in the United States as well as here +that a fleet can be powerful only when it has a sufficient number of +vessels of all classes, and when it is thoroughly and unremittingly +schooled in times of peace. We have tried to attain this ideal in +Germany, and it may be remarked that the training of the personnel +requires greater efforts here, since the principle of universal service +is also applied to the fleet, with a resulting short term of service, +whereas all foreign fleets have a long term of enlistment. + +The nominal strength of the German fleet is regulated by statute, as is +also the term--twenty years--at the expiration of which old vessels must +automatically be replaced by new ones. This fleet strength is set at +forty-one line-of-battle ships, twenty armored cruisers and forty small +cruisers, besides 144 torpedo boats and seventy-two submarine vessels. +These figures, however, have not been reached. To offset this fact, +however, almost the whole German fleet has been kept together in home +waters. Great Britain's fleet is much stronger than ours, but despite +this the German fleet faces its great opponent with coolness and +assurance and with that courage and readiness to undertake great deeds +that mark those who know that their land has been unjustifiably +attacked. It is utterly incorrect to say, as has been said, that the +German naval officers are filled with hatred for other navies, +especially for the British. On the contrary, the relations between +German and English officers and men have always been good, almost as +good as those of the Germans with the American officers. It is not +personal hatred that inspires our officers and men with the lust for +battle, but their indignation over the unprovoked attack and the +realization that, if every one will do his best for the Fatherland in +this great hour, it will not be in vain even against the greatest naval +power. We, too, are confident of this, for strenuous and faithful effort +always has its reward, and this is especially true of our fleet +organization. The United States realizes this as well as we, for it, +too, has built up a strong and admirably trained fleet by prodigious +labor. As is the case with the German fleet, the American Navy also is +not built for aggression, but for defense. + +Neutrality by the Grace of England. + +Janus, a mighty god of the ancient Romans, was represented as having two +faces. He could smile and frown simultaneously. + +This god Janus is the personification of neutrality according to English +ideas. Neutrality smiles when violated by England and frowns when +violated by other powers. + +The United States got a taste of England's neutrality when, a century +ago, the English impressed thousands of American sailors, taking them +from American ships on the high seas, when they searched neutral ships +and confiscated the enemy's property on board of them, until Congress in +Washington voted for the declaration of war against England. + +In the great civil war, 1861 to 1864, England had counted on the victory +of the Southern States; she recognized them as belligerents and supplied +them with warships. This was not considered by England a breach of +neutrality until the Minister of the United States declared, on Sept. 5, +1863, that unless England desisted war would result. England yielded. + +But, according to the old German proverb, "A cat cannot resist catching +mice," she secretly permitted the fitting out of privateers (the +Alabama) for the Southern States and was finally forced to pay an +indemnity of $15,000,000. England gained, however, more than she lost by +this interpretation of neutrality, for by the aid of her privateers +American maritime trade passed into English hands and was lost to the +Americans. + +May God's vengeance fall on Germany! She has violated Belgium's +neutrality! the English piously ejaculate. They call themselves God's +chosen people, the instrument of Providence for the benefit of the whole +universe. They look down upon all other peoples with open or silent +contempt, and claim for themselves various prerogatives, in particular +the supremacy of the sea, even in American waters, from Jamaica to +Halifax. + +England's policy has always been to take all, to give back nothing, to +constantly demand more, to begrudge others everything. Only where the +New World is concerned has England, conscious of her own weakness, +become less grasping, since Benjamin Franklin "wrested the sceptre from +the tyrants," since the small colonies that fought so valiantly for +their liberty rose to form the greatest dominion of the white race. + +In the Summer of 1911, during the Franco-German Morocco dispute, the +English were determined to assist their old enemies, the French, against +Germany, and stationed 160,000 troops along their coast ready for +embarkation. For the French coast? No, indeed! For transportation to +Antwerp, where the English were to unite with the French Army and +combine in the destruction of the German forces. But things did not +reach that stage. England was not ready. England and France were +resolved not to respect the neutrality of Belgium--the same England that +solemnly assures the world that she has never at any time or place +committed a breach of neutrality. England has observed neutrality only +when compatible with her own interests, which has not often been the +case. Her whole dissimulating policy is much more questionable than our +one breach of neutrality, committed in self-defense and accompanied by +the most solemn promises of indemnity and restitution. + +England and France did not give up their plan of attacking Germany +through Belgium, and by this means won the approval of the Muscovites. +Three against one! It would have been a crime against the German people +if the German General Staff had not anticipated this intention. The +inalienable right of self-defense gives the individual, whose very +existence is at stake, the moral liberty to resort to weapons which +would be forbidden except in times of peril. As Belgium would, +nevertheless, not acquiesce in a friendly neutrality which would permit +the unobstructed passage of German troops through small portions of her +territory, although her integrity was guaranteed, the German General +Staff was obliged to force this passage in order to avoid the necessity +of meeting the enemy on the most unfavorable ground. + +The Germans have not forgotten the tone in which the French and Belgian +press reported the frequent excursions of French Staff officers and +Generals for the purpose of making an exhaustive study of the territory +through which the armies are now moving, and who were received with open +arms in Belgium and treated like brothers. Belgium has become the vassal +of France. + +In our place the Government of the United States would not have acted +differently. "Inter arma silent leges"--in the midst of arms the laws +are silent. Besides, England had interfered beforehand in Germany's plan +of campaign by declaring that she would not tolerate an attack upon the +northern coast of France. + +The German troops, with their iron discipline, will respect the personal +liberty and property of the individual in Belgium, just as they did in +France in 1870. + +The Belgians would have been wise if they had permitted the passage of +the German troops. They would have preserved their integrity, and, +besides that, would have fared well from the business point of view, for +the army would have proved a good customer and paid cash. + +Germany has always been a good and just neighbor, to Belgium as well as +to the other small powers such as Holland, Denmark and Switzerland, +which England in her place would have swallowed up one and all long ago. + +The development of industry on the lower Rhine has added to the +prosperity of Belgium and has made Antwerp one of the first ports on the +Continent, as well as one of the most important centres of exchange for +German-American trade. + +Without Germany Belgium could never have acquired the Congo. + +When England meditated taking possession of the Congo, claiming that +great rivers are nothing but arms of the sea and consequently belong to +the supreme maritime power, King Leopold turned to Germany for +protection and received it from Bismarck, who called the Congo +Conference of 1884-5 and obtained the recognition by the powers of the +independence of the Congo State. + +The struggle of the German States in Europe has some points in common +with the struggle of the Independent States of North America (from 1778 +to 1783), for it is directed chiefly against England's scheming +guardianship, and her practice of weakening the Continental powers by +sowing or fostering dissension among them. + +While continually protesting her love of peace, England has carried on +no fewer than forty wars during the latter half of the nineteenth +century, including the great Boer war. She has long imperiled, and in +the end has succeeded in disturbing, the peace of Europe by her +invidious policy of isolating Germany. Germany, on the other hand, has +proved herself since 1871 to be the strongest and most reliable security +for the peace of Europe. + +The policy of sowing dissension, practiced by England more industriously +than ever in recent years, cannot possibly meet with the approval of the +peace-loving citizens of the United States, and should be condemned on +merely humanitarian as well as commercial grounds. + +England aims at being mistress of the Old World in order to occupy +either an equal, or a menacing, position toward the New World, as +circumstances may dictate. For this purpose she has encouraged this war. +The German Federated States of Europe are defending themselves with +might and main, and are counting in this struggle for existence on the +good-will of the United States of America, for whose citizens they +cherish the friendliest feelings, as they have proved at all times. All +Americans who have visited Germany will surely bear witness to that +effect. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES. + +Germany overrun by spies for years past. + + +It goes without saying that in time of war the respective participants +seek to gain for themselves every possible advantage, including as not +the least of these advantages that of having public opinion on their +side. It is equally understandable that Governments, for political or +military reasons, often endeavor to conceal their real intentions until +the decisive moment. In this matter, however, as in the conduct of war +itself, there exists the basic principle, acknowledged throughout the +civilized world, that no methods may be employed which could not be +employed by men of honor even when they are opponents. One cannot, +unfortunately, acquit Russia of the charge of employing improper +policies against Germany. It must, unfortunately, be said that even the +Czar himself did not, at the breaking out of hostilities against +Germany, show himself the gentleman upon a throne which he had formerly +been believed by every one to be. + +The Russian Emperor addressed himself to Kaiser William in moving and +friendly expressions, in which, pledging his solemn word and appealing +to the grace of God, he besought the Kaiser, shortly before the outbreak +of the war, to intervene at Vienna. There exists between Austria-Hungary +and Germany an ancient and firm alliance, which makes it the duty of +both Governments to afford unconditional support to each other in the +moment that either one's vital interests come into question. There can +be no doubt that the existence of Austria-Hungary is threatened by the +Servian agitation. Despite this, the German Emperor, in offering his +final counsels respecting the treatment of Servia and the concessions to +be made to Russia, went, in his desire for peace, almost to the point +where Austria could have had doubts of Germany's fidelity to the +obligations of the alliance. Nevertheless, Russia at this very time not +only continued its mobilization against Austria, but also simultaneously +brought its troops into a state of preparedness for war against Germany. +It is impossible that this could have been done without the order of the +Czar. The conduct of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, of the +Chief of the General Staff and of the War Minister was of a piece with +this attitude of the ruler. They assured the German Ambassador and the +German Military Attache upon their word of honor that troops were not +being mobilized against Germany and that no attack upon Germany was +planned. The facts, however, have proved that the decision to make war +upon Germany had already been reached at that time. + +The reason which impelled the Czar and his chief advisers to employ such +base tactics with the help of their word of honor and appeals to the +Supreme Being is plain. Russia requires a longer time for mobilization +than Germany. In order to offset this disadvantage, to deceive Germany +and to win a few days' start, the Russian Government stooped to a course +of conduct as to which there can be but one judgment among brave and +upright opponents. No one knew better than the Czar the German Emperor's +love of peace. This love of peace was reckoned upon in the whole +despicable game. Fortunately the plan was perceived on the German side +at the right time. Advices received by Germany's representative in St. +Petersburg concerning the actual Russian mobilization against Germany +moved him to add to the report given him upon the Russian word of honor +a statement of his own conviction that an attempt was obviously being +made to deceive him. We find also that the character of the Russian +operations had been rightly comprehended by so unimpeachable an organ as +the English Daily Graphic of Aug. 1, which said: "If the mobilization +order is also carried through in the provinces bordering on Germany, the +work of the preservers of peace is ended, for Germany will be compelled +to answer with the mobilization of her armed forces. We confess that we +are unable to understand this attitude of Russia in connection with the +renewal of the negotiations with Austria." + +It is customary among civilized nations that a formal declaration of war +shall precede the beginning of hostilities, and all powers, with the +exception of some unimportant, scattered States, have obligated +themselves under international law to observe this custom. Neither +Russia nor France has observed this obligation. Without a declaration of +war Russian troops crossed the German border, opened fire on German +troops, and attempted to dynamite bridges and buildings. In like manner, +without a declaration of war, French aviators appeared above unfortified +cities in South Germany and sought, by throwing bombs, to destroy the +railways. French detachments crossed the German border and occupied +German villages. French aviators flew across neutral Holland and the +then neutral Belgium to carry out warlike plans against the lower Rhine +district of Germany. A considerable number of French officers, disguised +in German uniforms, tried to cross the Dutch-German frontier in an +automobile in order to destroy institutions in German territory. It is +plain that both France and Russia desired to compel Germany to make the +first step in declaring war, so that the appearance of having broken the +peace might, in the eyes of the world, rest upon Germany. The Russian +Government even attempted to disseminate through a foreign news agency +the report that Germany had declared war on Russia, and it refused, +contrary to the usage among civilized nations, to permit to be +telegraphed the report of the German Ambassador that Russia had rejected +the final German note concerning war and peace. + +Germany for its part, in the hope that peace might yet be maintained, +subjected itself to the great disadvantage of delaying its mobilization +in the first decisive days in the face of the measures of its probable +enemy. When, however, the German Emperor realized that peace was no +longer possible, he declared war against France and Russia honorably, +before the beginning of hostilities, thus bringing into contrast the +moral courage to assume the responsibility for the beginning of the +conflict as against the moral cowardice of both opponents, whose fear of +public opinion was such that they did not dare openly to admit their +intentions to attack Germany. + +Germany, moreover, cared in a humane and proper manner at the outbreak +of the war for those non-combatant subjects of hostile States--traveling +salesmen, travelers for pleasure, patients in health resorts, &c.--who +happened to be in the country at the time. In isolated cases, where the +excitement of the public grew disquieting, the authorities immediately +intervened to protect persons menaced. In Russia, however, in France +and especially in Belgium the opposite of decency and humanity +prevailed. Instead of referring feelings of national antipathy and of +national conflicting interests to the decision of the battlefield, the +French mishandled in the most brutal manner the German population and +German travelers in Paris and other cities, who neither could nor +wished to defend themselves, and who desired solely to leave the +hostile country at once. The mob threatened and mishandled Germans in +the streets, in the railway stations and in the trains, and the +authorities permitted it. + +The occurrences in Belgium are infamous beyond all description. Germany +would have exposed itself to the danger of a military defeat if it had +still respected the neutrality of Belgium after it had been announced +that strong French detachments stood ready to march through that country +against the advancing German Army. The Belgium Government was assured +that its interests would be conscientiously guarded if it would permit +the German Army to march through its territory. Its answer to this +assurance was a declaration of war. In making this declaration it acted +perhaps not wisely but unquestionably within its formal rights. It was, +however, not right, but, on the contrary, a disgraceful breach of right, +that the eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged out, and +their ears and noses cut off; that surgeons and persons carrying the +wounded were shot at from houses. + +Private dwellings of Germans in Antwerp were plundered, German women +were dragged naked through the streets by the mob and shot to death +before the eyes of the police and the militia. Captains of captured +German ships in Antwerp were told that the authorities could not +guarantee their lives, German tourists were robbed of their baggage, +insulted and mishandled, sick persons were driven from the German +hospital, children were thrown from the windows of German homes into the +streets and their limbs were broken. Trustworthy reports of all these +occurrences, from respectable and responsible men, are at hand. We +perceive with the deepest indignation that the cruelties of the Congo +have been outdone by the motherland. When it comes to pass that in time +of war among nations the laws of humanity respecting the helpless and +the unarmed, the women and children, are no longer observed, the world +is reverting to barbarism. Even in wartimes humanity and honor should +still remain the distinguishing marks of civilization. That French and +Russians, in their endeavors to spy upon Germany and destroy her +institutions, should disguise themselves in German uniforms is a sorry +testimony to the sense of honor possessed by our opponents. He who +ventures to conduct espionage in a hostile land, or secretly to plant +bombs, realizes that he risks the penalty of death, whether he be a +civilian or a member of the army. Up to the present, however, it has not +been customary to use a uniform, which should be respected even by the +enemy, to lessen the personal risk of the spy and to facilitate his +undertaking. + +For a number of years there have been increasing indications that +France, Russia and England were systematically spying upon the military +institutions of Germany. In the eight years from 1906 to 1913; 113 +persons were found guilty of attempted or accomplished espionage of a +grave nature. The methods employed by these spies included theft, +attacks upon military posts and the employment of German officers' +uniforms as disguises. The court proceedings threw a clear light upon +the organization and operations of espionage in Germany. This espionage +was directed from central points in foreign countries, often in the +small neighboring neutral States. Repeatedly it appeared that the +foreign embassies and consulates in Germany assisted in this work; it +was also discovered that Russia, France and England were exchanging +reports which they had received concerning Germany's means of defense. + +This espionage system was supported with large funds. It endeavored +whenever possible to seduce military persons and officials to betray +their country, and, when this was not possible, it devoted its attention +to doubtful characters of every sort. It began its work with petty +requests of a harmless appearance, followed these with inducements to +violations of duty, and then proceeded with threats of exposure to +compel its victims to betray their country further. Exact instructions, +complete in the minutest detail, were given to the spies for the +carrying on of their work; they were equipped with photographic +apparatus, with skeleton keys, forged passes, &c.; they received fixed +monthly salaries, special bonuses for valuable information, and high +rewards for especially secret matters, such as army orders, descriptions +of weapons and plans of fortifications. Principal attention was paid to +our boundaries, railroads, bridges and important buildings on lines of +traffic, which were spied upon by specially trained men. With the +reports of these spies as their basis, our opponents have carefully +planned the destruction of the important German lines of communication. +The extraordinary watchfulness of the German military officials +immediately before the declaration of war and since then has been able +to render futile the whole system of foreign attempts against our means +of communication in every single instance, but a great number of such +attempts have been made. All these things prove beyond doubt that a war +against Germany has long been planned by our opponents. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LIES ABOUT GERMANY. + +The machinations of England and France to put Germany in the +wrong--Lies on all sides. + + +Germany has now not only to battle against a world in arms, but it must +also defend itself against lies and slanders which have been piled up +around it like a hostile rampart. There is no cable at our disposal. +England has either cut the cables, or is in possession of them. No +German description of what has actually occurred can be sent by +telegraph; the wires are carrying into the world only the distortions of +our enemies. Germany is shut off as with a hedge from the outside world, +and the world is supplied solely with news given out by our enemies. +This language is strictly true; for the boldest, nay, the most impudent +imagination would be unable to invent anything to exceed the false and +absurd reports already printed by foreign newspapers. + +In view of what we have experienced during this first week of the war we +can already calmly assert that when the editors of foreign newspapers +come later to compare their daily news of this week with the actual +occurrences as testified to by authentic history, they will all open +their eyes in astonishment and anger over all the lies which the +countries hostile to Germany have sent over the cables to bamboozle the +whole world. Much of all this has already become ridiculous; we must +laugh over it despite the solemnity of the crisis in which we are +living--for example, the bestowal of the cross of the Legion of Honor +upon the city of Liege by the French President because it victoriously +repulsed the attack of the Germans. Witness, too, the telegrams of +congratulation sent by the King of England and the Czar of Russia to the +Belgian King upon the victory of Liege! The joy over such "German +defeats" will prove just as brief as the jubilation over such "Belgian +victories." Such lies have short legs, and the truth will in any case +soon overtake them. + +But there are other lies of a more serious character and of more +dangerous import--all such as misrepresent Germany's attitude and defame +German character. Such defamation is designed to disturb old friendships +and transform them into bitter estrangement; such defamation can also +attain its hostile purpose wherever people do not say daily to +themselves, "It is an enemy that reports such things about Germany; let +us be wise and suspend our judgment till we know actual results, till we +know what is surely the truth." + +Let us select several facts as examples and as evidence--facts connected +with the preparation for this war, as well as with the conduct of it +thus far. + +All the cables controlled by the English-French-Russian coalition +disseminate the lie about the ostensibly "preventive war" that Germany +wished and prepared for. The German "White Book" prints documents +proving the white purity of the German conscience as represented by +Kaiser, Chancellor, and people. It reveals also the profound grief of +the German Kaiser over the sly and insidious perfidy of the Czar, toward +whom he steadily maintained German fidelity even in hours of grave +danger. What Russia did was more than a mere attack, it was a +treacherous assault. The following facts prove this: + + The German mobilization was ordered on Aug. 1, whereas Russia began + to mobilize fully four weeks earlier, or about the beginning of + July. Papers found on several Russian harvest laborers arrested in + the district of Konitz show that the Russian military authorities + had already by the first of July--i.e., immediately after the + tragedy at Serajevo--sent to the leaders of these men mustering-in + orders, which were to be distributed immediately after a further + word should be given. These confiscated papers prove that Russia + hoped to be able to mobilize against Austria before Germany could + get official information of Russia's measures. The Russian + authorities purposely avoided the usual course of sending these + orders through the Russian Consuls, and they assigned "military + exercises" as the object of this call to the colors. + + July 25--Military exercises at Krasnoye-Selo were suddenly broken + off and the troops returned at once to their garrisons. The + manoeuvres had been called off. The military cadets were advanced + at once to officers, instead of waiting, as usual, till Autumn. + + July 26--All ships and boats are forbidden to sail in the waters + between Helsingfors and Yorkkele; and navigation between Sweden and + Finland is closed. + + July 28--Partial mobilization; sixteen army corps to be increased + to the strength of thirty-two corps. On the same day the Czar begs + for friendly mediation; and on the same day the Russian Minister of + Foreign Affairs and the Russian Minister of War give the German + Military Attache, upon their own initiative, their solemn word of + honor that no mobilization has taken place. + + July 30--The Second and Third Russian Cavalry Divisions appear on + the German frontier between Wirballen and Augustov. The Czar issues + a ukase calling to the colors the reserves in twenty-three entire + Governments and in eighty districts of other Governments; also the + naval reserves in sixty-four districts, or twelve Russian and one + Finnish Government; also the Cossacks on furlough in a number of + districts; also the necessary reserve officers, physicians, horses + and wagons. + + July 31--General mobilization of the whole Russian Army and Navy. + The German steamer Eitel Friedrich, which keeps up a regular + service between Stettin and St. Petersburg, is stopped by a Russian + torpedo boat and brought into Revel, where the crew were made + prisoners. The Russians blow up the railway bridge on Austrian + territory between Szozakowa and Granica. + + Night of Aug. 1--Russian patrols attack the German railway bridge + near Eichenried and try to surprise the German railway station at + Miloslaw. A Russian column crosses the German frontier at + Schwidden, and two squadrons of Cossacks ride against Johannisburg. + + Aug. 1--(At last) Germany's mobilization. + +And France? + + July 27--The Fourteenth Army Corps breaks off its manoeuvres. + + July 31--General mobilization. + + Aug. 2--French troops attack German frontier posts, cross the + frontier, and occupy German towns. Bomb-throwing aviators come into + Baden and Bavaria; also, after violating Belgium's neutrality by + crossing Belgian territory, they enter the Rhine Province and try + to destroy bridges. + + Only after all this is the German Ambassador at Paris instructed to + demand his passports. + +And England? + +In London war must already have been decided upon by July 31; the +English Admiralty had even before that date advised Lloyd's against +insuring German ships. On the same day the German Government gave +emphatic support in Vienna to the English mediatory proposal of Sir +Edward Grey. But the entire English fleet had already been assembled. + +Of course, English public opinion was and still is divided. As late as +Aug. 1 The Daily Graphic wrote in reference to the Russian mobilization +order: "Will the Russian order also be carried out in the provinces on +the German frontier? If so, then the labor of the peace-preservers is at +an end, for Germany is compelled to answer with the mobilization of its +armed forces. We confess that we are not able to understand this +attitude of Russia, in view of the resumption of negotiations at +Vienna." + +And a leaflet distributed in the streets of London said that "a war for +Russia is a war against civilization." + +So much as to the preparations for the war--and now we take up the +conduct of the war itself. + +By glancing at the foreign press during this one week we have been able +to collect the following specimen pieces of news: + + London--The British Admiralty reports that the English fleet had + driven back the German fleet to the Dutch coast. + +There is not one word of truth in this. The Admiralty itself appears +later to have recovered its senses; at least, it denied a Reuter story +about a "great English naval victory near the Dogger Bank." But the +English manufactories of lies are already so actively at work that +members of Parliament have protested in the House itself against the +"lying reports of the English press." + + Paris--From Paris the assertion was made and disseminated + throughout the world that "the landing of English troops in Belgium + has begun; they were enthusiastically received by the population. + The landing proceeded rapidly and in the best order, as the + agreement between the two General Staffs guaranteed the perfect + carrying out of the disembarkment plans." + +Not a single word of this is true. At present not one English soldier +has been landed. + +In a similar way the Baltic Sea has become the scene of invented +"battles"--of "German defeats," of course; the Russian Baltic Fleet sank +a German war vessel in a battle that never occurred. + +And, "The Russian vanguard has crossed the German frontier without +meeting with opposition." As a matter of fact there is not a single +Russian soldier on German soil. All inroads have been repulsed, and the +German offensive has everywhere been successful. + +A Dutch newspaper prints the following report from France: + + Belfort--Many hundreds of Alsatians are joining the French Army + with great enthusiasm, also many Italian Swiss. A large number of + Alsace-Lorrainers are waiting near the frontier with a view of + crossing it at a favorable opportunity to fight on the French side. + +Such absurdity in the face of the unbroken unanimity of the entire +German people and despite the manifest enthusiasm of the +Alsace-Lorrainers for the German cause! + +Equally stupid and made up for incurably credulous readers is an +official report of the French War Ministry--not a private rumor, be it +noted, but an official communication. It says: + + A young Frenchman reports under oath that he was arrested, along + with several other Frenchmen, at the railway station in Loerrach + while on the homeward journey from Baden; and they were led through + the whole city under a military escort. One of the Frenchmen + shouted, "Hurrah for France," and was at once shot down. Three + others who protested against this suffered the same fate; and so + did a fifth man who thereupon had called the Germans murderers. The + rest of the Frenchmen, proceeding to Switzerland by rail, heard + shots fired in the adjoining compartment; they discovered that two + Italians had been shot by Germans because one had protested against + the opening of the window, and another had jostled a German. + +Does such stuff call for any refutation at all? + +A typical example of how it is sought to work upon public opinion by +means of systematic lying is afforded by the capture of Liege. + +The fact is that this Belgian stronghold, along with its forts, which +contained a garrison of 20,000 men, was taken by storm on Aug. 7 by the +German troops, who fought with unparalleled bravery, and that 3,000 to +4,000 Belgian prisoners of war are already on their way to Germany. + +Yet on Aug. 9--two days after the fall of Liege--a dispatch was still +sent to the Dutch press, saying: "The Liege forts are still in Belgian +hands." + +And on Aug. 8, thirty-six hours after the fall of Liege--a dispatch was +sent from Paris to the newspapers of Rome, saying: + + The Germans lost 20,000 men at Liege and asked for an armistice of + twenty-four hours. Liege has not yet fallen. The English landed + 100,000 men at Antwerp, who were received with jubilation by the + population. President Poincare, upon the proposal of Doumergue, the + Minister of War, conferred on the City of Liege the cross of the + Legion of Honor. + +Another newspaper reported as follows: "The King of England sent a +congratulatory dispatch to the King of Belgium upon his victory at +Liege; seven German regiments were slain." + +At Paris itself a note of the French War Ministry--published on the +evening of Aug. 7, Liege having fallen in the early morning of that +day--mentions the resistance of Liege and says that the forts are still +holding out; that the Germans who had entered the city on Thursday by +passing between the forts had evacuated it on Friday; and that the +Belgian division that went to the assistance of the city had therefore +not even made an attack. The official note concludes from all this that +the resistance of the Belgians was seriously disturbing the plan of the +Germans, who were building hopes upon a rapid success. + +And four full days after the capture of Liege the French Minister at +Berne reported officially: "Liege has not yet been taken; the German +troops were repulsed." + +At Copenhagen the following dispatches were published: "The English and +French troops had effected a junction with the Belgian Army and had +entered Liege and made many German prisoners, among them a nephew of the +German Kaiser." + +Similarly at Stockholm: "The Germans had suffered a severe repulse." + +Again a dispatch from Paris to Rome: "The Germans had been driven back +behind the Moselle and were begging for an armistice; the French had +passed Namur and were pressing forward in forced marches, while 500,000 +English were falling upon the German flank." + +Still another official report from Paris: "Liege is becoming the grave +of the 150,000 Germans who are breaking their heads against its walls; +the Belgians had taken 3,000 prisoners, who were in a terrible +condition; but for their good fortune of falling into captivity they +would have starved to death." + +In contrast to all this let us take the unvarnished truth as in the +reported simple words of the German Quartermaster General: + + We are now able to report upon Liege Without doing any harm.... We + had only a weak force at Liege four days ago, for it is not + possible to prepare for such a bold undertaking by collecting large + masses of men. That we attained the desired end in spite of this is + due to the excellent preparation, the valor of our troops, their + energetic leadership, and the help of God. The courage of the enemy + was broken, and his troops fought badly. The difficulties against + us lay in the exceedingly unfavorable topography of the + surroundings, which consisted of hills and woods, and in the + treacherous participation of the entire population in the fighting, + not even excluding women. The people fired upon our troops from + ambush, from villages and forests--fired upon our physicians who + were treating the wounded, and upon the wounded themselves. Hard + and bitter fighting occurred; whole villages had to be destroyed in + order to break the resistance, before our brave troops penetrated + the girdle of forts and took possession of the city. It is true + that a part of the forts still held out, but they no longer fired. + The Kaiser did not want to waste a drop of blood in storming the + forts, which no longer hindered the carrying out of our plans. We + were able to await the arrival of heavy artillery to level the + forts one after the other at our leisure, and without the sacrifice + of a single life--in case their garrisons should not surrender + sooner.... So far as can be judged at present the Belgians had more + men for the defense of the city than we had for storming it. Every + expert can measure from this fact the greatness of our achievement; + it is without a parallel.... + + (Signed) VON STEIN, + + Quartermaster General. + + +It is not the German people alone that will have cause to remember +Liege; the whole world will do well to learn from the case of Liege that +an organized manufactory of lies is trying to deceive the public opinion +of all the nations. Glorious victories are converted into "defeats with +heavy losses," and the strong moral discipline of the German troops is +slanderously described in the reports of the imaginative, phrase-loving +French as cruelty--just as in 1870 the Prussian Uhlans were described as +thrusting through with their lances all the French babies and pinning +them fast to the walls. + +How far the "grande nation" has already degenerated, and how far the +Belgian population, akin to the French both in blood and in sentiments, +imitate the French in their Balkan brutality, is illustrated by two +examples. One of these, in the form of a German official warning, says: +"The reports at hand about the fighting around Liege show that the +population of the country took part in the battle. Our troops were fired +upon from ambush. Physicians were shot at while following their +profession. Cruelties were practiced by the population on wounded +soldiers. There is also news at hand showing that German patrols in the +vicinity of Metz were fired at from ambush from the French side. It may +be that these occurrences are due to the composition of the population +in those industrial regions, but it may also be that France and Belgium +are preparing for a guerrilla warfare upon our troops. If the latter +alternative should prove true, and this proof be strengthened through +repetitions of these occurrences, then our opponents will have +themselves to thank if this war be carried on with unrelenting severity +even against the guilty population. The German troops, who are +accustomed to preserve discipline and to wage war only against the armed +forces of the hostile State, cannot be blamed if, in just self-defense, +they give no quarter. The hope of influencing the result of the war by +turning loose the passions of the populace will be frustrated by the +unshaken energy of our leaders and our troops. Before neutral foreign +countries, however, it must be demonstrated, even at the beginning of +this war, that it was not the German troops who caused the war to take +on such forms." + +The details of the cruelties, here only hinted at, on the Belgian and +French side, are supplied and proved by an eye-witness, a German +physician, who reports: + + We have experienced from the Belgian population, from men, women, + and half-grown boys, such things as we had hitherto seen only in + wars with negroes. The Belgian civilian population shoots in blind + hatred from every house, from every thick bush, at everything that + is German. We had on the very first day many dead and wounded, + caused by the civilian population. Women take part as well as men. + One German had his throat cut at night while in bed. Five wounded + Germans were put into a house bearing the flag of the Red Cross; by + the next morning they had all been stabbed to death. In a village + near Verviers we found the body of one of our soldiers with his + hands bound behind his back and his eyes punched out. An automobile + column which set out from Liege halted in a village; a young woman + came up, suddenly drew a revolver, and shot a chauffeur dead. At + Emmenich, an hour by foot from Aachen, a sanitary automobile column + was attacked by the populace on a large scale and fired at from the + houses. The red cross on our sleeves and on our automobiles gives + us physicians no protection at all. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER. + +Respect for the foreigner--Russians willing to remain in +Germany--Ill-treatment of Germans in Belgium and France. + + +Enemies on all sides! With dishonorable weapons against us, and with +documentary lies for the rest of the world! Let us calmly allow them to +continue lying and slandering as they have begun--it will result finally +in injuring themselves. The world will very soon see through this +impudent, unabashed game; and it will finally side with the people which +keeps to the truth, Only the weakling lies and swindles; the strong man +loves and honors truth. Let us act like the strong man in this struggle! + +Respect for the foreigner, protection for his person and property have +at all times been considered sacred among civilized people. Germany can +without exaggeration claim to have upheld this respect and this +protection in these fateful days. Except for a few insignificant +incidents which took place in several large cities, where the natural +excitement of the people and the legitimate defense against an insolent +system of spying led to the molesting and arrest of foreigners--mostly +Russians--the measures taken against the citizens of hostile nations did +not exceed what was absolutely necessary to the safety of the country. +The Imperial Government and likewise the Federated States have refrained +from expelling "en masse" Frenchmen, Russians, Belgians and Englishmen. +It was, of course, unavoidable to take measures for the detention of +such persons as seemed suspicious and for the internation of strangers +liable to be called to take arms against Germany. This took place in +cities, e.g., Berlin, where these men were taken away as "prisoners of +war," as soon as the "state of war" had been proclaimed, and placed in +special rooms or camps. Lodgings and food are such as seem requisite and +the treatment of these prisoners is according to their own opinion very +kind. The Russian agricultural laborers constitute a special group of +foreigners in Germany: There are about 40,000 to 50,000 of them, men and +women. + +From various parts of the country it is unanimously announced that these +people are very glad not to be obliged to return to Russia. They are +glad to remain in Germany, and willingly continue their work of +gathering the rich German grain, potato and hay crops. Should there be +any difficulties, these workmen would also have to be internated. No +measures at all have been taken against women and children belonging to +hostile States. They are left free to move about as they wish. Should +they remain in Germany they can be sure that they will be subject to no +other inconvenience except such as the general state of war inflicts +upon Germans. The authorities will protect their persons, and their +private property is respected. Nobody will touch it--as nobody has +touched it so far. + +If the German people and the German Government consider the respect they +owe the foreigner as a sacred law, even though the foreigner belongs to +the enemy, this respect is enhanced by affection and gratitude in the +case of foreigners whose countries are friendly or neutral. +Thousands and thousands of Americans, Swiss, Dutch, Italians and +Scandinavians are still living in German countries. They may be sure +that they can live as freely here as any German citizen. Should it be +possible for them to return home, the best wishes will accompany them. +The property they leave here will be protected. This is guaranteed by +the authorities and by influential private persons. Should they stay in +Germany, however, the German people will express their sense of +gratitude for any friendly help they may lend, by increased respect and +protection. + + + * * * * * + + +A strong contrast is noticeable between Germany's attitude toward +foreigners and the facts revealed just now as to the treatment meted out +in inimical countries not only to Germans but to other foreigners. +Truly, in England there has been some effort to act according to the +usages of civilized nations when engaged in warfare. Germans and +Austrians have been insulted and molested; there has been some +occasional destruction of property in stores; but as far as can be +judged these were excesses of an uncontrollable mob. A general expulsion +has not been ordered, and it is to be hoped that the Germans living in +the United Kingdom and in its colonies will not suffer too heavy +damages, in person or in property. Russia, France and Belgium, on the +other hand, have by the ill-treatment and plundering of foreigners +living in their countries struck themselves out of the list of civilized +nations. Innumerable reports from expelled or fugitive people prove +this, and official reports confirm them. Also the press of neutral, +neighboring countries, such as Switzerland, Holland, and Italy, is full +of similar complaints. Owing to the scarcity of news from Russia, the +facts known so far only concern Petersburg, where German and Austrian +men and women, residents or transients, were beaten and stoned in the +streets. Here were also some cruel mutilations and murders. The +beautiful building of the German Embassy in Petersburg was attacked by +the mob. And the police watched all these misdeeds with crossed arms or +even assisted. Probably what took place in Petersburg also occurred in +other Russian cities; we shall soon know. + +There are a great many complaints against the French and the Belgians. +On the evening of Aug. 1 the mobilization was announced, and the next +morning the official order was posted on the walls, that within +twenty-four hours from the beginning of that day all Germans and +Austrians, irrespective of sex, age or profession, would have to leave +France. Those who remained and could not reach the boundary would be +taken to the southwestern part of the country and imprisoned. There were +few trains for Belgium or Switzerland. Thousands and thousands who had +to abandon their property rushed to the stations with wife and children, +fought for room in the overcrowded trains, surrounded by a howling mob, +and even then were punched and slapped by policemen. During the trip +there was nothing but misery. Men and women fell ill, children died. The +refugees had to cross the Belgian boundary, walking a distance of six or +seven kilometers in the middle of the night, dead tired, their luggage +stolen--sometimes, it is said, by officials. In Belgium the same tragedy +occurred as in France. And then came the salvation. The cordial, +hospitable reception by the Germans in Holland and Switzerland is +unanimously praised and appreciated. + +The reports of brutal acts from Paris, Antwerp, Brussels, would be +incredible were they not confirmed hundredfold. The most brutal and +insulting threats of death were flung by processions of people going +through the streets to all those who looked like foreigners. They were +severely ill-treated. Houses and stores were upset, furniture and the +like were thrown into the streets, employers and working people were +dragged out, women were stripped and pushed through the streets, +children were thrown out of windows. Knives, swords, sticks and +revolvers were used. One could fill books with the details, but they are +all equally cruel. Not only Germans and Austrians were expelled +and ill-treated, but citizens of neutral States shared this awful lot. +Thousands of Italians were expelled, as well as numerous Rumanians. The +press in both countries complains bitterly and asks what has become of +those who remained in France and were imprisoned in the south--but +nobody knows. + +History will place this ill-treatment and oppression of foreigners on +record. The responsibility rests, not with an uncontrollable mob, but +with the Government and the authorities of the two countries who have +always boasted of their culture. + + + * * * * * + + + + +COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS +BETWEEN GERMANY AND UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. + +Germany's financial rise since 1870--Export and import with the United +States of America--The present firm condition of German finance. + + +Politicians and commercial men must base their plans upon facts, as they +are and not as they wish they were, otherwise they fail. France has +closed its eyes not only to the great intellectual and moral assists of +Germany but also to its commercial resources. + +France has repeatedly declared that Germany could not effect a serious +political opposition, because a war would result in the ruin of its +commercial and financial strength. This we heard in the Morocco crisis, +also in the Balkan wars. Germany's love of peace which was tested in the +above-mentioned cases strengthened the French in their error. He, +however, who has taken the trouble to visit Germany and the Germans in +their places of employment--and especially Americans in recent years +have done this, however, also many Englishmen, who in vain have +protested against the war with Germany--he can testify to the +astonishing commercial advancement which Germany has made since its +political union by Bismarck. + +A few facts and statistics may recall this to memory. The population of +Germany has since 1870, immigrants excluded, increased from 40,000,000 +to 67,000,000, round numbers. Incomes and wages in particular have +approximately doubled during the last generation; savings deposits have +increased sixfold. Although, only a generation ago, commerce and trade +employed only about two-fifths of the population, now more than +three-fifths are engaged in this field of work, and Germany, as a result +of its agricultural economy and increased intense farming, is today the +third largest agricultural country of the world. In the coal and iron +industries Germany is second only to America. In one generation its coal +production increased two and a half fold, its raw iron production almost +fourfold. During the same period of time the capital of the German banks +increased fourfold and their reserve fund eightfold. Characteristic of +Germany is the fact that hand in hand with this active private +initiative is a strong feeling for the great universal interests and for +organic co-operation of private and State resources. This feeling +explains the perfect working of our State activities, in particular our +railways, 95 per cent. of which are owned by the Government and which +yield an essentially higher revenue than those in England or France; it +explains further the willing assumption of the great financial burdens +which general insurance imposes upon those engaged in private +enterprises and which today is proving a blessing to almost the entire +laboring force of Germany, to an extent which has not yet been realized +by any other country. + +What economic value to the world has a nation which for more than forty +years has concentrated all its energy in peaceful industry? Does any one +deny that Germany's great technical and commercial advancement has been +a blessing in respect to the development of the world? Has not the +commercial advancement in Germany had the effect of awakening new +productive powers in all parts of the world and of adding new +territories which engage in the exchange of goods with the civilized +nations of the world? Since the founding of the new German +Empire, German foreign trade has increased from 5-1/2 to approximately +20 billion marks. Germany has become the best customer of a great number +of countries. Not only has the German consumption of provisions and +luxuries increased in an unusual degree, also that of meat, tropical +fruits, sugar, tobacco and colonial products, but above all else that of +raw materials, such as coal, iron, copper and other metals, cotton, +petroleum, wood, skins, &c. Germany furnishes a market for articles of +manufacture also, for American machinery, English wool, French luxury +articles, &c. One is absolutely wrong in the belief that the competition +of German industry in the world market has been detrimental to other +commercial nations. Legitimate competition increases the business of all +concerned. + +The United States of America has reaped especial profit from Germany's +flourishing commercial condition. Germany purchases more from the United +States of America than from any other country of the world. Germany buys +annually from the United States of America approximately $170,000,000 +worth of cotton, $75,000,000 worth of copper, $60,000,000 worth of +wheat, $40,000,000 animal fat, $20,000,000 mineral oil and the same +amount of vegetable oil. In 1890 the import and export trade between +Germany and the United States amounted to only $100,000,000, in 1913 to +about $610,000,000. Germany today imports from the United States goods +to the value of $430,000,000, while she exports to the United States +nearly $180,000,000 worth. No nation therefore can judge as well as the +United States what German commerce means to the world. + +In what condition are the finances of Germany? In this field our +opponents will be obliged to change their views. In 1912 Germany's +national debt was about 14 marks per capita lower than England's. The +public debt of France per capita was far more than double that of +Germany. Germany, however, has large national assets which offset its +liabilities. For example, the stocks of the Prussian railways alone +exceed by far the aggregate amount of the Prussian debt, the income of +the railways alone is essentially greater than the amount which the +interest and amortization of the entire State debt demand. The war, +which, according to the French conception, was destined to bring about +the financial and commercial ruin of Germany, has brought forth the +astonishing result that the famous French money market was the first to +fail in this crisis. As early as July 25, before the rejection of the +Austrian ultimatum by Servia had been made known, the offer of 3 per +cent. redeemable French notes to the French Exchange was so great that +the Chambre Syndicale des Agents de Change in the interest of the public +prohibited the quotation of a lower rate than 78 per cent., while bids +of 74 per cent. had already been submitted. Sale in blank was absolutely +forbidden, and in the coulisse business was at a standstill. A few days +later the July liquidation, in the official market as well as in the +coulisse, was postponed until the end of August, which action proved the +necessity of a period of grace. On July 31 the French savings banks, at +the command of the Government, suspended daily payments and paid out +sums to the amount of 50 francs, fourteen days' notice being necessary. +The London money market, too, has hardly stood the war test. On July 30 +the Bank of England was obliged to raise its rate of discount from 3 to +4 per cent., several days later to 8 per cent., and again after a few +days to the incredible rate of 10 per cent. In contrast to this the +President of the German Reichsbank was able, on the 1st of August, to +declare that the directorate, because of the strength of the Reichsbank +and the solid constitution of the German money market, did not consider +it necessary to follow England's example. The German Reichsbank has +therefore not exceeded the rate of 6 per cent. Worse yet was the fact +that England, on Aug. 2, was obliged to require grace on exchange, and +France, on Aug. 3, grace on its accounts-current and Lombard loans. +Although along with England and France, also Russia, Austria, Italy, +Belgium, and other nations required temporary credit, Germany +to date has not deemed it necessary to ask for time in meeting its +obligations. Savings banks, other banks and financial institutions are +meeting all demands without restriction. The fact that the English money +market, which up to the present time has been considered the financial +centre of international trade, has failed, will bring many a serious +thought to all commercial men interested in the world market. + +German commerce has doubtless been temporarily injured by the war, but +the esprit de corps and organization which animate the German Nation are +not only a firm foundation for German commerce, but also a strong +support for the further development of the commerce and trade of the +entire civilized world, if, as we hope, peace soon be re-established. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS? + +An appeal to American friends + + +The American citizen who is now leaving Europe, which has been turned +into an enormous military camp, may consider himself fortunate that he +will soon be able to set foot in the New World, where he will be enabled +again to take up his business pursuits. In the meantime old Europe is +being torn asunder by a terrible war among its various peoples. It will +make him happy again to greet mountain and valley, field and garden +which are not threatened nor trampled down by armies or covered with +blood; again to see cities in which business and traffic are not brought +to a standstill by calling in all men capable of military service; and +he may thank fortune that his people have been given room enough in +which to expand and to permit them freely to unfold their power; that +they are spared the great necessity of resisting the tightening ring of +enemies in the east and west, on land and water, in a struggle for +national existence. + +But the American will feel the effects of the fate of the Old World. +Even though he knows his own country is not directly involved, he will +certainly realize that the great net of international traffic and the +progress of his country are connected by many strong ties to the life +and prosperity of European peoples. He will be affected by every victory +and defeat, just as by the sun and rain in his own country. He will +doubtless remember that of all European countries Germany is the best +customer of the United States, from which she purchases yearly over +1,000,000,000 marks in cotton, food, metal, and technical products. If +Germany is economically ruined, which is the wish of Russia, France, and +England and all allied friends of wretched Servia, it would mean the +loss of a heavy buyer to America, and thereby cause a serious loss to +America which could not easily be made good. It would be a great blow to +American export trade, of which Germany handles not less than 14 per +cent. yearly. + +The material loss is not the only feature. In the economic struggle in +the world markets American and German commercial men have learned +mutually to appreciate one another, to appreciate one another more +highly than do any other two rivals. The time is long past when the +American pictured the German as one of thousands, shut up in a room, +surrounded by documents and parchments, speculating about the unknown +outside world, and the same is true of the German's idea of the +American--a money-hungry barbarian. Two nations in which so much kindred +blood flows and which are connected by so many historical events +understand each other better today than formerly. Above all, they have a +mutual understanding regarding the ideal in commercial life: A man +engaged in work not for the sake of the profit, but for the sake of the +work he is doing; one who gives all his strength to his task, and who +works for the general welfare of the people as a whole, considering his +position as an office and his wealth as an obligation, not as the final +aim, but as a basis for the realization of higher attainments. He places +the value of character and the development of the creative powers of man +higher than all economic success. Two nations united by such common +inclinations [pg 272] and ideals, boldness of enterprise, +far-sightedness, quickness of decision, and admiration for intellectual +achievements, cannot help being exceedingly congenial to each other. +What concerns one today concerns the other. + +Does it sound like a paradox when I say Germany's struggle concerns not +only her own destiny, but to a considerable extent that of America? Does +the United States consider itself entirely immune from the warlike +complications brought about by the Servian murder of Princes and +Russia's breach of faith? In any event, it will be difficult for it to +say: "What's Hecuba to me?" One thing should be clearly understood on +the shores of the five oceans, that the cause of this most terrible war +does not emanate from the dark Balkans, or from a Russian military +group, but from envy and hate which healthy, young and striving Germany +has aroused in her older rivals; not because this or that demand was +made by one Cabinet and refused by another, but because it was believed +there was finally an opportunity to destroy the hated opponent who +threatened to put the older Western European powers in the shade, and +for this reason England and France put their strength into the service +of criminal and brutal Servia. The following statistics will, perhaps, +throw some light on the development of the foreign trade of the +principal countries from 1870 to 1913 (in billions of marks): + + 1870. 1913. +Great Britain 9,180 23,280 +France 4,540 12,300 +Russia 2,000 5,580 +Germany 4,240 20,440 + +In these forty-three years, which have been decisive in the development +of international economy, England, France and Russia have not been able +even to increase their foreign trade three times, while Germany and the +United States have increased theirs five times. The trade of Germany and +the United States has increased from 7.6 to 38 billion marks. If these +figures show nothing else, they show on which side the American sympathy +will be. This war, provoked by Russia because of an outrageous desire +for revenge, supported by England and France, has no other motive than +envy of Germany's position in economic life, and of her people, who are +fighting for a place in the sun. "Right or wrong, Germany must not +grow." That is the turning point of a policy which the French Republic +drilled into the Muscovites. Let us consider the adversaries of Germany. +Russia, the classic land of power and terrible exploitation of the +people for the benefit of a degenerated aristocracy. France, a type of a +nation in which there is not even enough enterprise to increase the +productiveness of the country. England, which has so long felt its glory +vanishing and in the meantime has remained far behind its younger rival +in financial and economic equipment. One can easily imagine the feelings +of these peoples when they observe the rapid and successful growth of +Germany, and wonders if these same feelings will not one day be directed +against the youthful North American giant. In this war it shall be +decided which is the stronger--the organized inertia of the tired and +envious, or the unfolding of power in the service of a strong and +sacrificing life. To know that we have American friendship in this +struggle will mean a great moral support for us in the coming trying +days, for we know that the country of George Washington and Abraham +Lincoln places itself only on the side of a just cause and one worthy of +humanity's blessing. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: WOODROW WILSON, +President of the United States of America. +(_Photo (C) by Bradley Studio._)] + + + + +Speculations About Peace, September, 1914 + +Report by James W. Gerard, American Ambassador at Berlin, to +President Wilson. + +By The Associated Press. + + +WASHINGTON, Sept. 17.--Germany has suggested informally that the United +States should undertake to elicit from Great Britain, France, and Russia +a statement of the terms under which the Allies would make peace. + +The suggestion was made by the Imperial Chancellor, von +Bethmann-Hollweg, to Ambassador Gerard at Berlin as a result of an +inquiry sent by the American Government to learn whether Emperor William +was desirous of discussing peace, as recently had been reported. + +No reply was made by Emperor William himself, nor did the Imperial +Chancellor indicate whether or not he spoke on behalf of the Emperor. +Ambassador Gerard, in a cable dispatch to President Wilson, repeated the +Chancellor's remarks from recollection, substantially as follows: + + Germany was appreciative of the American Government's interest and + offer of services in trying to make peace. Germany did not want + war, but had it forced on her. Even if she defeats France, she must + likewise vanquish both Great Britain and Russia, as all three have + made an agreement not to make peace except by common consent. + Similarly, England has announced through Premier Asquith and her + diplomatists and the newspapers that she intends to fight to the + limit of her endurance. In view of that determination on the part + of Great Britain, the United States ought to get proposals of peace + from the Allies. Germany could accept only a lasting peace, one + that would make her people secure against future attacks. To accept + mediation now would be interpreted by the Allies as a sign of + weakness on the part of Germany and would be misunderstood by the + German people, who, having made great sacrifices, had the right to + demand guarantees of security. + +The above is all that Ambassador Gerard communicated as to his +conversation. He added only the brief comment that he, himself, thought +the way might possibly be opened to mediation. President Wilson did not +regard the message, however, as bringing anything tangible. He referred +to the Chancellor's conversation as non-committal and incidental to the +acknowledgment of the American Government's inquiry. The President +indicated that he rather expected a reply to the inquiry to be sent +eventually from the Emperor himself, although he realizes that the +Imperial Chancellor may have consulted the Kaiser by telegraph before +talking informally with the American Ambassador. + +President Wilson took no action as a result of the message, waiting to +hear from Ambassador Gerard whether anything of a more formal character +could be obtained by him which the United States might communicate to +Great Britain, France, and Russia. It was understood tonight that the +British and French Ambassadors who are in Washington were not informed +officially or unofficially by Secretary Bryan of the conversation +between the Imperial German Chancellor and Ambassador Gerard. + +Germany's position is that she will give her opinion on terms of peace +when she has received a definite statement from the Allies of their +proposals. The statement that Germany did not want war, but had it +forced upon her, as well as the declaration that she wanted a lasting +peace, is almost identical with the remarks which Sir Edward Grey made +to Ambassador Page in London last week. The British Foreign Secretary +said England wanted no temporary truce, but a permanent peace, and one +that would safeguard her against sudden attacks such as Germany had +made. + + +President's Future Course. + +The general belief in well-informed circles tonight was that the +President, after waiting a few days for more information from +Berlin, probably would instruct the American Ambassadors at London, +Paris, and Petrograd to communicate what the Imperial German Chancellor +had said to Ambassador Gerard. It was believed the Ambassadors would be +asked to reiterate the wish of the American Government to be of service +in bringing about peace and to point out the readiness of the United +States to communicate to Germany and Austria any statement of terms +which the Allies might care to make. + +Diplomatists are disposed to believe that through such informal +conversations something definite in the way of peace terms may yet be +obtained as a working basis. If a concord of opinion for the discussion +of peace terms were reached President Wilson then would endeavor to +obtain an acceptance by all the belligerents of the original tender of +good offices. This would not mean a cessation of hostilities, unless the +mediating power specifically made it a condition of mediation and all +the belligerents agreed to it. An armistice would not hinder military +movements or preparations, serving merely as a truce while peace was +discussed. + +President Wilson already has indicated that he believes that the final +reckoning of the war should be made in a conference of the European +powers, and it would be the function of the United States to preside at +such a conference if its services as a mediator were accepted. + +Various reports were current today that Germany had named several +conditions under which she would make peace, that she had refused +proposals to alter the territorial status of her empire and possessions, +and would cede no territory or dismantle her fleet, but it was said +authoritatively that nothing of this character was contained in any of +the messages from Berlin to the American Government. + +A statement made at the White House today was the first authoritative +acknowledgment that any inquiry on the subject of Germany's attitude +concerning peace had been made by the United States. Officials +heretofore have maintained silence in regard to the effort made by the +Government to get at the bottom of the expression in favor of peace +reported to have been made by the German Emperor to the Imperial +Chancellor and mentioned in a private conversation in New York by Count +von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador to the United States. + +What was said by Count von Bernstorff in that conversation brought Oscar +S. Straus post-haste to Washington, and as a result of what he told +Secretary Bryan instructions were sent to Ambassador Gerard to ascertain +whether the remarks attributed to the Emperor were to be taken as an +indication that the German Government would not be averse to the +exercise of the good offices of the United States in an effort to end +the hostilities in Europe. + +The conversation at which the German Ambassador made the statement +occurred at the house of James Speyer, the banker, in New York. Oscar S. +Straus, a member of the Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration at The Hague, +was present. In the course of a discussion of the war in Europe and the +prospects of peace Count von Bernstorff, it is understood, said that, +while he had no advices from the Imperial Government since he had left +Berlin, he recalled that the Imperial Chancellor had told him that he +believed Emperor William would be willing to discuss a proposal of peace +through mediation. + +With the permission of Count von Bernstorff, Mr. Straus came to +Washington and told Secretary Bryan of what the German Ambassador had +said. On the following day Count von Bernstorff made a trip from New +York to Washington and had an interview with Secretary Bryan. + +It has been understood that Mr. Bryan, in an excess of caution, desired +to ask Count von Bernstorff personally if he would consent to having +Ambassador Gerard instructed to make inquiry of the German +Government as to whether the conversation between the Emperor and the +Imperial Chancellor might be regarded as indicating that an offer of +mediation of the United States would not be unwelcome to Germany. Count +von Bernstorff is understood to have assented to Mr. Bryan's suggestion, +and the instructions to Mr. Gerard followed. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL. + +Speeches by British Ministers. + +Sir John Simon, British Attorney General, in Speech Before +Altrincham Liberals, at Manchester, July 25. + + +We have been so filled with our own political development that some of +us may not have noticed how serious a situation is threatening on the +Continent of Europe. All I will say about it this afternoon is this--if +times of anxiety are coming into relationships between different +European powers, we in this country, and I think not only Liberals among +us, have reason to be glad that our foreign administration is in the +calm, cool hands of Sir Edward Grey.[06] [Cheers.] And let us all +resolve that, whatever may be the difficulties and dangers which +threaten the peaceful relations in Europe, the part which this country +plays shall from beginning to end be the part of a mediator simply +desirous of promoting better and more peaceful relations. + + + * * * * * + + +[06] On the next day, July 26, Earl Grey addressed to The + London Times the following appeal for national unity: + + _To the Editor of The Times_: + + Sir: The Lord Chancellor, in his speech on Friday, called on every + Liberal to work for the peace of Europe, but to go forward + unflinchingly to civil war at home. + + It is obvious that the only hope of England's effective mediation + lies in the unity and solidarity of the United Kingdom. + + Is it not time that the common sense of the nation asserted itself + and called upon our rulers to take steps which will enable a united + nation to confront with confidence the perils which encompass us? + + In moments of national peril every loyal citizen should not + hesitate, however painful the process may be, to burst the fetters + of party allegiance in order that he may devote his whole energies + to an endeavor to safeguard the higher interests of the State. + + What is the cause which is dividing a so-called United Kingdom into + two hostile camps? It is the endeavor of a tyrannical House of + Commons to force upon the acceptance of the people a bill which in + the common belief they not only do not want but are strongly + opposed to. I approach the consideration of the national crisis + from no party standpoint, but from that of one who believes that + the peace of Ireland, the honor of England, and the strength of the + empire are all concerned in a speedy and satisfactory settlement of + the Irish question. + + I believe that such a settlement is to be found in a measure which + will give to the peoples of Ireland powers of local self-government + similar to those enjoyed by the Provinces of Canada and South + Africa. + + It is because the Ministerial policy of home rule is based on a + principle which would not be tolerated in any one of the + Legislatures of Washington, Ottawa, or Melbourne that I am so + strongly opposed to it. No party, no political group, however + small, could be found in Canada, Australia, or the United States + which would venture to propose that the Province of Quebec, or the + State of Queensland or California, should be endowed by means of a + measure like the Home Rule bill with separatist constitutional + rights which could not be given to the other provinces and States. + + I challenge his Majesty's Ministers to deny this plain, + unanswerable statement. + + I further challenge his Majesty's Ministers to deny that their home + rule policy, if carried into effect, will make slaves of one part + of Ireland or another. + + If their bill for the better government of Ireland reaches the + statute book without the amending bill it will make slaves of the + Ulstermen. It will deprive them of half of the representation to + which their population entitles them in the House of Commons, thus + reducing them to a political inferiority, as compared with the + peoples of Great Britain, which can hardly be distinguished from + political slavery, and it will further compel them to accept the + administration of a Dublin Parliament which they fear and detest in + all matters relating to their local government. I have often + wondered how any one rejoicing in the inheritance of old Liberal + traditions could for a moment suppose that any group of free men + would ever accept such dishonoring conditions. + + Again, if the Home Rule bill is passed with the amending bill + tacked on to it, the chains of slavery from which Ulster will be + relieved will be riveted on the rest of Ireland. Ulster will have + thirty-three representatives in the Imperial House of Commons, and + the rest of Ireland twenty-seven! What germ of a settlement of the + Irish question can any one discover in a policy which proposes that + one-fourth of the people of Ireland should be able to outvote the + other three-fourths in matters affecting their liberties and + taxation? + + No! The Ministerial bills of home rule are fundamentally bad and + should be withdrawn, in order that a new attempt may be made to + reach a settlement by general consent in accordance, as I believe, + with the wishes of the overwhelming majority of the people. + + Is it not better to wait a little for a settlement by consent on + lines which will conduce to permanent peace and prosperity than to + try to force on the pages of the statute book a measure which must + lead to bloodshed and civil war? If party considerations veto the + withdrawal of the Ministerial measure of home rule without the aid + of a general election, then let us have a general election without + one moment's unnecessary delay. + + The times are too perilous to allow us even to contemplate with any + other feeling than that of horror and dismay the Lord Chancellor's + appeal to go forward unflinchingly to civil war. + + I have the honor to remain, Sir, + + Yours respectfully, + + GREY. + + 22 South Street, Park Lane, July 26. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"A CLOUD OVER EUROPE." + +London Times Report, July 27, of Speech by Under Secretary +Acland. + + +F.D. Acland, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, speaking at an +open-air Liberal demonstration at Steyning, Sussex, on Saturday [July +25], said there was a cloud over Europe, the position there being far +graver and more serious than the position in Ireland. No one could +imagine the disasters which a war in which a great European power was +involved might bring to the whole world. He hoped the power of +accommodating the difficulties in the same way as in the Balkan trouble +last year would be found effective. The whole of the influence of this +country would be used in the interests of peace. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: SIR EDWARD GREY, +British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. +(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)] + + + + +AUSTRO-SERVIAN CRISIS. + +Statement in House of Commons, July 27, by Sir Edward Grey, Secretary +of State for Foreign Affairs. + + +The House will, of course, be aware from the public press of what the +nature of the situation in Europe is at the present moment. I think it +is due to the House that I should give in short narrative form the +position which his Majesty's Government have so far taken up. ["Hear, +hear."] Last Friday morning I received from the Austro-Hungarian +Ambassador the text of the communication made by the Austro-Hungarian +Government to the powers, which has appeared in the press, and which +included textually the demand made by the Austro-Hungarian Government +upon Servia. + +In the afternoon I saw other Ambassadors, and expressed the view that as +long as the dispute was one between Austria-Hungary and Servia alone I +felt that we had no title to interfere, but that if the relations +between Austria-Hungary and Russia became threatening, the question +would then be one of the peace of Europe--a matter that concerned us +all. + +I did not then know what view the Russian Government had taken +of the situation, and without knowing how things were likely to develop +I could not make any immediate proposition; but I said that if relations +between Austria-Hungary and Russia did become threatening, the only +chance of peace appeared to me to be that the four powers--Germany, +France, Italy, and Great Britain--who were not directly interested in +the Servian question, should work together both in St. Petersburg and +Vienna simultaneously to get both Austria-Hungary and Russia to suspend +military operations while the four powers endeavored to arrange a +settlement. + +After I had heard that Austria-Hungary had broken off diplomatic +relations with Servia I made, by telegraph yesterday afternoon, the +following proposal, as a practical method of applying the views that I +had already expressed: + +I instructed his Majesty's Ambassadors in Paris, Berlin, and Rome to ask +the Governments to which they were accredited whether they would be +willing to arrange that the French, German, and Italian Ambassadors in +London should meet me in a conference to be held in London immediately +to endeavor to find a means of arranging the present difficulties. At +the same time I instructed his Majesty's Ambassadors to ask those +Governments to authorize their representatives in Vienna, St. +Petersburg, and Belgrade to inform the Governments there of the proposed +conference and to ask them to suspend all active military operations +pending the result of the conference. + +To that I have not yet received complete replies, and it is of course a +proposal in which the co-operation of all four powers is essential. In a +crisis so grave as this the efforts of one power alone to preserve the +peace must be quite ineffective. + +The time allowed in this matter has been so short that I have had to +take the risk of making a proposal without the usual preliminary steps +of trying to ascertain whether it would be well received. But, where +matters are so grave and the time so short, the risk of proposing +something that is unwelcome or ineffective cannot be avoided. I cannot +but feel, however, assuming that the text of the Servian reply as +published this morning in the press is accurate, as I believe it to be, +that it should at least provide a basis on which a friendly and +impartial group of powers, including powers who are equally in the +confidence of Austria-Hungary and of Russia, should be able to arrange a +settlement that would be generally acceptable. + +It must be obvious to any person who reflects upon the situation that +the moment the dispute ceases to be one between Austria-Hungary and +Servia and becomes one in which another great power is involved, it can +but end in the greatest catastrophe that has ever befallen the Continent +of Europe at one blow; no one can say what would be the limit of the +issues that might be raised by such a conflict; the consequences of it, +direct and indirect, would be incalculable. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A GRAVE SITUATION. + +Statement in House of Commons, July 29, by H.H. Asquith, British Prime +Minister. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_ (Lancs, Bootle)--May I ask the Prime Minister whether +he has any information to give the House with regard to the European +situation? + +_Mr. Asquith_--As the House is aware, a formal declaration of war was +issued yesterday by Austria against Servia. The situation at this moment +is one of extreme gravity and I can only say--usefully say--that his +Majesty's Government are not relaxing their efforts to do everything in +their power to circumscribe the area of possible conflict. ["Hear! +hear!"] + + + * * * * * + + + + +RISK OF A CATASTROPHE. + +Declaration in House of Commons, July 30, by Prime Minister Asquith. + + +We meet today under conditions of gravity which are almost unparalleled +in the experience of every one of us. The issues of peace and +war are hanging in the balance, and with them the risk of a catastrophe +of which it is impossible to measure either the dimensions or the +effects. In these circumstances it is of vital importance in the +interests of the whole world that this country, which has no interests +of its own directly at stake, should present a united front and be able +to speak and act with the authority of an undivided nation. If we were +to proceed today with the first order on the paper we should inevitably, +unless the debate was conducted with an artificial tone, be involved in +acute controversy in regard to domestic differences whose importance to +ourselves no one here in any quarter of the House is disposed to +disparage or to belittle. I need not say more than that such a use of +our time at such a moment might have injurious, and lastingly injurious, +effects on the international situation. I have had the advantage of +consultation with the leader of the Opposition, who, I know, shares to +the full the view which I have expressed. We shall therefore propose to +put off for the present the consideration of the second reading of the +amending bill--of course, without prejudice to its future--in the hope +that by a postponement of the discussion the patriotism of all parties +will contribute what lies in our power, if not to avert at least to +circumscribe the calamities which threaten the world. In the meantime +the business which we shall take will be confined to necessary matters +which will not be of a controversial character. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +OPPOSITION CONCURS. + + +Assent of Bonar Law, Leader of the British Opposition, and of Sir +Edward Carson, July 30. + + +As the Prime Minister has informed the House, it is with our concurrence +that he has made the suggestion which we have just heard. At a moment +like the present, when even those of us who do not share diplomatic +secrets feel that the statement of the Prime Minister is true, that +peace and war may be trembling in the balance, I think it is of the +utmost importance that it should be made plain to every one that, +whatever our domestic differences may be, they do not prevent us from +presenting a united front in the councils of the world. I am obliged to +the Prime Minister for saying that in the meantime party controversial +business will not be taken. I am sure that it is his intention, as it +would be the wish of the whole House, that this postponement will not in +any way prejudice the interests of any of the parties to the +controversy. I should like to add--and I do so, not to give information +to the House, the members of which quite understand the position, but in +order that it may be plain outside that in what I have now said I speak +not only, so far as I am entitled to speak, for the Unionist Party, but +for Ulster--that in what I have just said I have the concurrence of my +right honorable friend the member for Trinity College [Sir Edward +Carson]. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PEACE THE GREAT OBJECT. + +Statement by Sir Edward Grey in House of Commons, July 30. + + +I regret that I cannot say the situation is less grave than it was +yesterday. The outstanding facts are much the same. Austria has begun +war against Servia. Russia has ordered a partial mobilization. This has +not hitherto led to any corresponding steps by other powers, so far as +our information goes. We continue to pursue the one great object of +preserving European peace, and for this purpose we are keeping in close +touch with other powers. In thus keeping in touch we have, I am glad to +say, had no difficulty so far; though it has not been possible for the +powers to unite in diplomatic action as was proposed on Monday. + + + * * * * * + + + + +RUSSIA'S MOBILIZATION. + +Statement in House of Commons by Prime Minister Asquith, Aug. 1. + + +We have just heard, not from St. Petersburg but from Germany, that +Russia has proclaimed a general mobilization of her army and fleet, +and in consequence of this martial law is to be proclaimed in Germany. + +We understand this to mean that mobilization will follow in Germany if +the Russian mobilization is general and is proceeded with. + +In these circumstances I should prefer not to answer any further +question until Monday. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE GERMAN INVASION. + +Editorial Article of The London Times, Aug. 3. + + +The die is cast. The great European struggle which the nations have so +long struggled to avert has begun. Germany declared war upon Russia on +Saturday evening, and yesterday her troops entered Luxemburg and crossed +the French frontier in Lorraine without any declaration at all. It is +idle to dwell upon events such as these. They speak for themselves in a +fashion which all can understand. They mean that Europe is to be the +scene of the most terrible war that she has witnessed since the fall of +the Roman Empire. The losses in human life and in the accumulated wealth +of generations which such a contest must involve are frightful to think +on. That it should have come about despite the zealous efforts of +diplomacy, and against the wishes of almost all the nations whom it is +destined to afflict, is a grim satire upon the professions of peace yet +fresh upon the lips of those who have plunged the Continent into its +miseries and its calamities. The blame must fall mainly upon Germany. +She could have stayed the plague had she chosen to speak in Vienna as +she speaks when she is in earnest. She has not chosen to do so. She has +preferred to make demands in St. Petersburg and in Paris which no +Government could entertain, and to defeat by irrevocable acts the last +efforts of this country and of others for mediation. She has lived up to +the worst principles of the Frederician tradition--the tradition which +disregards all obligations of right and wrong at the bidding of +immediate self-interest. She believes that her admirable military +organization has enabled her to steal a march upon her rivals. She has +been mobilizing in all but name, while their mobilization has been +retarded by the "conversations" she continued until her moment had come. +Then she flung the mask aside. While her Ambassador was still in Paris, +while by the customs traditional with all civilized peoples she was +still at peace with France, she has sent her soldiers into Luxemburg, +and invaded the territory of the republic. It is hard to say which of +these acts is the grosser infringement of public right. With Luxemburg +she makes no pretense of quarrel. She is herself a party to the +guarantee of its neutrality contained in the Treaty of 1867. The other +guarantors are Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Austria-Hungary, +Belgium, and the Netherlands. She solemnly pledged herself with some of +them, including France and ourselves, to respect this neutrality. The +world sees how Germany keeps her word. She has been weak enough, or +cynical enough, to issue an explanation of her breach of faith. Let +Englishmen, who have been disposed to trust her, judge it for +themselves. She has not, she says, committed a hostile act by crossing +the frontiers, by forcibly seizing the Government offices, and by +forcibly interrupting the telephonic communication. These are merely +measures to protect the railways from a possible attack by the French. +For the sudden invasion of France no excuse has yet been published. When +it comes it will doubtless be of about equal worth. + +The whole situation has been revolutionized by the events of yesterday. +The doubts which many of us tried hard to cherish as to Germany's real +intentions have been dispelled by her high-handed contempt for public +law. The Government and the nation now realize that she has been bent on +a European war--a European war to be waged in the first instance against +France, and through at least one of those neutral States whose safety we +have bound ourselves to defend because it is indispensable to our own. +The Cabinet, which has been sitting almost uninterruptedly since +Saturday morning, reached a decision at an early hour yesterday, which +shows that they know what is before us. They have called up the Naval +Reserves. They would not have taken this step had they not felt that in +this quarrel our interests are now directly at stake. After the example +of what Germany has done in Luxemburg and on the French border we can no +longer rely upon the presence of her Ambassador as a security against +some sudden surprise. We have no controversy with her, it is true. We +have been willing and anxious to develop those better relations with her +which had of late sprung up. We were eager to work with her for +mediation and for peace. Now she has shown her hand. She is resolved to +crush France, and to trample upon the rights of those who happen to +stand in her way. Yesterday it was Luxemburg. Today it may be Belgium or +Holland, or she may treat us as she has treated our French friends, and +assail us without a declaration of war. She will find the empire ready. +Here at home and in the far-off dominions the sure instinct of our +peoples teaches them that the ruin of France or of the Low Countries +would be the prelude to our own. We can no more tolerate a German +hegemony in Europe than we can tolerate the hegemony of any other power. +As our fathers fought Spain and France in the days of their greatest +strength to defeat their pretense to Continental supremacy, and their +menace to the narrow seas, which are the bulwark of our independence, so +shall we be ready, with the same unanimity and the same stubborn +tenacity of purpose, to fight any other nation which shows by her acts +that she is advancing a like claim and confronting us with a like +threat. If any individual member of the Cabinet dissents from this view, +the sooner he quits the Government the better. Mr. Asquith may find it +no disadvantage to take fresh blood into his Administration, as M. +Viviani has undoubtedly strengthened the French Government by the +admission of M. Delcasse and M. Clemenceau. The controversy between +Austria-Hungary and Servia, and that between Austria-Hungary and Russia, +have passed away from the eyes of the nation. These are fixed on the +German attack upon the French Republic and upon Luxemburg. In that +conflict the nation know their duty. With the blessing of Heaven they +will do it to the uttermost. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED. + +Sir Edward Grey's Speech in House of Commons, Aug. 3. + + +Last week I stated that we were working for peace not only for this +country, but to preserve the peace of Europe. Today events move so +rapidly that it is exceedingly difficult to state with technical +accuracy the actual state of affairs, but it is clear that the peace of +Europe cannot be preserved. Russia and Germany, at any rate, have +declared war upon each other. + +Before I proceed to state the position of his Majesty's Government I +would like to clear the ground so that, before I come to state to the +House what our attitude is with regard to the present crisis, the House +may know exactly under what obligations the Government is, or the House +can be said to be, in coming to a decision on the matter. First of all, +let me say, very shortly, that we have consistently worked with a single +mind, with all the earnestness in our power, to preserve peace. The +House may be satisfied on that point. We have always done it. During +these last years, as far as his Majesty's Government are concerned, we +would have no difficulty in proving that we have done so. Throughout the +Balkan crisis, by general admission, we worked for peace. The +co-operation of the great powers of Europe was successful in working for +peace in the Balkan crisis. It is true that some of the powers had great +difficulty in adjusting their points of view. It took much time and +labor and discussion before they could settle their differences, but +peace was secured, because peace was their main object, and they were +willing to give time and trouble rather than accentuate differences +rapidly. + +In the present crisis it has not been possible to secure the peace of +Europe; because there has been little time, and there has been a +disposition--at any rate in some quarters on which I will not dwell--to +force things rapidly to an issue, at any rate to the great risk of +peace, and, as we now know, the result of that is that the policy of +peace as far as the great powers generally are concerned is in danger. I +do not want to dwell on that, and to comment on it, and to say where the +blame seems to us to lie, which powers were most in favor of peace, +which were most disposed to risk war or endanger peace, because I would +like the House to approach this crisis in which we are now from the +point of view of British interests, British honor, and British +obligations, free from all passion as to why peace has not been +preserved. + +We shall publish papers as soon as we can regarding what took place last +week when we were working for peace, and when those papers are published +I have no doubt that to every human being they will make it clear how +strenuous and genuine and whole-hearted our efforts for peace were, and +that they will enable people to form their own judgment as to what +forces were at work which operated against peace. + +I come first, now, to the question of British obligations. I have +assured the House--and the Prime Minister has assured the House more +than once--that if any crisis such as this arose we should come before +the House of Commons and be able to say to the House that it was free to +decide what the British attitude should be, that we would have no secret +engagement which we should spring upon the House, and tell the House +that because we had entered into that engagement there was an obligation +of honor upon the country. I will deal with that point to clear the +ground first. + +There have been in Europe two diplomatic groups, the Triple Alliance and +what came to be called the Triple Entente, for some years past. The +Triple Entente was not an alliance--it was a diplomatic group. The House +will remember that in 1908 there was a crisis--also a Balkan +crisis--originating in the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The +Russian Minister, M. Isvolsky, came to London, or happened to come to +London, because his visit was planned before the crisis broke out. I +told him definitely then, this being a Balkan crisis, a Balkan affair, I +did not consider that public opinion in this country would justify us in +promising to give anything more than diplomatic support. More was never +asked from us, more was never given, and more was never promised. + +In this present crisis, up till yesterday, we have also given no promise +of anything more than diplomatic support--up till yesterday no promise +of more than diplomatic support. Now I must make this question of +obligation clear to the House. I must go back to the first Moroccan +crisis of 1906. That was the time of the Algeciras Conference, and it +came at a time of very great difficulty to his Majesty's Government when +a general election was in progress, and Ministers were scattered over +the country, and I--spending three days a week in my constituency and +three days at the Foreign Office--was asked the question whether, if +that crisis developed into war between France and Germany, we would give +armed support. I said then that I could promise nothing to any foreign +power unless it was subsequently to receive the whole-hearted support of +public opinion here if the occasion arose. I said, in my opinion, if war +was forced upon France then on the question of Morocco--a question which +had just been the subject of agreement between this country and France, +an agreement exceedingly popular on both sides--that if out of that +agreement war was forced on France at that time, in my view public +opinion in this country would have rallied to the material support of +France. + +I gave no promise, but I expressed that opinion during the crisis, as +far as I remember almost in the same words, to the French Ambassador +and the German Ambassador at the time. I made no promise and I used no +threats; but I expressed that opinion. That position was accepted by the +French Government, but they said to me at the time, and I think very +reasonably, "If you think it possible that the public opinion of Great +Britain might, should a sudden crisis arise, justify you in giving to +France the armed support which you cannot promise in advance, you will +not be able to give that support, even if you wish it, when the time +comes, unless some conversations have already taken place between naval +and military experts." There was force in that. I agreed to it, and +authorized those conversations to take place, but on the distinct +understanding that nothing which passed between military or naval +experts should bind either Government or restrict in any way their +freedom to make a decision as to whether or not they would give that +support when the time arose. + +As I have told the House, upon that occasion a general election was in +prospect; I had to take the responsibility of doing that without the +Cabinet. It could not be summoned. An answer had to be given. I +consulted Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the Prime Minister; I consulted, +I remember, Lord Haldane, who was then Secretary of State for War, and +the present Prime Minister, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer. +That was the most I could do, and they authorized that, on the distinct +understanding that it left the hands of the Government free whenever the +crisis arose. The fact that conversations between military and naval +experts took place was later on--I think much later on, because that +crisis passed, and the thing ceased to be of importance--but later on it +was brought to the knowledge of the Cabinet. + +The Agadir crisis came--another Morocco crisis--and throughout that I +took precisely the same line that had been taken in 1906. But +subsequently, in 1912, after discussion and consideration in the +Cabinet, it was decided that we ought to have a definite understanding +in writing, which was to be only in the form of an unofficial letter, +that these conversations which took place were not binding upon the +freedom of either Government; and on the 22d November, 1912, I wrote to +the French Ambassador the letter which I will now read to the House, and +I received from him a letter in similar terms in reply. The letter which +I have to read to the House is this, and it will be known to the public +now as the record that, whatever took place between military and naval +experts, they were not binding engagements upon the Government: + + My dear Ambassador: + + From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and + military experts have consulted together. It has always been + understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of + either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to + assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation + between experts is not, and ought not, to be regarded as an + engagement that commits either Government to action in a + contingency that has not yet arisen and may never arise. The + disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets + respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement + to co-operate in war. + + You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave + reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might + become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon + the armed assistance of the other. + + I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an + unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened + the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other + whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression + and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be + prepared to take in common. + +_Lord Charles Beresford_--What is the date of that? + +_Sir E. Grey_--The 22nd November, 1912. That is the starting point for +the Government with regard to the present crisis. I think it makes it +clear that what the Prime Minister and I said to the House of Commons +was perfectly justified, and that, as regards our freedom to decide in a +crisis what our line should be, whether we should intervene or whether +we should abstain, the Government remained perfectly free, and, a +fortiori, the House of Commons remains perfectly free. That I say to +clear the ground from the point of view of obligation. I think it was +due to prove our good faith to the House of Commons that I should give +that full information to the House now, and say what I think is obvious +from the letter I have just read, that we do not construe anything which +has previously taken place in our diplomatic relations with other powers +in this matter as restricting the freedom of the Government to decide +what attitude they should take now, or restrict the freedom of the House +of Commons to decide what their attitude should be. + +Well, Sir, I will go further, and I will say this: The situation in the +present crisis is not precisely the same as it was in the Morocco +question. In the Morocco question it was primarily a dispute which +concerned France--a dispute which concerned France and France +primarily--a dispute, as it seemed to us, affecting France out of an +agreement subsisting between us and France, and published to the whole +world, in which we engaged to give France diplomatic support. No doubt +we were pledged to give nothing but diplomatic support; we were, at any +rate, pledged by a definite public agreement to stand with France +diplomatically in that question. + +The present crisis has originated differently. It has not originated +with regard to Morocco. It has not originated as regards anything with +which we had a special agreement with France; it has not originated with +anything which primarily concerned France. It has originated in a +dispute between Austria and Servia. I can say this with the most +absolute confidence--no Government and no country has less desire to be +involved in war over a dispute with Austria and Servia than the +Government and the Country of France. They are involved in it because of +their obligation of honor under a definite alliance with Russia. Well, +it is only fair to say to the House that that obligation of honor cannot +apply in the same way to us. We are not parties to the Franco-Russian +alliance. We do not even know the terms of that alliance. So far I +have, I think, faithfully and completely cleared the ground with regard +to the question of obligation. + +I now come to what we think the situation requires of us. For many years +we have had a long-standing friendship with France. I remember well the +feeling in the House--and my own feeling--for I spoke on the subject, I +think, when the late Government made their agreement with France--the +warm and cordial feeling resulting from the fact that these two nations, +who had had perpetual differences in the past, had cleared these +differences away; I remember saying, I think, that it seemed to me that +some benign influence had been at work to produce the cordial atmosphere +that had made that possible. But how far that friendship entails +obligation--it has been a friendship between the nations and ratified by +the nations--how far that entails an obligation, let every man look into +his own heart, and his own feelings, and construe the extent of the +obligation for himself. I construe it myself as I feel it, but I do not +wish to urge upon any one else more than their feelings dictate as to +what they should feel about the obligation. The House, individually and +collectively, may judge for itself. I speak my personal view, and I have +given the House my own feeling in the matter. + +The French fleet is now in the Mediterranean, and the northern and +western coasts of France are absolutely undefended. The French fleet +being concentrated in the Mediterranean, the situation is very different +from what it used to be, because the friendship which has grown up +between the two countries has given them a sense of security that there +was nothing to be feared from us. + +The French coasts are absolutely undefended. The French fleet is in the +Mediterranean, and has for some years been concentrated there because of +the feeling of confidence and friendship which has existed between the +two countries. My own feeling is that if a foreign fleet, engaged in a +war which France had not sought, and in which she had not been the +aggressor, came down the English Channel and bombarded and battered the +undefended coasts of France, we could not stand aside, and see this +going on practically within sight of our eyes, with our arms folded, +looking on dispassionately, doing nothing. I believe that would be the +feeling of this country. There are times when one feels that if these +circumstances actually did arise, it would be a feeling which would +spread with irresistible force throughout the land. + +But I also want to look at the matter without sentiment, and from the +point of view of British interests, and it is on that that I am going to +base and justify what I am presently going to say to the House. If we +say nothing at this moment, what is France to do with her fleet in the +Mediterranean? If she leaves it there, with no statement from us as to +what we will do, she leaves her northern and western coasts absolutely +undefended, at the mercy of a German fleet coming down the Channel to do +as it pleases in a war which is a war of life and death between them. If +we say nothing, it may be that the French fleet is withdrawn from the +Mediterranean. We are in the presence of a European conflagration; can +anybody set limits to the consequences that may arise out of it? Let us +assume that today we stand aside in an attitude of neutrality, saying, +"No, we cannot undertake and engage to help either party in this +conflict." Let us suppose the French fleet is withdrawn from the +Mediterranean; and let us assume that the consequences--which are +already tremendous in what has happened in Europe even to countries +which are at peace--in fact, equally whether countries are at peace or +at war--let us assume that out of that come consequences unforeseen, +which make it necessary at a sudden moment that, in defense of vital +British interests, we shall go to war; and let us assume--which is quite +possible--that Italy, who is now neutral--because, as I understand, she +considers that this war is an aggressive war, and the Triple Alliance +being a defensive alliance her obligation did not arise--let us assume +that consequences which are not yet foreseen and which, perfectly +legitimately consulting her own interests, make Italy depart from her +attitude of neutrality at a time when we are forced in defense of vital +British interests ourselves to fight--what then will be the position in +the Mediterranean? It might be that at some critical moment those +consequences would be forced upon us because our trade routes in the +Mediterranean might be vital to this country. + +Nobody can say that in the course of the next few weeks there is any +particular trade route, the keeping open of which may not be vital to +this country. What will be our position then? We have not kept a fleet +in the Mediterranean which is equal to dealing alone with a combination +of other fleets in the Mediterranean. It would be the very moment when +we could not detach more ships to the Mediterranean, and we might have +exposed this country from our negative attitude at the present moment to +the most appalling risk. I say that from the point of view of British +interests. We feel strongly that France was entitled to know--and to +know at once--whether or not in the event of attack upon her unprotected +northern and western coasts she could depend upon British support. In +that emergency, and in these compelling circumstances, yesterday +afternoon I gave to the French Ambassador the following statement: + + I am authorized to give an assurance that if the German fleet comes + into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile + operations against the French coasts or shipping, the British fleet + will give all the protection in its power. This assurance is, of + course, subject to the policy of his Majesty's Government receiving + the support of Parliament, and must not be taken as binding his + Majesty's Government to take any action until the above contingency + of action by the German fleet takes place. + +I read that to the House, not as a declaration of war on our part, not +as entailing immediate aggressive action on our part, but as binding us +to take aggressive action should that contingency arise. Things move +very hurriedly from hour to hour. Fresh news comes in, and I cannot give +this in any very formal way; but I understand that the German +Government would be prepared, if we would pledge ourselves to +neutrality, to agree that its fleet would not attack the northern coast +of France. I have only heard that shortly before I came to the House, +but it is far too narrow an engagement for us. And, Sir, there is the +more serious consideration--becoming more serious every hour--there is +the question of the neutrality of Belgium. + +I shall have to put before the House at some length what is our position +in regard to Belgium. The governing factor is the Treaty of 1839, but +this is a treaty with a history--a history accumulated since. In 1870, +when there was war between France and Germany, the question of the +neutrality of Belgium arose, and various things were said. Among other +things, Prince Bismarck gave an assurance to Belgium that--confirming +his verbal assurance, he gave in writing a declaration which he said was +superfluous in reference to the treaty in existence--that the German +Confederation and its allies would respect the neutrality of Belgium, it +being always understood that that neutrality would be respected by the +other belligerent powers. That is valuable as a recognition in 1870 on +the part of Germany of the sacredness of these treaty rights. + +What was our own attitude? The people who laid down the attitude of the +British Government were Lord Granville in the House of Lords and Mr. +Gladstone in the House of Commons. Lord Granville on the 8th August, +1870, used these words. He said: + + We might have explained to the country and to foreign nations that + we could not think this country was bound either morally or + internationally, or that its interests were concerned in the + maintenance of the neutrality of Belgium; though this course might + have had some conveniences, though it might have been easy to + adhere to it, though it might have saved us from some immediate + danger, it is a course which her Majesty's Government thought it + impossible to adopt in the name of the country with any due regard + to the country's honor or to the country's interests. + +Mr. Gladstone, spoke as follows two days later: + + There is, I admit, the obligation of the treaty. It is not + necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into the complicated + question of the nature of the obligations of that treaty; but I am + not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who have held in + this House what plainly amounts to an assertion, that the simple + fact of the existence of a guarantee is binding on every party to + it, irrespectively altogether of the particular position in which + it may find itself at the time when the occasion for acting on the + guarantee arises. The great authorities upon foreign policy to whom + I have been accustomed to listen, such as Lord Aberdeen and Lord + Palmerston, never to my knowledge took that rigid and, if I may + venture to say so, that impracticable view of the guarantee. The + circumstance, that there is already an existing guarantee in force, + is, of necessity, an important fact, and a weighty element in the + case, to which we are bound to give full and ample consideration. + There is also this further consideration, the force of which we + must all feel most deeply, and that is, the common interests + against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power whatever. + +The treaty is an old treaty--1839--and that was the view taken of it in +1870. It is one of those treaties which are founded, not only on +consideration for Belgium, which benefits under the treaty, but in the +interests of those who guarantee the neutrality of Belgium. The honor +and interests are, at least, as strong today as in 1870, and we cannot +take a more narrow view or a less serious view of our obligations, and +of the importance of those obligations, than was taken by Mr. +Gladstone's Government in 1870. + +I will read to the House what took place last week on this subject. When +mobilization was beginning, I knew that this question must be a most +important element in our policy--a most important subject for the House +of Commons. I telegraphed at the same time in similar terms to both +Paris and Berlin to say that it was essential for us to know whether the +French and German Governments respectively were prepared to undertake an +engagement to respect the neutrality of Belgium. These are the replies. +I got from the French Government this reply: + + The French Government are resolved to respect the neutrality of + Belgium, and it would only be in the event of some other power + violating that neutrality that France might find herself under the + necessity, in order to assure the defense of her security, to act + otherwise. This assurance has been given several times. The + President of the Republic spoke of it to the King of the Belgians, + and the French Minister at Brussels has spontaneously renewed the + assurance to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs today. + +From the German Government the reply was: + + The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs could not possibly give + an answer before consulting the Emperor and the Imperial + Chancellor. + +Sir Edward Goschen, to whom I had said it was important to have an +answer soon, said he hoped the answer would not be too long delayed. The +German Minister for Foreign Affairs then gave Sir Edward Goschen to +understand that he rather doubted whether they could answer at all, as +any reply they might give could not fail, in the event of war, to have +the undesirable effect of disclosing, to a certain extent, part of their +plan of campaign. I telegraphed at the same time to Brussels to the +Belgian Government, and I got the following reply from Sir Francis +Villiers: + + Belgium expects and desires that other powers will observe and + uphold her neutrality, which she intends to maintain to the utmost + of her power. In so informing me, Minister for Foreign Affairs + said, that, in the event of the violation of the neutrality of + their territory, they believed that they were in a position to + defend themselves against intrusion. The relations between Belgium + and her neighbors were excellent, and there was no reason to + suspect their intentions; but he thought it well, nevertheless, to + be prepared against emergencies. + +It now appears from the news I have received today--which has come quite +recently, and I am not yet quite sure how far it has reached me in an +accurate form--that an ultimatum has been given to Belgium by Germany, +the object of which was to offer Belgium friendly relations with Germany +on condition that she would facilitate the passage of German troops +through Belgium. Well, Sir, until one has these things absolutely +definitely, up to the last moment, I do not wish to say all that one +would say if one were in a position to give the House full, complete, +and absolute information upon the point. We were sounded in the course +of last week as to whether, if a guarantee were given that, after the +war, Belgian integrity would be preserved, that would content us. We +replied that we could not bargain away whatever interests or obligations +we had in Belgian neutrality. + +Shortly before I reached the House I was informed that the following +telegram had been received from the King of the Belgians by our +King--King George: + + Remembering the numerous proofs of your Majesty's friendship and + that of your predecessors, and the friendly attitude of England in + 1870, and the poof of friendship she has just given us again, I + make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of your + Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of Belgium. + +Diplomatic intervention took place last week on our part. What can +diplomatic intervention do now? We have great and vital interests in the +independence--and integrity is the least part--of Belgium. If Belgium is +compelled to submit to allow her neutrality to be violated, of course +the situation is clear. Even if by agreement she admitted the violation +of her neutrality, it is clear she could only do so under duress. The +smaller States in that region of Europe ask but one thing. Their one +desire is that they should be left alone and independent. The one thing +they fear is, I think, not so much that their integrity but that their +independence should be interfered with. If in this war which is before +Europe the neutrality of one of those countries is violated, if the +troops of one of the combatants violate its neutrality and no action be +taken to resent it, at the end of the war, whatever the integrity may +be, the independence will be gone. + +I have one further quotation from Mr. Gladstone as to what he thought +about the independence of Belgium. It will be found in "Hansard," Vol. +203, Page 1,787. I have not had time to read the whole speech and verify +the context, but the thing seems to me so clear that no context could +make any difference to the meaning of it. Mr. Gladstone said: + + We have an interest in the independence of Belgium which is wider + than that which we may have in the literal operation of the + guarantee. It is found in the answer to the question whether, under + the circumstances of the case, this country, endowed as it is with + influence and power, would quietly stand by and witness the + perpetration of the direst crime that ever stained the pages of + history, and thus become participators in the sin. + +No, Sir, if it be the case that there has been anything in the nature of +an ultimatum to Belgium, asking her to compromise or violate her +neutrality, whatever may have been offered to her in return, her +independence is gone if that holds. If her independence goes, the +independence of Holland will follow. I ask the House from the point of +view of British interests to consider what may be at stake. If France is +beaten in a struggle of life and death, beaten to her knees, loses her +position as a great power, becomes subordinate to the will and power of +one greater than herself--consequences which I do not anticipate, +because I am sure that France has the power to defend herself with all +the energy and ability and patriotism which she has shown so +often--still, if that were to happen, and if Belgium fell under the same +dominating influence, and then Holland, and then Denmark, then would not +Mr. Gladstone's words come true, that just opposite to us there would be +a common interest against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power? + +It may be said, I suppose, that we might stand aside, husband our +strength, and that, whatever happened in the course of this war, at the +end of it intervene with effect to put things right, and to adjust them +to our own point of view. If, in a crisis like this, we run away from +those obligations of honor and interest as regards the Belgian treaty, I +doubt whether, whatever material force we might have at the end, it +would be of very much value in face of the respect that we should have +lost. And do not believe, whether a great power stands outside this war +or not, it is going to be in a position at the end of it to exert its +superior strength. For us, with a powerful fleet, which we believe able +to protect our commerce, to protect our shores, and to protect our +interests, if we are engaged in war, we shall suffer but little more +than we shall suffer even if we stand aside. + +We are going to suffer, I am afraid, terribly in this war, whether we +are in it or whether we stand aside. Foreign trade is going to stop, not +because the trade routes are closed, but because there is no trade at +the other end. Continental nations engaged in war--all their +populations, all their energies, all their wealth, engaged in a +desperate struggle--they cannot carry on the trade with us that they are +carrying on in times of peace, whether we are parties to the war or +whether we are not. I do not believe for a moment that at the end of +this war, even if we stood aside and remained aside, we should be in a +position, a material position, to use our force decisively to undo what +had happened in the course of the war, to prevent the whole of the west +of Europe opposite to us--if that had been the result of the +war--falling under the domination of a single power, and I am quite sure +that our moral position would be such as to have lost us all respect. I +can only say that I have put the question of Belgium somewhat +hypothetically, because I am not yet sure of all the facts, but, if the +facts turn out to be as they have reached us at present, it is quite +clear that there is an obligation on this country to do its utmost to +prevent the consequences to which those facts will lead if they are +undisputed. + +I have read to the House the only engagements that we have yet taken +definitely with regard to the use of force. I think it is due to the +House to say that we have taken no engagement yet with regard to sending +an expeditionary armed force out of the country. Mobilization of the +fleet has taken place; mobilization of the army is taking place; but we +have as yet taken no engagement, because I feel that--in the case of a +European conflagration such as this, unprecedented, with our enormous +responsibilities in India and other parts of the empire, or in countries +in British occupation, with all the unknown factors--we must take very +carefully into consideration the use which we make of sending an +expeditionary force out of the country until we know how we stand. One +thing I would say. + +The one bright spot in the whole of this, terrible situation is Ireland. +The general feeling throughout Ireland--and I would like this to be +clearly understood abroad--does not make the Irish question a +consideration which we feel we have now to take into account. I have +told the House how far we have at present gone in commitments and the +conditions which influence our policy, and I have put to the House and +dwelt at length upon how vital is the condition of the neutrality of +Belgium. + +What other policy Is there before the House? There is but one way in +which the Government could make certain at the present moment of keeping +outside this war, and that would be that it should immediately issue a +proclamation of unconditional neutrality. We cannot do that. We have +made the commitment to France that I have read to the House which +prevents us doing that. We have got the consideration of Belgium which +prevents us also from any unconditional neutrality, and, without these +conditions absolutely satisfied and satisfactory, we are bound not to +shrink from proceeding to the use of all the forces in our power. If we +did take that line by saying, "We will have nothing whatever to do with +this matter" under no conditions--the Belgian treaty obligations, the +possible position in the Mediterranean, with damage to British +interests, and what may happen to France from our failure to support +France--if we were to say that all those things mattered nothing, were +as nothing, and to say we would stand aside, we should, I believe, +sacrifice our respect and good name and reputation before the world, and +should not escape the most serious and grave economic consequences. + +My object has been to explain the view of the Government, and to place +before the House the issue and the choice. I do not for a moment +conceal, after what I have said, and after the information, incomplete +as it is, that I have given to the House with regard to Belgium, that +we must be prepared, and we are prepared, for the consequences of having +to use all the strength we have at any moment--we know not how soon--to +defend ourselves and to take our part. We know, if the facts all be as I +have stated them, though I have announced no intending aggressive action +on our part, no final decision to resort to force at a moment's notice, +until we know the whole of the case, that the use of it may be forced +upon us. As far as the forces of the Crown are concerned, we are ready. +I believe the Prime Minister and my right honorable friend the First +Lord of the Admiralty have no doubt whatever that the readiness and the +efficiency of those forces were never at a higher mark than they are +today, and never was there a time when confidence was more justified in +the power of the navy to protect our commerce and to protect our shores. +The thought is with us always of the suffering and misery entailed, from +which no country in Europe will escape by abstention, and from which no +neutrality will save us. The amount of harm that can be done by an enemy +ship to our trade is infinitesimal, compared with the amount of harm +that must be done by the economic condition that is caused on the +Continent. + +The most awful responsibility is resting upon the Government in deciding +what to advise the House of Commons to do. We have disclosed our minds +to the House of Commons. We have disclosed the issue, the information +which we have, and made clear to the House, I trust, that we are +prepared to face that situation, and that should it develop, as probably +it may develop, we will face it. We worked for peace up to the last +moment, and beyond the last moment. How hard, how persistently, and how +earnestly we strove for peace last week the House will see from the +papers that will be before it. + +But that is over, as far as the peace of Europe is concerned. We are now +face to face with a situation and all the consequences which it may yet +have to unfold. We believe we shall have the support of the House at +large in proceeding to whatever the consequences may be and whatever +measures may be forced upon us by the development of facts or action +taken by others. I believe the country, so quickly has the situation +been forced upon it, has not had time to realize the issue. It perhaps +is still thinking of the quarrel between Austria and Servia, and not the +complications of this matter which have grown out of the quarrel between +Austria and Servia. Russia and Germany we know are at war. We do not yet +know officially that Austria, the ally whom Germany is to support, is +yet at war with Russia. We know that a good deal has been happening on +the French frontier. We do not know that the German Ambassador has left +Paris. + +The situation has developed so rapidly that technically, as regards the +condition of the war, it is most difficult to describe what has actually +happened. I wanted to bring out the underlying issues which would affect +our own conduct, and our own policy, and to put them clearly. I have now +put the vital facts before the House, and if, as seems not improbable, +we are forced, and rapidly forced, to take our stand upon those issues, +then I believe, when the country realizes what is at stake, what the +real issues are, the magnitude of the impending dangers in the west of +Europe, which I have endeavored to describe to the House, we shall be +supported throughout, not only by the House of Commons, but by the +determination, the resolution, the courage, and the endurance of the +whole country. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY AND BELGIUM. + +Further Statement by Sir Edward Grey in House of Commons, Aug. 3, +1914. + + +I want to give the House some information which I have received, and +which was not in my possession when I made my statement this afternoon. +It is information I have received from the Belgian Legation in London, +and is to the following effect: + + Germany sent yesterday evening at 7 o'clock a note proposing to + Belgium friendly neutrality, covering free passage on Belgian + territory, and promising maintenance of independence of the kingdom + and possession at the conclusion of peace, and threatening, in case + of refusal, to treat Belgium as an enemy. A time limit of twelve + hours was fixed for the reply. The Belgians have answered that an + attack on their neutrality would be a flagrant violation of the + rights of nations, and that to accept the German proposal would be + to sacrifice the honor of a nation. Conscious of its duty, Belgium + is firmly resolved to repel aggression by all possible means. + +Of course, I can only say that the Government are prepared to take into +grave consideration the information which they have received. I make no +further comment upon it. + + + * * * * * + + + + +UNHESITATING SUPPORT. + +Statement by Bonar Law, Opposition Leader, in House of Commons, Aug. +3. + + +The right honorable gentleman has made an appeal for support and it is +necessary that I should say a word or two, but they shall be very few. I +wish to say in the first place that I do not believe there is a single +member in this House who doubts that not only the right honorable +gentleman himself, but the Government which he represents, have done +everything in their power up to the last moment to preserve peace. +[Cheers.] And I think we may be sure that if any other course is taken +it is because it is forced upon them and that they have absolutely no +alternative. [Cheers.] One thing only further I should like to say. The +right honorable gentleman spoke of the bright spot in the picture which +only a day or two ago was a black spot in the political horizon. +Everything that he has said I am sure is true and I should like to say +this further--that if the contingencies which he has not put into words, +but which are in all our minds as possible, arise, then we have already +had indications that there is another bright spot--that every one of his +Majesty's dominions beyond the seas will be behind us in whatever act it +is necessary to take. [Cheers.] This only I should add. The Government +already know, but I give them now the assurance on behalf of the party +of which I am leader in this House, that in whatever steps they think it +necessary to take for the honor and security of this country they can +rely upon the unhesitating support of the Opposition. [Loud Ministerial +and Opposition cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +CHANGED IRISH FEELING. + +Statement in House of Commons, Aug. 3, by John E. Redmond, M.P. + + +I hope the House will not consider it improper on my part in the grave +circumstances in which we are assembled if I intervene for a very few +moments. I was moved a great deal by that sentence in the speech of the +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in which he said that the one +bright spot in the situation was the changed feeling in Ireland. In past +times, when this empire has been engaged in these terrible enterprises +it is true--it would be the utmost affectation and folly on my part to +deny it--the sympathy of the Nationalists of Ireland, for reasons to be +found deep down in centuries of history, has been estranged from this +country. But allow me to say that what has occurred in recent years has +altered the situation completely. [Ministerial cheers.] I must not +touch, and I may be trusted not to touch, on any controversial topics, +but this I may be allowed to say--that a wider knowledge of the real +facts of Irish history have, I think, altered the view of the democracy +of this country toward the Irish question, and today I honestly believe +that the democracy of Ireland will turn with the utmost anxiety and +sympathy to this country in every trial and every danger that may +overtake it. [General cheers.] There is a possibility at any rate of +history repeating itself. The House will remember that in 1778, at the +end of the disastrous American war, when it might, I think, truly be +said that the military power of this country was almost at its lowest +ebb, and when the shores of Ireland were threatened with foreign +invasion, a body of 100,000 Irish volunteers sprang into existence for +the purpose of defending her shores. At first no Catholic--ah! how sad +the reading of the history of those days is--was allowed to be enrolled +in that body of volunteers, and yet from the very first day the +Catholics of the South and West subscribed money and sent it toward the +arming of their Protestant fellow-countrymen. Ideas widened as time went +on, and finally the Catholics in the South were armed and enrolled +brothers in arms with their fellow-countrymen of a different creed in +the North. May history repeat itself! [Cheers.] Today there are in +Ireland two large bodies of volunteers. One of them sprang into +existence in the North. Another has sprung into existence in the South. +I say to the Government that they may tomorrow withdraw every one of +their troops from Ireland. [General cheers.] I say that the coasts of +Ireland will be defended from foreign invasion by her armed sons, and +for this purpose armed Nationalist Catholics in the South will be only +too glad to join arms with the armed Protestant Ulstermen in the North. +[Cheers.] Is it too much to hope that out of this situation there may +spring a result which will be good not merely for the empire, but good +for the future welfare and integrity of the Irish Nation. [Cheers.] I +ought to apologize for having intervened [cries of "No"], but while +Irishmen generally are in favor of peace, and would desire to save the +democracy of this country from all the horrors of war, while we would +make any possible sacrifice for that purpose, still if the dire +necessity is forced upon this country we offer to the Government of the +day that they may take their troops away, and that if it is allowed to +us in comradeship with our brethren in the North we will ourselves +defend the coasts of our country. [Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY. + +Prime Minister Asquith Explains Its Nature in House of Commons, Aug. 4, +1914. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_--I wish to ask the Prime Minister whether he has any +statement that he can now make to the House? + + +_The Prime Minister_ (_Mr. Asquith_)--In conformity with the statement +of policy made here by my right honorable friend the Foreign Secretary +yesterday, a telegram was early this morning sent by him to our +Ambassador in Berlin. It was to this effect: + + The King of the Belgians has made an appeal to his Majesty the King + for diplomatic intervention on behalf of Belgium. His Majesty's + Government are also informed that the German Government have + delivered to the Belgian Government a note proposing friendly + neutrality entailing free passage through Belgian territory, and + promising to maintain the independence and integrity of the kingdom + and its possessions at the conclusion of peace, threatening in case + of refusal to treat Belgium as an enemy. An answer was requested + within twelve hours. We also understand that Belgium has + categorically refused this as a flagrant violation of the law of + nations. His Majesty's Government are bound to protest against this + violation of a treaty to which Germany is a party in common with + themselves, and must request an assurance that the demand made upon + Belgium may not be proceeded with, and that her neutrality will be + respected by Germany. You should ask for an immediate reply. + +We received this morning from our Minister at Brussels the following +telegram: + + German Minister has this morning addressed note to the Belgian + Minister for Foreign Affairs stating that, as Belgian Government + have declined the well-intended proposals submitted to them by the + Imperial Government, the latter will, deeply to their regret, be + compelled to carry out, if necessary by force of arms, the measures + considered indispensable in view of the French menaces. + +Simultaneously--almost immediately afterward--we received from the +Belgian Legation here in London the following telegram: + + General Staff announces that territory has been violated at + Gemmenich (near Aix-la-Chapelle). + +Subsequent information tended to show that the German force has +penetrated still further into Belgian territory. We also received this +morning from the German Ambassador here the telegram sent to him by the +German Foreign Secretary, and communicated by the Ambassador to us. It +is in these terms: + + Please dispel any mistrust that may subsist on the part of the + British Government with regard to our intentions by repeating most + positively formal assurance that, even in the case of armed + conflict with Belgium, Germany will, under no pretense whatever, + annex Belgian territory. Sincerity of this declaration is borne out + by fact that we solemnly pledged our word to Holland strictly to + respect her neutrality. It is obvious that we could not profitably + annex Belgic territory without making at the same time territorial + acquisitions at expense of Holland. Please impress upon Sir E. Grey + that German Army could not be exposed to French attack across + Belgium, which was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable + information. Germany had consequently to disregard Belgian + neutrality, it being for her a question of life or death to prevent + French advance. + +I have to add this on behalf of his Majesty's Government: We cannot +regard this as in any sense a satisfactory communication. We have, in +reply to it, repeated the request we made last week to the German +Government, that they should give us the same assurance in regard to +Belgian neutrality as was given to us and to Belgium by France last +week. We have asked that a reply to that request and a satisfactory +answer to the telegram of this morning--which I have read to the +House--should be given before midnight. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY. + +Statement by Prime Minister Asquith in House of Commons, Aug. 5. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_--May I ask the Prime Minister if he has any information +he can give us today? + + +_The Prime Minister_--Our Ambassador at Berlin received his passports at +7 o'clock last evening and since 11 o'clock last night a state of war +has existed between Germany and ourselves. + +We have received from our Minister at Brussels the following telegram: + + I have just received from Minister for Foreign Affairs [that is the + Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs] a note of which the following + is a literal translation: + + "Belgian Government regret to have to inform his + Majesty's Government that this morning armed + forces of Germany penetrated into Belgian + territory in violation of engagements assumed by + treaty. + + Belgian Government are further resolved to resist + by all means in their power. + + Belgium appeals to Great Britain and France and + Russia to co-operate, as guarantors in defense of + her territory. + + There would be concerted and common action with + the object of resisting the forcible measures + employed by Germany against Belgium, and at the + same time of guarding the maintenance for future + of the independence and integrity of Belgium. + + Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she + will assume defense of her fortified places." + +We have also received today from the French Ambassador here the +following telegram received by the French Government from the French +Minister at Brussels: + + The Chef du Cabinet of the Belgian Ministry of War has asked the + French Military Attache to prepare at once for the co-operation and + contact of French troops with the Belgian Army pending the results + of the appeal to the guaranteeing powers now being made. Orders + have, therefore, been given to Belgian Provincial Governors not to + regard movements of French troops as a violation of the frontier. + +This is all the information I am at the moment able to give to the +House, but I take the opportunity of giving notice that tomorrow, in +Committee of Supply, I shall move a vote of credit of L100,000,000. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Great Britain's Mobilization + +Measures Taken Throughout the Empire Upon the Outbreak of War. + + + + +Message from King George V. to the House of Commons, Aug. 5. + + +_Mr. Asquith_ then proceeded to the bar amid cheers and, on being called +upon by the Speaker, announced: A message from his Majesty signed by his +own hand. The announcement was received with loud cheers, which were +continued as Mr. Asquith advanced up the floor and handed the document +to the Speaker. All the members uncovered. + + +_The Speaker_ read the message as follows: + + The present state of public affairs in Europe constituting in the + opinion of his Majesty a case of great emergency within the meaning + of the acts of Parliament in that behalf, his Majesty deems it + proper to provide additional means for the military service and, + therefore, in pursuance of these acts his Majesty has thought it + right to communicate to the House of Commons that his Majesty is by + proclamation about to order that the army reserve shall be called + out on permanent service, that soldiers who would otherwise be + entitled in pursuance of the terms of their enlistment to be + transferred to the reserve shall continue in army service for such + period not exceeding the period for which they might be required to + serve if they were transferred to the reserve and called out for + permanent service as to his Majesty may seem expedient; and that + such directions as may seem necessary may be given for embodying + the territorial force and for making such special arrangements as + may be proper with regard to units or individuals whose services + may be required in other than a military capacity.--Signed by his + Majesty in his own hand. + + + * * * * * + + + + +KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET. + +Message from George V. to Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, Aug. 5. + + +At this grave moment in our national history I send to you, and through +you to the officers and men of the fleets of which you have assumed +command, the assurance of my confidence that under your direction they +will revive and renew the old glories of the royal navy, and prove once +again the sure shield of Britain and of her empire in the hour of trial. + +GEORGE R. I. + + + * * * * * + + + + +NAPOLEONISM ONCE AGAIN. + +Speech by Bonar Law, Opposition Leader, in House of Commons, Aug. 6. + + +No Minister has ever fulfilled a duty more responsible or in regard to +which the responsibility was more acutely felt than that which has just +been fulfilled by the right honorable gentleman. This is not a time for +speech-making, and I should have been quite ready to leave the statement +which he has given to the committee as the expression of the view, not +of a party, but of a nation. [Cheers.] But as this, I think, will be the +only opportunity which will be given for expressing the views of a large +section of this House, I feel that I am bound to make it clear to the +committee and to the country what is the attitude of his Majesty's +Opposition on this question. There are two things which I desire to +impress upon the committee. The first is that we have dreaded war and +have longed for peace as strongly as any section of this committee; and +the second is that in our belief we are in a state of war against our +will, and that we, as a nation, have done everything in our power to +prevent such a condition of things arising. [Cheers.] When this crisis +first arose I confess that I was one of those who had the impulse to +hope that even though a European conflagration took place we might be +able to stay out. I had that hope strongly. But in a short time I became +convinced that into this war we should inevitably be drawn and that it +really was a question only whether we should enter it honorably or be +dragged into it with dishonor. [Cheers.] + +Folly and Wickedness. + +I remember that on the first occasion after the retirement of my right +honorable friend (Mr. Balfour) when I had to speak on foreign affairs I +made this statement. It perhaps is wrong, though I do not think so even +yet. I said that if ever war arose between Great Britain and Germany it +would not be due to inevitable causes, for I did not believe in an +inevitable war, but it would be due to human folly. [Cheers.] It is due +to human folly and to human wickedness [cheers], but neither the folly +nor the wickedness is here. [Cheers.] What other course was open to us? +It is quite true, as the Foreign Secretary explained to the House the +other day, that we were under no formal obligations to take part in such +a struggle. But every member in this House knows that the entente meant +this in the minds of this Government and of every other Government, that +if any of the three powers were attacked aggressively the others would +be expected to step in and to give their aid. ["Hear, hear!"] The +question, therefore, to my mind was this: Was this war in any way +provoked by those who will now be our allies? No one who has read the +"White Paper" can hesitate to answer that question. I am not going to go +into it even as fully as the Prime Minister has done; but I would remind +the House of this, that in this "White Paper" is contained a statement +made by the German Ambassador, I think at Vienna, that Russia was not in +a condition and could not go to war. And in the same letter are found +these words: "As for Germany, she knew very well what she was about in +backing up Austria-Hungary in this matter." Now, every one for years has +known that the key to peace or war lay in Berlin, and at this crisis no +one doubts that Berlin, if it had chosen, could have prevented this +terrible conflict. [Cheers.] I am afraid that the miscalculation which +was made about Russia was made also about us. The dispatch which the +right honorable gentleman referred to is a dispatch of a nature which I +believe would not have been addressed to Great Britain if it had been +believed that our hands were free and that we held the position which we +had always held before the entente. That, at least, is my belief. + +Napoleonism Without a Napoleon. + +We are fighting, as the Prime Minister said, for the honor and, what +with the honor is bound up always, the interest of our nation. But we +are fighting also for the whole basis of the civilization for which we +stand and for which Europe stands. [Cheers.] I do not wish, any more +than the Prime Minister, to inflame passion. I only ask the House to +consider one aspect. Look at the way Belgium is being treated today. +There is a report--if it is not true now it may be true tomorrow--that +the City of Liege is invaded by German troops and that civilians, as in +the days of the Middle Ages, are fighting for their hearths and homes +against trained troops. How has that been brought about? In a state of +war, war must be waged. But remember that this plan is not of today or +of yesterday; that it has been long matured; that the Germans knew that +they would have this to face; and that they were ready to take the +course which they took the other day of saying to Belgium, "Destroy your +independence. Allow our troops to go through, or we will come down upon +you with a might which it is impossible for you to resist." If we had +allowed that to be done, our position as one of the great nations of the +world and our honor as one of the nations of the world would in my +opinion have been gone forever. [Cheers.] This is no small struggle. It +is the greatest, perhaps, that this country has ever engaged in. It is +Napoleonism once again. ["Hear, hear!"] Thank Heaven, so far as we know, +there is no Napoleon. + +I am not going to say anything more about the causes of the war, for I +do not desire to encourage controversy on this subject. But if I may be +allowed to say so, I should like to say that I read yesterday with real +pleasure an article in a paper which does not generally commend itself +to me--The Manchester Guardian. ["Hear, hear!"] In that article it still +held that the war ought not to have been entered upon; but it took this +view, that that was a question for history, and that now we are in it +there is only one question for us, and that is to bring it to a +successful issue. [Cheers.] + +Sir, I have full sympathy far more than at any other time for the Prime +Minister and the Foreign Secretary. I can imagine nothing more terrible +than that the Foreign Secretary should have a feeling that perhaps he +has brought his country into an unnecessary war. No feeling could be +worse. I can say this, and, whether we are right or wrong, the whole +House agrees with it, I am sure, that that is a burden which the right +honorable gentleman can carry with a good conscience, [cheers,] and that +every one of us can put up unhesitatingly this prayer: "May God defend +the right." + +Trade and Food Supplies. + +I should like, if I may, to pass to another topic, for this is the only +opportunity I can have. Consider the conditions under which this war is +going to be carried on. I was pleased to hear the Prime Minister say the +other day in answer to a speech of the honorable member for Merthyr +Tydvil--he has developed it in describing the terms of this vote of +credit--that he realized, as we all must realize, that in a country +situated like ours the development of industry and the supply of food at +home is just as much an operation of war as the conduct of our armed +forces. [Cheers.] I do not wish to minimize our difficulties, but I am +quite sure--as sure as I can be of anything--that there is no danger of +a scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] The only danger is the fear of a +scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] Every one who has been in business +knows that what causes panic prices is not an actual scarcity at the +time, but a fear of scarcity coming. This is a case where every one of +us must do all he can to impress upon the people of this country that +there is, as I believe, no danger. [Cheers.] Here I should like to give +one warning note. Remember--at least I believe it--that this war, +unexpected by us, is not unexpected by our enemies; and I shall be +greatly surprised if we do not find that at first on our trade routes +there is a destruction of our property which might create a panic. That +is inevitable, I think, at the outset. Let us be prepared for it, and +let us realize that it has no bearing whatever on the ultimate course of +the war. [Cheers.] + +There is something else which I think it is important to say. We had a +discussion yesterday about credit. That is the basis of a successful +war, as it is of every branch of industry at this moment. I think the +Government have taken the right course. I have followed it closely, and +I know that they have been supported by those who best understand the +situation. I think the danger is minimized as much as it can be. But, +after all, the question of credit really depends on what we believe is +going to be the effect of this war upon our trade and our industry. + +The Command of the Sea. + +I hope the House will not think that I am too optimistic, but I do think +there is a danger of our taking too gloomy a view of what the effects +will be, ["Hear, hear!"] and, by taking that gloomy view, helping to +bring about the very state of things which we all desire to avert. Again +I wish to guard myself against seeming to be too hopeful; but let us +look at the effect as if we were examining a chess problem. If we keep +the command of the sea, what is going to happen? It all depends on that. +I admit that if that goes the position is gloomy indeed; but of that I +have no fear. [Cheers.] If we keep the command of the sea what is going +to happen? Five-sixths of our production is employed in the home trade. +What goes abroad is very important, and, of course, if the population +which supplies this one-sixth were thrown out of work that would react +on the whole. But, after all, the total amount of our exports to all the +European countries which are now at war is only a small part of our +total exports. There is here no question of fiscal policy. We are far +beyond that. It is a question of fact. Our total exports to all the +countries which are now at war do not, in my belief--I have not looked +into the figures--exceed our exports to India and Australia taken alone. +Now, consider this, we shall have freedom of trade, if the command of +the sea is maintained, with the colonies and with the whole of the +American Continent, while, unfortunately for them, both our allies and +our enemies will not be competing with us in these markets. Look at it +as a problem. I think we have a right to believe, not that trade will be +good, but that it will be much more nearly normal than is generally +supposed. [Cheers.] I hope the House will not think that that is a +useless thing to say at such a time. [Cheers.] + +There is one thing more only I wish to say. This is the affair of the +nation. Every one would desire to help. There will be a great deal of +work to be done which cannot be done by the Government. I was glad the +Prime Minister has already asked the co-operation of my right honorable +friends the members for West Birmingham and the Strand. They gladly +came. But I am sure I speak not for this bench but for the whole of our +party when I say that the Government has only got to requisition any one +of us and we will serve them and our country to the best of our ability. +[Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +PACT OF TRIPLE ENTENTE. + +Statement Issued by British Foreign Office, Sept. 5. + + + + +DECLARATION. + + +The undersigned duly authorized thereto by the respective Governments +hereby declare as follows: + +The British, French, and Russian Governments mutually engage not to +conclude peace separately during the present war. The three Governments +agree that when terms of peace come to be discussed no one of the Allies +will demand terms of peace without the previous agreement of each of +the other Allies. In faith whereof the undersigned have signed this +declaration and have affixed thereto their seals. + +Done at London in triplicate the 5th day of September, 1914. + + E. GREY, his Britannic Majesty's + Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. + + PAUL CAMBON, Ambassador Extraordinary + and Plenipotentiary of the French Republic. + + BENCKENDORFF, Ambassador Extraordinary + and Plenipotentiary of his + Majesty the Emperor of Russia. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A COUNTERSTROKE. + +Semi-Official Statement in The London Times, Sept. 6. + + +The declaration of the Allied Governments that they will not conclude +peace separately during the war or demand terms of peace without +previous agreement with each other is an opportune counterstroke to the +campaign initiated by Germany for the purpose of detaching France from +Russia and especially from Britain. Overtures in this sense have +doubtless been made to France. + +The German Government has not yet realized the strength of the moral +forces it has ranged against itself by its wanton attack upon European +civilization. It appears to imagine that, after having been sufficiently +"punished" for her temerity in opposing the Kaiser's hosts, France would +be open to a bargain, under which she would be "let off" lightly on +condition that she should agree to become the ally of Germany. + +This idea has been clearly expressed of late in the German press. It is +based on the belief that the war was prepared by skillful British +intrigues inspired by jealousy of Germany. German statesmen cannot +conceive that nations should fight for any cause loftier than material +"interests." Hence the constant mistakes of their diplomacy and its +failure to foresee that little Belgium would resist German pretensions +or that England would go to war for "a scrap of paper." Now they imagine +that the determination of France to fight to the last in defense of her +honor and her superior civilization can be undermined by an offer to +mitigate the material losses she may suffer from the war. + +The German view was most clearly expressed in the remarkable dispatch to +the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant from its Berlin correspondent, which +was reproduced in The Times of yesterday. Politicians in Berlin, he +wrote, + + see in England the land which has brought about the outbreak of the + war by finely played intrigue, in order to let dangerous Russia + bleed herself to death, to the end that against Germany, even a + victorious Germany, she may herself acquire great advantages, both + in trade and on the sea, and in order to make France entirely + dependent upon her. The consequence of this opinion is in the + highest degree remarkable. Whether you speak with a politician or + with a porter or shoemaker, the same wish will always be expressed. + We must, when we have beaten France, offer her peace on very + acceptable terms in order to make her our ally to fight--against + England. + +The German error, which the declaration of the Allies should go far to +correct, is all the more remarkable in view of the stipulations of the +Austro-German Treaty of Alliance. Concluded in 1879 by Bismarck and +Andrassy, this treaty still governs the relationship between Germany and +Austria-Hungary. Its first clause runs: + + Should, contrary to the hope and against the sincere wish of the + two high contracting parties, one of the two empires be attacked by + Russia, the high contracting parties are bound to stand by each + other with the whole of the armed forces of their empires, and, _in + consequence thereof, only to conclude peace jointly and in + agreement_. + +However low the German estimate of the moral cohesion of France, Russia, +and England, German statesmen must be singularly lacking in shrewdness +if they suppose the Allies to be less alive than were Bismarck and +Andrassy to the need for complete co-operation between allies, not only +in war, but also in the negotiation of peace. + +The futile German campaign for the detachment of France from her allies +is, indeed, the most striking indication yet forthcoming of the +misgivings with which the resolute action of the Allies is beginning to +inspire the Kaiser and his Government. + + + * * * * * + + + + +IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS. + +King George V. to the Self-Governing Peoples and the Empire of India, +Sept. 9, 1914. + + +To the Governments and Peoples of my Self-Governing Dominions: During +the past few weeks the peoples of my whole empire at home and overseas +have moved with one mind and purpose to confront and overthrow an +unparalleled assault upon the continuity of civilization and the peace +of mankind. + +The calamitous conflict is not of my seeking, my voice has been cast +throughout on the side of peace. My Ministers earnestly strove to allay +the causes of strife and to appease differences with which my empire was +not concerned. Had I stood aside when, in defiance of pledges to which +my kingdom was a party, the soil of Belgium was violated and her cities +laid desolate, when the very life of the French Nation was threatened +with extinction, I should have sacrificed my honor and given to +destruction the liberties of my empire and of mankind. I rejoice that +every part of the empire is with me in this decision. + +Paramount regard for treaty faith and the pledged word of rulers and +peoples is the common heritage of Great Britain and of the empire. + +My peoples in the self-governing dominions have shown beyond all doubt +that they wholeheartedly indorse the grave decision which it was +necessary to take. + +My personal knowledge of the loyalty and devotion of my oversea +dominions had led me to expect that they would cheerfully make the great +efforts and bear the great sacrifices which the present conflict +entails. The full measure in which they have placed their services and +resources at my disposal fills me with gratitude and I am proud to be +able to show to the world that my peoples oversea are as determined as +the people of the United Kingdom to prosecute a just cause to a +successful end. + +The Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, and the Dominion +of New Zealand have placed at my disposal their naval forces, which have +already rendered good service for the empire. Strong expeditionary +forces are being prepared in Canada, in Australia, and in New Zealand +for service at the front, and the Union of South Africa has released all +British troops and has undertaken important military responsibilities +the discharge of which will be of the utmost value to the empire. +Newfoundland has doubled the numbers of its branch of the royal naval +reserve and is sending a body of men to take part in the operations at +the front. From the Dominion and Provincial Governments of Canada large +and welcome gifts of supplies are on their way for the use both of my +naval and military forces and for the relief of the distress in the +United Kingdom which must inevitably follow in the wake of war. All +parts of my oversea dominions have thus demonstrated in the most +unmistakable manner the fundamental unity of the empire amid all its +diversity of situation and circumstance. + +Message to India. + +To the Princes and peoples of my Indian Empire: Among the many incidents +that have marked the unanimous uprising of the populations of my empire +in defense of its unity and integrity, nothing has moved me more than +the passionate devotion to my throne expressed both by my Indian +subjects and by the Feudatory Princes and the ruling chiefs of India, +and their prodigal offers of their lives and their resources in the +cause of the realm. Their one-voiced demand to be foremost in the +conflict has touched my heart, and has inspired to the highest issues +the love and devotion which, as I well know, have ever linked my Indian +subjects and myself. I recall to mind India's gracious message to the +British Nation of good-will and fellowship which greeted my return in +February, 1912, after the solemn ceremony of my Coronation Durbar at +Delhi, and I find in this hour of trial a full harvest and a noble +fulfillment of the assurance given by you that the destinies of Great +Britain and India are indissolubly linked. + + + * * * * * + + + + +438,000 MEN RECRUITED. + +Statements in House of Commons, Sept. 10, by Prime Minister Asquith and +Bonar Law. + +The House went into Committee of Supply, Mr. Whitley in the chair. + + + On the question that an additional number of land forces not + exceeding 500,000 of all ranks be maintained for the service of the + United Kingdom, in consequence of the war in Europe, for the year + ending March 31, 1915. + + +_Mr. Asquith_ (Fife E.) said: The House of Commons voted earlier in the +session, before any outbreak of war was anticipated, under normal +conditions, under Vote A, 186,000-odd men for the regular army. It is +perhaps not necessary to point out, but it may be convenient to put it +on record, that the total number of men under Vote A does not include +either the army reserve, the special reserve, or the territorial forces. +When we come to vote the financial provision under Vote 1 of the army +estimates, which is consequential upon the passing of Vote A, we make +provision not only for the 186,000 men already sanctioned for the +regular army, but also for the army reserve. In the subsequent Votes 3 +and 4 provision is made for the special reserve and territorial force. +The army reserve and the special reserve are not called upon to serve +until, under regular constitutional machinery, consequent upon the +outbreak or imminence of war, they are summoned to do so. It may be +convenient to the committee to know that at the time when war broke out +and when the reserves were called to the colors the state of things was +this: Parliament had voted 186,000-odd men--call it roughly 200,000. The +army reserve and the special reserve then became available as part of +the regular forces of the country, amounting also roughly to another +200,000 men. That was altogether 400,000 men. On Aug. 6, after war had +been declared, I made a motion in committee which was assented to in +committee and by the House on report, for the addition of 500,000 men to +the regular forces. These 500,000 men, assuming them all to have been +raised, would, in addition to the 400,000 I have just mentioned, amount +to a total of 900,000 men. I think it will be interesting to the +committee before I state the reasons for which I am going to ask them to +make this further vote to know what has actually happened in consequence +of the vote of Aug. 6. + +Enlistments Since the War. + +The number of recruits who have enlisted in the army since the +declaration of war--that is, exclusive of those who have joined the +territorial force--is 438,000, [cheers,] practically 439,000. That is up +to the evening of Sept. 9. The committee will therefore see that, having +sanctioned, as it did, very little more than a month ago, the addition +to the regular forces of the Crown of half a million of men, we are now +within some 60,000 of having attained that total. The numbers enlisted +in London since Sunday, Aug. 30, have exceeded 30,000 men, and the stamp +and character of the recruits has been in every way satisfactory and +gratifying. [Cheers.] The high-water mark was reached on Sept. 3, when +the total recruits enlisted in the United Kingdom on one day was 33,204. +[Cheers.] I may mention--I am sure it will be gratifying to honorable +members on both sides who represent Lancashire constituencies--that on +that day 2,151 men were enlisted in Manchester alone. That is a very +satisfactory result, but it by no means exhausts the requirements of the +case. The response to the call for recruits has been in every way +gratifying. But I am aware, not only from a discussion that took place +in the House yesterday, but from communications which reached us from +various parts of the country, that there are complaints of grievances, +causing legitimate or otherwise deeply felt dissatisfaction at the +manner in which some parts--I say advisedly only some parts--of this +operation of recruiting have been conducted. I should like the +committee to realize what were the conditions of the case. ["Hear, +hear!"] + +A Year's Recruits in a Day. + +We have been recruiting during the last ten days every day substantially +the same number of recruits that in past years we have recruited in +every year. [Cheers.] I suppose our annual recruiting amounts to about +35,000 men for the regular army. As I pointed out a moment ago, on Sept. +3 we recruited 33,200 men. No machinery in the world which man has ever +contrived or conceived could suddenly meet in an emergency and under +great pressure the difficulty of bringing in to the colors and making +adequate provision in a day for that in which past experience we only +had to provide for in the course of a year, and that, be it observed, by +a department which during the whole of this time has been engaged in +superintending and executing an operation I believe unexampled in the +history of war--the dispatch to a foreign country of an expeditionary +force--I will not give the exact number, but roughly 150,000 men, which +has had to be, as the committee I am sure is well aware, in consequence +of the necessary and regrettable losses caused by the operations of war, +constantly repaired by reinforcements of men, guns, supplies, transport, +and every other form of warlike material. [Cheers.] + +War Office's Double Task. + +If our critics--I do not complain of legitimate criticism even at times +like this--but if they will try to imagine themselves equipped with the +machinery which was possessed by the War Office at the time the war +broke out, and then consider that side by side with the smooth, +frictionless, and most successful dispatch of the expeditionary force +[cheers] which left these shores and arrived at its destination--I am +speaking the literal truth--without the loss of a horse or a man, +[cheers,] the wastage day by day and week by week has had to be repaired +in men and in material, repaired often at a moment's notice, and it has +been necessary to keep constantly in reserve, and not only in reserve, +but ready for immediate use, the material to replace further wastage as +days and weeks rolled on--if you remember that that was the primary call +on the War Office, and that side by side with that they had to provide +for recruits in these few weeks of no less than 430,000 men, he will be +a very censorious, and, I venture to say, a very unpatriotic, critic who +would make much of small difficulties and friction and who would not +recognize that in a great emergency this department has played a worthy +part. [Cheers.] My tenure at the War Office was a brief one, but no one +who has ever had the honor to preside over that department can possibly +exaggerate the degree of efficiency to which it has been brought under +the administration of recent years. Everything, as the experience of +this war has shown, was foreseen and provided for in advance with the +single exception of the necessity of this enormous increase in our +regular forces. + +Steps for Dealing with Recruits. + +What provision has been made for dealing with this influx of recruits? +In the first place, and I think very wisely, my noble friend the +Secretary of State for War appealed for the assistance of the county +associations, which rendered such great and patriotic services in +connection with the territorial forces. The great bulk of these county +associations have responded to the call and enormously facilitated the +work of providing for this large body of new recruits. Next, he, in +conjunction with his advisers, has largely multiplied, and is continuing +to multiply, the various training centres. There has been--unfortunately, +no one can deny that there has been--a congestion of men ready and +willing to recruit and actually enlisting at particular places which +has produced, for the moment at any rate, a certain amount of +discomfort and a certain amount of difficulty in the provision of food +and all the other requirements of such a body. But in that connection I +should like, although I think the difficulty is now being almost got +over, to make an appeal strongly to local authorities--county councils, +town councils, urban and rural district councils--that when a situation +of this kind arises in consequence of a national necessity they should +show themselves--and I am sure they are most willing to do so--not only +zealous, but able to provide accommodation for the moment in the public +buildings which are under their charge. I think a great deal of the +congestion which has taken place could have been avoided if more +liberal use had been made, and could be made--I am not reproaching any +one: the circumstances were exceptional and the pressure very great on +our public buildings, our town halls, schools, and the other edifices +which are under the control of municipal and county authorities for the +purpose, at any rate at the moment, of relieving the great pressure of +recruiting, and I am quite sure that appeal will not go unheeded. But +we recognize fully, and no one more fully than my noble friend Lord +Kitchener, the necessity of facilitating this process and rendering it +more easy. We do not think the time has come in which we ought in any +way to relax our recruiting efforts, [cheers,] and when people tell me, +as they do every day, "These recruits are coming in in their tens of +thousands; you are being blocked by them and you cannot provide +adequately either for their equipment or for their training," my answer +is, "We shall want more rather than less, and let us get the men," +[Cheers.] That is the first necessity of the State--let us get the men. +Knowing as we all do the patriotic spirit which now, as always--now, of +course, with increased emphasis and enthusiasm--animates every class of +the community, I am perfectly certain they will be ready to endure +hardship and discomforts for the moment if they are satisfied that +their services are really required by the State, and that in due course +of time they will be supplied with adequate provision for training and +equipment and for rendering themselves fit for taking their places in +the field. + +Two Important Steps. + +With that object a few days ago--and the process is now in complete +operation--a very important step was taken which I am sure will be +generally welcomed by the committee and by the country--whenever it is +necessary to allow men who are recruited and have gone through the +process of attestation, medical examination, and actual enrollment, so +that they are not only potential but actual members of the regular +army--to allow these men to go back to their own homes until the +occasion arises for them to be called upon for actual training. In that +way we hope to relieve--indeed relief has already been given and will be +given more amply in the near future--the undoubted block and congestion +which have taken place in certain districts to the natural +disappointment of the men who have come forward under an impulse of +public duty to serve their country and, finding themselves sent back +home and put for the time being in the reserve, have felt perhaps that +their services were not duly appreciated by the country. That, I think, +the committee will agree is a very important step in advance. I have to +announce another step which I believe will give universal satisfaction +and will go a long way to solve the practical difficulty, such as it is. +We propose from today that there shall be given to those recruits for +whom we are unable to find accommodation for the time being 3s. per day. +[Cheers.] This is not an extravagant proposal, or anything in the nature +of a bribe. A shilling a day is their pay. [An Honorable Member--1s. +3d.] I am speaking in round figures; we will call it a shilling. Then if +we take the value of what we may roughly call the board and lodging of a +soldier receiving 1s. a day when accommodated in barracks and price that +at 2s., I do not think you are putting it extravagantly high. We think +that these men who have come forward to join the colors and have been +actually enrolled, and are, in fact, members of the regular army, for +whom we cannot make immediate provision by way of accommodation, should +be no worse off than they would be if they were actually in barracks. I +believe the provision of that 3s. a day for these men will put them in +a position in which they are entitled to say that they have not been +prejudiced or penalized by their patriotic desires. + + +_Mr. Lawson_ (Mile End, Opp.)--And their return railway fares? + + +_An Honorable Member--_And their separation allowances? + + +_Mr. Asquith_--The separation allowance does not begin, but as the +honorable member has interjected that phrase I will add--because +honorable members generally have been very good in not pressing us in +regard to the separation allowances to soldiers who are actually +serving--that that matter is receiving our daily and constant +consideration, and I hope before the session comes to an end to be able +to make a further announcement. But it does not arise with regard to +this vote. Having made that defense, if defense were needed--I do not +think it was--having made that statement of what has actually been done +by the War Office in these very anxious days, and also having indicated +that in those two important respects we are endeavoring to facilitate +the process of recruitment and to remove any possibility of hardship, +either to the individual recruit or to recruits collectively, I hope the +committee will agree to pass a vote for another 500,000 men. I am +perfectly certain if they do so the response will be no less keen--keen +in spirit--and no less ample in scale than it has been in the days which +have just gone by. + +An Army of 1,200,000. + +We shall then be in a position, as is apparent from the figures I have +already read, to put something like--I am not giving exact +figures--something like 1,200,000 men in the field. + + +_Mr. Long_ (Strand)--Does that include the Indians? + + +_Mr. Asquith_--No, it is entirely exclusive of them. This is the +provision made by the mother country. And of course it is exclusive of +the territorials. + + +_Mr. F. Hall_--And of the national reserve? + + +_Mr. Asquith_--Exclusive of the territorials, exclusive of the national +reserve, and exclusive of the magnificent contributions promised from +India and from our dominions, we here in these islands, this mother +country, will be in a position to put into the field, enrolled as our +regular army, something like 1,200,000 men. That is an effort which it +is worth while making great sacrifices to attain. As regards money, I am +perfectly certain that this House will be ready, willing, and even eager +to grant it, if and when the occasion arises. What we want now is to +make it clear, to those who are showing all over the kingdom this +patriotic desire to assist their country in one of the most supreme and +momentous crises in the whole of its long history, that they are not +going to be treated either in a niggardly or unaccommodating spirit; but +that they are going to be welcomed and that every possible provision is +going to be made for their comfort and well-being, so that under the +best possible conditions they will take their place and play their part +in that magnificent army of ours which, as every one who has read the +moving dispatch Sir John French [cheers] published this morning, will +realize has never done its work better, never shown itself more worthy +of long centuries of splendid tradition than in the last fortnight. +[Cheers.] I ask the House to pass this vote for 500,000 men. + +Bonar Law's Support. + + +_Mr. Bonar Law_--The right honorable gentleman in the statement he has +just made has left me nothing to say except to express our hearty +support of all the measures which the Government are taking in this +crisis. From the point of view of the Government and of this House we +welcome the putting down of this vote as showing that both the +Government and the House of Commons are determined, whatever the cost, +whatever the sacrifice, to see this thing through. [Cheers.] I agree +entirely with the words which I heard the Prime Minister use in another +place the other day, that in what has taken place so far we have every +ground for encouragement and every reason for pride in what is being +done by our troops. I agree entirely with what the Prime Minister has +said about the action of our soldiers on the field of battle. It does +not surprise us. We knew that the old spirit was there still. But I +think it has to some extent at least surprised our enemies. But while we +have reason to be gratified by the action which the Government has taken +and which this House has supported them in taking, I think as a nation +we have quite as much reason to be proud of the spirit which is shown by +our countrymen in rushing to the standard as we have even in what has +been done by our soldiers on the field of battle. I never sympathized +with--I always resented--the view expressed at one time that our +citizens were holding back. There was no justification for it. [Cheers.] +At the outset they did not realize what it meant, but the moment they +did realize it they have shown that they are prepared to do their share +to fight the battles of their country. I am not going to say anything +about the difficulties in connection with recruiting this great force to +which the Prime Minister has referred. No one could have doubted that +difficulties of that kind would arise and that hardships would occur. +Criticism, I am sure, is not deprecated by the right honorable +gentleman, and ought not to be, if it is framed entirely with this +view--to make sure that everything that can be done is being done to +minimize the hardships and difficulties with which the authorities were +confronted. As the Prime Minister said, the machine was not framed to +deal with an emergency like this. No one could expect it to deal with it +smoothly. But we have a right to expect that the difficulties are +understood at the War Office, and we have the right also to ask that +since they cannot be met by the central machine, every effort should be +made in the direction of devolution, and that the difficulties shall be +met where they locally arise. I am sure it is a satisfaction to the +House, as it was to me, to find that before the discussion arose +yesterday not only had Lord Kitchener realized the difficulties, but +that he had taken every step possible to meet them, and that the step +which he did take was in the direction, which we all feel is a wise one, +of putting the responsibility on those at a distance from the War Office +and expecting them to bear it. Many of us have been asked to take part +in helping the recruiting. When I was asked to join in this I had in my +mind the feeling to which I gave expression the other day, that I was +not satisfied that too much sacrifice was not being required from those +who are going to fight our battles and that a full share of sacrifice +was being borne by those who remain behind. Nothing could be more unfair +than that this country should expect all the sacrifice to come from the +men who are actually going to risk their lives in our behalf. [Cheers.] +We know with what splendid spirit they are coming forward. I suppose +every member of the House could give instances that would surprise us +all. Perhaps it would interest the House if I give one. The son of a +friend of mine, who is well off, had been writing to the War Office, +taking every step to try to be accepted in order to fight. He was a +partner in a big business in Glasgow and with splendid prospects; he +threw them all up. He came and hung about the doors of the War Office as +if he was seeking some fat job, when all he wanted was to be placed, not +as an officer, but as a private, in one of the most dangerous branches +of the service. [Cheers.] That is a spirit which is universal. I do not +say in what way further provision should be made, but I am sure the +House welcomes the statement of the Prime Minister that the Government +are going to reconsider the whole question of separation allowances for +the families of the men and for the pensions. I am sure I am expressing +the view not of our own party, but of the whole House, when I say that +the country realizes that when these men risk their lives for us they +are making a big enough sacrifice, and that the country will be glad +that in every way every possible generosity at the expense of those who +remain behind should be extended to those who go out to fight. [Cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS + +Delivered in the House of Lords, Sept. 17. + + +Your lordships will expect that some statement should be made by me on +the general military situation before the session ends, and I will, +therefore, endeavor as briefly as possible to supplement the remarks +which I had the honor to address to your lordships' House three weeks +ago. + +I need not retell the story of the British expeditionary force in +France, which has been read and appreciated by us all in Sir John +French's dispatch. The quiet restraint of his account of their +achievements only brings into relief the qualities which enabled our +troops successfully to carry out the most difficult of all military +operations. There is, however, one aspect of this feat of arms upon +which the dispatch is naturally silent. I refer to the consummate skill +and calm courage of the Commander in Chief himself, [cheers,] in the +conduct of this strategic withdrawal in the face of vastly superior +forces. His Majesty's Government appreciate to the full the value of the +service which Sir John French has rendered to this country and to the +cause of the Allies, and I may perhaps be permitted here and now, on +their behalf, to pay a tribute to his leadership, as well as to the +marked ability of the Generals under his command, and the bravery and +endurance of the officers and men of the expeditionary force. + +The German Retirement. + +As your lordships are aware the tide has now turned, and for some days +past we have received the gratifying intelligence of the forced +retirement of the German armies. The latest news from Sir John French +does not materially change the published statement describing the +military situation. In his telegram Sir John reports that the troops are +all in good heart and are ready to move forward when the moment arrives. +The gallant French armies, with whom we are so proud to be co-operating, +will receive every support from our troops in their desire effectually +to clear their country of the invading foe, and the undaunted and +vigilant activity of the Belgian Army in the north materially conduces +to this end. I would also like to take this opportunity of offering our +respectful congratulations to Russia upon the conspicuous successes +which have added fresh lustre to her arms. Although, therefore, we have +good grounds for quiet confidence, it is only right that we should +remind ourselves that the struggle is bound to be a long one, and that +it behooves us strenuously to prosecute our labors in developing our +armed forces to carry on and bring to a successful issue the mighty +conflict in which we are engaged. + +Troops in the Field. + +There are now in the field rather more than six divisions of British +troops and two cavalry divisions. These are being, and will be, +maintained at full strength by a steady flow of reinforcements. To meet +the wastage of war in this field force our reserve units are available. +To augment the expeditionary force further regular divisions and +additional cavalry are now being organized from units withdrawn from +oversea garrisons, whose places, where necessary, will be taken by +territorial troops, who, with fine patriotism, have volunteered to +exchange a home for an imperial service obligation. On their way from +India are certain divisions from the Indian Army, composed of highly +trained and very efficient troops, and a body of cavalry, including +regiments of historic fame. The dominions beyond the seas are sending us +freely of their best. Several divisions will be available, formed of men +who have been locally trained in the light of the experience of the +South African war, and, in the case of Australia and New Zealand, under +the system of general national training introduced a few years ago. + +The Call to Arms. + +In the response to the call for recruits for the new armies which it is +considered necessary to raise we have had a most remarkable +demonstration of the energy and patriotism of the young men of this +country. We propose to organize this splendid material into four new +armies, and, although it takes time to train an army, the zeal and +good-will displayed will greatly simplify our task. If some of those who +have so readily come forward have suffered inconvenience, they will not, +I am sure, allow their ardor to be damped. They will reflect that the +War Office has had in a day to deal with as many recruits as were +usually forthcoming in twelve months. No effort is being spared to meet +the influx of soldiers, and the War Office will do its utmost to look +after them and give them the efficient training necessary to enable them +to join their comrades in the field. The divisions of the first two +armies are now collected at our training centres; the third army is +being formed on new camping grounds; the fourth army is being created by +adding to the establishment of the reserve battalions, from which the +units will be detached and organized similarly to the other three +armies. The whole of the special reserve and extra special reserve units +will be maintained at their full establishments as feeders to the +expeditionary force. In addition to the four new armies a considerable +number of what may be designated local battalions have been specially +raised by the public-spirited initiative of cities, towns, or +individuals. Several more are in course of formation, and I have +received many offers of this character. The territorial force is making +great strides in efficiency and will before many months be ready to take +a share in the campaign. This force is proving its military value to the +empire by the willing subordination of personal feelings to the public +good in the acceptance of whatever duty may be assigned to it in any +portion of the empire. A division has already left for Egypt, a brigade +for Malta, and a garrison for Gibraltar. The soldierlike qualities +evinced by the force are an assurance to the Government that they may +count to the full upon its readiness to play its part wherever the +exigencies of the military situation may demand. Nor must I omit to +refer to the assistance which we shall receive from the division of the +gallant royal marines and bluejackets now being organized by my right +honorable friend the First Lord of the Admiralty; their presence in the +field will be very welcome, for their fighting qualities are well known. + +The Supply of Officers. + +The creation of the new armies referred to is fraught with considerable +difficulties, one of which is the provision of regimental officers. I +hope the problem of supplying officers may be solved by the large +numbers coming forward to fill vacancies, and by promotions from the +non-commissioned officer ranks of the regular forces. In a country which +prides itself on its skill in and love of outdoor sports, we ought to be +able to find sufficient young men who will train and qualify as officers +under the guidance of the nucleus of trained officers which we are able +to provide from India and elsewhere. If any retired officer competent to +train troops has not yet applied or has not received an answer to a +previous application, I hope he will communicate with me at the War +Office in writing. But our chief difficulty is one of material rather +than personnel. It would not be in the public interest that I should +refer in greater detail to this question, beyond saying that strenuous +endeavors are being made to cope with the unprecedented situation, and +that, thanks to the public spirit of all grades in the various +industries affected to whom we have appealed to co-operate with us, and +who are devoting all their energy to the task, our requirements will, I +feel sure, be met with all possible speed. + +I am confident that by the Spring we shall have ready to take the field +armies which will be well trained and will prove themselves formidable +opponents to the enemy. The Government fully recognize the fine spirit +which animates those who have come forward to fight for their country, +and will spare no effort to secure that everything is done that can be +done to enable them worthily to contribute to the ultimate success of +our arms. [Cheers.] + +The Secretary of State for War concluded his speech by giving details +of the increase in the separation allowances made to wives of soldiers, +both regular and territorial, which Mr. Asquith had announced in the +House of Commons. + +Tribute of the Opposition. + + +_The Marquess of Lansdowne_--I feel that it would be almost impertinent +on my part to say a word after the extraordinarily interesting statement +to which we have just listened. But I should be sorry if complete +silence on our part lent itself to the interpretation that we are +indifferent to the great topics which the Secretary of State for War has +dealt with in his speech. May we be permitted to say that we regard with +the profoundest admiration and gratitude what the noble Field Marshal +described as the great feat of arms which has been accomplished by the +British force since its arrival at the seat of war, and to add also that +we share the feelings which the noble and gallant lord has expressed +with regard to the immense services rendered by Sir John French to this +country, services which he, of course, could not bear witness to in the +dispatch he sent home? [Cheers.] There are only two other remarks which, +with great deference, I would venture to make. One has reference to the +noble and gallant lord's statement in regard to the response made to his +appeal to the country for recruits. That response has been memorable and +admirable and, considering the immense influx of recruits which have +come in, we can scarcely be surprised that in the early days the strain +should have been rather greater than either the War Office or the local +authorities were able to cope with. But we have every reason to believe +that that has been corrected, and I have no doubt that all will now go +smoothly and well. We have all heard with the greatest satisfaction the +announcement that the separation allowances to the wives of regulars and +territorials are to be considerably increased. ["Hear, hear!"] +Considering what our soldiers are doing for us at the seat of war, the +least we can do is to provide liberally for the relatives whom they have +left behind in this country. [Cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. + +Speech by King George V. Read Before Both Houses, Sept. 18. + + +The Lord Chancellor read the King's speech, which was in the following +terms: + + My Lords and Gentlemen: I address you in circumstances that call + for action rather than for speech. + + After every endeavor had been made by my Government to preserve the + peace of the world, I was compelled, in the assertion of treaty + obligations deliberately set at nought, and for the protection of + the public law of Europe and the vital interests of my empire, to + go to war. + + My navy and army have, with unceasing vigilance, courage, and + skill, sustained, in association with gallant and faithful allies, + a just and righteous cause. + + From every part of my empire there has been a spontaneous and + enthusiastic rally to our common flag. + + Gentlemen of the House of Commons: I thank you for the liberality + with which you have met a great emergency. + + My Lords and Gentlemen: We are fighting for a worthy purpose, and + we shall not lay down our arms until that purpose has been fully + achieved. + + I rely with confidence upon the loyal and united efforts of all my + subjects, and I pray that Almighty God may give us His blessing. + +Then a commission for proroguing the Parliament was read, after which +the Lord Chancellor said: + + My Lords and Gentlemen: By virtue of his Majesty's commission, + under the great seal, to us and other lords directed, and now read, + we do, in his Majesty's name and in obedience to his commands, + prorogue this Parliament to Tuesday the twenty-seventh day of + October, one thousand nine hundred and fourteen, to be then here + holden; and this Parliament is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the + twenty-seventh day of October, one thousand nine hundred and + fourteen. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Summons of the Nation to Arms + +British People Roused by Their Leaders. + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Earl Curzon of Kedleston Suggests Holding of Public Meetings. + + Hackwood, Basingstoke, Aug. 27. + + _To the Editor of The Times:_ + + Sir: Many of us are wondering what we can do to serve our country + in this crisis. We sit on local or on larger committees. We + attempt, within the narrow range of our influence, to gain + recruits, we organize relief, we help to provide or furnish + hospitals, we subscribe both to the national and to private funds; + and, apart from this, we go about our ordinary duties with as much + composure as we can, wondering where, when, and how it will be open + to us who are no longer young and cannot bear arms, but have + perhaps had some experience of affairs, to render more effective + aid. + + Does not a path lie open to the class of so-called "public men," + and does not the very name which is given to them indicate the + nature of this duty? Surely it is to place themselves at the + disposal of the public. The two great needs of the moment are more + men--hundreds of thousands more men--for the army, and a clearer + understanding by the masses of the population, not merely of the + justice of our cause, but of the supreme issues, both for our own + country and for the whole empire, that are involved. + + No one would propose that jingo speeches should be shouted from + public platforms, or that an attempt should be made to inflame + crude or unworthy passions. But the man who, when his country is + engaged in a righteous war and is fighting for her existence, + preaches the cause of that war is not a jingo; and the passions to + which he appeals are not unworthy, but are the noblest of which + human nature is capable. + + I wish, therefore, to say that if the Government, with whom the + initiative must primarily lie--since no one would wish to do + anything that is contrary to their conception of sound + policy--desire that public meetings should be held in our great + centres of population, to explain the cause and circumstances of + the war, and the duty that lies upon the manhood of the nation, I + and, I am convinced, many others are ready to throw ourselves into + the task. + + I have told the Prime Minister that I would be proud to appear on a + public platform with any member of the Government to state or + defend a case in which party is dead and where we are all united. I + doubt not that if they are required many others will be willing to + do the same. We have no desire to deluge the country with a flood + of noisy rhetoric, or to start a miniature electioneering campaign. + But if in any great city where recruiting is slow or the issues are + not apprehended, or the public conscience is not quick to respond + to the national summons, I, or any of those who share my views, can + be of any service on the platform I am sure that we are willing to + respond and that we shall welcome any organization that may be set + on foot for the purpose. I am, yours obediently, + + CURZON OF KEDLESTON. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER. + + +Addressed to the Lord Mayor of London, the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, +the Lord Mayor of Dublin, and the Lord Mayor of Cardiff. + + + My Lords: The time has come for combined effort to stimulate and + organize public opinion and public effort in the greatest + conflict in which our people has ever been engaged. + + No one who can contribute anything to the accomplishment of this + supremely urgent task is justified in standing aside. + + I propose, as a first step, that meetings should be held without + delay, not only in our great centres of population and industry, + but in every district, urban and rural, throughout the United + Kingdom, at which the justice of our cause should be made plain, + and the duty of every man to do his part should be enforced. + + I venture to suggest to your lordships that the four principal + cities over which you respectively preside should lead the way. + + I am ready myself, so far as the exigencies of public duty + permit, to render such help as I can, and I should be glad, with + that object, to address my fellow-subjects in your cities. + + I have reason to know that I can count upon the co-operation of + the leaders of every section of organized political opinion. Your + faithful servant, + + H.H. ASQUITH. + + 28th August, 1914. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH IN LONDON. + +Speech at the Guildhall, Sept. 5. + + +My Lord Mayor and Citizens of London: It is three and a half years since +I last had the honor of addressing in this hall a gathering of the +citizens. We were then met under the Presidency of one of your +predecessors, men of all creeds and parties, to celebrate and approve +the joint declaration of the two great English-speaking States that for +the future any differences between them should be settled, if not by +agreement, at least by judicial inquiry and arbitration, and never in +any circumstances by war. [Cheers.] Those of us who hailed that great +Eirenicon between the United States and ourselves as a landmark on the +road of progress were not sanguine enough to think, or even to hope, +that the era of war was drawing to a close. But still less were we +prepared to anticipate the terrible spectacle which now confronts us of +a contest which for the number and importance of the powers engaged, the +scale of their armaments and armies, the width of the theatre of +conflict, the outpouring of blood and the loss of life, the incalculable +toll of suffering levied upon non-combatants, the material and moral +loss accumulating day by day to the higher interests of civilized +mankind--a contest which in every one of these aspects is without +precedent in the annals of the world. ["Hear, hear!"] We were very +confident three years ago in the rightness of our position, when we +welcomed the new securities for peace. We are equally confident in it +today, when reluctantly, and against our will, but with a clear judgment +and a clean conscience, [cheers,] we find ourselves involved with the +whole strength of this empire in a bloody arbitration between might and +right [Cheers.] The issue has passed out of the domain of argument into +another field, but let me ask you, and through you the world outside, +what would have been our condition as a nation today if we had been base +enough through timidity or through perverted calculation of +self-interest, or through a paralysis of the sense of honor and duty, +[cheers,] if we had been base enough to be false to our word and +faithless to our friends? + +Blind Barbarian Vengeance. + +Our eyes would have been turned at this moment with those of the whole +civilized world to Belgium, a small State, which has lived for more than +seventy years under the several and collective guarantee to which we in +common with Prussia and Austria were parties, and we should have seen at +the instance and by the action of two of these guaranteeing powers her +neutrality violated, her independence strangled, her territory made use +of as affording the easiest and the most convenient road to a war of +unprovoked aggression against France. We, the British people, would at +this moment have been standing by with folded arms and with such +countenance as we could command while this small and unprotected State, +in defense of her vital liberties, made a heroic stand against +overweening and overwhelming force; we should have been admiring as +detached spectators the siege of Liege, the steady and manful resistance +of a small army to the occupation of their capital, with its splendid +traditions and memories, the gradual forcing back of the patriotic +defenders of their native land to the ramparts of Antwerp, countless +outrages inflicted by buccaneering levies exacted from the unoffending +civil population, and, finally, the greatest crime committed against +civilization and culture since the Thirty Years' War, the sack of +Louvain, [cries of "Shame!"] with its buildings, its pictures, its +unique library, its unrivaled associations--a shameless holocaust of +irreparable treasures lit up by blind barbarian vengeance. [Prolonged +cheers.] What account should we, the Government and the people of this +country, have been able to render to the tribunal of our national +conscience and sense of honor if, in defiance of our plighted and solemn +obligations, we had endured, nay, if we had not done our best to +prevent, yes, and to avenge, [renewed cheers,] these intolerable +outrages? For my part I say that sooner than be a silent witness--which +means in effect a willing accomplice--of this tragic triumph of force +over law and of brutality over freedom, I would see this country of ours +blotted out of the pages of history. [Prolonged cheers.] + +Germany's Aim--to Crush Freedom. + +That is only a phase--a lurid and illuminating phase in the contest in +which we have been called by the mandate of duty and of honor to bear +our part. The cynical violation of the neutrality of Belgium was, after +all, but a step--the first step--in a deliberate policy of which, if not +the immediate, the ultimate, and the not far distant aim, was to crush +the independence and autonomy of the free States of Europe. First +Belgium, then Holland, then Switzerland, countries, like our own, imbued +and sustained with the spirit of liberty, were one after another to be +bent to the yoke, and these ambitions were fed and fostered by a body of +new doctrines and new philosophies preached by professors and learned +men. The free and full self-development which to these small States, to +ourselves, to our great and growing dominions over the seas, to our +kinsmen across the Atlantic, is the well-spring and life-breath of +national existence--that free self-development is the one capital +offense in the code of those who have made force their supreme divinity, +and who upon its altars are prepared to sacrifice both the gathered +fruits and the potential germs of the unfettered human spirit. [Cheers.] +I use this language advisedly. This is not merely a material; it is also +a spiritual conflict. [Cheers.] Upon its issues everything that contains +promise and hope, that leads to emancipation and a fuller liberty for +the millions who make up the mass of mankind will be found sooner or +later to depend. + +Our Efforts for Peace. + +Let me now just for a moment turn to the actual situation in Europe. How +do we stand? For the last ten years, by what I believe to be happy and +well-considered diplomatic arrangements, we have established friendly +and increasingly intimate relations with the two powers, France and +Russia, with whom, in days gone by, we have had in various parts of the +world occasions for constant friction, and now and again for possible +conflict. Those new and better relations, based in the first instance +upon business principles of give and take, matured into a settled temper +of confidence and good-will. They were never in any sense or at any +time, as I have frequently said in this hall, directed against other +powers. No man in the history of the world has ever labored more +strenuously or more successfully than my right honorable friend Sir +Edward Grey [cheers] for that which is the supreme interest of the +modern world, a general and abiding peace. It is, I venture to think, a +very superficial criticism which suggests that under his guidance the +policy of this country has ignored, still less that it has counteracted +and hampered, the concert of Europe. It is little more than a year ago +that under his Presidency, in the stress and strain of the Balkan +crisis, the Ambassadors of all the great powers met here day after day +curtailing the area of possible differences, reconciling warring +ambitions and aims, and preserving against almost incalculable odds the +general harmony. And it was in the same spirit and with the same +purpose, when a few weeks ago Austria delivered her ultimatum to Servia, +that our Foreign Secretary put forward the proposal for a mediating +conference between the four powers who were not directly +concerned--Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves. If that proposal had +been accepted actual controversy would have been settled with honor to +everybody, and the whole of this terrible welter would have been +avoided. ["Hear, hear!"] + +Germany's Responsibility. + +And with whom does the responsibility rest [cries of "The Kaiser!"] for +this refusal and for all the illimitable suffering which now confronts +the world? One power and one power only, and that power--Germany. [Loud +hisses.] That is the fount and origin of this worldwide catastrophe. We +are persevering to the end. No one who has not been confronted as we +were with the responsibility of determining the issues of peace and war +can realize the strength and energy and persistency with which we +labored for peace. We persevered by every expedient that diplomacy could +suggest, straining almost to the breaking point our most cherished +friendships and obligations, even to the last making effort upon effort, +and hoping against hope. Then, and only then, when we were at last +compelled to realize that the choice lay between honor and dishonor, +between treachery and good faith, when at last we reached the dividing +line which makes or mars a nation worthy of the name, it was then, and +then only, that we declared for war. [Cheers.] Is there any one in this +hall or in this United Kingdom or in the vast empire of which we here +stand in the capital and centre who blames or repents our decision? +[Cries of "No!"] For these reasons, as I believe, we must steel +ourselves to the task, and in the spirit which animated our forefathers +in their struggle against the domination of Napoleon we must and we +shall persevere to the end. [Cheers.] + +Memorable and Glorious Example of Belgium. + +It would be a criminal mistake to underestimate either the magnitude, +the fighting quality, or the staying power of the forces which are +arrayed against us. But it would be equally foolish and equally +indefensible to belittle our own resources, whether for resistance or +attack. [Cheers.] Belgium has shown us by a memorable and a glorious +example what can be done by a relatively small State when its citizens +are animated and fired by the spirit of patriotism. In France and Russia +we have as allies two of the greatest powers of the world engaged with +us in a common cause, who do not mean to separate themselves from us any +more than we mean to separate ourselves from them. [Cheers.] We have +upon the seas the strongest and most magnificent fleet that has ever +been seen. The expeditionary force which left our shores less than a +month ago has never been surpassed, as its glorious achievements in the +field have already made clear, not only in material and equipment but in +the physical and the moral quality of its constituents. [Cheers.] + +Work of the Navy. + +As regards the navy, I am sure my right honorable friend (Mr. Winston +Churchill) will tell you there is happily little more to be done. I do +not flatter it when I say that its superiority is equally marked in +every department and sphere of its activity. [Cheers.] We rely on it +with the most absolute confidence, not only to guard our shores against +the possibility of invasion, not only to seal up the gigantic +battleships of the enemy in the inglorious seclusion of his own ports +[laughter] whence, from time to time, he furtively steals forth to sow +the seeds of murderous snares, which are more full of menace to neutral +ships than to the British fleet. Our navy does all this, and while it is +thirsting, I do not doubt, for that trial of strength in a fair and open +fight, which is so far prudently denied it, it does a great deal more. +It has hunted the German mercantile marine from the high seas. It has +kept open our own sources of food supply and has largely curtailed +those of the enemy, and when the few German cruisers which still infest +the more distant ocean routes have been disposed of, as they will be +disposed of very soon, [cheers,] it will achieve for British and neutral +commerce passing backward and forward, from and to every part of our +empire, a security as complete as it has ever enjoyed in the days of +unbroken peace. Let us honor the memory of the gallant seamen who, in +the pursuit of one or another of these varied and responsible duties, +have already laid down their lives for their country. + +Call for United Effort. + +In regard to the army there is call for a new, a continuous, a +determined, and a united effort. For, as the war goes on, we shall have +not merely to replace the wastage caused by casualties, not merely to +maintain our military power at its original level, but we must, if we +are to play a worthy part, enlarge its scale, increase its numbers, and +multiply many times its effectiveness as a fighting instrument. +[Cheers.] The object of the appeal which I have made to you, my Lord +Mayor, and to the other chief Magistrates of our capital cities, is to +impress upon the people of the United Kingdom the imperious urgency of +this supreme duty. Our self-governing dominions throughout the empire, +without any solicitation on our part, have demonstrated with a +spontaneousness and a unanimity unparalleled in history their +determination to affirm their brotherhood with us and to make our cause +their own. [Cheers.] From Canada, from Australia, from New Zealand, from +South Africa, and from Newfoundland the children of the empire assert, +not as an obligation, but as a privilege, their right and their +willingness to contribute money and material, and, what is better than +all, the strength and sinews, the fortunes, and the lives of their best +manhood. [Cheers.] India, too, with no less alacrity, has claimed her +share in the common task. [Cheers.] Every class, and creed, British and +natives, Princes and people, Hindus and Mohammedans, vie with one +another in noble and emulous rivalry. Two divisions of our magnificent +Indian Army are already on their way. [Cheers.] We welcome with +appreciation and affection their proffered aid. In an empire which knows +no distinction of race or cause we all alike as subjects of the +King-Emperor are joint and equal custodians of our common interests and +fortunes. We are here to hail with profound and heartfelt gratitude +their association, side by side and shoulder to shoulder, with our home +and dominion troops, under the flag which is the symbol to all of a +unity that a world in arms cannot dissever or dissolve. With these +inspiring appeals and examples from our fellow-subjects all over the +world, what are we doing and what ought we to do here at home? + +Over a Quarter of a Million Men Enrolled. + +Mobilization was ordered on the 4th of August; immediately afterward +Lord Kitchener issued his call for 100,000 recruits for the regular +army, which has been followed by a second call for another 100,000. The +response up to today gives us between 250,000 and 300,000. [Cheers.] I +am glad to say that London has done its share. The total number of +Londoners accepted is not less than 42,000. [Cheers.] I need hardly say +that that appeal involves no disparagement or discouragement of the +territorial force. The number of units in that force who have +volunteered for foreign service is most satisfactory and grows every +day. We look to them with confidence to increase their numbers, to +perfect their organization and training, and to play efficiently the +part which has always been assigned to them, both offensive and +defensive, in the military system of the empire. But to go back to the +expansion of the regular army. We want more men--men of the best +fighting quality, and if for a moment the number who offer themselves +and are accepted should prove to be in excess of those who can at once +be adequately trained and equipped, do not let them doubt that prompt +provision will be made for the incorporation of all willing and able +men in the fighting forces of the kingdom. We want, first of all, men, +and we shall endeavor to secure them. Men desiring to serve together +shall, wherever possible, be allotted to the same regiment or corps. The +raising of battalions by counties or municipalities with this object +will be in every way encouraged. But we want not less urgently a larger +supply of ex-non-commissioned officers, and the pick of the men with +whom in past days they served, men, therefore, whom in most cases we +shall be asking to give up regular employment and to return to the work +of the State, which they alone are competent to do. The appeal we make +is addressed quite as much to their employers as to the men themselves. +The men ought to be absolutely assured of reinstatement in their +business at the end of the war. [Cheers.] Finally, there are numbers of +commissioned officers now in retirement who are much experienced in the +handling of troops and have served their country in the past. Let them +come forward, too, and show their willingness, if need be, to train +bodies of men for whom at the moment no cadre or unit can be found. + +Abundant Ground for Pride and Confidence. + +I have little more to say. Of the actual progress of the war I will not +say anything, except that in my judgment in whatever direction we look +there is abundant ground for pride and for confidence. [Cheers.] I say +nothing more, because I think we should all bear in mind that we are at +present watching the fluctuations of fortune only in the early stages of +what is going to be a protracted struggle. We must learn to take long +views, and to cultivate, above all, other faculties--those of patience, +endurance, and steadfastness. Meanwhile, let us go, each of us, to his +or her appropriate place in the great common task. Never had a people +more or richer sources of encouragement and inspiration. Let us realize, +first of all, that we are fighting as a united empire, in a cause worthy +of the highest traditions of our race. Let us keep in mind the patient +and indomitable seamen, who never relax for a moment, night or day, +their stern vigil of the lonely sea. Let us keep in mind our gallant +troops, who today, after a fortnight's continuous fighting under +conditions which would try the metal of the best army that ever took the +field, maintain not only an undefeated but an unbroken front. [Cheers.] +Finally, let us recall the memories of the great men and the great deeds +of the past, commemorated, some of them, in the monuments which we see +around us on these walls, not forgetting the dying message of the +younger Pitt, his last public utterance, made at the table of one of +your predecessors, my Lord Mayor, in this very hall: "England has saved +herself by her exertions, and will, as I trust, save Europe by her +example." The England of those days gave a noble answer to his appeal, +and did not sheath the sword until, after nearly twenty years of +fighting, the freedom of Europe was secured. Let us go and do likewise. +[Prolonged cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY SPEAKS. + +T. von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial Chancellor, in Statement to +Ritzau's Danish Press Bureau, Sept. 13, 1914. + + +The English Prime Minister, in his Guildhall speech, reserved to England +the role of protector of the smaller and weaker States, and spoke about +the neutrality of Holland, Belgium and Switzerland as being exposed to +danger from the side of Germany. It is true that we have broken +Belgium's neutrality because bitter necessity compelled us to do so, but +we promised Belgium full indemnity and integrity if she would take +account of this state of necessity. If so, she would not have suffered +any damage, as, for example, Luxemburg. If England, as protector of the +weaker States, had wished to spare Belgium infinite suffering she should +have advised Belgium to accept our offer. England has not "protected" +Belgium, so far as we know; I wonder, therefore, whether it can really +be said that England is such a disinterested protector. + +We knew perfectly well that the French plan of campaign involved a march +through Belgium to attack the unprotected Rhineland. Does any one +believe England would have interfered to protect Belgian freedom against +France? + +We have firmly respected the neutrality of Holland and Switzerland; we +have also avoided the slightest violation of the frontier of the Dutch +Province of Limburg. + +It is strange that Mr. Asquith only mentioned the neutrality of Belgium, +Holland and Switzerland, but not that of the Scandinavian countries. He +might have mentioned Switzerland with reference to France, but Holland +and Belgium are situated close to England on the opposite side of the +Channel, and that is why England is so concerned for the neutrality of +these countries. + +Why is Mr. Asquith silent about the Scandinavian countries? Perhaps +because he knows that it does not enter our head to touch these +countries' neutrality; or would England possibly not consider Denmark's +neutrality as a noli me tangere for an advance in the Baltic or for +Russia's warlike operations. + +Mr. Asquith wishes people to believe that England's fight against us is +a fight of freedom against might. The world is accustomed to this manner +of expression. In the name of freedom, England, with might and with the +most recklessly egotistic policy, has founded her mighty colonial +empire, in the name of freedom she has destroyed for a century the +independence of the Boer republics, in the name of freedom she now +treats Egypt as an English colony and thereby violates international +treaties and solemn promises, in the name of freedom one after another +of the Malay States is losing its independence for England's benefit, in +the name of freedom she tries, by cutting German cables, to prevent the +truth being spread in the world. + +The English Prime Minister is mistaken. When England joined with Russia +and Japan against Germany she, with a blindness unique in the history of +the world, betrayed civilization and handed over to the German sword the +care of freedom for European peoples and States. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GREAT BRITAIN REPLIES. + +Sir Edward Grey, Answering Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, London, +Sept. 15. + + +"Does any one believe," asks the German Chancellor, "that England would +have interfered to protect Belgian freedom against France?" The answer +is that she would unquestionably have done so. Sir Edward Grey, as +recorded in the "White Paper," asked the French Government "whether it +was prepared to engage to respect the neutrality of Belgium so long as +no other power violates it." The French Government replied that they +were resolved to respect it. The assurance, it was added, had been given +several times, and had formed the subject of conversation between +President Poincare and the King of the Belgians. + +The German Chancellor entirely ignores the fact that England took the +same line about Belgian neutrality in 1870 that she has taken now. In +1870 Prince Bismarck, when approached by England on the subject, +admitted and respected the treaty obligations in relation to Belgium. +The British Government stands in 1914 as it stood in 1870; it is Herr +von Bethmann-Hollweg who refused to meet us in 1914 as Prince Bismarck +met us in 1870. + +Scandinavian Neutrality. + +The Imperial Chancellor finds it strange that Mr. Asquith, in his +Guildhall speech, did not mention the neutrality of the Scandinavian +countries, and suggests that the reason for the omission was some +sinister design on England's part. It is impossible for any public +speaker to cover the whole ground in each speech. The German +Chancellor's reference to Denmark and other Scandinavian countries can +hardly be considered very tactful. With regard to Denmark, the Danes are +not likely to have forgotten the parts played by Prussia and England +respectively in 1863-4, when the Kingdom of Denmark was dismembered. +And the integrity of Norway and Sweden was guaranteed by England and +France in the Treaty of Stockholm in 1855. + +The Imperial Chancellor refers to the dealings of Great Britain with the +Boer republics, and suggests that she has been false therein to the +cause of freedom. Without going into controversies now happily past, we +may recall what Gen. Botha said in the South African Parliament a few +days ago when expressing his conviction of the righteousness of +Britain's cause and explaining the firm resolve of the South African +Union to aid her in every possible way. "Great Britain had given them a +Constitution under which they could create a great nationality, and had +ever since regarded them as a free people and as a sister State. +Although there might be many who in the past had been hostile toward the +British flag, he could vouch for it that they would ten times rather be +under the British than under the German flag." + +Loyalty of the Empire. + +The German Chancellor is equally unfortunate in his references to the +"Colonial Empire." So far from British policy having been "recklessly +egotistic," it has resulted in a great rally of affection and common +interest by all the British dominions and dependencies, among which +there is not one which is not aiding Britain by soldiers or other +contributions or both in this war. + +With regard to the matter of treaty obligations generally, the German +Chancellor excuses the breach of Belgian neutrality by military +necessity--at the same time making a virtue of having respected the +neutrality of Holland and Switzerland, and saying that it does not enter +his head to touch the neutrality of the Scandinavian countries. A virtue +which admittedly is only practiced in the absence of temptation from +self-interest and military advantage does not seem greatly worth +vaunting. To the Chancellor's concluding statement that "to the German +sword" is intrusted "the care of freedom for European peoples and +States," the treatment of Belgium is a sufficient answer. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH. + +Speech in Usher Hall, Sept. 18. + + +A fortnight ago today, in the Guildhall of the City of London, I +endeavored to present to the nation and to the world the reasons which +have compelled us, the people of all others which have the greatest +interest in the maintenance of peace, to engage in the hazards and +horrors of war. I do not wish to repeat tonight in any detail what I +then said. + +The war has arisen immediately and ostensibly, as every one knows, out +of a dispute between Austria and Servia, in which we in this country had +no direct concern. The diplomatic history of those critical weeks--the +last fortnight in July and the first few days of August--is now +accessible to all the world. It has been supplemented during the last +few days by the admirable and exhaustive dispatch of our late Ambassador +at Vienna, Sir Maurice de Bunsen, a dispatch which I trust everybody +will read, and no one who reads it can doubt that, largely through the +efforts of my right honorable friend and colleague Sir Edward Grey [loud +cheers] the conditions of a peaceful settlement of the actual +controversy were already within sight when, on July 31, Germany [hisses] +by her own deliberate act made war a certainty. + +The facts are incontrovertible. They are not sought to be controverted, +except, indeed, by the invention and circulation of such wanton +falsehoods as that France was contemplating, and even commencing, the +violation of Belgian territory as a first step on her road to Germany. +The result is that we are at war, and, as I have already shown +elsewhere, and as I repeat here tonight, we are at war for three +reasons--in the first place, to vindicate the sanctity of treaty +obligations ["Hear, hear!"] and of what is properly called the public +law of Europe, ["Hear, hear!";] in the second place, to assert and to +enforce the independence of free States, relatively small and weak, +against the encroachments and the violence of the strong, [cheers,] and, +in the third place, to withstand, as we believe in the best interests +not only of our own empire but of civilization at large, the arrogant +claim of a single power to dominate the development of the destinies of +Europe. [Cheers.] + +Meeting a Challenge. + +Since I last spoke some faint attempts have been made in Germany to +dispute the accuracy and the sincerity of this statement of our attitude +and aim. It has been suggested, for instance, that our professed zeal +for treaty rights and for the interests of small States is a newborn and +simulated passion. What, we are asked, has Great Britain cared in the +past for treaties or for the smaller nationalities except when she had +some ulterior and selfish purpose of her own to serve? I am quite ready +to meet that challenge, and to meet it in the only way in which it could +be met, by reference to history. And out of many illustrations which I +might take I will content myself here tonight with two, widely removed +in point of time, but both, as it happens, very apposite to the present +case. + +I will go back first to the war carried on first against the +revolutionary Government of France and then against Napoleon, which +broke out in 1793, and which lasted for more than twenty years. We had +then at the head of the Government in this country one of the most +peace-loving Ministers who have ever presided over our fortunes--Mr. +Pitt. For three years, from 1789 to 1792, he resolutely refused to +interfere in any way with the revolutionary proceedings in France or in +the wars that sprang out of them, and as lately, I think, as February in +1792, in a memorable speech in the House of Commons, which shows among +other things the shortness of human foresight, he declared that there +never was a time when we in this country could more reasonably expect +fifteen years of peace. + +And what was it, gentlemen, that, within a few months of that +declaration, led this pacific Minister to war? It was the invasion of +the treaty rights guaranteed by ourselves of a small European State, the +then States General of Holland. [Cheers.] For nearly 200 years the great +powers of Europe had guaranteed to Holland the exclusive navigation of +the River Scheldt. The French revolutionary Government invaded what is +now Belgium, and as a first act of hostility to Holland declared the +navigation of the Scheldt to be open. Our interest in that matter then, +as now, was relatively small and insignificant, but what was Mr. Pitt's +reply? + +Defense of Small States. + +I quote you the exact words he used in the House of Commons, they are so +applicable to the circumstances of the present moment. This is in 1793: + + England will never consent that another country should arrogate the + power of annulling, at her pleasure, the political system of + Europe, established by solemn treaties and guaranteed by the + consent of the powers. [Cheers.] + +He went on to say: + + This House [the House of Commons] means substantial good faith to + its engagements. If it retains a just sense of the solemn faith of + treaties, it must show a determination to support them. + +And it was in consequence of that stubborn and unyielding determination +to maintain treaties to defend small States, to resist the aggressive +domination of a single power, that we were involved in a war which we +had done everything to avoid, and which was carried on upon a scale, +both as to area and as to duration, up to then unexampled in the history +of mankind. That is one precedent. Let me give you one more. + +I come down to 1870, when this very treaty to which we are parties, no +less than Germany, and which guarantees the integrity and independence +of Belgium, was threatened. Mr. Gladstone was then Prime Minister of +this country, [cheers,] and he was, if possible, a stronger and more +ardent advocate of peace even than Mr. Pitt himself. ["Hear, hear!"] + +Mr. Gladstone's Dictum. + +Mr. Gladstone, pacific as he was, felt so strongly the sanctity of our +obligations that--though here again we had no direct interest of any +kind at stake--he made agreements with France and Prussia to co-operate +with either of the belligerents if the other violated Belgian territory, +and I should like to read a passage from a speech ten years later, +delivered in 1880, by Mr. Gladstone himself in this city, in which he +reviewed that transaction and explained his reasons for it. He said: "If +we had gone to war"--which he was prepared to do--"we should have gone +to war for freedom; we should have gone to war for public right; we +should have gone to war to save human happiness from being invaded by +tyrannous and lawless power." That is what I call a good cause, though I +detest war, and there are no epithets too strong if you will supply me +with them that I will not endeavor to heap upon its head. + +So much for our own action in the past in regard to treaties and small +States. But faint as is this denial of this part of our case, it becomes +fainter still, it dissolves into the thinnest of thin air, when it has +to deal with our contention that we and our allies are withstanding a +power whose aim is nothing less than the domination of Europe. ["Hear, +hear!"] + +It is, indeed, the avowed belief of the leaders of German thought--I +will not say of the German people--of those who for many years past have +controlled German policy, that such a domination, carrying with it the +supremacy of what they call German culture [laughter] and the German +spirit is the best thing that could happen to the world. + +German "Culture." + +Let me then ask for a moment what is this German culture, what is this +German spirit of which the Emperor's armies are at present the +missionaries in Belgium and in France? [Laughter.] Mankind owes much to +Germany, a very great debt for the contributions she has made to +philosophy, to science and to the arts; but that which is specifically +German in the movement of the world in the last thirty years has been, +on the intellectual side, the development of the doctrine of the supreme +and ultimate prerogative in human affairs of material forces, and, on +the practical side, taking of the foremost place in the fabrication and +the multiplication of the machinery of destruction. + +To the men who have adopted this gospel, who believe that power is the +be all and end all of the State, naturally a treaty is nothing more than +a piece of parchment, and all the Old World talk about the rights of the +weak and the obligations of the strong is only so much threadbare and +nauseating cant, for one very remarkable feature of this new school of +doctrine is, whatever be its intellectual or its ethical merits, that it +has turned out as an actual code for life to be a very purblind +philosophy. + +The German culture, the German spirit, did not save the Emperor and his +people from delusions and miscalculations as dangerous as they were +absurd in regard to the British Empire. + +A Fantastic Dream. + +We were believed by these cultivated observers [laughter] to be the +decadent descendants of a people who, by a combination of luck and of +fraud, [laughter,] had managed to obtain dominion over a vast quantity +of the surface and the populations of the globe. + +This fortuitous aggregation [laughter and cheers] which goes by the name +of the British Empire was supposed to be so insecurely founded, and so +loosely knit together, that at the first touch of serious menace from +without it would fall to pieces and tumble to the ground. [Cheers.] + +Our great dominions were getting heartily tired of the imperial +connection. India, [loud cheers,] it was notorious to every German +traveler, [laughter,] was on the verge of open revolt, and here at home +we, the people of this United Kingdom, were riven by dissension so deep +and so fierce that our energies, whether for resistance or for attack, +would be completely paralyzed. + +What a fantastic dream, ["Hear, hear!"] and what a rude awakening! +[Laughter and cheers.] And in this vast and grotesque and yet tragic +miscalculation is to be found one of the roots, perhaps the main root, +of the present war. + +But let us go one step more. It has been said, "By their fruits ye shall +know them," and history will record that when the die was cast and the +struggle began, it was the disciples of that same creed who revived +methods of warfare which have for centuries past been condemned by the +common sense as well as by the humanity of the great mass of the +civilized world. [Cheers.] + +Branded on the Brow. + +Louvain, Malines, Termonde--these are names which will henceforward be +branded on the brow of German culture. The ruthless sacking of the +ancient and famous towns of Belgium is fitly supplemented by the story +that reaches us only today from our own headquarters in France of the +proclamation issued less than a week ago by the German authorities, who +were for a moment, and happily for little more than a moment, in +occupation of the venerable city of Rheims. + +Mr. Asquith then read the concluding paragraph of the proclamation which +appeared in these columns yesterday. + +Do not let it be forgotten that it is from a power whose intellectual +leaders are imbued with the idea that I have described, and whose +Generals in the field sanction and even direct those practices--it is +from that power the claim proceeds to impose its culture, its spirit, +which means its domination, upon the rest of Europe. That is a claim, I +say to you, to all my fellow-countrymen, to every citizen and subject of +the British Empire whose ears and eyes my words can reach--that is a +claim that everything that is great in our past and everything that +promises hope or progress in our future summons us to resist to the end. +[Loud cheers.] + +The task--do not let us deceive ourselves--will not be a light one. Its +full accomplishment--and nothing short of full accomplishment +[cheers]--is worthy of our traditions or will satisfy our resolve--will +certainly take months. It may even take years. + +I have come here tonight not to ask you to count the cost, for no price +can be too high to pay when honor and freedom are at stake, but to put +before you, as I have tried to do, the magnitude of the issue and the +supreme necessity that lies upon us as a nation, nay as a brotherhood +and family of nations, to rise to its height and acquit ourselves of our +duty. + +Our Favorable Position. + +The war has now lasted more than six weeks. Our supremacy at sea [great +cheers] has not been seriously questioned. [Laughter.] Full supplies of +food and of raw materials are making their way to our shores from every +quarter of the globe. [Cheers.] Our industries, with one or two +exceptions, maintain their activities. + +Unemployment is so far not seriously in excess of the average. The +monetary situation has improved, and every effort that the zeal and the +skill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, [cheers,] with the +co-operation and expert advice of the bankers and business men of the +country, can devise--every effort is being made to achieve what is most +essential, the complete re-establishment of the foreign exchanges. + +Meanwhile, the merchant shipping of the enemy has been hunted from the +seas [cheers] and our seaman are still patiently, or impatiently, +[laughter,] waiting for a chance to try conclusions with the opposing +fleet. Great and incalculable is the debt which we have owed during +these weeks, and which in increasing measure we shall continue to owe, +to our navy. [Cheers.] The navy needs no help, and as the months roll +on--thanks to a far-sighted policy in the past--its proportionate +strength will grow. [Cheers.] + +Army's Glorious Record. + +If we turn to our army [cheers] we can say with equal justice and pride +that during these weeks it has rivaled the most glorious records of its +past. [Cheers.] Sir John French [cheers] and his gallant officers and +men live in our hearts, as they will live in the memories of those who +come afterward. [Cheers,] + +But splendid achievements such as these--equally splendid in retirement +and in advance ["Hear, hear!"]--cannot be won without a heavy +expenditure of life and limb, of equipment and supplies. Even now, at +this very early stage, I suppose there is hardly a person here who is +not suffering from anxiety and suspense. Some of us are plunged in +sorrow for the loss of those we love; cut off, some of them, in the +springtime of their young lives. We will not mourn for them overmuch. +One crowded hour of glorious life is worth an age without a name. +[Cheers.] + +These gaps have to be filled. The wastage of modern war is relentless +and almost inconceivable. We have--I mean his Majesty's Government +have--since the war began dispatched to the front already considerably +over 200,000 men [cheers] and the amplest provision has been made for +keeping them supplied with all that was necessary in food, in stores, +and in equipment. They will very soon be reinforced by regular troops +from India, from Egypt, and the Mediterranean, and in due time by the +contingents which our dominions are furnishing with such magnificent +patriotism and liberality. [Cheers.] + +Eager Territorials. + +We have with us here our own gallant territorials, becoming every day a +fitter and a finer force, eager and anxious to respond to any call +either at home or abroad that may be made upon them. [Cheers.] But that +is not enough. We must do still more. Already, in little more than a +month, we have 500,000 recruits for the four new armies which, as Lord +Kitchener told the country yesterday, he means to have ready to bring +into the field. In a single day we have had as many men enlist as we +have been accustomed to enlist in the course of a whole year. It is not, +I think, surprising that the machinery has been overstrained, and there +have been many cases of temporary inconvenience and hardship and +discomfort. With time and patience and good organization these things +will be set right, and the new scale of allowances which was announced +in Parliament yesterday [cheers] will do much to mitigate the lot of +wives and children and dependents who are left behind. [Cheers.] + +We want more men, and, perhaps most of all, the help for training them. +Every one in the whole of this kingdom who has in days gone by, as +officer or as non-commissioned officer, served his country never had a +greater or more fruitful opportunity for service than is presented to +him today. [Cheers.] We appeal to the manhood of the three kingdoms. To +such an appeal I know well, coming from your senior representative in +the House of Commons, that Scotland will not turn a deaf ear. [Cheers.] + +Scotland is doing well, and, indeed, more than well, and no part of +Scotland I believe, in proportion, better than Edinburgh. I cannot say +with what pleasure I heard the figures given out by the Lord Provost and +those which have been supplied to me by the gallant gentleman who has +the Scottish command [cheers,] which show, indeed, as we expected, that +Scotland is more than holding her own. In that connection let me repeat +what I said two weeks ago in London. We think it of the highest +importance that so far as possible, and subject to the accidents of war, +people belonging to the same place, breathing the same atmosphere, +having the same associations, should be kept together. + +Our recruits come to us spontaneously, under no kind of compulsion, +[cheers,] of their own free will to meet a national and an imperial +need. We present to them no material inducement in the shape either of +bounty or bribe, and they have to face the prospect of a spell of hard +training from which most of the comforts and all the luxuries that any +of them have been accustomed to are rigorously banished. But then, when +they are fully equipped for their patriotic task, they will have the +opportunity of striking a blow, it may be even of laying down their +lives, not to serve the cause of ambition or aggression, but to maintain +the honor and the good faith of our country, to shield the independence +of free States, to protect against brute force the principles of +civilization and the liberties of Europe. [Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH AT DUBLIN. + +Speech in the Round Room of the Mansion House, Sept. 25. + + +My Lord Mayor: Some weeks ago I took it upon myself to suggest to the +four principal Magistrates of the United Kingdom that they should afford +me an opportunity of making a personal appeal to their citizens at a +great moment in our national history. I have already delivered my +message in London and in Edinburgh. To the first of those great +communities I was able to speak as an Englishman by birth and as a +Londoner by early association and long residence. To the second, the +capital of the ancient Kingdom of Scotland, I had special credentials as +having been for the best part of thirty years one of their +representatives in the House of Commons, ["Hear, hear!"] and now, +indeed, by one of the melancholy privileges of time the senior among the +Scottish members. [Laughter.] But, my Lord Mayor, tonight when I come to +Dublin I can put forward neither the one claim nor the other. [A +Voice--Home Rule.] I base my title, such as it is, to your hospitality +and your hearing upon such service as during the whole of my political +life I have tried with a whole heart and to the best of my faculties and +opportunities to render to Ireland. [Cheers.] I come here, not as a +partisan, not even as a politician, but I come here as for the time +being the head of the King's Government, [cheers,] to summon Ireland, a +loyal and patriotic Ireland, to take her place in the defense of our +common cause. [Cheers.] My Lord Mayor, it is no part of my mission +tonight, it is indeed at this time of day wholly unnecessary, to +justify, still less to excuse, the part which the Government of the +United Kingdom has taken in this supreme crisis in our national +affairs. There have been wars in the past in regard to which there has +been among us diversity of opinion, uneasiness as to the wisdom of our +diplomacy, anxiety as to the expediency of our policy, doubts as to the +essential righteousness of our cause. + +Unity of the Empire. + +That, my Lord Mayor, as you said, is not the case today. [Cheers.] Even +in the memorable struggle which we waged a hundred years ago against the +domination of Napoleon there was always a minority, respectable not +merely in number, but in the sincerity and in the eminence of its +adherents, which broke the front of our national unity. Again I say that +is not the case today. We feel as a nation--or rather I ought to say, +speaking here and looking round upon our vast empire in every quarter of +the globe--as a family of nations, [prolonged cheers,] without +distinction of creed or party, of race or climate, class or section, +that we are united in defending principles and in maintaining interests +which are vital, not only to the British Empire, but to all that is +worth having in our common civilization, [cheers,] and all that is worth +hoping for in the future progress of mankind. [Loud cheers.] What better +or higher cause, my Lord Mayor, whether we succeed or fail? [Cries of +"No failure."] We are going not to fail, but to succeed. [Enthusiastic +cheers.] What higher cause than to arouse and enlist the best qualities +of a free people, than to be engaged at one and the same time in the +vindication of international good faith, in the protection of the weak +against the violence of the strong, [cheers,] and in the assertion of +the best ideals of all the free communities in all the ages of time and +in every part of the world against the encroachments of those who +believe and who preach and who practice the religion of force? It is +not--I am sure you will agree with me--it is not necessary to +demonstrate once more that of this war Germany is the real and the +responsible author. [Cheers.] The proofs are patent, manifold and +overwhelming. [Cheers.] Indeed, on the part of Germany herself we get +upon this point, if denial at all, a denial only of the faintest and the +most formal kind. For a generation past she has been preparing the +ground, equipping herself, both by land and sea, fortifying herself with +alliances, and, what is perhaps even more important, teaching her youth +to seek and to pursue as the first and the most important of all human +things the supremacy of the German power and the German spirit, and all +that time biding her opportunity. Gentlemen, many of the great wars of +history have been almost accidentally brought about by the blindness of +blundering statesmen, or by some wave of popular passion. That is not so +today. ["Hear, hear!"] There was nothing in a quarrel such as this +between Austria and Servia that could not have been and that would not +have been settled by pacific means. [Cheers.] + +Germany's Profound Mistakes. + +But in the judgment of those who guide and control German policy the +hour had come to strike the blow that had been long and deliberately +prepared. In their hands lay the choice between peace and war, and their +election was for war. In so deciding, as everybody now knows, Germany +made two profound miscalculations. [Cheers.] Both of them natural enough +in a man who had come to believe that in international matters +everything can be explained and measured in terms of material force. +What, gentlemen, were those mistakes? The first was that Belgium, +[cheers,] a small and prosperous country entirely disinterested in +European quarrels, guaranteed by the joint and several compacts of the +great powers, that Belgium would not resent, and certainly would not +resist, the use of her territory as a highroad for an invading German +force into France. How could they imagine that this little country, +rather than allow her neutrality to be violated and her independence +insulted and menaced, was prepared that her fields should be drenched +with the blood of her soldiers, her towns and villages devastated by +marauders, her splendid heritage of monuments and of treasures, built up +for her by the piety, art, and learning of the past, ruthlessly laid in +ruins? The passionate attachment of a numerically small population to +the bit of territory, which looks so little upon the map, the pride and +the unconquerable devotion of a free people to their own free State, +these were things which apparently had never been dreamed of in the +philosophy of Potsdam. [Laughter and "Hear, hear!"] Rarely in history +has there been a greater material disparity between the invaders and the +invaded, but the moral disparity was at least equally great. [Cheers.] +For, gentlemen, the indomitable resistance of the Belgians did more than +change the whole face of the campaign. [Cheers.] It proved to the world +that ideas which cannot be weighed or measured by any material calculus +can still inspire and dominate mankind. [Cheers.] And that is the reason +why the whole sympathy of the civilized world at this moment is going +out to these small States--Belgium, Servia, and Montenegro--that have +played so worthy a part in this historic struggle. [Cheers.] + +The Moral Bond of Civilization. + +But, my Lord Mayor, Germany was guilty of another and a still more +capital blunder in relation to ourselves. ["Hear, hear!"] I am not +referring for the moment to the grotesque understanding upon which I +dwelt a week ago at Edinburgh, their carefully fostered belief that we +here were so rent with civil distraction, [laughter,] so paralyzed by +luke-warmness or disaffection in our dominions and dependencies, that if +it came to fighting we might be brushed aside as an impotent and even a +negligible factor. [Cheers and cries of "Never!"] The German +misconception went even deeper than that. They asked themselves what +interest, direct or material, had the United Kingdom in this conflict? +Could any nation, least of all the cold, calculating, phlegmatic, +egotistic British nation, [laughter,] embark upon a costly and bloody +contest from which it had nothing in the hope of profit to expect? +["Hear, hear!"] They forgot--they forgot that we, like the Belgians, had +something at stake which cannot be translated into what one of our +poets has called "The law of nicely calculated less or more." What was +it we had at stake? First and foremost, the fulfillment to the small and +relatively weak country of our plighted word [cheers] and behind and +beyond that the maintenance of the whole system of international +good-will which is the moral bond of the civilized world. [Cheers.] Here +again they were wrong in thinking that the reign of ideas, Old World +ideas like those of duty and good faith, had been superseded by the +ascendency of force. My Lord Mayor, war is at all times a hideous thing; +at the best an evil to be chosen in preference to worse evils, and at +the worst little better than the letting loose of hell upon earth. The +prophet of old spoke of the "confused noise of battle and the garments +rolled in blood," but in these modern days, with the gigantic scale of +the opposing armies and the scientific developments of the instruments +of destruction, war has become an infinitely more devastating thing than +it ever was before. The hope that the general recognition of a humaner +code would soften or abate some of its worst brutalities has been rudely +dispelled by the events of the last few weeks. ["Shame!"] + +Shameful and Cynical Desecration. + +The German invasion of Belgium and France contributes, indeed, some of +the blackest pages to its sombre annals. Rarely has a non-combatant +population suffered more severely, and rarely, if ever, have the +monuments of piety and of learning and those sentiments of religion and +national association, of which they are the permanent embodiment, even +in the worst times of the most ruthless warriors, been so shamefully and +cynically desecrated; and behind the actual theatre of conflict with its +smoke and its carnage there are the sufferings of those who are left +behind, the waste of wealth, the economic dislocation, the heritage, the +long heritage of enmities and misunderstanding which war brings in its +train. Why do I dwell upon these things? It is to say this, that great +indeed is the responsibility of those who allow their country--as we +have done--to be drawn into such a welter; but there is one thing much +worse than to take such a responsibility, and that is, upon a fitting +occasion, to shirk it. [Cheers.] Our record in the matter is clear. We +strove up to the last moment for peace [cheers] and only when we were +satisfied that the price of peace was the betrayal of other countries +and the dishonor and degradation of our own we took up the sword. +[Prolonged cheers.] I should like, if I might for a moment, beyond this +inquiry into causes and motives, to ask your attention and that of my +fellow-countrymen to the end which in this war we ought to keep in view. +Forty-four years ago, at the time of the war of 1870, Mr. Gladstone used +these words. He said: "The greatest triumph of our time will be the +enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea of +European politics." Nearly fifty years have passed. Little progress, it +seems, has yet been made toward that good and beneficent change, but it +seems to me to be now at this moment as good a definition as we can have +of our European policy. The idea of public right; what does it mean when +translated into concrete terms? It means, first and foremost, the +clearing of the ground by the definite repudiation of militarism as the +governing factor in the relation of States, and of the future molding of +the European world. It means, next, that room must be found and kept for +the independent existence and the free development of the smaller +nationalities, [cheers,] each with a corporate consciousness of its own. + +The Recognition of Nationality. + +Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland and the Scandinavian countries, +Greece, and the Balkan States, they must be recognized as having exactly +as good a title as their more powerful neighbors--more powerful in +strength and in wealth--exactly as good a title to a place in the sun. +[Prolonged cheers and some laughter.] And it means, finally, or it ought +to mean, perhaps by a slow and gradual process, the substitution for +force, for the clash of competing ambition, for grouping and alliances +and a precarious equipoise, the substitution for all these things of a +real European partnership, based on the recognition of equal right and +established and enforced by a common will. [Cheers.] A year ago that +would have sounded like a Utopian idea. It is probably one that may not +or will not be realized either today or tomorrow. If and when this war +is decided in favor of the Allies, it will at once come within the +range, and, before long, within the grasp of European statesmanship. +[Cheers.] I go back for a moment, if I am not keeping you too long, ["Go +on,"] to the peculiar aspects of the actual case upon which I have +dwelt, because it seems to me that they ought to make a special appeal +to the people of Ireland. Ireland is a loyal country, [cheers,] and she +would, I know, respond with alacrity to any summons which called upon +her to take her share in the assertion and the defense of our common +interests. But, gentlemen, the issues raised by this war are of such a +kind that, unless I mistake her people and misrepresent her history, +they touch a vibrating chord both in her imagination and in her +conscience. How can you Irishmen be deaf to the cry of the smaller +nationalities to help them in their struggle for freedom [cheers] +whether, as in the case of Belgium, in maintaining what she has won, or +as in the case of Poland or the Balkan States in regaining what they +have lost or in acquiring and putting upon a stable foundation what has +never been fully theirs? + +The Appeal to Ireland. + +How again can you Irishmen--if I understand you--sit by in cool +detachment and with folded arms while we, in company of our gallant +allies of France and Russia, are opposing a worldwide resistance to +pretensions which threaten to paralyze and sterilize all progress and +the best destinies of mankind? [Cheers.] During the last few weeks Sir +John French and his heroic forces have worthily sustained our cause. The +casualties have been heavy. Ireland has had her share, although they +have been increased during the last week from the ranks of our gallant +navy by one of the hazards of warfare at sea. But of those who have +fallen in both services we may ask how could men die better? [Cheers.] + +The Indian Contingent. + +They have left behind them an example and an appeal. From all quarters +of the empire its best manhood is flowing in. The first Indian +contingent is, I believe, landing today at Marseilles, [loud cheers,] +and in all parts of our great dominions the convoys are already +mustering. Over half a million recruits have joined the colors here at +home, [cheers,] and I come to ask you in Ireland, though you don't need +my asking, to take your part. [Cheers and shouts of "We must."] There +was a time when, through the operations of laws which every one now +acknowledges to have been both unjust and impolitic, ["Hear, hear!"] the +martial spirit of and the capacity for which Irishmen have always been +conspicuous, found its chief outlet in the alien armies of the +Continent. I have seen it computed--I do not know whether with precise +accuracy--but I have seen it computed upon good authority that in the +first fifty years of the eighteenth century, when the penal laws were +here in full swing, nearly half a million Irishmen enlisted under the +banners of the empire of France and Spain, and we at home in the United +Kingdom suffered a double loss; for, gentlemen, not only were we drained +year by year of some of our best fighting material, ["Hear, hear!"] but +over and over again we found ourselves engaged in battle array suffering +and inflicting deadly loss upon those who might have been, and under +happier conditions would have been, fellow-soldiers of our own. +[Cheers.] The British Empire has always been proud, and with reason, of +those Irish regiments [cheers] and their Irish leaders, [more cheers,] +and was never prouder of them that it is today. [Great cheering.] We ask +you here in Ireland to give us more, [cheers, and a Voice, "You'll get +them,"] to give them without stinting. We ask Ireland to give of her +sons, the most in number, the best in quality that a proud and loyal +daughter of the empire ought to devote to the common cause. [Cheers.] + +The Volunteers of Ireland. + +The conditions seem to me to be exceptionally favorable for the purpose. +We have of late been witnessing here in Ireland a spontaneous enrollment +and organization in all parts of the country of bodies of volunteers. I +say nothing--for I wish tonight to avoid trespassing upon even a square +inch of controversial ground--I say nothing of the causes or motives +which brought them originally into existence, [laughter,] and have +fostered their growth and strength. I will only say--and this is my +nearest approach to politics tonight--that there are two things which to +my mind have become unthinkable. The first is that one section of +Irishmen are going to fight. [Loud cheers.] The second is that Great +Britain is going to fight either. [Renewed cheers.] Speaking here in +Dublin, I may perhaps address myself for a moment particularly to the +National Volunteers, and I am going to ask them all over Ireland--not +only them, but I make the appeal to them particularly--to contribute +with promptitude and enthusiasm a large and worthy contingent of +recruits to the second new army of half a million, which is growing up +as it were out of the ground. [Cheers.] I should like to see, and we all +want to see, an Irish brigade, [cheers,] or, better still, an Irish army +corps. [Loud cheers.] Do not let them be afraid that by joining the +colors they will lose their identity and become absorbed in some +invertebrate mass, or, what is perhaps equally repugnant, be +artificially redistributed in units which have no national cohesion or +character. We wish to the utmost limit that military exigencies will +allow that men who have been already associated in this or that district +in training and in common exercises should be kept together and continue +to recognize the corporate bond which now unites them. ["Hear, hear!"] +And of one thing further I am sure. We are in urgent need of competent +officers, and we think that if the officers now engaged in training +these men are proved equal to the test, there is no fear that their +services will not be gladly and gratefully retained. I repeat that the +empire needs recruits, and needs them at once, that they may be fully +trained and equipped in time to take their part in what may well be the +decisive fields of the greatest struggle in the history of the world. +That is our immediate necessity, and no Irishman in responding to it +need be afraid that he is prejudicing the future of the volunteers. +[Cheers.] I do not say, and I can not say, under what precise form or +organization, but I trust and believe, and indeed I am certain, that the +volunteers will become a permanent part, an integral and a +characteristic part, of the defensive forces of the Crown. [Cheers.] I +have only one more thing to say to you. [Cries of "Go on."] If our need +is great your opportunity is also great. [Cheers.] The call which I am +making is, as you know well, backed by the sympathy of your +fellow-Irishmen in all parts of the empire and the world. Old +animosities between us are dead. [Loud and prolonged cheers.] Scattered +like the Autumn leaves to the four winds of heaven, we are a united +nation, [renewed cheers,] owing and paying to our sovereign the +heartfelt allegiance of men who at home not only love but enjoy for +themselves the liberty which our soldiers and our sailors are fighting +by land and by sea to maintain and to extend for others. There is no +question of compulsion or bribery. What we want we believe you are ready +and eager to give as the free-will offering of a free people. [Great +cheering.] + +The Earl of Meath, Lord Lieutenant of County Dublin, who was next called +on, declared that their gathering would be historic because for the +first time in her history Irishmen of all classes, creeds, and politics +had met on the same platform. The modern Attila might be known, as his +predecessor was known, as the scourge of God. But for the constant +vigilance of our army and our fleet Ireland might have met the fate of +Belgium. He suggested that Earl Kitchener should, as far as possible, +see that the Irish corps at the front should act together. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. ASQUITH AT CARDIFF. + +Speech in the Skating Rink, Oct. 2. + + +In the course of the last month I have addressed meetings in London, +Edinburgh, and Dublin, and now in the completion of the task which I set +myself and which the kindness of our great municipalities has allowed me +to perform I have come to Cardiff. [Cheers.] England, Scotland, and +Ireland have each of them a definite and a well-established capital +city, but I have always understood that there was some doubt where the +capital of the Principality of Wales was to be found on the map. +[Laughter.] Wales is a single and indivisible entity with a life of its +own, drawing its vitality from an ancient past, and both, I believe, in +the volume and in the reality of its activity, never more virile than it +is today. [Cheers.] But I do not know that there is any general +agreement among Welshmen as to where their capital is to be found, +[laughter, and a voice, "Here,"] and without attempting as an outsider +to differentiate or to reconcile competing claims I stand here tonight +on what I believe to be a safe coign of vantage under the hospitality +and the authority of the Lord Mayor of Cardiff. + +Though I am not altogether a stranger to Wales, you may nevertheless ask +why I have requested your permission to address this great audience here +tonight. I am not altogether an idle man, and during the last few months +I can honestly say that there has hardly been a day, indeed there have +been very few hours, which have not been preoccupied with grave cares +and responsibility. But throughout them all I have been, and I am, +sustained by a profound and unshakable belief in the righteousness of +our cause [cheers] and by overwhelming evidence that in the pursuit and +the maintenance of that cause the Government have behind them, without +distinction of race, of party, or of class, the whole moral and material +support of the British Empire. [Cheers.] Let me take the opportunity to +acknowledge and to welcome the calm, reasoned, and dignified statement +of our cause which the Christian Churches of the United Kingdom, +through some of their most distinguished leaders and ministers, have +this week presented to the world. [Cheers.] + +The United Voice of the Empire. + +I will not repeat, and I certainly cannot improve upon it, and indeed I +am not here tonight to argue out propositions which British citizens in +every part of the world today regard as beyond the reach of controversy. +I do not suppose that in the history of mankind there has ever been in +such a vast and diverse community agreement so unanimous in purpose and +so concentrated, a corporate conscience so clear and so convinced, +co-operation so spontaneous, so ardent, and so resolute. [Cheers.] Just +consider what it means, here in this United Kingdom--England, Scotland, +Ireland, and Wales--to hear one plain, harmonious, great united voice +over the seas from our great dominions. [Cheers.] Canada, Australia, +South Africa, New Zealand, our crown colonies, swell the chorus. + +In India [cheers]--where whatever we won by the sword we hold and we +retain by the more splendid title of just and disinterested rule by the +authority, not of a despot, but of a trustee [cheers]--the response to +our common appeal has moved all our feelings to their profoundest +depths, and has been such as to shiver and to shatter the vain and +ignorant imaginings of our enemies. [Cheers,] That is a remarkable and +indeed a unique spectacle. + +What is it that stirred the imagination, aroused the conscience, +enlisted the manhood, welded into one compact and irresistible force the +energies and the greatest imperial structure that the world has ever +known? [Cheers.] That is a question which, for a moment at any rate, it +is well worth asking and answering. Let me say, then, first negatively, +that we are not impelled, any of us, by some of the motives which have +occasioned the bloody struggles of the past. In this case, so far as we +are concerned, ambition and aggression play no part. What do we want? +What do we aim at? What have we to gain? + +We are a great, worldwide, peace-loving partnership. By the wisdom and +the courage of our forefathers, by great deeds of heroism and adventure +by land and sea, by the insight and corporate sagacity, the tried and +tested experience of many generations, we have built up a dominion which +is buttressed by the two pillars of liberty and law. [Cheers.] We are +not vain enough or foolish enough to think that in the course of a long +process there have not been blunders, or worse than blunders, and that +today our dominion does not fall short of what in our ideals it might +and it ought and, we believe, it is destined to be. But such as we have +received it and such as we hope to have it, with it we are content. +[Cheers.] + +Why We Are at War. + +We do not covet any people's territory. We have no desire to impose our +rule upon alien populations. The British Empire is enough for us. +[Laughter and cheers.] All that we wished for, all that we wish for now, +is to be allowed peaceably to consolidate our own resources, to raise +within the empire the level of common opportunity, to draw closer the +bond of affection and confidence between its parts, and to make it +everywhere the worthy home of the best traditions of British liberty. +[Cheers.] Does it not follow from that that nowhere in the world is +there a people who have stronger motives to avoid war and to seek and +ensue peace? Why, then, are the British people throughout the length and +breadth of our empire everywhere turning their plowshares into swords? +Why are the best of our ablebodied men leaving the fields and the +factory and the counting house for the recruiting office and the +training camp? + +If, as I have said, we have no desire to add to our imperial burdens, +either in area or in responsibility, it is equally true that in entering +this war we had no ill-will to gratify nor wrongs of our own to avenge. +["Hear, hear!"] In regard to Germany in particular [groans] our +policy--repeatedly stated in Parliament, resolutely pursued year after +year both in London and in Berlin--our policy has been to remove one by +one the outstanding causes of possible friction and so to establish a +firm basis for cordial relations in the days to come. + +We have said from the first--I have said it over and over again, and so +has Sir Edward Grey--we have said from the first that our friendships +with certain powers, with France, [cheers,] with Russia, and with Japan, +were not to be construed as implying cold feelings and still less +hostile purposes against any other power. But at the same time we have +always made it clear, to quote words used by Sir Edward Grey as far back +as November, 1911--I quote his exact words--"One does not make new +friendships worth having by deserting old ones." New friendships by all +means let us have, but not at the expense of the ones we have. That has +been, and I trust will always be, the attitude of those whom the Kaiser +in his now notorious proclamation describes as the treacherous English. +[Laughter and "Oh, oh!"] + +Germany's Demand in 1912. + +We laid down, and I wish to call not only your attention but the +attention of the whole world to this, when so many false legends are now +being invented and circulated, in the following year--in the year +1912--we laid down in terms carefully approved by the Cabinet, and which +I will textually quote, what our relations with Germany ought in our +view to be. We said, and we communicated this to the German Government, +"Britain declares that she will neither make nor join in any unprovoked +attack upon Germany. Aggression upon Germany is not the subject and +forms no part of any treaty, understanding, or combination to which +Britain is now a party, nor will she become a party to anything that has +such an object." There is nothing ambiguous or equivocal about that. +["Hear, hear!"] + +But that was not enough for German statesmanship. They wanted us to go +further. They asked us to pledge ourselves absolutely to neutrality in +the event of Germany being engaged in war, and this, mind you, at a +time when Germany was enormously increasing both her aggressive and +defensive resources, and especially upon the sea. They asked us, to put +it quite plainly, for a free hand, so far as we were concerned, when +they selected the opportunity to overbear, to dominate the European +world. + +To such a demand but one answer was possible, and that was the answer we +gave. [Cheers.] None the less we have continued during the whole of the +last two years, and never more energetically and more successfully than +during the Balkan crisis of last year, to work not only for the peace of +Europe but for the creation of a better international atmosphere and a +more cordial co-operation between all the powers. [Cheers.] From both +points of view, that of our domestic interests as a kingdom and an +empire, and that of our settled attitude and policy in the counsels of +Europe, a war such as this, which injures the one and frustrates the +other, was and could only be regarded as among the worst of +catastrophes--among the worst of catastrophes, but not the worst. +[Cheers.] + +"The Blackest Annals of Barbarism." + +Four weeks ago, speaking at the Guildhall, in the City of London, when +the war was still in its early days, I asked my fellow-countrymen with +what countenance, with what conscience, had we basely chose to stand +aloof, we could have watched from day to day the terrible unrolling of +events--public faith shamelessly broken, the freedom of a small people +trodden in the dust, the wanton invasion of Belgium and then of France +by hordes who leave behind them at every stage of their progress a +dismal trail of savagery, of devastation, and of desecration worthy of +the blackest annals in the history of barbarism. [Cheers.] That was four +weeks ago. The war has now lasted for sixty days, and every one of those +days has added to the picture its share of sombre and repulsive traits. +We now see clearly written down in letters of carnage and spoliation the +real aims and methods of this long-prepared and well-organized scheme +Against the liberties of Europe. [Cheers.] + +I say nothing of other countries. I pass no judgment upon them. But if +we here in Great Britain had abstained and remained neutral, forsworn +our word, deserted our friends, faltered and compromised with the plain +dictates of our duty--nay, if we had not shown ourselves ready to strike +with all our forces at the common enemy of civilization and freedom, +there would have been nothing left for our country but to veil her face +in shame and to be ready in her turn--for her time would have come--to +share the doom which she would have richly deserved, and after centuries +of glorious life to go down to her grave, unwept, unhonored, and unsung. +[Loud cheers.] + +Let us gladly acknowledge what becomes clearer and clearer every day, +that the world is just as ready as it ever was, and no part of it +readier than the British Empire, to understand and to respond to moral +issues. [Cheers.] The new school of German thought has been teaching for +a generation past that in the affairs of nations there is no code of +ethics. According to their doctrine force and nothing but force is the +test and the measure of right. As the events which are going on before +our eyes have made it plain, they have succeeded only too well in +indoctrinating with their creed--I will not say the people of Germany; +like Burke, I will not attempt to draw up an indictment against a +nation--I will not say the people of Germany, but those who control and +execute German policy. [Cheers.] + +But it is one of those products of German genius which, whether or not +it was intended exclusively for home consumption, [laughter,] has not, I +am happy to say, found a market abroad, and certainly not within the +boundaries of the British Empire. [Cheers.] We still believe here, +old-fashioned people as we are, in the sanctity of treaties, [cheers,] +that the weak have rights and that the strong have duties, that small +nationalities have every bit as good a title as large ones to life and +independence, and that freedom for its own sake is as well worth +fighting for today as it ever was in the past. [Cheers.] And we look +forward at the end of this war to a Europe in which these great and +simple and venerable truths will be recognized and safeguarded forever +against the recrudescence of the era of blood and iron. [Cheers.] Stated +in a few words that is the reason for our united front, the reason that +has brought our gallant Indian warriors to Marseilles, that is +extracting from our most distant dominions the best of their manhood, +and which in the course of two months has transformed the United Kingdom +into a vast recruiting ground. [Cheers.] + +Greatest Emergency in Our History. + +Now I have come here tonight not to talk but to do business. [Laughter +and cheers.] Before I sit down I want to say to you a few practical +words. We are confronted, as you all know and recognize, by the greatest +emergency in our history. Every part of the United Kingdom and every man +and every woman in every part of it is called upon to make his or her +contribution and to do his or her share, [cheers,] and our primary +business is to fill the ranks. There is, I find, in some quarters an +apprehension that the recruiting for the new army and the functions to +be assigned to that army when it is formed and trained may interfere +with or may in some way belittle or disparage the territorial force. +Believe me, no delusion could be more mischievous or more complete. + +No praise could be too high for the patriotic and sustained efforts of +the county associations or for the quality and efficiency of the +territorial troops. It is a comparatively easy thing to make great +efforts and sacrifices under the stress and strain, which we are now +experiencing, of a supreme crisis. The territorials, without any such +stimulus in the piping times of peace, when war and the sufferings and +the struggles and glories of war were contingent and remote, these men +gave their time, sacrificed their leisure--not only in their annual +training, but in thousands of cases both officers and men devoted their +spare hours to preparing themselves in the study and the practice of the +art of war. They have now been embodied for two months, and I am +expressing the considered opinion of one of the most eminent Generals +when I say that the divisions now in camp in various parts of the +country, and improving every day in efficiency, have completely +justified their title to play any part that may be assigned to them, +either in home defense, in the manning of our garrisons, or in the +battle lines at the front. [Loud cheers.] + +It is, then, no want of appreciation of the patriotism and of the +efficiency of the territorial forces that leads me to ask you tonight +for recruits for the regular army. We wish, so far as military +exigencies permit, that the new battalions and squadrons and batteries +should retain their local associations and their corporate and +distinctive national character. [Cheers.] Why, the freedom and the +autonomy of the smaller nationalities is one of the great issues of this +gigantic contest. + +A Welsh Army Corps. + +I went a week ago to Dublin to make an appeal to Ireland. I asked +Irishmen then, as I do now, on behalf of the Government and of the War +Office, to enlist in and to make up the complement of an Irish army +corps. I repeat that appeal tonight to the men of Wales. [Cheers.] We +want that. We want you to fill up the ranks of the Welsh army corps. +[Cheers.] We believe that the preservation of local and national ties, +of the genius of a people which has a history of its own, is not only +not hostile to or inconsistent with, but, on the contrary, fosters and +strengthens and stimulates the spirit of a common purpose, of, a +corporate brotherhood, of an underlying and binding imperial unity +throughout every section and among all ranks of the forces of the Crown. +[Cheers.] + +Men of Wales, of whom I see so many thousands in this splendid +gathering, let me say one last word to you. Remember your past. +[Cheers.] Think of the villages and the mountains which in old days were +the shelter of the recruiting ground of your fathers in the struggles +which adorn and glorify your annals. Never has a stronger or a more +compelling appeal been made to you of all that you as a nation honor and +hold true. Be worthy of those who went before you, and leave to your +children the richest of all inheritances--the memory of fathers who in a +great cause put self-sacrifice before ease and honor above life itself. +[Loud cheers.] + +Lord Plymouth moved a resolution pledging support to the Prime +Minister's appeal to the nation and to measures necessary for the +prosecution of the war to a victorious conclusion, whereby alone the +lasting peace of Europe could be assured. + +Thomas Richards, M.P., seconded the resolution, which was carried with +enthusiasm. The meeting concluded with the singing of "Men of Harlech" +and the national anthem. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE. + +Union of All Parties Noted in Letter to The London Times. + + _To the Editor of The Times_: + + Sir: Perhaps, after an experience of ten days in which I have had + the opportunity of speaking nightly about the war to great + audiences of my fellow-countrymen in places so wide apart but so + populous and important as Hull, Aberdeen, Glasgow, Dundee, Reading, + and other towns, I may be permitted to send you a few observations + on the subject of the campaign for which I pleaded in your columns + a fortnight ago, and which has been prosecuted energetically by a + multitude of speakers ever since. + + In the first place, the meetings have shown the absolute fusion of + all parties and the disappearance of all minor issues in the face + of a national crisis. In each case the chair has been taken by the + Lord Mayor or Lord Provost or civic head of the town. On the + platform have been seated members of all parties and denominations; + and Lords Lieutenant, M.P.'s of all sides, including labor members, + and representative clergy, have addressed the meetings. The + interest taken by the people has been shown by the fact that the + largest halls, though sometimes holding audiences of 3,000 to 4,000 + men and more, have been unable to accommodate the crowds, and in + every case overflow meetings have had to be held. + + I have not found anywhere the slightest misapprehension as to the + causes of the war. The fears that were entertained that we should + be thought to be fighting on account of Servia or some remote + international quarrel, in which we were only indirectly engaged, + are groundless. The people realize clearly that we are fighting, + not merely for our own honor and good faith, but for ourselves and + our own national existence. + + Further, I think that the policies and ideals which are represented + by our opponents are becoming much more widely understood. The + circulation of books such as von Bernhardi's and the clear + exposition on many platforms and in the press of the objects + preached with such amazing frankness by German writers for at least + thirty years and treated with such characteristic indifference by + ourselves are bearing fruit, and our people realize that German + victory is inconsistent not merely with the continued existence of + such an empire as ours, but with the conception of self-respect, + humanity and freedom upon which modern civilization and democratic + government in particular take their stand. + + No doubt the German proceedings in Belgium have done much to + accelerate this conviction; and the mercilessness and savagery of + the methods by which the war has been fought by them (and for which + no vestige of an apology has been forthcoming) have taught men that + here is not only an enemy to be beaten but an evil spirit to be + driven out. + + The response to the appeal for recruits has, on the whole, been + wonderful and inspiriting. Employers of labor, whether on a large + or a small scale, have, as a rule, behaved with generosity both as + regards releasing their employees and in making provision for them + and their families. A good example has been set by families and + persons in leading positions. Domestic servants have come forward + in great numbers. The working class population have awakened more + slowly--as was inevitable until the nature of the war and the + urgency of the call were brought clearly home to them--but are now + responding with alacrity. The brave deeds of their countrymen in + France have proved the surest stimulus, and disaster, as, for + instance, that reported to the Gordon Highlanders, at once raised + the tide of recruits. This is a very typical and encouraging + feature, showing that all that is wanted to convert interest into + enthusiasm and to blow the embers into flame is that the case + should be brought home by the sense of patriotic achievement or + national loss. + + Unquestionably the two incidents that have appealed most to the + public sentiment have been the heroic resistance and tragic + sufferings of Belgium--to be compensated by all that our national + generosity can provide and atoned for by whatever reparation the + Allies think it ultimately right to exact--and the splendid + contribution from India. These events excite the loudest cheers and + touch the deepest chords of emotion. + + In some cases, where recruiting has been slow, men have been + affected by a too exclusive but quite pardonable regard for the + interests of themselves and their families. The provision made from + various sources for the bread winner who has joined the colors or + is at the front might easily be made more generous. But the outlook + for those who are wounded or disabled, or for the families of those + who lose their lives, and perhaps most of all for those who on + their return may find it difficult to secure re-employment, is + thought by many to be insufficiently assured. Private employers and + business firms have, on the whole, met the situation with + liberality; and a similar attitude on the part of the Government + would meet with its immediate reward. It is perhaps a selfish + utterance if a man is heard to say, "How am I going to come out of + it?" or still more, "What good is it going to do to me?"; but if he + put the same question on behalf of those who depend upon him for + subsistence he is entitled to a definite and a not ungenerous + reply. + + Two dangers may have to be faced as the war proceeds. One is that + the nation, exhilarated by smaller successes, may think that the + war will soon be over, and that no excessive effort is therefore + required. Traces of this feeling are sometimes visible in the + published letters (how admirable, as a rule, they are!) of soldiers + at the front, telling their families to expect them back in a month + or two's time. The other danger is that, harassed by the + continuance of the struggle, or attracted by delusive offers of + peace or affected by economic or industrial conditions which have + fortunately not so far developed, a section of the nation may cry + out for peace before the victory has been consummated and before + the peril we are fighting to avert is forever destroyed. + + It may be that renewed platform activity may be required as time + goes on to sustain the spirit and fortify the constancy of the + nation. In the meanwhile, speakers, from my experience, cannot do + better than dilate upon the immense magnitude of the stakes + involved, and probable long duration of the struggle, and the + supreme importance that our country should, by the strength and + effectiveness of its material contribution to the common cause, + exercise a powerful influence both upon the issue of the struggle + and in the resettlement of territories and forces which will follow + upon its conclusion. I am, Sir, yours obediently, + + CURZON OF KEDLESTON. + + 1 Carlton House Terrace, Sept. 14. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: W.L. SPENCER CHURCHILL, +British First Lord of the Admiralty. +(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)] + + + + +NOW THE WAR HAS COME. + +Speech by Winston Spencer Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, at +the London Opera House, Sept. 11. + + +These are serious times, and though we meet here in an abode of +diversion and of pleasure in times of peace, and although we wish and +mean to rouse and encourage each other in every way, yet we are not here +for purposes of merriment or jollification. I am quite sure I associate +my two friends who are here tonight and who are to speak after me, and +my noble friend, your Chairman, with me when I say that we regard the +cheers with which you have received us as being offered to us only +because they are meant for our soldiers in the field and our sailors +upon the sea, [cheers,] and it is in that sense that we accept them and +thank you for them. + +We meet here together in serious times, but I come to you tonight in +good heart, [cheers,] and with good confidence for the future and for +the task upon which we are engaged. It is too soon to speculate upon the +results of the great battle which is waging in France. Everything that +we have heard, during four long days of anxiety seems to point to a +marked and substantial turning of the tide. + +German Plans Miscarried. + +We have seen the forces of the French and British Armies strong enough +not only to contain and check the devastating avalanche which had swept +across the French frontier, but now at last, not for an hour or for a +day, but for four long days in succession, it has been rolled steadily +back. [Cheers.] With battles taking place over a front of 100 or 150 +miles one must be very careful not to build high hopes on results which +are achieved even in a great area of the field of war. We are not +children looking for light and vain encouragement, but men engaged upon +a task which has got to be put through. Still, when every allowance has +been made for the uncertainty with which these great operations are +always enshrouded, I think it only fair and right to say that the +situation tonight is better, far better, than a cold calculation of the +forces available on both sides before the war should have led us to +expect at this early stage. [Cheers.] + +It is quite clear that what is happening now is not what the Germans +planned, [laughter,] and they have yet to show that they can adapt +themselves to the force of circumstances created by the military power +of their enemies with the same efficiency that they have undoubtedly +shown in regard to plans long prepared, methodically worked out, and +executed with the precision of deliberation. + +The battle, I say, gives us every reason to meet together tonight in +good heart. But let me tell you frankly that if this battle had been as +disastrous as, thank God, it appears to be triumphant, I should come +before you with unabated confidence and with the certainty that we have +only to continue in our efforts to bring this war to the conclusion +which we wish and intend. [Cheers.] + +We did not enter upon this war with the hope of easy victory; we did not +enter upon it in any desire to extend our territory, or to advance and +increase our position in the world; or in any romantic desire to shed +our blood and spend our money in Continental quarrels. We entered upon +this war reluctantly after we had made every effort compatible with +honor to avoid being drawn in, and we entered upon it with a full +realization of the sufferings, losses, disappointments, vexations, and +anxieties, and of the appalling and sustained exertions which would be +entailed upon us by our action. The war will be long and sombre. It will +have many reverses of fortune and many hopes falsified by subsequent +events, and we must derive from our cause and from the strength that is +in us, and from the traditions and history of our race, and from the +support and aid of our empire all over the world the means to make this +country overcome obstacles of all kinds and continue to the end of the +furrow, whatever the toil and suffering may be. + +Making Sure of Victory. + +But though we entered this war with no illusions as to the incidents +which will mark its progress, as to the ebb and flow of fortune in this +and that part of the gigantic field over which it is waged, we entered +it, and entered it rightly, with the sure and strong hope and +expectation of bringing it to a victorious conclusion. [Cheers.] I am +quite certain that if we, the people of the British Empire, choose, +whatever may happen in the interval, we can in the end make this war +finish in accordance with our interests and the interests of +civilization. [Cheers.] Let us build on a sure foundation. Let us not +be the sport of fortune, looking for victories here and happy chances +there; let us take measures, which are well within our power, which are +practical measures, measures which we can begin upon at once and carry +through from day to day with surety and effect. Let us enter upon +measures which in the long run, whatever the accidents and incidents of +the intervening period may be, will secure us that victory upon which +our life and existence as a nation not less than the fortune of our +allies and of Europe absolutely depends. [Cheers.] + +The Deeds of the Navy. + +I think we are building on a sure foundation. [Cheers.] Let us look +first at the navy. [Cheers.] The war has now been in progress between +five and six weeks. In that time we have swept German commerce from the +seas. [Cheers.] We have either blocked in neutral harbors or blockaded +in their own harbors [laughter] or hunted down the commerce destroyers +of which we used to hear so much and from which we anticipated such +serious loss and damage. All our ships, with inconsiderable exceptions, +are arriving safely and punctually at their destinations, carrying on +the commerce upon which the wealth and industry and the power of making +war for this country depends. We are transporting easily, not without an +element of danger, but hitherto safely and successfully, great numbers +of soldiers across the seas from all quarters of the world to be +directed upon the decisive theatre of the land struggle. [A voice, +"Russians," and laughter.] And we have searched the so-called German +Ocean without discovering the German flag. [Cheers.] Our enemies, in +their carefully worked out calculations, which they have been toiling +over during a great many years, when the people of this country, as a +whole, credited them with quite different motives, ["Hear, hear!"] have +always counted upon a process of attrition and the waste of shipping by +mines and torpedoes and other methods of warfare of the weaker power, by +which the numbers and strength of our fleet would be reduced to such a +point that they would be able to steel their hearts and come out and +fight. [Cheers.] We have been at war for five or six weeks, and so +far--though I would certainly not underrate the risks and hazards +attending upon warlike operations and the vanity of all +overconfidence--but so far the attrition has been on their side and not +on ours, [cheers,] while the losses which they have suffered greatly +exceed any that we have at present sustained. + +I have made careful inquiries as to the condition of our sailors in the +fleet under the strain put upon them, and this continued watching and +constant attention to their duty under war conditions, and I am glad to +say that it is reported to me that the health of the fleet has been much +better since the declaration of war than it was in time of peace, [loud +cheers and laughter,] both as to the percentage of sickness and the +character of the sickness, [laughter,] and that there is no reason why +we should not keep up the same process of naval control and have the +same exercises of sea power, on which we have lived and are living, for +what is almost an indefinite period. + +The Nose of the Bulldog. + +By one of those dispensations of Providence, which appeals so strongly +to the German Emperor, [laughter,] the nose of the bulldog has been +slanted backward so that he can breathe with comfort without letting go. +[Laughter and cheers.] We have been successful in maintaining naval +control thus far in the struggle, and there are also sound reasons for +believing that as it progresses the chances in our favor will not +diminish but increase. In the next 12 months the number of great ships +that will be completed for this country is more than double the number +which will be completed for Germany, [cheers,] and the number of +cruisers three or four times as great. [Cheers.] Therefore I think I am +on solid ground when I come here tonight and say that you may count upon +the naval supremacy of this country being effectively maintained as +against the German power for as long as you wish. [Cheers.] + +The Army's Share. + +Now we must look at the army.... + + [Transcriber's Note: + Interlinear typesetter's error indicated by ellipses.] + +... Government and during all periods of modern history the darling of +the British Nation. On it have been lavished whatever public funds were +necessary, and to its efficiency has been devoted the unceasing care and +thought of successive Administrations. The result is that when the need +came the navy was absolutely ready, [cheers,] and, as far as we can see +from what has happened, thoroughly adequate to the task which was +required from it. But we have not been in times of peace a military +nation. The army has not had the facilities of obtaining the lavish +supplies of men and money for its needs which have in times of peace and +in the past, to our good fortune at the moment, been so freely given to +the navy. And what you have to do now is to make a great army. [Cheers.] +You have to make an army under the cover and shield of the navy strong +enough to enable our country to play its full part in the decision of +this terrible struggle. [Cheers.] + +A Million Men Needed. + +The sure way--the only sure way--to bring this war to an end is for the +British Empire to put on the Continent and keep on the Continent an army +of at least 1,000,000 men. [Cheers.] I take that figure because it is +one well within the compass of the arrangements which are now on foot +and because it is one which is well within the scope of the measures +which Lord Kitchener--[Loud cheers drowned the rest of the sentence.] + +I was reading in the newspapers the other day that the German Emperor +made a speech to some of his regiments in which he urged them to +concentrate their attention upon what he was pleased to call "French's +contemptible little army." [Laughter.] Well, they are concentrating +their attention upon it [laughter and cheers] and that army, which has +been fighting with such extraordinary prowess, which has revived in a +fortnight of adverse actions the ancient fame and glory of our arms +upon the Continent, [cheers,] and which tonight, after a long, +protracted, harassed, unbroken, and undaunted rearguard action--the +hardest trial to which troops can be exposed--is advancing in spite of +the loss of one-fifth of its numbers, and driving its enemies before +it--that army must be reinforced and backed and supported and increased +and enlarged in numbers, in power by every means and every method that +every one of us can employ. + +There is no reason why, if you set yourselves to it--I have not come +here to make a speech of words, but to point out to you necessary and +obvious things which you can do--there is no doubt that, if you set +yourselves to it, the army which is now fighting so valiantly on your +behalf and our allies can be raised from its present position to 250,000 +of the finest professional soldiers in the world, and that in the new +year something like 500,000 men, and from that again when the early +Summer begins in 1915 to the full figure of twenty-five army corps +fighting in line together. The vast population of these islands and all +the empire is pressing forward to serve, its wealth is placed at your +disposal, the navy opens the way for the passage of men and everything +necessary for the equipment of our forces. Why should we hesitate when +here is the sure and certain path to ending this war in the way we mean +it to end? [Cheers.] + +A Decisive Weight. + +There is little doubt that an army so formed will in quality and +character, in native energy, in the comprehension which each individual +has of the cause for which he is fighting, exceed in merit any army in +the world. We have only to have a chance of even numbers or anything +approaching even numbers to demonstrate the superiority of +free-thinking, active citizens over the docile sheep who serve the +ferocious ambitions of drastic Kings. [Cheers.] Our enemies are now at +the point which we have reached fully extended. On every front of the +enormous field of conflict the pressure upon them is such that all their +resources are deployed. With every addition to the growing weight of +the Russian Army, [cheers,] with every addition to the forces at the +disposal of Sir John French, [cheers,] the balance must sag down +increasingly against them. + +Fixing a Term to the War. + +You have only to create steadily week by week and month by month the +great military instrument of which I have been speaking to throw into +the scales a weight which must be decisive. There will be no +corresponding reserve of manhood upon which Germany can draw. There will +be no corresponding force of soldiers and of equipment and of war +material which can be brought into the line to face the forces which we +in this island and in this empire can undoubtedly create. That will turn +the scale. That will certainly decide the issue. Of course, if victory +comes sooner so much the better. [Cheers.] But let us not count on +fortune and good luck. [Cheers.] Let us assume at every point that +things will go much less well than we hope and wish. Let us make +arrangements which will override that. [Cheers.] We have it in our power +to make such arrangements, and it is only common prudence, aye, and +common humanity, to take steps which at any rate will fix some certain +term to this devastating struggle throughout the whole of the European +Continent. + +Let me also say this. Let us concentrate all our warlike feeling upon +fighting the enemy in the field and creating a great military weapon to +carry out the purposes of the war. There is a certain class of person +who likes to work his warlike feelings off upon the unfortunate alien +enemy within our gates. + +Fight Like Gentlemen. + +Of course all necessary measures must be taken for the security of the +country and for the proper carrying out of military needs; but let us +always have this feeling in our heart that after the war is over people +shall not only admire our victory but they shall say they fought like +gentlemen. [Cheers.] The Romans had a motto-- + + _Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos._ + +Let that be the spirit in which we conduct this war. Let all those who +feel under the horrible provocations of the struggle their hearts +suffused with anger and with wrath--let them turn it into a practical +channel--going to the front or if circumstances prevent them, helping +others to go, keeping them maintained in the highest state of +efficiency, giving them the supplies and weapons which they require, and +looking after those they have left behind. + +The Eloquence of Brutal Facts. + +I have not spoken to you much about the justice of our cause, because it +has been most eloquently set out by the Prime Minister, [cheers,] and +Sir Edward Grey, [cheers,] and by Mr. Bonar Law, [cheers,] and other +leaders of the Opposition; and much more eloquently than by any speakers +in this or any other country the justice of our cause has been set out +by the brutal facts which have occurred and which have marched upon us +from day to day. [Cheers.] Some thought there would be a German war, +some did not; but no one supposed that a great military nation would +exhibit all the vices of military organization without those redeeming +virtues which, God knows, are needed to redeem warlike operations from +the taint of shame. We have been confronted with an exhibition of +ruthlessness and outrage enforced upon the weak, enforced upon women and +children. We have been confronted with repeated breaches of the law of +enlightened warfare, practices analogous to those which in private life +are regarded as cheating, and which deprive persons or country adopting +them, or condoning them, of the credit and respect due to honorable +soldiers. + +We have been confronted with all this. Let us not imitate it. [Cheers.] +Let us not try to make small retaliations and reprisals here and there. +Let us concentrate upon the simple, obvious task of creating a military +force so powerful that the war, even in default of any good fortune, can +certainly be ended and brought to a satisfactory conclusion. However the +war began, now that it is started it is a war of self-preservation for +us. Our civilization, our way of doing things, our political and +Parliamentary life, with its voting and its thinking, our party system, +our party warfare, the free and easy tolerance of British life, our +method of doing things and of keeping ourselves alive and +self-respecting in the world--all these are brought into contrast, into +collision, with the organized force of bureaucratic Prussian militarism. + +That is the struggle which is opened now and which must go forward +without pause or abatement until it is settled decisively and finally +one way or the other. On that there can be no compromise or truce. It is +our life or it is theirs. We are bound, having gone so far, to go +forward without flinching to the very end. [Cheers.] + +"The Terror of Europe." + +This is the same great European war that would have fought in the year +1909 if Russia had not humbled herself and given way to German threats. +It is the same war that Sir Edward Grey stopped last year. [Loud +cheers.] Now it has come upon us. If you look back across the long +periods of European history to the original cause, you will, I am sure, +find it in the cruel terms enforced upon France in the year 1870, +["Hear, hear!"] and in the repeated bullyings and attempts to terrorize +France which have been the characteristic of German policy ever since. +[Cheers.] The more you study this question the more you will see that +the use the Germans made of their three aggressive and victorious wars +against Denmark, against Austria, and against France has been such as to +make them the terror and the bully of Europe, the enemy and the menace +of every small State upon their borders, and a perpetual source of +unrest and disquietude to their powerful neighbors. [Cheers.] + +Claims of Nationality. + +Now the war has come, and when it is over let us be careful not to make +the same mistake or the same sort of mistake as Germany made when she +had France prostrate at her feet in 1870. [Cheers.] Let us, whatever we +do, fight for and work toward great and sound principles for the +European system. And the first of those principles which we should keep +before us is the principle of nationality [cheers]--that is to say, not +the conquest or subjugation of any great community or of any strong race +of men, but the setting free of those races which have been subjugated +and conquered [cheers]; and if doubt arises about disputed areas of +country we should try to settle their ultimate destination in the +reconstruction of Europe which must follow from this war with a fair +regard to the wishes and feelings of the people who live in them. + +That is the aim which, if it is achieved, will justify the exertions of +the war and will make some amends to the world for the loss and +suffering, the agony of suffering, which it has wrought and entailed, +and which will give to those who come after us not only the pride which +we hope they will feel in remembering the martial achievements of the +present age of Britain, but which will give them also a better and +fairer world to live in and a Europe free from the causes of hatred and +unrest which have poisoned the comity of nations and ruptured the peace +of Christendom. + +The Unity of the Empire. + +I use these words because this is a war in which we are all together, +[cheers,] all classes, all races, all States, principalities, dominions, +and powers throughout the British Empire--we are all together. [Cheers.] +Years ago the elder Pitt urged upon his countrymen the compulsive +invocation, "Be one people." It has taken us till now to obey his +appeal, but now we are together, and while we remain one people there +are no forces in the world strong enough to beat us down or break us up. +[Cheers.] + +I hope, even in this dark hour of strife and struggle, that the unity +which has been established in our country under the pressure of war will +not cease when the great military effort upon which we are engaged and +the great moral causes which we are pursuing have been achieved. I hope, +and I do not think my hope is a vain one, that the forces which have +come together in our islands and throughout our empire may continue to +work together, not only in a military struggle, but to try to make our +country more quickly a more happy and more prosperous land, where social +justice and free institutions are more firmly established than they have +been in the past. [Cheers.] If that is so we shall not have fought in +vain at home as well as abroad. + +With these hopes and in this belief I would urge you, laying aside all +hindrance, thrusting away all private aims, to devote yourselves +unswervingly and unflinchingly to the vigorous and successful +prosecution of the war. [Loud cheers.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE GREAT WAR. + +Speech by David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, at Queen's +Hall, London, Sept. 19. + + +My Lords, Ladies and Gentlemen: I have come here this afternoon to talk +to my fellow-countrymen about this great war and the part that we ought +to take in it. I feel my task is easier after we have been listening to +the greatest war song in the world ("The March of the Men of Harlech"). +[Applause.] + +Why Our National Honor Is Involved. + +There is no man in this room who has always regarded the prospect of +engaging in a great war with greater reluctance and with greater +repugnance than I have done throughout the whole of my political life. +["Hear, hear!"] There is no man either inside or outside of this room +more convinced that we could not have avoided it without national +dishonor. [Great applause.] I am fully alive to the fact that every +nation who has ever engaged in any war has always invoked the sacred +name of honor. Many a crime has been committed in its name; there are +some being committed now. All the same, national honor is a reality, +and any nation that disregards it is doomed. ["Hear, hear!"] Why is our +honor as a country involved in this war? Because, in the first instance, +we are bound by honorable obligations to defend the independence, the +liberty, the integrity, of a small neighbor that has always lived +peaceably. [Applause.] She could not have compelled us; she was weak; +but the man who declines to discharge his duty because his creditor is +too poor to enforce it is a blackguard. [Loud applause.] We entered into +a treaty--a solemn treaty--two treaties--to defend Belgium and her +integrity. Our signatures are attached to the documents. Our signatures +do not stand alone there; this country was not the only country that +undertook to defend the integrity of Belgium. Russia, France, Austria, +Prussia--they are all there. Why are Austria and Prussia not performing +the obligations of their bond? It is suggested that when we quote this +treaty it is purely an excuse on our part--it is our low craft and +cunning to cloak our jealousy of a superior civilization--[Laughter]--that +we are attempting to destroy. Our answer is the action we took in 1870. +["Hear, hear!"] What was that? Mr. Gladstone was then Prime Minister. +[Applause.] Lord Granville, I think, was then Foreign Secretary. I have +never heard it laid to their charge that they were ever Jingoes. + +France and Belgium in 1870. + +What did they do in 1870? That treaty bound us then. We called upon the +belligerent powers to respect it. We called upon France, and we called +upon Germany. At that time, bear in mind, the greatest danger to Belgium +came from France, and not from Germany. We intervened to protect Belgium +against France, exactly as we are doing now to protect her against +Germany. [Applause.] We proceeded in exactly the same way. We invited +both the belligerent powers to state that they had no intention of +violating Belgian territory. What was the answer given by Bismarck? He +said it was superfluous to ask Prussia such a question in view of the +treaties in force. France gave a similar answer. We received at +that time the thanks of the Belgian people for our intervention in a +very remarkable document. It is a document addressed by the Municipality +of Brussels to Queen Victoria after that intervention, and it reads: + + The great and noble people over whose destinies you preside have + just given a further proof of its benevolent sentiment toward our + country.... The voice of the English nation has been heard above + the din of arms, and it has asserted the principles of justice and + right. Next to the unalterable attachment of the Belgian people to + their independence, the strongest sentiment which fills their + hearts is that of an imperishable gratitude. [Great applause.] + +That was in 1870. Mark what followed. Three or four days after that +document of thanks a French army was wedged up against the Belgian +frontier, every means of escape shut out by a ring of flame from +Prussian cannon. There was one way of escape. What was that? Violating +the neutrality of Belgium. What did they do? The French on that occasion +preferred ruin and humiliation to the breaking of their bond. [Loud +applause.] The French Emperor, the French Marshals, 100,000 gallant +Frenchmen in arms, preferred to be carried captive to the strange land +of their enemies rather than dishonor the name of their country. +[Applause.] It was the last French army in the field. Had they violated +Belgian neutrality the whole history of that war would have been +changed, and yet, when it was the interest of France to break the treaty +then, she did not do it. + +"A Scrap of Paper." + +It is the interest of Prussia today to break the treaty, and she has +done it. [Hisses.] She avows it with cynical contempt for every +principle of justice. She says: "Treaties only bind you when it is your +interest to keep them." [Laughter.] "What is a treaty?" says the German +Chancellor, "A scrap of paper." Have you any five-pound notes about you? +[Laughter and applause.] I am not calling for them. [Laughter.] Have you +any of those neat little Treasury one-pound notes? [Laughter.] If you +have, burn them; they are only scraps of paper. [Laughter and +applause.] What are they made of? Rags. [Laughter.] What are they worth? +The whole credit of the British Empire. [Loud applause.] Scraps of +paper! I have been dealing with scraps of paper within the last month. +One suddenly found the commerce of the world coming to a standstill. The +machine had stopped. Why? I will tell you. We discovered--many of us for +the first time, for I do not pretend that I do not know much more about +the machinery of commerce today than I did six weeks ago, and there are +many others like me--we discovered that the machinery of commerce was +moved by bills of exchange. I have seen some of them, [laughter,] +wretched, crinkled, scrawled over, blotched, frowsy, and yet those +wretched little scraps of paper move great ships laden with thousands of +tons of precious cargo from one end of the world to the other. +[Applause.] What is the motive power behind them? The honor of +commercial men. [Applause.] Treaties are the currency of international +statesmanship. [Applause.] Let us be fair--German merchants, German +traders, have the reputation of being as upright and straightforward as +any traders in the world, ["Hear, hear"] but if the currency of German +commerce is to be debased to the level of that of her statesmanship, no +trader from Shanghai to Valparaiso will ever look at a German signature +again. [Loud applause.] This doctrine of the scrap of paper, this +doctrine which is proclaimed by Bernhardi, that treaties only bind a +nation as long as it is to its interest, goes under the root of all +public law. It is the straight road to barbarism. ["Hear, hear!"] It is +as if you were to remove the magnetic pole because it was in the way of +a German cruiser. [Laughter.] The whole navigation of the seas would +become dangerous, difficult, and impossible; and the whole machinery of +civilization will break down if this doctrine wins in this war. ["Hear, +hear!"] We are fighting against barbarism, [applause,] and there is only +one way of putting it right. If there are nations that say they +will only respect treaties when it is to their interest to do so, we +must make it to their interest to do so for the future. [Applause.] + +Germany's Perjury. + +What is their defense? Consider the interview which took place between +our Ambassador and the great German officials. When their attention was +called to this treaty to which they were parties, they said: "We cannot +help that. Rapidity of action is the great German asset." There is a +greater asset for a nation than rapidity of action, and that is honest +dealing. [Loud applause.] What are Germany's excuses? She says Belgium +was plotting against her; Belgium was engaged in a great conspiracy with +Britain and France to attack her. Not merely is it not true, but Germany +knows it is not true. ["Hear, hear!"] What is her other excuse. That +France meant to invade Germany through Belgium. That is absolutely +untrue. ["Hear, hear!"] France offered Belgium five army corps to defend +her if she were attacked. Belgium said: "I do not require them; I have +the word of the Kaiser. Shall Caesar send a lie?" [Laughter and +applause.] All these tales about conspiracy have been vamped up since. A +great nation ought to be ashamed to behave like a fraudulent bankrupt, +perjuring its way through its obligations. ["Hear, hear!"] What she says +is not true. She has deliberately broken this treaty, and we were in +honor bound to stand by it. [Applause.] + +Belgium's "Crime." + +Belgium has been treated brutally. ["Hear, hear!"] How brutally we shall +not yet know. We already know too much. But what had she done? Had she +sent an ultimatum to Germany? Had she challenged Germany? Was she +preparing to make war on Germany? Had she inflicted any wrong upon +Germany which the Kaiser was bound to redress? She was one of the most +unoffending little countries in Europe. ["Hear, hear!"] There she +was--peaceable, industrious, thrifty, hard working, giving offense to +no one. And her cornfields have been trampled, her villages have been +burned, her art treasures have been destroyed, her men have been +slaughtered--yea, and her women and children too. [Cries of "Shame!"] +Hundreds and thousands of her people, their neat, comfortable little +homes burned to the dust, are wandering homeless in their own land. What +was their crime? Their crime was that they trusted to the word of a +Prussian King. [Applause.] I do not know what the Kaiser hopes to +achieve by this war. [Derisive laughter.] I have a shrewd idea what he +will get; but one thing he has made certain, and that is that no nation +will ever commit that crime again. + +"The Right to Defend Its Homes." + +I am not going to enter into details of outrages. Many of them are +untrue, and always are in a war. War is a grim, ghastly business at best +or at worst, ["Hear, hear!"] and I am not going to say that all that has +been said in the way of outrages must necessarily be true. I will go +beyond that, and I will say that if you turn two millions of +men--forced, conscript, compelled, driven--into the field, you will +always get among them a certain number who will do things that the +nation to which they belong would be ashamed of. I am not depending on +these tales. It is enough for me to have the story which Germans +themselves avow, admit, defend and proclaim--the burning and massacring, +the shooting down of harmless people. Why? Because, according to the +Germans, these people fired on German soldiers. What business had German +soldiers there at all? ["Hear, hear!" and applause.] Belgium was acting +in pursuance of the most sacred right, the right to defend its homes. +But they were not in uniform when they fired! If a burglar broke into +the Kaiser's Palace at Potsdam, destroyed his furniture, killed his +servants, ruined his art treasures--especially those he had made +himself, [laughter and applause], and burned the precious manuscripts of +his speeches, do you think he would wait until he got into uniform +before he shot him down? [Laughter.] They were dealing with +those who had broken into their household. ["Hear, hear!"] But the +perfidy of the Germans has already failed. They entered Belgium to save +time. The time has gone. [Loud and continued applause.] They have not +gained time, but they have lost their good name. ["Hear, hear!"] + +The Case of Servia. + +But Belgium is not the only little nation that has been attacked in this +war, and I make no excuse for referring to the case of the other little +nation, the case of Servia. ["Hear, hear!"] The history of Servia is not +unblotted. Whose history, in the category of nations, is unblotted? +["Hear, hear!"] The first nation that is without sin, let her cast a +stone at Servia. She was a nation trained in a horrible school, but she +won her freedom with a tenacious valor, and she has maintained it by the +same courage. [Applause.] If any Servians were mixed up in the +assassination of the Grand Duke, they ought to be punished. ["Hear, +hear!"] Servia admits that. The Servian Government had nothing to do +with it. Not even Austria claims that. The Servian Prime Minister is one +of the most capable and honored men in Europe. ["Hear, hear!"] Servia +was willing to punish any one of her subjects who had been proved to +have any complicity in that assassination. What more could you expect? +What were the Austrian demands? Servia sympathized with her +fellow-countrymen in Bosnia--that was one of her crimes. She must do so +no more. Her newspapers were saying nasty things about Austria; they +must do so no longer. That is the German spirit; you had it in Zabern. +["Hear, hear!" and applause.] How dare you criticise a Prussian +official? [laughter,] and if you laugh, it is a capital offense--the +Colonel in Zabern threatened to shoot if it was repeated. In the same +way the Servian newspapers must not criticise Austria. I wonder what +would have happened if we had taken the same line about German +newspapers. ["Hear, hear!"] Servia said: "Very well, we will give orders +to the newspapers that they must in future criticise neither Austria, +nor Hungary, nor anything that is theirs." [Laughter.] Who can doubt the +valor of Servia, when she undertook to tackle her newspaper editors? +[Laughter and applause.] She promised not to sympathize with Bosnia, she +promised to write no critical articles about Austria; she would have no +public meetings in which anything unkind was said about Austria. + +"Servia Faced the Situation with Dignity." + +But that was not enough. She must dismiss from her army the officers +whom Austria should subsequently name. Those officers had just emerged +from a war where they had added lustre to the Servian arms; they were +gallant, brave, and efficient. ["Hear, hear!"] I wonder whether it was +their guilt or their efficiency that prompted Austria's action! But, +mark you, the officers were not named; Servia was to undertake in +advance to dismiss them from the army, the names to be sent in +subsequently. Can you name a country in the world that would have stood +that? [Cries of "No."] Supposing Austria or Germany had issued an +ultimatum of that kind to this country, saying, "You must dismiss from +your army, and from your navy, [laughter,] all those officers whom we +shall subsequently name." Well, I think I could name them now. +[Laughter.] Lord Kitchener [loud applause] would go. Sir John French +[applause] would be sent away; Gen. Smith-Dorrien [applause] would go, +and I am sure that Sir John Jellicoe [applause] would have to go. And +there is another gallant old warrior who would go, Lord Roberts. +[Applause.] It was a difficult situation for a small country. Here was a +demand made upon her by a great military power that could have put half +a dozen men in the field for every one of Servia's men, and that power +was supported by the greatest military power in the world. How did +Servia behave? It is not what happens to you in life that matters; it is +the way in which you face it, ["Hear, hear!"] and Servia faced the +situation with dignity. She said to Austria: "If any officers +of mine have been guilty, and are proved to be guilty, I will dismiss +them." Austria said: "That is not good enough for me." It was not guilt +she was after, but capacity. ["Hear, hear!"] + +Russia's Turn. + +Then came Russia's turn. Russia has a special regard for Servia; she has +a special interest in Servia. Russians have shed their blood for Servian +independence many a time, for Servia is a member of Russia's family, and +she cannot see Servia maltreated. Austria knew that. Germany knew it, +and she turned round to Russia and said: "I insist that you shall stand +by with your arms folded while Austria is strangling your little brother +to death." What answer did the Russian Slav give? He gave the only +answer that becomes a man. ["Hear, hear!"] He turned to Austria, and +said: "You lay hands on that little fellow, and I will tear your +ramshackle empire [loud applause and laughter] limb from limb." And he +is doing it! [Loud applause.] + +The Little Nations. + +That is the story of two little nations. The world owes much to little +nations--and to little men! [Laughter and applause.] This theory of +bigness, this theory that you must have a big empire, and a big nation, +and a big man--well, long legs have their advantage in a retreat. +[Laughter and applause.] The Kaiser's ancestor chose his warriors for +their height, and that tradition has become a policy in Germany. Germany +applies that ideal to nations, and will only allow six-foot-two nations +to stand in the ranks. [Laughter.] But ah! the world owes much to the +little five-foot-five nations. The greatest art in the world was the +work of little nations; the most enduring literature of the world came +from little nations; the greatest literature of England came when she +was a nation of the size of Belgium fighting a great empire. The heroic +deeds that thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of little +nations fighting for their freedom. Yes, and the salvation of mankind +came through a little nation. God has chosen little nations as the +vessels by which He carries His choicest wines to the lips of humanity, +to rejoice their hearts, to exalt their vision, to stimulate and +strengthen their faith; and if we had stood by when two little nations +were being crushed and broken by the brutal hands of barbarism, our +shame would have rung down the everlasting ages. [Loud applause.] + +"The Test of Our Faith." + +But Germany insists that this is an attack by a lower civilization upon +a higher one. [Derisive cries.] As a matter of fact, the attack was +begun by the civilization which calls itself the higher one. I am no +apologist for Russia; she has perpetrated deeds of which I have no doubt +her best sons are ashamed. What empire has not? But Germany is the last +empire to point the finger of reproach at Russia. ["Hear, hear!"] Russia +has made sacrifices for freedom--great sacrifices. Do you remember the +cry of Bulgaria when she was torn by the most insensate tyranny that +Europe has ever seen? Who listened to that cry? The only answer of the +higher civilization was that the liberty of the Bulgarian peasants was +not worth the life of a single Pomeranian grenadier. But the "rude +barbarians of the North" sent their sons by the thousand to die for +Bulgarian freedom. What about England? Go to Greece, the Netherlands, +Italy, Germany, France--in all those lands I could point out places +where the sons of Britain have died for the freedom of those peoples. +[Loud applause.] France has made sacrifices for the freedom of other +lands than her own. Can you name a single country in the world for the +freedom of which modern Prussia has ever sacrificed a single life? +["No!"] By the test of our faith, the highest standard of civilization +is the readiness to sacrifice for others. [Applause.] + +German "Civilization." + +I will not say a single word in disparagement of the German people. They +are a great people, and have great qualities of head and hand +and heart. I believe, in spite of recent events, that there is as great +a store of kindliness in the German peasant as in any peasant in the +world; but he has been drilled into a false idea of civilization. It is +efficient, it is capable; but it is a hard civilization; it is a selfish +civilization; it is a material civilization. They cannot comprehend the +action of Britain at the present moment; they say so. They say, "France +we can understand; she is out for vengeance; she is out for +territory--Alsace and Lorraine." [Applause.] They say they can +understand Russia; she is fighting for mastery--she wants Galicia. They +can understand you fighting for vengeance--they can understand you +fighting for mastery--they can understand you fighting for greed of +territory; but they cannot understand a great empire pledging its +resources, pledging its might, pledging the lives of its children, +pledging its very existence, to protect a little nation that seeks to +defend herself. [Applause.] God made man in His own image, high of +purpose, in the region of the spirit; German civilization would recreate +him in the image of a Diesel machine--precise, accurate, powerful, but +with no room for soul to operate. ["Hear, hear!"] + +A Philosophy of Blood and Iron. + +Have you read the Kaiser's speeches? If you have not a copy I advise you +to buy one; they will soon be out of print, and you will not have many +more of the same sort. [Laughter and applause.] They are full of the +glitter and bluster of German militarism--"mailed fist," and "shining +armor." Poor old mailed fist! Its knuckles are getting a little bruised. +Poor shining armor! The shine is being knocked out of it. [Applause.] +There is the same swagger and boastfulness running through the whole of +the speeches. The extract which was given in The British Weekly this +week is a very remarkable product as an illustration of the spirit we +have to fight. It is the Kaiser's speech to his soldiers on the way to +the front:-- + + Remember that the German people are the chosen of God. On me, the + German Emperor, the spirit of God has descended. I am His sword, + His weapon, and His viceregent. Woe to the disobedient, and death + to cowards and unbelievers. + +Lunacy is always distressing, but sometimes it is dangerous; and when +you get it manifested in the head of the State, and it has become the +policy of a great empire, it is about time that it should be ruthlessly +put away. [Loud applause.] I do not believe he meant all these speeches; +it was simply the martial straddle he had acquired. But there were men +around him who meant every word of them. This was their religion. +Treaties? They tangle the feet of Germany in her advance. Cut them with +the sword! Little nations? They hinder the advance of Germany. Trample +them in the mire under the German heel! The Russian Slav? He challenges +the supremacy of Germany and Europe. Hurl your legions at him and +massacre him! Britain? She is a constant menace to the predominancy of +Germany in the world. Wrest the trident out of her hand! Christianity? +Sickly sentimentalism about sacrifice for others! Poor pap for German +digestion! We will have a new diet. We will force it upon the world. It +will be made in Germany--[Laughter and applause]--a diet of blood and +iron. What remains? Treaties have gone. The honor of nations has gone. +Liberty has gone. What is left? Germany! Germany is left!--"Deutschland +ueber Alles!" + +That is what we are fighting--["Hear, hear!"]--that claim to +predominancy of a material, hard civilization, a civilization which if +it once rules and sways the world, liberty goes, democracy vanishes. And +unless Britain and her sons come to the rescue it will be a dark day for +humanity. [Applause.] + +Have you followed the Prussian Junker and his doings? We are not +fighting the German people. The German people are under the heel of this +military caste, and it will be a day of rejoicing for the German +peasant, artisan and trader when the military caste is broken. You know +its pretensions. They give themselves the airs of demi-gods. They walk +the pavements, and civilians and their wives are swept into the gutter; +they have no right to stand in the way of a great Prussian soldier. Men, +women, nations--they all have to go. He thinks all he has to say is "We +are in a hurry." That is the answer he gave to Belgium--"Rapidity of +action is Germany's greatest asset," which means "I am in a hurry; clear +out of the way." You know the type of motorist, the terror of the roads, +with a sixty horse-power car, who thinks the roads are made for him, and +knocks down anybody who impedes the action of his car by a single mile +an hour. The Prussian Junker is the road-hog of Europe. [Applause.] +Small nationalities in his way are hurled to the roadside, bleeding and +broken. Women and children are crushed under the wheels of his cruel +car, and Britain is ordered out of his road. All I can say is this: If +the old British spirit is alive in British hearts, that bully will be +torn from his seat. [Loud applause.] Were he to win, it would be the +greatest catastrophe that has befallen democracy since the day of the +Holy Alliance and its ascendency. + +"Through Terror to Triumph." + +They think we cannot beat them. It will not be easy. It will be a long +job; it will be a terrible war; but in the end we shall march through +terror to triumph. [Applause.] We shall need all our qualities--every +quality that Britain and its people possess--prudence in counsel, daring +in action, tenacity in purpose, courage in defeat, moderation in +victory; in all things faith! [Loud applause.] + +It has pleased them to believe and to preach the belief that we are a +decadent and degenerate people. They proclaim to the world through their +professors that we are a non-heroic nation skulking behind our mahogany +counters, while we egg on more gallant races to their destruction. This +is a description given of us in Germany--"a timorous, craven nation, +trusting to its fleet." I think they are beginning to find their mistake +out already, [applause,] and there are half a million young men of +Britain who have already registered a vow to their King that they will +cross the seas and hurl that insult to British courage against its +perpetrators on the battlefields of France and Germany. We want half a +million more; and we shall get them. [Loud applause.] + +Wales must continue doing her duty. That was a great telegram that you, +my Lord, read from Glamorgan. ["Hear, hear!"] I should like to see a +Welsh Army in the field. [Loud applause.] I should like to see the race +that faced the Norman for hundreds of years in a struggle for freedom, +the race that helped to win Crecy, the race that fought for a generation +under Glendower against the greatest captain in Europe--I should like to +see that race give a good taste of its quality in this struggle in +Europe; and they are going to do it. + +The Sacrifice. + +I envy you young people your opportunity. They have put up the age limit +for the army, but I am sorry to say I have marched a good many years +even beyond that. It is a great opportunity, an opportunity that only +comes once in many centuries to the children of men. For most +generations sacrifice comes in drab and weariness of spirit. It comes to +you today, and it comes today to us all, in the form of the glow and +thrill of a great movement for liberty, that impels millions throughout +Europe to the same noble end. [Applause.] It is a great war for the +emancipation of Europe from the thralldom of a military caste which has +thrown its shadows upon two generations of men, and is now plunging the +world into a welter of bloodshed and death. Some have already given +their lives. There are some who have given more than their own lives; +they have given the lives of those who are dear to them. I honor their +courage, and may God be their comfort and their strength. But their +reward is at hand; those who have fallen have died consecrated deaths. +They have taken their part in the making of a new Europe--a new world. I +can see signs of its coming in the glare of the battlefield. + +The people will gain more by this struggle in all lands than they +comprehend at the present moment. ["Hear, hear!"] It is true they will +be free of the greatest menace to their freedom. That is not +all. There is something infinitely greater and more enduring which is +emerging already out of this great conflict--a new patriotism, richer, +nobler, and more exalted than the old. [Applause.] I see among all +classes, high and low, shedding themselves of selfishness, a new +recognition that the honor of the country does not depend merely on the +maintenance of its glory in the stricken field, but also in protecting +its homes from distress. ["Hear, hear!"] It is bringing a new outlook +for all classes. The great flood of luxury and sloth which had submerged +the land is receding, and a new Britain is appearing. We can see for the +first time the fundamental things that matter in life, and that have +been obscured from our vision by the tropical growth of prosperity. +["Hear, hear!"] + +"The Vision." + +May I tell you in a simple parable what I think this war is doing for +us? I know a valley in North Wales, between the mountains and the sea. +It is a beautiful valley, snug, comfortable, sheltered by the mountains +from all the bitter blasts. But it is very enervating, and I remember +how the boys were in the habit of climbing the hill above the village to +have a glimpse of the great mountains in the distance, and to be +stimulated and freshened by the breezes which came from the hilltops, +and by the great spectacle of their grandeur. We have been living in a +sheltered valley for generations. We have been too comfortable and too +indulgent, many, perhaps, too selfish, and the stern hand of fate has +scourged us to an elevation where we can see the great everlasting +things that matter for a nation--the great peaks we had forgotten, of +honor, duty, patriotism, and, clad in glittering white, the great +pinnacle of sacrifice pointing like a rugged finger to Heaven. We shall +descend into the valleys again; but as long as the men and women of this +generation last, they will carry in their hearts the image of those +great mountain peaks whose foundations are not shaken, though Europe +rock and sway in the convulsions of a great war. [Enthusiastic and +continued applause.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi + +By Viscount (James) Bryce. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +London, Oct. 3. + +The present war has had some unexpected consequences. It has called the +attention of the world outside of Germany to some amazing doctrines +proclaimed there, which strike at the root of all international morality +as well as of all international law, and which threaten a return to +primitive savagery, when every tribe was wont to plunder and massacre +its neighbors. + +These doctrines may be found set forth in the widely circulated book of +Gen. von Bernhardi, entitled "Germany and the Next War," published in +1911, and professing to be mainly based on the teachings of the famous +professor of history, Heinrich von Treitschke. To readers in other +countries, and I trust to most readers in Germany also, they will appear +to be an outburst of militarism run mad, a product of a brain +intoxicated by love of war and by superheated national self-consciousness. + +They would have deserved little notice, much less refutation, but for +one deplorable fact, viz., that action has recently been taken by the +Government of a great nation (though, as we hope and trust, without the +approval of that nation) which is consonant with them and seems to imply +belief in their soundness. + +Acting on Bernhardi's Doctrines. + +This fact is the conduct of the German Imperial Government in the +violation of the neutrality of Belgium, which Prussia, as well as Great +Britain and France, had solemnly guaranteed by treaty (made in 1839 and +renewed in 1870); in invading Belgium when she refused to allow her +armies to pass, although France, the other belligerent, had explicitly +promised not to enter Belgium; and in treating Belgian cities and people +against whom she had no cause of quarrel with a harshness unprecedented +in the history of modern European warfare. + +What are these doctrines? I do not for a moment attribute them to the +learned class in Germany, for whom I have profound respect, recognizing +their immense services to science and learning; nor to the bulk of the +civil administration, a body whose capacity and uprightness are known to +all the world, and least of all to the German people generally. That the +latter hold no such views appears from Bernhardi's own words, for he +repeatedly complains of and deplores the pacific tendencies of his +fellow countrymen. + + [_Note--See Pp. 10-14 of the English translation and note the + phrase: "Aspirations for peace seem to poison the soul of the + German people._"] + +Nevertheless, the fact that the action referred to, which these +doctrines seem to have prompted, and which cannot be defended except by +them, has been actually taken and has thus brought into this war Great +Britain, whose interests and feelings made her desire peace, renders it +proper to call attention to them and to all that they involve. + +I have certainly no prejudice in the matter, for I have been one of +those who for many years labored to promote good relations between the +German and English peoples, that ought to be friendly, and that never +before had been enemies; and I had hoped and believed till the beginning +of August last that between them at least there would be no war, because +Belgian neutrality would be respected. + +Nor was it only for the sake of Great Britain and Germany that English +friends of peace sought to maintain good feeling. We had hoped, as some +leading German statesmen had hoped, that a friendliness with Germany +might enable Great Britain, with the co-operation of the United States, +our closest friends, to mitigate the long antagonism of Germany and of +the French, with whom we were already on good terms, and to so improve +their relations as to secure the general peace of Europe. + +Into the causes which frustrated these efforts and so suddenly brought +on this war I will not enter. Many others have dealt with them; +moreover, the facts, at least as we in England see and believe them, and +as the documents seem to prove them to be, appear not to be known to the +German people, and the motives of the chief actors are not yet fully +ascertained. + +One thing, however, I can confidently declare: It was neither commercial +rivalry nor jealousy of German power that brought Great Britain into the +field, nor was there any hatred in the British people for the German +people, nor any wish to break their power. The leading political +thinkers and historians of England had given hearty sympathy to the +efforts made by the German people, from 1815 to 1866 and 1870, to attain +political unity, and they had sympathized with the parallel efforts of +the Italians. The two nations, German and British, were of kindred race +and linked by many ties. To the German people even now we feel no sort +of enmity. In both countries there were doubtless some persons who +desired war and whose writings, apparently designed to provoke it, did +much to misrepresent general national sentiment; but these persons were, +as I believe, a small minority in both countries. + +So far as Great Britain was concerned, it was the invasion of Belgium +that arrested all efforts to avert war and made the friends of peace +themselves join in holding that the duty of fulfilling their treaty +obligations to a weak State was paramount to every other consideration. + +Bernhardi's Praise of War. + +I return to the doctrines set forth by von Bernhardi and apparently +accepted by the military caste to which he belongs. Briefly summed up, +they are as follows--his own words are used except when it becomes +necessary to abridge a lengthened argument: + + * War is in itself a good thing. It is a biological necessity of + the first importance. (P. 18.) + + * The inevitableness, the idealism, the blessing of war as an + indispensable and stimulating law of development must be repeatedly + emphasized. (P. 37.) + + * War is the greatest factor in the furtherance of culture and + power. Efforts to secure peace are extraordinarily detrimental as + soon as they influence politics. (P. 28.) + + * Fortunately these efforts can never attain their ultimate + objects in a world bristling with arms, where healthy egotism still + directs the policy of most countries. God will see to it, says + Treitschke, that war always recurs as a drastic medicine for the + human race. (P. 36.) + + * Efforts directed toward the abolition of war are not only + foolish, but absolutely immoral, and must be stigmatized as + unworthy of the human race. (P. 34.) + + * Courts of arbitration are pernicious delusions. The whole idea + represents a presumptuous encroachment on natural laws of + development, which can only lead to the most disastrous + consequences for humanity generally. (P. 34.) + + * The maintenance of peace never can be or may be the goal of a + policy. + + * Efforts for peace would, if they attained their goal, lead to + general degeneration, as happens everywhere in nature where the + struggle for existence is eliminated. (P. 35.) + + * Huge armaments are in themselves desirable. They are the most + necessary precondition of our national health. (P. 11.) + + * The end all and be all of a State is power, and he who is not + man enough to look this truth in the face should not meddle with + politics, (quoted from Treitschke's "Politik"). + + * The State's highest moral duty is to increase its power. (P. + 45-6.) + + * The State is justified in making conquests whenever its own + advantage seems to require additional territory. (P. 46.) + + * Self-preservation is the State's highest ideal and justifies + whatever action it may take if that action be conducive to that + end. The State is the sole judge of the morality of its own action. + It is, in fact, above morality, or, in other words, whatever is + necessary is moral. Recognized rights (i.e., treaty rights) are + never absolute rights; they are of human origin, and, therefore, + imperfect and variable. There are conditions in which they do not + correspond to the actual truth of things. In this case infringement + of the right appears morally justified. (P. 49.) + + * In fact, the State is a law unto itself. Weak nations have not + the same right to live as powerful and vigorous nations. (P. 34.) + + * Any action in favor of collective humanity outside the limits + of the State and nationality is impossible. (P. 25.) + + + * * * * * + + +A Doctrine 2,200 Years Old. + +These are startling propositions, though propounded as practically +axiomatic. They are not new, for twenty-two centuries ago the sophist +Thrasymachus in Plato's "Republic" argued--Socrates refuting him--that +justice is nothing more than the advantage of the stronger; might is +right. + + [_Note.--Plato laid down that the end for which the State exists is + justice._] + +The most startling among them are (1) denial that there are any duties +owed by the State to humanity, except that of imposing its own superior +civilization upon as large a part of humanity as possible, and (2) +denial of the duty of observing treaties which are only so much paper to +modern German writers. + +The State is a much more tremendous entity than it is to Englishmen or +Americans; it is the supreme power, with a sort of mystic sanctity--a +power conceived of, as it were, self-created; a force altogether +distinct from and superior to the persons who compose it. But a State +is, after all, only so many individuals organized under a Government. It +is no wiser, no more righteous than the human beings of whom at +consists, and whom it sets up to govern it. If it is right for persons +united as citizens into a State to rob and murder for their collective +advantage by their collective power, why should it be wicked for +citizens, as individuals, to do so? Does their moral responsibility +cease when and because they act together? Most legal systems hold that +there are acts which one man may lawfully do which become unlawful if +done by a number of men conspiring together; but now it would seem that +what would be a crime in persons as individuals, is high policy for +those persons united in a State. Has the State, then, no morality, no +responsibility? Is there no such thing as a common humanity? Are there +no duties owed to it? Is there none of that "decent respect to the +opinions of mankind," which the framers of the Declaration of +Independence recognized? No sense that even the greatest States are +amenable to the sentiment of the civilized world? + +How Weaker States Are Affected. + +Let us see how these doctrines affect smaller and weaker States which +have hitherto lived in comparative security beside great powers. They +will be absolutely at the mercy of the stronger, even if protected by +treaties guaranteeing their neutrality and independence. They will not +be safe, for treaty obligations are worthless "when they do not +correspond to facts," i.e., when the strong power finds that they stand +in its way its interests are paramount. + +If a State hold valuable minerals, as Sweden has iron, and Belgium coal, +and Rumania oil, or if it has abundance of water power, like Norway, +Sweden, and Switzerland; or if it holds the mouth of a navigable river, +the upper course of which belongs to another nation, a great State may +conquer and annex that small State as soon as it finds that it needs +minerals or water power or river mouth. It has the power, and power +gives right. The interests, sentiments of patriotism, and love of +independence of the small people go for nothing. Civilization has turned +back upon itself; culture is to expand itself by barbaric force; +Governments derive their authority, not from the consent of the +governed, but from the weapons of the conqueror; law and morality +between nations have vanished. Herodotus tells us that the Scythians +worshipped as their god a naked sword; that is the deity to be installed +in the place once held by the God of Christianity, the God of +righteousness and mercy. + +States--mostly despotic States--have sometimes applied parts of this +system of doctrine; but none have proclaimed it. The Roman conquerors of +the world were not a scrupulous people, but even they stopped short of +these principles; certainly they never set them up as an ideal; neither +did those magnificent Teutonic Emperors of the Middle Ages, whose fame +Gen. von Bernhardi is fond of recalling. They did not enter Italy as +conquerors, claiming her by right of the strongest; they came on the +faith of a legal title which, however fantastic it may seem to us today, +the Italians themselves, and, indeed, the whole of Latin Christendom, +admitted. Dante, the greatest and most patriotic of Italians, welcomed +the Emperor Henry VII. into Italy, and wrote a famous book to prove his +claims, vindicating them on the ground that he, as heir of Rome, stood +for law and right and peace. The noblest title which these Emperors +chose to bear was that of Imperator Pacificus. + +In the Middle Ages, when men were always fighting, they appreciated the +blessings of war much less than does Gen. von Bernhardi, and they valued +peace, not war, as a means to civilization and culture. They had not +learned in the school of Treitschke that peace means decadence and war +is the true civilizing influence. + +Great Achievements of Small States. + +The doctrines above stated are, as I have tried to point out, well +calculated to alarm small States which prize their liberty and their +individuality, and have been thriving under the safeguard of treaties; +but there are other considerations affecting those States which ought to +appeal to men in all countries, to strong nations as well as to weak +nations. + +The small States whose absorption is now threatened have been a potent +and useful--perhaps the most potent and useful--factor in the advance of +civilization. It is in them and by them that most of what is most +precious in religion, in philosophy, in literature, in science, and in +art has been produced. + +The first great thoughts that brought man into true relation with God +came from a tiny people inhabiting a country smaller than Denmark. The +religions of mighty Babylon and populous Egypt have vanished; the +religion of Israel remains in its earlier as well as in that later form +which has overspread the world. + +The Greeks were a small people, not united in one great State, but +scattered over coasts and among hills in petty city communities, each +with its own life. Slender in numbers, but eager, versatile, and +intense, they gave us the richest, most varied, and most stimulating of +all literatures. + +When poetry and art reappeared after the long night of the Dark Ages, +their most splendid blossoms flowered in the small republics of Italy. + +In modern Europe what do we not owe to little Switzerland, lighting the +torch of freedom 600 years ago and keeping it alight through all the +centuries when despotic monarchies held the rest of the European +Continent? And what to free Holland, with her great men of learning and +her painters surpassing those of all other countries save Italy? + +So the small Scandinavian nations have given to the world famous men of +science, from Linnaeus downward; poets like Tegnor and Bjoernson; +scholars like Madvig; dauntless explorers like Fridtjof Nansen. + +England had in the age of Shakespeare, Bacon, and Milton a population +little larger than that of Bulgaria today. The United States in the days +of Washington and Franklin and Jefferson and Hamilton and Marshall +counted fewer inhabitants than Denmark or Greece. In the most brilliant +generations of German literature and thought, the age of Kant and +Lessing and Goethe, of Hegel and Schiller and Fichte, there was no real +German State at all, but a congeries of principalities and free +cities--independent centres of intellectual life in which letters and +science produced a richer crop than the two succeeding generations have +raised, just as Great Britain also, with eight times the population of +the year 1600, has had no more Shakespeares or Miltons. + +Culture Decayed in Imperial Rome. + +No fiction is more palpably contradicted by history than that relied on +by the school to which von Bernhardi belongs--that culture, literary, +scientific, and artistic, flourishes best in great military States. The +decay of art and literature in the Roman world began just when Rome's +military power had made that world one great and ordered State. The +opposite view would be much nearer the truth, though one must admit that +no general theory regarding the relations of art and letters to +Governments and political conditions has ever yet been proved to be +sound. + + [_Note--Gen. von Bernhardi's knowledge of current history may be + estimated by the fact that he assumes_ (1) _that trade rivalry + makes war probable between Great Britain and the United States;_ + (2) _that he believes that the Indian princes and peoples are + likely to revolt against Great Britain should she be involved in + war, and_ (3) _that he expects her self-governing colonies to take + such an opportunity of severing their connection with her._] + +The world is already too uniform and is becoming more uniform every day. +A few leading languages, a few forms of civilization, a few types of +character, are spreading out from the seven or eight greatest States and +extinguishing weaker languages, forms, and types. Although great States +are stronger and more populous, their peoples are not necessarily more +gifted, and the extinction of the minor languages and types would be a +misfortune for the world's future development. + +We may not be able to arrest the forces which seem to be making for that +extinction, but we certainly ought not strengthen them. Rather we ought +to maintain and defend the smaller States and to favor the rise and +growth of new peoples. Not merely because they were delivered from the +tyranny of Sultans like Abdul Hamid did the intellect of Europe welcome +the successively won liberations of Greece, Servia, Bulgaria, and +Montenegro; it was also in the hope that those countries would in time +develop out of their present crude conditions new types of culture, new +centres of productive intellectual life. + +Gen. von Bernhardi invokes history as the ultimate court of appeal. He +appeals to Caesar; to Caesar let him go. "Die Weltgeschichte ist das +Weltgericht", ("World history is world tribunal.") History declares that +no nation, however great, is entitled to try to impose its type of +civilization on others. No race, not even the Teutonic or Anglo-Saxon, +is entitled to claim the leadership of humanity. Each people has in its +time contributed something that was distinctively its own, and the world +is far richer thereby than if any one race, however gifted, had +established its permanent ascendency. + +We of the Anglo-Saxon race do not claim for ourselves, any more than we +admit in others, any right to dominate by force or to impose our own +type of civilization on less powerful races. Perhaps we have not that +assured conviction of its superiority which the school of von Bernhardi +expressed for the Teutons of North Germany. We know how much we owe, +even within our own islands, to the Celtic race; and, though we must +admit that peoples of Anglo-Saxon stock have, like others, made some +mistakes and sometimes abused their strength, let it be remembered what +have been the latest acts they have done abroad. + +Praises American Altruism. + +The United States have twice withdrawn their troops from Cuba, which +they could easily have retained; they have resisted all temptations to +annex any part of the territories of Mexico, in which the lives and +property of their citizens were for three years in constant danger. So +Great Britain also six years ago restored the amplest self-government to +two South African republics, having already agreed to the maintenance on +equal terms of the Dutch language; and the citizens of those republics, +which were in arms against her thirteen years ago, have now +spontaneously come forward to support her by arms under the gallant +leader who then commanded the Boers; and I may add that one reason why +the Princes of India have rallied so promptly and heartily to Great +Britain in this war is because for many years past we have avoided +annexing the territories of those Princes, allowing them to adopt heirs +when the successors of their own families failed, and leaving to them as +much as possible of the ordinary functions of government. + +Service the Test of Greatness. + +It is only vulgar minds that mistake bigness for greatness; for +greatness is of the soul, not of the body. In the judgment which history +will hereafter pass upon the forty centuries of recorded progress toward +civilization that now lie behind us, what are the tests it will apply to +determine the true greatness of a people? Not population, not territory, +not wealth, not military power; rather will history ask what examples of +lofty character and unselfish devotion to honor and duty has a people +given? What has it done to increase the volume of knowledge? What +thoughts and what ideals of permanent value and unexhausted fertility +has it bequeathed to mankind? What works has it produced in poetry, +music, and other arts to be an unfailing source of enjoyment to +posterity? The small peoples need not fear the application of such +tests. + +The world advances, not, as the Bernhardi school supposes, only or even +mainly by fighting; it advances mainly by thinking and by the process of +reciprocal teaching and learning; by the continuous and unconscious +co-operation of all its strongest and finest minds. Each race--Hellenic, +Italic, Celtic, Teutonic, Iberian, Slavonic--has something to give, each +something to learn; and when their blood is blended the mixed stock may +combine gifts of both. Most progressive races have been those who +combined willingness to learn with strength, which enabled them to +receive without loss to their own quality, retaining their primal vigor, +but entering into the labors of others, as the Teutons who settled +within the dominions of Rome profited by the lessons of the old +civilization. + +Let me disclaim once more before I close, any intention to attribute to +the German people the principles set forth by the school of Treitschke +and Bernhardi--the school which teaches hatred of peace and +arbitration, disregard of treaty obligations, scorn for weaker peoples. +We in England would feel even deeper sadness than weighs upon us now if +we could suppose that such principles had been embraced by the nation +whose thinkers have done so much for human progress and who have +produced so many shining examples of Christian saintliness; but when +those principles have been ostentatiously proclaimed, when a peaceful +neutral country which the other belligerent had solemnly and repeatedly +undertaken to respect has been invaded and treated as Belgium has been +treated, and when attempts are made to justify these deeds as incidental +to a campaign for civilization and culture, it becomes necessary to +point out how untrue and how pernicious such principles are. + +Most Wars Needless and Unjust. + +What are the teachings of history to which Gen. Bernhardi is fond of +appealing? That war has been the constant handmaid of tyranny and the +source of more than half the miseries of man; that, although some wars +have been necessary and have given occasion for a display of splendid +heroism--wars of defense against aggression or to succor the +oppressed--most wars have been needless or unjust; that the mark of an +advancing civilization has been the substitution of friendship for +hatred and of peaceful for warlike ideals; that small peoples have done +and can do as much for the common good of humanity as large peoples; +that treaties must be observed, (for what are they but records of +national faith, solemnly pledged, and what could bring mankind more +surely and swiftly back to that reign of violence and terror from which +it has been slowly rising for the last ten centuries than the +destruction of trust in the plighted faith of nations?) + +No event has brought out that essential unity which now exists in the +world so forcibly as this war has done, for no event has ever so +affected every part of the world. Four continents are involved, the +whole of the Old World, and the New World suffers grievously in its +trade, industry, and finances. Thus the whole world is interested in +preventing the recurrence of such a calamity and there is a general +feeling throughout the world that the causes which have brought it upon +us must be removed. + +We are told that armaments must be reduced; that the baleful spirit of +militarism must be quenched; that peoples must everywhere be admitted to +a fuller share in the control of foreign policy; that efforts must be +made to establish a sort of league of concord--some system of +international relations and reciprocal peace alliances by which weaker +nations may be protected and under which differences between nations may +be adjusted by courts of arbitration and conciliation of wider scope +than those that now exist. + +All these things are desirable, but no scheme for preventing future wars +will have any chance of success unless it rests upon the assurance that +the States which enter into it will loyally and steadfastly abide by it, +and that each and all of them will join in coercing by their +overwhelming united strength any State which may disregard obligations +it has undertaken. The faith of treaties is the only solid foundation on +which the temple of peace can be built up. + +JAMES BRYCE. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Entrance of France Into War + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +By President Poincare and Premier Viviani. + + Proclamation Issued to the People of France by President Poincare, + Paris, Aug. 1. + + + For some days the condition of Europe has become considerably more + serious in spite of the efforts of diplomacy. The horizon has + become darkened. + + At this hour most of the nations have mobilized their forces. + + Some countries, even though protected by neutrality, have thought + it right to take this step as a precaution. + + Some powers, whose constitutional and military laws do not resemble + our own, have without issuing a decree of mobilization begun and + continued preparations which are in reality equivalent to + mobilization and which are nothing more or less than an + anticipation of it _(qui n'en sont que l'execution anticipee_). + + France, who has always declared her pacific intentions, and who has + at the darkest hours (_dans des heures tragiques_) given to Europe + counsels of moderation and a living example of prudence + (_sagesse_), who has multiplied her efforts for the maintenance of + the world's peace, has herself prepared for all eventualties and + has taken from this moment the first indispensable measures for the + safety of her territory. + + But our legislation does not allow us to complete these + preparations without a decree of mobilization. + + Careful of its responsibility and realizing that it would be + failing in a sacred task to leave things as they were, the + Government has issued the decree which the situation demands. + + Mobilization is not war. In the present circumstances it appears, + on the contrary, to be the best means of assuring peace with honor. + + Strong in its ardent desire to arrive at a peaceful solution of the + crisis the Government, protected by such precautions as are + necessary, will continue its diplomatic efforts, and it still hopes + to succeed. + + It relies upon the calm of this noble nation not to give rein to + emotions which are not justified. It relies upon the patriotism of + all Frenchmen, and it knows that there is not one who is not ready + to do his duty. + + At this moment parties no longer exist; there remains only France, + the eternal, the pacific, the resolute. There remains only the + fatherland of right and of justice, entirely united in calm + vigilance and dignity. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: RENE VIVIANI, +French Premier. +(_Photograph from Bain News Service._)] + + + + +NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED. + +Telegram from M. Viviani, French Premier and Minister for Foreign +Affairs, to the Ministry in Luxembourg, Published Aug. 3. + +Please declare to the President of the Council that, in accordance with +the Treaty of London of 1867, the Government of the Republic intended to +respect the neutrality of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, as it has shown +by its attitude. The violation of this neutrality by Germany is, +however, of a nature which compels France to take henceforth the +measures in this respect required by her defense and interests. + +The Prime Minister of Luxembourg has protested to the German Government, +and has brought this protest to the notice of the German Embassy in +Paris, stating the following facts: + + On Sunday, Aug. 2, early in the morning, the Germans entered + Luxembourg territory by the bridges of Wasserbourg(?) and Remleh, + proceeding toward the south of the country and Luxembourg, its + capital. They have also brought toward this point armored trains, + with troops and munitions of war. Further, the special French + Commissioner at Petitcroix has announced to the Surete Generale + that the Germans have just opened fire on the frontier station of + Delle-Petitcroix. Two German cavalry officers have just been killed + at Roncray and Boxson, ten kilometers on our side of the frontier. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE NATION IN ARMS. + + Address to the French Parliament by President Poincare, Aug. 4. + + Our nation is in arms and trembling with eagerness to defend the + land of our fathers. + + France is faithfully supported by her ally, Russia. She is upheld + by the loyal friendship of England, and, already, from all points + of the civilized world, go out to her expressions of sympathy and + good-will, for she represents today, once again before the + universe, liberty, justice, and reason. + + Lift up your hearts! Long live France! + + + * * * * * + + + + +POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC. + +Address of Premier Viviani to the French Senate and House of Deputies, +Aug. 4. + +_This speech has been called by M. Jusserand, French Ambassador to the +United States, "the chief document printed up to now [Nov. 1] in +which the French situation, with reference to the present war, has been +expounded._" + + +Gentlemen, the German Ambassador left Paris yesterday, after having +notified us of the existence of a state of war. + +The Government is in duty bound to give Parliament a truthful recital of +the events which, within less than ten days, have brought about war in +Europe and obliged France, peaceful and strong, to defend her frontier +against an attack the premeditated suddenness of which emphasizes its +odious injustice. + +This attack, entirely inexcusable and begun before any declaration of +war notified us of it, is the last act in a plan whose origin and aim I +intend to lay bare before our republic and before civilized public +opinion. + +After the abominable crime which cost the lives of the heir to the +Austro-Hungarian throne and of the Duchess of Hohenberg, trouble arose +between the Governments of Vienna and Belgrade. + +Most of the great powers were not informed of this except +semi-officially up to Friday, the 24th day of July, on which day the +Ambassadors of Austria-Hungary sent them a circular note, which has been +published in the newspapers. + +The object of this note was to explain and justify an ultimatum sent the +evening before to Servia, through the Austrian Minister at Belgrade. + +This ultimatum asserted that a number of Servian subjects and +associations were implicated in the crime of Serajevo, and implied that +members of the Servian Government themselves were not without +complicity in it. It demanded a reply from Servia, giving Saturday, +July 25, at 6 in the evening, as the time limit. + +Austria Amazes Allies. + +The reparations demanded, or, at least, some among them, unquestionably +were derogatory to the rights of a sovereign nation. But in spite of +their extreme character Servia, on July 25, declared that she submitted +to them almost without a reservation of any sort. + +The advice transmitted by France, Russia, and Great Britain from the +very first to Belgrade was not without its effect in bringing about this +submission, which was a success for Austria-Hungary and likewise a +guarantee toward the maintenance of European peace. + +This advice was all the more valuable in view of the fact that +Austria-Hungary's demands had been inadequately foreshadowed to the +Governments of the Triple Entente, to whom, during the three preceding +weeks, the Austro-Hungarian Government had repeatedly given assurances +that its demands would be extremely moderate. + +It was, therefore, with justified astonishment that the Cabinets of +Paris, St. Petersburg, and London heard, on July 26, that the Austrian +Minister at Belgrade, after an examination lasting only a few minutes, +had declared the Servian reply unacceptable and broken off diplomatic +relations. + +Germany the Stumbling Block. + +This astonishment was rendered greater by the fact that, on Friday, the +21st, the German Ambassador had visited the French Minister of Foreign +Affairs for the purpose of reading to him a note to the effect that the +Austro-Servian dispute should be localized and not made the subject of +intervention by the great powers, and that, unless such were the case, +"incalculable consequences" were to be feared. Like action was taken on +Saturday, the 25th, at London and St. Petersburg. + +Is it necessary, gentlemen, to point out to you the difference between +the menacing methods employed by the German Ambassador at Paris and the +conciliatory sentiments of which the powers of the Triple Entente had +just given proof by their advice to Servia to submit? + +Nevertheless, passing over the abnormal character of the German action, +we, in conjunction with our allies and friends, immediately instituted +measures of conciliation and invited Germany to take part in them. + +From the very first we were chagrined to find that our acts and efforts +found no echo at Berlin. + +Not only did Germany seem unwilling to give Austria-Hungary the amicable +advice which her situation authorized her to give, but, from that very +time and even more in the ensuing days, she seemed to place herself +between the Vienna Cabinet and the propositions of a compromise +emanating from the other powers. + +On Tuesday, July 28, Austria-Hungary declared war on Servia. This +declaration of war, complicating forty-eight hours after the situation +brought about by the rupture of diplomatic relations, lent color to the +assumption that there had been a premeditated plan to make war, a +systematic programme for the subjugation of Servia. + +Thus not only the independence of a brave nation became involved, but +also the balance of power in the Balkans, set forth in the Treaty of +Bucharest of 1913, and sanctioned by the moral adhesion of all the great +powers. + +Notwithstanding, at the suggestion of the British Government, always +interested in the most steadfast manner in the maintenance of European +peace, the negotiations continued, or, to be more exact, the powers +constituting the Triple Entente tried to continue them. + +To their common desire was due the proposition for quadruple action, +viz., by England, France, Germany, and Italy, with the object of +assuring to Austria all legitimate reparation and bringing about an +equitable arrangement of the difficulty. On Wednesday, the 29th, the +Russian Government, noting the persistent blocking of these attempts, +Austria's mobilization and her declaration of war, and fearing that +Servia would be crushed by military force, decided, as a preventive +measure, to mobilize her troops in four military zones, namely, only +those stationed along the Austro-Hungarian frontier. + +In doing this it took care to notify the German Government that this +step, limited in character and not constituting an offensive move +against Austria, was not in any way directed against Germany. + +In a conversation with the Russian Ambassador at Berlin the German +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs showed no objection to +recognizing this. + +Germany Becomes Warlike. + +On the other hand, all the attempts of Great Britain, backed by Russia +and with the support of France, for establishing contact between Austria +and Servia under the moral auspices of Europe, was met in Berlin by a +premeditated negative attitude, the existence of which is absolutely +proved by the diplomatic communications. + +This made a troublous state of affairs which pointed to the existence at +Berlin of certain mental reservations. A few hours later these +suppositions and fears were destined to be changed into certainties. + +For the negative attitude of Germany was transformed thirty-six hours +later into truly alarming initiative. On July 31, Germany, by declaring +a state of war, cut off the communication between herself and the rest +of Europe, and gave herself perfect freedom to make military +preparations against France, in complete secrecy, which nothing, as you +have seen, could justify. + +During several days and under conditions difficult to explain Germany +had been preparing to change her army from a peace to a war footing. + +From July 25 in the morning, that is even before the expiration of the +time limit set Servia by Austria, she had brought to their full strength +the garrisons in Alsace-Lorraine. On the same day she had placed the +works close to the frontier in a state of effective armament. On the +26th she had prescribed for the railroads the preparatory measures for +concentration. On the 27th she had made requisitions and placed her +covering troops in position. On the 28th the summoning of individual +reservists began, including those distant from the frontier. + +Could we be left in doubt as to Germany's intentions after her taking +all these measures with relentless thoroughness? + +France Forced to Act. + +This, then, was the situation when, on July 31, in the evening, the +German Government, which had not taken any positive part since the 24th +in the conciliatory efforts of the Triple Entente, sent to the Russian +Government an ultimatum alleging that Russia had ordered the general +mobilization of her armies, and demanding the cessation of this +mobilization within twelve hours. + +This demand, all the more offensive as to form when it is borne in mind +that a few hours earlier Emperor Nicholas, actuated by a spontaneous +feeling of confidence, had asked the German Emperor to mediate, was made +at the moment when, at the request of England and with the knowledge of +Germany, the Russian Government was accepting a proposition of a kind +calculated to bring about an amicable arrangement of the Austro-Servian +conflict and of the Austro-Russian difficulties by means of the +simultaneous cessation of military operations and preparations. + +On the same day there were added to this unfriendly step toward Russia +acts of distinct hostility toward France; rupture of communications by +roads, railways, telegraph, and telephone, seizure of French locomotives +upon arrival at the frontier, placing of rapid-fire guns in the middle +of railway lines which had been torn up, and concentration of troops on +our frontier. + +From that moment it was impossible for us to believe any longer in the +sincerity of the pacific protestations which the representative of +Germany continued to lavish upon us. + +We were aware that, under the shelter of the declaration of a state of +war which Germany had made, she was mobilizing. + +We learned that six classes of reservists had been summoned and that +concentration of army corps was under way, even of those corps stationed +a long distance from the frontier. + +In proportion as these events developed, the Government, alert and +vigilant, took day by day, even hour by hour, the precautionary measures +made necessary by the situation; general mobilization of our land and +sea forces was ordered. + +The same evening, at 7:30, Germany, ignoring the acceptance by the St. +Petersburg Cabinet of the English proposition to which I have already +referred, declared war upon Russia. + +Denies Hostile Acts by French. + +The next day, Sunday, Aug. 2, despite the extreme moderation of France +and the pacific statements of the German Ambassador in Paris, and +scorning the rules of international law, German troops crossed our +frontier at three different points. + +At the same time, in violation of the Treaty of 1867 guaranteeing the +neutrality of Luxemburg, of which Prussia was a signatory, they invaded +the territory of the Grand Duchy, thus evoking a protest from the +Luxemburg Government. + +Finally, even the neutrality of Belgium was menaced. On the evening of +Aug. 2 the German Minister handed to the Belgian Government an ultimatum +demanding that military operations against France be facilitated by +Belgium under the lying pretext that Belgian neutrality was threatened +by us. + +The Belgian Government refused, announcing that it had resolved to +defend energetically its neutrality respected by France and guaranteed +by treaties, especially by the King of Prussia. + +Since then, gentlemen, acts of aggression have been repeated, +multiplied, and accentuated. Our frontier has been crossed at more than +fifteen places. Rifle shots have been fired at our soldiers and customs +officials. There have been killed and wounded. Yesterday a German +military aviator dropped three bombs on Luneville. + +The German Ambassador, to whom, as well as to the other great powers, we +communicated these acts did not deny them, nor even express regret. On +the contrary, he came to me yesterday evening to ask for his passport +and notify us of the existence of a state of war, alleging without +justification hostile acts committed by French aviators on German +territory in the Eiffel region, and even on the railway from Karlsruhe +to Nuremberg. Here is the letter on this subject which he handed to me: + + Mr. President: German civil and military authorities have taken + note of a certain number of acts of a hostile character committed + on German territory by French military aviators. Several of the + latter have clearly violated the neutrality of Belgium by flying + over the territory of that nation. One tried to destroy buildings + near Wesel, others were seen over the Eiffel region, another threw + bombs on the railway line between Karlsruhe and Nuremberg. + + I have been charged with informing your Excellency, and now have + the honor of doing so, that in view of these acts of aggression the + German Empire now considers itself in a state of war with France as + a result of the acts of the latter power. + + I have at the same time the honor of bringing to your Excellency's + knowledge that the German authorities will detain French merchant + vessels in German ports, but will release them if within + forty-eight hours complete reciprocity is assured. + + My diplomatic mission having terminated, all that remains for me to + do is to request your Excellency to provide me with my passports + and take whatever measures your Excellency may deem necessary to + effect my return to Germany with the personnel of the embassy and + of the Bavarian Legation and the Consulate General of Germany at + Paris. + + With sentiments of my highest consideration. + + SCHOEN. + + * * * * * + + +Is it necessary, gentlemen, that I should call attention to the +absurdity of the pretexts brought forward as grievances? Never at any +time has any French aviator gone into Belgium; no French aviator has +committed an act of hostility either in Bavaria or any other part of +Germany. European public opinion has already done justice to these +miserable inventions. + +We immediately took all needed steps against this attack, which violates +all laws of equity and rules of public law. The carrying out of these is +progressing with thorough system and absolute calm. + +The mobilization of the Russian Army is also being continued with +remarkable energy and boundless enthusiasm. + +The Belgian Army, mobilized up to 250,000 men, is preparing with +magnificent spirit to defend the neutrality and independence of its +country. + +The English fleet is entirely mobilized, and the order has been given +for the mobilization of the land forces. + +Since 1912 there have been consultations between the English and French +General Staffs. These had resulted in an exchange of letters between Sir +Edward Grey and M. Paul Cambon. The Secretary of State made these known +yesterday in the House of Commons, and, in accordance with the wishes of +the British Government, I shall have the honor of reading these two +documents to this Parliament: + + + London, Foreign Office, Nov. 22, 1912. + + My Dear Ambassador: + + From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and + military experts have consulted together. It has always been + understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of + either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to + assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation + between experts is not and ought not to be regarded as an + engagement that commits either Government to action in a + contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The + disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets + respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement + to co-operate in war. + + You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave + reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might + become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon + the armed assistance of the other. + + I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an + unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened + the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other + whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression + and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be + prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the + plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into + consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect + should be given to them. Yours, &c., + + E. GREY. + + + * * * * * + + +M. PAUL CAMBON TO SIR EDWARD GREY. + + + London, Nov. 23, 1912. + + Dear Sir Edward: You reminded me in your letter of yesterday, 22d + November, that during the last few years the military and naval + authorities of France and Great Britain had consulted with each + other from time to time; that it had always been understood that + these consultations should not restrict the liberty of either + Government to decide in the future whether they should lend each + other the support of their armed forces; that, on either side, + these consultations between experts were not and should not be + considered as engagements binding our Governments to take action in + certain eventualities; that, however, I had remarked to you that, + if one or other of the two Governments had grave reasons to fear an + unprovoked attack on the part of a third power, it would become + essential to know whether it could count on the armed support of + the other. + + Your letter answers that point, and I am authorized to state that, + in the event of one of our two Governments having grave reasons to + fear either an attack from a third power, or some event threatening + the general peace, that Government would immediately examine with + the other the question whether both Governments should act together + in order to prevent aggression or preserve peace. If so, the two + Governments would deliberate as to the measures which they would be + prepared to take in common. If those measures involved action the + two Governments would take into immediate consideration the plans + of their General Staffs and would then decide as to the effect to + be given to those plans. + + Yours, &c., + + PAUL CAMBON. + + +Government's Acts Beyond Reproach. + +In the House of Commons the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs spoke +of France, amid the applause of the members, in lofty and impassioned +words, which have already elicited genuine response from all French +hearts. + +In the name of the Government of the Republic I wish, from this rostrum, +to thank the British Government for the cordiality of its words, and the +French Parliament will join me in this. + +The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs made this declaration +particularly: + +That in case the German fleet entered the Channel or steamed northward +in the North Sea to go around the British Isles with the purpose of +attacking the French Coast or the French Navy, and to harass the French +merchant marine, the English fleet would interfere by giving the French +fleet its entire protection, in such manner that from that moment +England and Germany would be in a state of war. + +Thus, from the present moment, the English fleet is guarding our +northern and western coast against German aggression. + +Gentlemen, those are the facts. I think that, taken as a close-knit +whole, they are sufficient to justify the acts of the Government of the +Republic. Nevertheless, I wish to conclude by giving the true meaning of +this unprecedented aggression of which France is the victim. + +The victors of 1870, as you know, have felt at various times the desire +of renewing the blows which they had dealt us. In 1875 the war for +finishing vanquished France was prevented only by the intervention of +the two powers destined to be united to us later by the ties of alliance +and friendship--by the intervention of Russia and Great Britain. + +Since then the French Republic, by the restoration of its strength and +the making of diplomatic agreements, invariably lived up to, has +succeeded in freeing itself from the yoke which Bismarck had been able +to impose upon Europe even in days of peace. + +It re-established the European balance of power, that guarantee of the +liberty and dignity of each nation. + +Gentlemen, I do not know whether I am deceiving myself, but it seems to +me that it is this work of pacific reparation, liberation, and dignity, +definitely sealed in 1904 and 1907 with the support of King Edward VII. +of England and of the royal Government, which the German Empire desires +to destroy today by an audacious piece of violence. + +Germany can reproach us with nothing. + +We have made an unprecedented sacrifice to peace by bearing in silence +for half a century the wound inflicted by Germany. + +We have acquiesced in other sacrifices in all the disputes which, since +1904, imperial diplomacy has systematically provoked either in Morocco +or elsewhere, in 1905 as well as in 1906, in 1908 as well as in 1911. + +Italy's Attitude. + +Russia also has given proof of great moderation, both in the events of +1908 and the present crisis. She acted with the same moderation--and the +Triple Entente with her--when, in the Eastern crisis of 1912, Austria +and Germany formulated against Servia and Greece demands amenable to +discussion, as the result proved. + +Useless sacrifices, sterile compromises, futile efforts--today, while +actually engaged in efforts at conciliation, we and our allies are +suddenly attacked. + +Nobody can believe in good faith that we are the aggressors; in vain the +sacred principles of law and liberty, which rule nations as well as +individuals, are assailed. Italy, with the clear conscience of Latin +genius, has informed us that she will remain neutral. + +This decision has aroused the sincerest joy throughout France. I made +myself the spokesman of this to the Italian Charge d'Affaires, telling +him how delighted I was that the two Latin sisters, who have the same +origin and ideals, and a glorious past in common, are not opposed to +each other. + +What is being attacked, I repeat, gentlemen, is that independence, +dignity, and security which the Triple Entente has restored to the +balance of power in the service of peace. + +What is being attacked are the liberties of Europe, whose defenders +France, her allies, and her friends are proud to be. + +We shall defend these liberties, for it is they which are in jeopardy; +all else is merely a pretext. + +France, unjustly provoked, did not desire war. She has done everything +to prevent it. But since it is forced upon her, she will defend herself +against Germany, and against every power which has not as yet announced +its position but which should later on take sides with Germany in the +war between the two. + +A free and strong nation, strengthened by venerable ideals, firmly +united in defense of its existence, a democracy which has known how to +discipline its military acts, and which did not fear last year to impose +upon itself additional military burdens to offset those of neighboring +countries, an armed nation fighting for its own life and for the +independence of Europe--that is the spectacle which we are proud to show +the witnesses of this formidable struggle, which has been in preparation +for some days amid methodical quiet. + +We are without reproach. We shall be without fear. + +France has often proved, under less favorable conditions, that she is +the most formidable adversary when she fights, as she now does, for +liberty and right. + +In placing our acts before you, gentlemen, who are our judges, we have +the comfort of a clear conscience and the certainty of having done our +duty to help us bear the weight of our heavy responsibility. + + + * * * * * + + + + +BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE. + +Proclamation by the Government Announcing Transfer of Capital to +Bordeaux, Sept. 3. + + + People of France: For several weeks relentless battles have engaged + our heroic troops and the army of the enemy. The valor of our + soldiers has won for them, at several points, marked advantages; + but in the north the pressure of the German forces has compelled us + to fall back. + + This situation has compelled the President of the Republic and the + Government to take a painful decision. + + In order to watch over the national welfare it is the duty of the + public powers to remove themselves temporarily from the City of + Paris. + + Under the command of an eminent chief, a French Army, full of + courage and zeal, will defend the capital and its patriotic + population against the invader. + + But the war must be carried on at the same time on the rest of its + territory. + + Without peace or truce, without cessation or faltering, the + struggle for the honor of the nation and the reparation of violated + right must continue. + + None of our armies is impaired. If some of them have sustained very + considerable losses, the gaps have immediately been filled up from + the reserves, and the appeal for recruits assures us of new + reserves in men and energy tomorrow. + + Endure and fight! Such must be the motto of the allied British, + Russian, Belgian, and French Armies. + + Endure and fight, while at sea the British aid us, cutting the + communication of our enemy with the world. + + Endure and fight, while the Russians continue to advance to strike + the decisive blow at the heart of the German Empire. + + It is the duty of the Government of the republic to direct this + stubborn resistance. + + Everywhere Frenchmen will rise for their independence; but to + insure the utmost spirit and efficacy in the formidable fight it is + indispensable that the Government shall remain free to act. At the + request of the military authorities, the Government is therefore + temporarily transferring its headquarters to a place where it can + remain in constant touch with the whole of the country. + + It requests members of Parliament not to remain away from it, in + order that they may form, with their colleagues, a bond of national + unity. + + The Government only leaves Paris after having assured the defense + of the city and of the intrenched camp by every means in its power. + + It knows that it does not need to recommend to the admirable + population of Paris that calm, resolution and coolness which it is + showing every day, and which is on a level with its highest + traditions. + + People of France, let us all be worthy of these tragic + circumstances. We shall gain the final victory; we shall gain it by + unflagging will, endurance, and tenacity. + + A nation which refuses to perish, and which, in order to live, does + not flinch either from suffering or sacrifice, is sure of victory. + + The manifesto is signed by President Poincare and all the + Ministers. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Russia to Her Enemy + +Slav Emperor Announces New Policies. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Pledge of Czar Nicholas II. to Russia's Statesmen and Soldiers, +in Winter Palace, St. Petersburg, Aug. 2. + + + War has been forced upon us. I hereby take a solemn pledge not to + conclude peace so long as a single enemy remains on Russian soil. + + I wish godspeed to my soldiers represented here by the St. + Petersburg military district, and I am sure that they will fully + justify my confidence in them. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A MANIFESTO. + + +Czar Outlines Events Leading to War, St. Petersburg, Aug. 3. + + + By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., Emperor and Autocrat of all + the Russias, King of Poland, and Grand Duke of Finland, &c., to all + our faithful subjects make known that Russia, related by faith and + blood to the Slav peoples and faithful to her historical + traditions, has never regarded their fates with indifference. + + But the fraternal sentiments of the Russian people for the Slavs + have been awakened with perfect unanimity and extraordinary force + in these last few days, when Austria-Hungary knowingly addressed to + Servia claims inacceptable for an independent State. + + Having paid no attention to the pacific and conciliatory reply of + the Servian Government and having rejected the benevolent + intervention of Russia, Austria-Hungary made haste to proceed to an + armed attack, and began to bombard Belgrade, an open place. + + Forced by the situation thus created to take necessary measures of + precaution, we ordered the army and the navy put on a war footing, + at the same time using every endeavor to obtain a peaceful + solution. Pourparlers were begun amid friendly relations with + Germany and her ally, Austria, for the blood and the property of + our subjects were dear to us. + + Contrary to our hopes in our good neighborly relations of long + date, and disregarding our assurances that the mobilization + measures taken were in pursuance of no object hostile to her, + Germany demanded their immediate cessation. Being rebuffed in this + demand, Germany suddenly declared war on Russia. + + Today it is not only the protection of a country related to us and + unjustly attacked that must be accorded, but we must safeguard the + honor, the dignity, and the integrity of Russia and her position + among the great powers. + + We believe unshakably that all our faithful subjects will rise with + unanimity and devotion for the defense of Russian soil; that + internal discord will be forgotten in this threatening hour; that + the unity of the Emperor with his people will become still more + close, and that Russia, rising like one man, will repulse the + insolent attack of the enemy. + + With a profound faith in the justice of our work, and with a humble + hope in omnipotent Providence in prayer, we call God's blessing on + holy Russia and her valiant troops. + + NICHOLAS. + + + * * * * * + + + + +CZAR AT THE KREMLIN. + + +Response to Deputies of Moscow, Aug. 18. + + At this stormy, warlike hour, which, suddenly and against my + wishes, has fallen upon my peaceful people, I seek, according to + the custom of my ancestors, to strengthen the forces of my soul in + the sanctuaries of Moscow. + + Within the walls of the old Kremlin I greet in you, inhabitants of + Moscow, my beloved ancient capital, all my people, who everywhere, + in the villages of their birth, in the Duma, and in the Council of + the Empire, unanimously replied to my appeal and rose with vigor + throughout the country, forgetting all private differences, to + defend the land of their birth and the Slav race. + + In a powerful common impulse all nationalities, all tribes of our + vast empire, have united. Russia, like myself, will never forget + these historic days. + + This union of thought and sentiment in all my people affords me + deep consolation and a calm assurance for the future. From here, + from the heart of the Russian land, I send a warm greeting to my + gallant troops and to our brave Allies who are making common cause + with us to safeguard the down-trodden principles of peace and + truth. May God be with us. + + + * * * * * + + + + +APPEAL TO THE POLES. + +By Grand Duke Nicholas, Generalissimo of the Russian Forces, St. +Petersburg, Aug. 15. + + + Poles: The hour has sounded when the sacred dream of your fathers + and your grandfathers may be realized. A century and a half has + passed since the living body of Poland was torn in pieces, but the + soul of the country is not dead. It continues to live, inspired by + the hope that there will come for the Polish people an hour of + resurrection, and of fraternal reconciliation with Great Russia. + The Russian Army brings you the solemn news of this reconciliation + which obliterates the frontiers dividing the Polish peoples, which + it unites conjointly under the sceptre of the Russian Czar. Under + this sceptre Poland will be born again, free in her religion and + her language. Russian autonomy only expects from you the same + respect for the rights of those nationalities to which history has + bound you. With open heart and brotherly hand Great Russia advances + to meet you. She believes that the sword, with which she struck + down her enemies at Gruenwald, is not yet rusted. From the shores of + the Pacific to the North Sea the Russian armies are marching. The + dawn of a new life is beginning for you, and in this glorious dawn + is seen the sign of the cross, the symbol of suffering and of the + resurrection of peoples. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE POLISH RESPONSE. + +Statement Issued by Four Political Parties, Aug. 16. + + + The representatives of the undersigned political parties, assembled + in Warsaw on the 16th August, 1914, welcome the Proclamation issued + to the Poles by his Imperial Highness the Commander in Chief of the + Russian forces as an act of the foremost historical importance, and + implicitly believe that upon the termination of the war the + promises uttered in that proclamation will be formally fulfilled, + that the dreams of their fathers and forefathers will be realized, + that Poland's body, torn asunder a century and a half ago, will + once again be made whole, that the frontiers severing the Polish + nation will vanish. + + The blood of Poland's sons, shed in united combat against the + Germans, will serve equally as a sacrifice, offered upon the altar + of her resurrection. + + THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL PARTY. + + THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE PARTY. + + THE REALIST PARTY. + + THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE UNION. + + + * * * * * + + + + +NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY + +Editorial Appeal in the Gazeta Warszawska, Aug. 15. + + +Fellow-countrymen! A danger threatens us, greatest, perhaps, among the +many calamities which war brings to a country; the misdirection of the +nation's mind and understanding. + +Various instigations are pressing the Poles to go against their own +instinct and the dictates of political reason in their attitude toward +the armies now invading our Polish lands, armies ringing with German +words of command, which even resound through Galician detachments lured +into belief that Poland may be saved through alliance with the Germans. +Various agitators on both the German and Austrian sides, having their +own interests at stake, are seeking to make our people take active part +in the terrific conflicts now to be fought out upon our soil. + +To attain this end by throwing dust into our eyes, various manifestos +signed by the leaders of the armies beyond the frontier have promised +the Poles extensive liberties and privileges at the close of the war. +Certain Polish organizations, having lost, in the general excitement, +their healthy sense of judgment, are doing likewise. Do not let +yourselves be hoodwinked by these promises. They are lies. Neither of +the invading armies has any intention of fighting for Poland's sake. +Each is fighting in the interests of its own empire, and to those +empires we are of no account. They only want, in a moment of necessity, +to make the Poles passive instruments serving their own ends. Whoever +tells you that Austria in alliance with Prussia intends to build up +Poland once again is a blinded dreamer. The result of a victory for the +Germans and Austrians would mean a new partitioning of Poland, a yet +greater wreckage of our nation. Grasp this, listen to no seducers. +Remain passive, watchful, insensible to temptation. + +During the coming struggle the Kingdom of Poland will be the marching +ground of various armies, we shall see temporary victors assuming +lordship for a while; but change of authority will follow, and +inevitable retaliation; this several times, perhaps, in the course of +the campaign. Therefore every improvident step will meet with terrible +revenge. By holding firm through the present conflict you best can serve +the Polish cause. In the name of the love you bear your country, of your +solicitude for the nation's future, we entreat you, fellow-countrymen, +to remain deaf to evil inspirations, unshakable in your determination +not to expose our land to yet greater calamities, and Poland's whole +future to incalculable perils. + + + * * * * * + + + + +POLISH AMERICAN OPINION. + +Kazinirz Jaworowski, Manager Polish National Alliance, New York, Aug. +16. + + +The Poles are treated better in Russia now than they are in Germany. +Although Russia has done its best to Russianize Poland by crushing the +Polish national feeling, imprisoning Polish patriots, and attempting +even to suppress the Polish language, Germany has gone still further in +its efforts to Germanize its Polish territory. + +Bismarck's idea was to force German civilization upon the world and the +most extreme measures have been taken to enforce this policy in German +Poland. Taking advantage of every possible pretext, the Germans have +dispossessed the Poles of their land and handed it over to Germans. The +Russians have not gone so far as this. They, as a general rule, have +allowed the Poles to keep their land. + +For my own part, I would do anything to defeat Germany, and I think the +Poles of Germany and Austria for the most part wish to see France and +Russia successful The Poles are Slavs. The fight is between the Germans +and the Slavs. + +I hope that if the Czar is successful, he carries out his promises to +reunite Poland and grant it autonomy. That would not mean Poland would +be free, but it would enjoy more freedom than now. The Czar would be the +King of Poland and the Government of Poland undoubtedly would be carried +on largely by men appointed by the Czar. However, if Poland got the +right to have a share in its Government, even if the Czar remained +supreme, the country would be greatly benefited. + +Autonomy would mean that efforts to suppress the Polish language, the +Polish national spirit, and the Polish traditions would be at an end. +Under a despotic government in Russia and under more despotic +governments still in Germany and Austria, the Polish race has existed +under the most crushing of burdens. Reunited and granted partial liberty +and the right to live under fair conditions, it would flourish and again +take its place as a great race. + + + * * * * * + + + + +RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY. + +By Prince Eugene Troubetskoi, Ex-Member of the Imperial Cabinet, St. +Petersburg, Aug. 15. + + +Russia against Germany is an instance of real patriotism against the +curse of nationalism. Our people are athrill now, not from hate but from +an ardent desire to serve and protect. Our war cry does not result from +the ancient pagan conception of the self-sufficiency of the State, but +from the desire for the well-being of all men. + +Our people are not filled by that fierce and implacable lust for power +which leads a nation into the gulf whose depths reach down to hell. With +us God is not conceived as merely a tribal deity, but the father of all. +Upon these things, upon this supernational impulse which has now set our +people on fire, we rely for victory, and in our victory we expect to see +a great step taken in the coming freedom of the world. + + + * * * * * + + + + +DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN. + +President Rodzianko of the Imperial Duma's Telegram to the House of +Commons, Aug. 26. + + The Duma of the empire, assembled in extraordinary session in view + of the exceptional events passing in the civilized world, begs the + House of Commons of Great Britain to accept their warm and sincere + greeting and sentiments of profound friendship which unite our two + great nations. The whole of Russia has welcomed with enthusiasm the + resolution of the British people to give their support to the + friendly nations in the historic struggle which is developing at + this moment. May God bless the armies of the friendly nations of + the Triple Entente! Long live his Majesty King George and his + valiant people! Long live the British Parliament, and long live + Great Britain! + + + * * * * * + + + + +NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS. + +Special Cable to The New York Times, London, Aug. 18. + + +Ever since the Czar's promise of autonomy to Poland reports have been +current that the next step likely to be taken by the Russian Government +along the same lines of initiative will be a proclamation assuring the +Jews of equal civil and political rights. A Paris dispatch today goes +the length of stating that such a proclamation is shortly to be issued. + +From inquiries made in authoritative quarters THE NEW YORK TIMES is able +to state that, while there is no official authority for such a +prediction, there is good reason to believe that some measure of reform +along the lines indicated is likely. Both in France and England, +Russia's reactionary policy is the only element which has aroused any +misgivings regarding what it is hoped in the two first-named countries +will be the results of the war. + +The enthusiasm aroused in France by the decree affecting Poland gives +the measure of relief caused by the removal of these misgivings, so far +as one section of the non-orthodox subjects of the Czar are concerned. +Equal relief would be felt among a large and representative body of the +British public were definite action taken by the Russian Government to +remove the disabilities under which the Jews in Russia labor. I have +authority for stating that steps have been taken to bring this point of +view to the attention of the Russian Government. + +Officially, the British Government can take no action which could be +regarded as an interference with the domestic affairs of a friendly +power, and certain overzealous representations which have been made to +Sir Edward Grey overshoot the mark. Sir Edward Grey's liberal principles +are sufficiently well recognized to make it certain that what he is able +to do he is doing to remove all causes for the misgivings with which a +good number of his fellow-citizens regard the Russian alliance in its +moral aspect and its possible ultimate developments. + +Great hopes are felt that these very delicate representations will meet +with success. Predictions are made that the final outcome of the +combined grant of autonomy to Poland and the removal of at least some of +the civil and religious disqualifications now weighing upon the Jews in +Russia will be the growth of a new State, in which the Jew and the Pole +will find an equal place in the sun and flourish exceedingly. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WAR ON GERMAN TRADE. + +M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Correspondent of +The London Times, Petrograd, Sept. 15. + + +The eyes of the world just now are fixed on the fortunes of the armies +in the field. It is, perhaps, not spectacular from the point of view of +the average newspaper reader to speak at this time of mere business and +trade relations. I quite well realize that it is accounts of victories +and routs, acts of heroism and magnificent assaults by troops that sell +the newspapers, but beyond and above all this there now exists a +situation and an opportunity in trade and commerce with Russia which to +England and America may mean more in decades to come than it is easy to +realize. + +For years past Germany has been steadily and vigorously pushing her +trade into all quarters of the Russian Empire, and now sells us above +L60,000,000 worth of products yearly. The ground has been broken by +Germany, and these enormous markets for machinery, chemicals, and all +sorts of manufactured products are now suddenly cut off from the avenues +through which they have been supplied. Herein lies the greatest +commercial opportunity for England and America that has ever been +offered. + +It has been said in the Maxims of Pascal that to govern is to foresee. +This is not only true of politics and affairs of government, but applies +as well to trade relations. It is that country which foresees the +situation commercially in Russia that will reap the enormous benefits +that these markets now offer. + +It is not merely sufficient that merchants and manufacturers should +offer their goods here. They that would profit permanently by the new +trade conditions of this empire must take up the task seriously. Experts +should be sent here now, even while the war is still in progress, to +study and examine the wants of our country. Our duties, our manner of +doing business, our present and future wants and growing demands, should +be studied scientifically and fundamentally, so that when peace comes +those channels which have for decades flowed deeply with German products +may continue to flow with products from America and England. + +For America especially does Russia open an opportunity for an industrial +outlet such as can hardly be overestimated. We have an empire of +170,000,000 souls, and the L60,000,000 yearly that we have been paying +Germany is but the beginning of a demand that will soon make Russia +among the most desirable and valuable markets in the world. Railroad +building and new developments everywhere are a prelude to an era of +prosperity in this country such as has never been seen here before. + +I cannot too emphatically express the hope that merchants abroad will +realize this wonderful opportunity and act promptly, for when the war is +over will come realization of this situation everywhere, and he who +would profit should take the first steps with the least possible delay. + + + * * * * * + + + + +FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM. + +Statement to Americans by Prince Imeretinsky, Sept. 10. + + +We are a peace-loving people as you in America are, but, of course, the +people of Russia are not so well educated as you are. + +Russia did not want this war, but she has known for years that it was +coming and consequently was preparing for it. It is her determination, +now that it has been brought on by Germany, to see it through, no matter +how long it takes or how much it costs. + +Russia is waging war against militarism. If continued, this militarism +would economically cripple all Europe. The burden is too heavy for +people to bear, and Russia means to put an end to militarism as +expounded by Germany. + + + * * * * * + + + + +NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE. + +Statement by Baron Korff, Imperial Russian Vice Consul, New York, Sept. +6. + + +The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria at Serajevo, in +the light of present conditions, appears to be the pretext which led to +the present great European war, involving the Empires of Germany and +Russia, the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Belgium, and the Republic of +France. It is rather difficult for the average American to find the real +causes that have led to this struggle of nations, as they lie solely in +the conditions and latest developments of the political life of Middle +Europe generally, and Germany and Austria particularly. + +In order to ascertain the real cause it will be necessary for me to +explain the policy of the above-named two Governments on one side and +the evolution of the character of the German Nation on the other side. +In glancing at the map of Germany, and particularly her frontiers and +geographical position, she being wedged in between two powerful +neighbors, Russia in the east and France backed up by England in the +west, it is apparent that her situation is very delicate, owing to the +lack of marked natural boundaries. + +Tremendous military power and highly developed diplomatic ability are +the two necessary elements to create friendly relations with her +neighbors. After the creation of the great German Empire in 1870, Prince +Bismarck succeeded in establishing and maintaining for Germany friendly +relations with the other great powers. It was his policy to acquire +colonies for Germany outside of Europe, and to carefully avoid any +territorial encroachments on the neighboring States. He sounded his +warning to his countrymen not to try to increase German territory at +the expense of Russian territory. + +Germany's colonial acquisitions created a new era in her policy, and, if +I may be permitted to so express myself, changed completely the face of +the German Empire. The protection and development of her colonial +possessions and her commerce required a strong navy. England's +competition of the commerce controlled by Germany started the tremendous +growth of England's naval power, and gave Germany second place. Her +rivalry with England compelled Germany to increase her army, too, and we +observed how from a quiet, inoffensive, modest State Germany gradually +became very strong and endeavored to play the first violin in the +concert not only of all Europe, but also of the whole world. Such seems +to be the fate of all nations that acquire sudden power--they get +conceited and aggressive. + +The political events of the last ten years prove sufficiently the +aggressiveness of the German policy--the events at Agadir, the +annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria, the ultimatum sent by +the latter to Servia are only passing instances in the growing conceit +of the German policy. It should be remembered that in March, 1909, +Chancellor von Buelow announced to the German Reichstag that Germany +would support Austria in her annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by +force, even if the whole of Europe were to oppose it. + +Europe at that time did not oppose the Germans, but it seems to me that +just then Europe began to realize how dangerous and unsafe it was to +have in the heart of that Continent a power with such bellicose and +driving intentions. Her political acts were too uncanny and alarmed the +whole of Europe, which began to seek ways and means to get rid of this +German hegemony, coupled with its rough militarism and unscrupulous ways +of acting. + +The military and economical developments of Germany induced her to go +further in her tendency to enlarge her territory. Emperor William feels +that his empire is not big enough to suit his ambition and for the part +which he intends to play in Europe. He therefore endeavors to enter into +an agreement with the heir of the Austrian throne, Franz Ferdinand, a +man of great energy and wide political views, to the effect to mold out +of Austria an exclusive Slavish power and to surrender to Germany the +Archduchy of Austria with Vienna and Tyrol, and annex Servia to Austria. + +Franz Ferdinand could afford to agree to this plan most readily, because +he knew that Austria in her present state could not continue her +existence, as she was on the brink of an insurrection of 25,000,000 +Austrian Slavs against the continuance of a Government over them of +9,000,000 Austrian Germans. There is no doubt that this question was +fully discussed at the conference at Konopish, where the German Emperor, +accompanied by Admiral von Tirpitz, went to pay a visit to Franz +Ferdinand one month before the latter was assassinated. + +The tragedy of Serajevo found Germany after a course of action already +had been agreed upon, and the sending of the ultimatum by Austria to +Servia can be explained only by the desire of the two nations to fully +complete their preparations. + +Now, why do we find at this important moment of the world's history such +opposition not only against Germany but also an upheaval of other +nations? + +The German press of the United States endeavors to prove that the +underlying reason for the struggle is the eventual triumph in Europe +either of Teutonic or Slavish civilization, and denounces Russian +barbarism and extols German culture. + +I will not discuss the respective merits of Teutonic and Slavic culture +and civilization, as in my opinion these are questions absolutely +foreign to the events leading up to the war. The Russian, French, +English, and Servian nations are not fighting against German culture, +as represented by intellectual giants, such as Goethe, Wagner, and many +others, but against German militarism, accompanied by systematic +oppression of the individual residing in German territory. + +This internal German policy created a national spirit against which the +Allies now are fighting--the national spirit of Germany, which the whole +world knows, and which is rough, conceited, arrogant, and intolerant +toward foreigners beyond all measures, and admits nothing good unless it +is German or made in Germany. This kind of German national spirit is in +the majority in the empire of Germany and particularly in Prussia; the +real cultured, good-hearted, sentimental German is about to die out +completely, and the few remaining representatives of this type have no +voice in Germany. + +The pronounced antipathy to the above-described present majority type of +Germans united all European nations against Germany, and supports their +respective Governments in their efforts to put a stop to the furor +teutonicus of the twentieth century. + +For this reason the task of the allied Governments will find unlimited +support of the nations and this war against Germany in Europe will prove +to be most popular. + + + * * * * * + + + + +RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER." + +Statement by George Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador to the United +States, New York, Oct. 11. + + +It will be a long time, I suppose, before the American will be able +fully to understand Russia's reasons for entering the present war and +the great racial thought that lies back of it. The whole situation in a +nutshell is that Germany entered the war from racial hate and motives of +commercial greed, while Russia drew her sword out of motives of humane +and kindly sympathy for a small and oppressed nation of her own kindred. +Germany had been grabbing and wished to grab more; Russia rose in arms +to stand by and protect her "little brother." + +Indeed you are quite right when you say that there are spiritual forces +back of Russia's deeds in battle far more than there can be in the case +of any other of the warring nations. The reasons lie deep within our +national life, and I doubt if any American will be able fully to +comprehend them without coming to see us in our own country and seeing +us as we are. The great and really wonderful achievements of the German +are visible and material, while ours are things of the spirit--invisible, +modest, resigned. The representative spirit of Germany's materialism +and heartless aggressiveness is that of the megalomaniac Nietzsche and +his followers, Treitschke and von Bernhardi. The spokesmen of what is +more truly Russian today are Tolstoy and Dostoievski, who have recorded +forever the spirit of self-sacrifice, humility and piety in the Russian +soul. + +Yes, it is true that those who have learned to know us in Russia are +aware that the epithets of "Hun" and "barbarian" used against us are +stark lies promulgated by bitter enemies who take ignoble advantage of +the tradition in America fostered by the melodramatic exploitation of +the Jewish problem and the occasional brutalities by our drunken soldier +to make you believe that a Russian is a sort of treacherous bandit with +a knife in his teeth ready to betray and slay. We regret exceedingly +that that tradition has taken root in the United States. We admire and +emulate Americans because they have mellowed and complemented their +industrial and political achievements with national charity and +religious ideals. + +In Russia the Jewish question, as such, has not arisen since the opening +of the war. Political promises have been made to Poland and these +promises will be kept. It is a mistaken idea here that any overtures +have been made to the Jews as a class. You think we are as anxious as +all that to have them enlist as soldiers? No. We do not wish to make +them any special inducements to enlist. You are well aware that nobody +hates the Jews more cordially than the Pole himself. Our offer was to +the Poles, who have a national entity and a country and home of their +own. The Jews have none of these things. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"The Facts About Belgium" + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Statement Issued by the Belgian Legation at Washington. + + +_The Belgian Legation at Washington has compiled the following statement +of the Belgian case, in the present European War, in answer to the many +inquiries that have been received on the subject._ + +By the treaty of April 19th, 1839, Prussia, France, England, Austria, +and Russia declared themselves guarantors of the treaty concluded on the +same day between the King of the Belgians and the King of the +Netherlands. This treaty provides: + + Belgium forms an independent State of perpetual neutrality. + +That is to say, Belgium was forbidden, in case of war, to take the part +of any of the belligerents. + +Since then Belgium has fulfilled all her neutrality obligations; she has +acted in a spirit of absolute impartiality. She has left nothing undone +to maintain and make respected her neutrality. Germany's obligation to +respect Belgian neutrality was even more emphatically affirmed by one of +Germany's greatest men, by the creator of the empire. Prince, then +Count, Bismarck, wrote to Baron Nothomb, Belgian Minister in Berlin, on +the 22nd of July, 1870, as follows: + + In confirmation of my verbal assurances, I have the honor to give + in writing a declaration which, in view of the treaties in force, + _is quite superfluous_, that the Confederation of the North and its + allies will respect the neutrality of Belgium on the understanding, + of course, that it is respected by the other belligerents. + +On July 31 of the present year the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs +and the Secretary General of the Foreign Office had a long conversation +with the German Minister in Brussels. It was pointed out to him that in +the course of the controversy raised in 1911 by the introduction of the +Dutch project for the fortification of the Scheldt, that his +predecessor, Herr von Flotow, had assured the Belgian Government that in +the event of a Franco-German war Germany would not violate Belgian +neutrality; that Mr. Bethmann-Hollweg, the Imperial Chancellor, had +given similar assurance; that in 1913 Herr von Jagow, the German Foreign +Secretary, had made similar statements of a reassuring character in the +budget committee of the Reichstag concerning the neutrality of Belgium; +to which the German Minister replied that he was aware of the +conversation with his predecessor, and that "he was certain that the +sentiments expressed at that epoch had not changed." + +On August 2nd, in the course of the day, the German Minister in +Brussels, M. De Below Saleske, gave an interview to the newspaper Le +Soir, and declared that Belgium had nothing to fear from Germany. He +went so far as to employ this expression: + + You will see, perhaps, your neighbor's house on fire, but your + house will remain intact. + +The same day, at 7 o'clock in the evening, he communicated the following +note to the Belgian Government: + +The German Note. + + The German Government has received unimpeachable news to the effect + that the French forces have the intention of marching on the Meuse + by Givet and Namur. This news leaves no doubt as to the intention + of France to march upon Germany from Belgian territory. The + Imperial Government of Germany cannot help fearing that Belgium, in + spite of the best intentions, will not be in a position to repulse + without help an incursion by the French of such great magnitude. In + this case it is sufficiently certain that Germany is seriously + threatened. It is the urgent business of Germany to forestall this + attack on the part of the enemy. The German Government would be + filled with lively regret if Belgium were to regard as an act of + hostility against her the fact that her precautionary measures + oblige her to violate on her side Belgian territory. + + In order to avoid the possibility of misunderstanding, the German + Government makes the following comment: + + 1st. Germany contemplates no act of hostility against Belgium. If + Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence + the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German + Government on its side engages, when peace is restored, to + guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions. + + 2nd. Germany engages herself, on the aforesaid conditions, to + evacuate Belgian territory as soon as peace is concluded. + + 3rd. If Belgium observes a friendly attitude, Germany is ready, in + co-operation with the authorities of the Government of Belgium, to + buy for cash everything that is necessary for her troops, and to + pay indemnities for damage done in Belgium; but if Belgium behaves + in a hostile manner against the troops, and in particular places + difficulties in the way of their advance by opposition by the + fortifications of the Meuse, or by the destruction of roads, + railways, tunnels, or other works, Germany will be obliged to + consider Belgium as an enemy. + + In that case Germany will enter into no agreement with the kingdom, + but will allow the further relationship of the two States to be + left to the decision of arms. The German Government feels that it + is justified in hoping that this eventuality will not materialize + and that the Belgian Government will know how to take appropriate + measures to prevent its materialization. In that case the friendly + relations which unite the two neighboring States will become closer + and more lasting. + +Such is the German note. It will be noticed that there is no question of +the alleged entry of French aviators and officers into Belgium, as has +been stated in several papers here. The document, in fact, knocks that +fable on the head. The only reason given for the violation of Belgian +territory is the alleged intention of the French Army to march upon +Givet and Namur. This assertion is supported by no proof, and is denied +by the French Government, which officially declared to Belgium and +England its intention of not violating Belgian territory. On the +contrary, the premeditated intention of Germany to violate Belgian +neutrality is proved in the most irrefutable way, namely, by the +affirmation of the German Secretary of State himself, and by that of the +German Chancellor. + +To the request of Sir William Goschen, the English Ambassador in Berlin, +to be allowed to know if Germany would pledge herself to respect the +neutrality of Belgium, the German Secretary of State replied that "this +neutrality had already been violated by Germany." Herr von Jagow went +again into the + + reasons why the Imperial Government had been obliged to take this + step, namely, that they had to advance into France by the quickest + and easiest way so as to be able to get well ahead with their + operations and endeavor to strike some decisive blow as early as + possible. It was a matter of life and death to them, for, if they + had gone by the more southern route, they could not have hoped, in + view of the paucity of the roads and the strength of the + fortresses, to have got through without formidable opposition + entailing great loss of time. This loss of time would mean time + gained by the Russians for the bringing up of their troops to the + German frontier. Rapidity of action was the great German asset, + while that of Russia was the inexhaustible supply of troops. + [Official Report of the British Ambassador in Berlin to the British + Government.] + +"A Scrap of Paper." + +This conversation preceded by a few minutes that in which the German +Chancellor, giddy at the sight of the abyss into which Germany was +falling, uttered these celebrated words: + + Just for a word, NEUTRALITY, a word which in war times has been so + often disregarded; just for A SCRAP OF PAPER, Great Britain is + going to make war on a kindred nation. At what price would that + compact [neutrality] have been kept? Has the British Government + thought of that? + +Sir William Goschen replied, that fear of consequences would hardly be +regarded as an excuse for breaking a solemn engagement. [Official report +of the British Ambassador in Berlin to his Government.] + +It is very clear from these documents that Germany had for a long time +premeditated the violation of the neutrality of Belgium and that she has +even reconciled herself to the terrible danger of war with Great +Britain, rather than renounce the advantages she thought she would gain +by not respecting the treaty. In the face of these confessions the +allegations that France wished to violate the neutrality of Belgium, an +allegation supported by no proof, falls to the ground. + +To continue the analysis of the German note: + + If Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence + the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German + Government, on its side, engages, when peace is restored, to + guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions. + +Could Belgium, without being false to her duties of neutrality, take up +the position which the German Government calls "friendly neutrality"? +That is to say, could she allow the German armies to pass without +opposition through her territory? Can the German Government itself +answer that question? + +It is enough to reread the conversation given above between the British +Ambassador and the German Secretary of State to come to a clear +conclusion in that respect. If the violation of Belgian territory was to +procure so signal an advantage to Germany that she had no fear of +bringing on war with England to attain it, then for Belgium to lend +herself to the passage of German troops must have meant the certainty of +fatal consequences for France. Thus for Belgium to have yielded to the +German ultimatum would _ipso facto_ have conferred a considerable +advantage to Germany, to the detriment of the other belligerent, and +would have constituted a breach of neutrality. + +Germany concludes her note by threats. She engages, on the condition +already defined, to evacuate Belgian territory at the conclusion of +peace. If Belgium behaves in a hostile manner [_that is to say, if she +does her duty_] Germany will be obliged to consider Belgium as an enemy. +She would then leave the ultimate arrangements of the relations of the +two States to the decision of arms. In other words, if Belgium does not +agree to violate the treaty, Germany will treat her as an enemy, and she +adds a veiled threat of annexing a part or the whole of her territory. + +The moral fibre of nations is not always measured by their size or +power. Belgium is small and weak, but her answer bears witness to her +love of justice and to her respect of the right. She would rather die +with honor than live dishonored. + +That was made clear by the answer of her Government. The answer was as +follows: + +Reply to German Note. + + The German note has been a painful surprise to the Belgian + Government. The intentions which the note attributes to France are + in contradiction to the formal declarations which were made to us + on the 1st of August in the name of the republic. Besides, if + contrary to our expectations, France is about to violate the + neutrality of Belgium, Belgium would be prepared to fulfil its + neutrality obligations, and her army would offer to the invader the + most vigorous resistance. The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the + treaties of 1870, commit to the guarantee of the powers and notably + to the Government of his Majesty the King of Prussia the + independence and neutrality of the Kingdom of Belgium. + +The Chancellor of the German Empire said in a sitting of the Reichstag +on the 4th of August: + + We are in a state of legitimate defense _Necessity knows no law_. + Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and have perhaps already + penetrated into Belgium. This is against the law of nations. + France, it is true, has declared to Brussels that she is determined + to respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as her adversary + respects it, but we know that France was ready to invade Belgium. + France can afford to wait; we cannot. A French attack on our flank + in the region of the lower Rhine might have been fatal. It is for + that reason we have been compelled to ignore the just protests of + the Governments of Luxemburg and Belgium. The _injustice_ which we + thus commit we will _repair_ as soon as our military object has + been attained. + +It has been shown how much value can be attached to the assertion of the +alleged intention of France to invade Belgium. That intention, and the +realization of that intention belongs exclusively to Germany and they +must be left in her possession. This is especially the case in view of +the fact that the military dispositions undertaken by France absolutely +refute the allegations of the German Chancellor. So true is this that +when the violation of Belgian territory became an accomplished fact, and +when the King of Belgium appealed under the terms of the treaty of 1839 +for support, in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium which these powers +had guaranteed, France was so little prepared to invade Belgium that it +took her more than ten days to get her troops into the country. + +The world is familiar with the way Germany has repaired in Belgium the +injustice of which she was guilty, to use the words of the German +Chancellor. + +Atrocities in Belgium. + +Under the pretext that her troops were attacked by civilians, and even +under no pretext at all, whole villages have been razed to the ground. +Important towns whose boast it was to represent part of the common +inheritance of civilization were not spared. Their monuments, which have +been respected during the centuries in all of the constant wars of which +Belgium has been the theatre, were deliberately destroyed. Open cities +were bombarded. Exorbitant taxation was imposed upon conquered towns, +and when the inhabitants were unable to pay the taxes, a large number of +their houses were set on fire. That is what happened to Wavre, among +other cities, whose 8,500 inhabitants were unable to pay a tax of +$600,000. Termonde, with 10,000 inhabitants, was utterly destroyed. On +the 15th of September, there only remained in that town 282 houses out +of 1,400. The town of Aerschot, with 8,000 inhabitants, is now nothing +but a mass of ruins and more than 150 of its inhabitants have been shot. +Dirigible balloons have thrown bombs at night upon Antwerp. It cannot be +maintained by those who were in the balloons that they were trying to +hit the forts, as the forts are outside the boundaries of the town, and +a good distance outside them as well. Nor could the bombs thrown have +had any effect upon the forts, which are even stronger than those of +Liege. There was no warning of this bombardment, a fact which +constitutes a violation of Article 26 of the Fourth Convention of The +Hague, and more than a dozen people were killed, all of them +non-combatants and several of them women and children. + +The town of Louvain, with its 42,000 inhabitants, was one of the centres +of Belgian culture. It had no mercy shown to it and has been nearly +obliterated. Several quarters of the town were set on fire, the Church +of St. Pierre, a marvelous example of Gothic art; the buildings of the +University, including the Library with more than 70,000 volumes, of +which a large number were ancient manuscripts, the collections belonging +to the University; nearly all the scientific institutions, and nearly +all the houses of the town were _deliberately_ burned. They are now +nothing more than heaps of ashes. Their destruction has been a loss to +the whole civilized world. + +Numbers of absolutely innocent women and children lost their lives in +the fire which was started by order of the German military officials. Of +those who were saved, several thousand, including women enfeebled by +age, and children in arms, are today wandering homeless over the roads, +without food or clothing. They are not to blame for anything, unless it +is because they belong to a nation which has refused to purchase peace +at the price of dishonor. That can be the only crime accounted to them +and it is for that they have lost all their possessions upon the earth. + +From the declaration made by the Imperial German Chancellor it may be +seen that the German Government is conscious of its wrongdoing. As one +of the guarantors of Belgium's neutrality, it wanted to force Belgium to +relinquish its neutrality for Germany's benefit. Because Belgium would +not consent to this injustice and because Germany could not reproach her +with anything else, Germany invaded and covered with blood and ruin a +small peaceful country of hard-working and honest people, a country +which it had promised to protect. + +This attack upon her neutrality is the first violation for which Belgium +asks judgment from the universal conscience. + +The entire Belgo-German question today is dominated by the fact of this +violation of the neutrality of Belgium. Therefore, there is not a single +shot fired by a German soldier in Belgium, which is not manifestly and +avowedly belying most sacred things: the keeping of a solemn pledge, and +the right for an honest nation that never wanted war, nor showed +aggressive dispositions, to be allowed to live its peaceful and neutral +life. + +Such is the Belgian case. Humanity will judge it. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany + +Statement Issued by German Embassy at Washington, Oct. 13. + +The German Ambassador drew special attention today to the telegram which +came from German headquarters. This telegram proves the German +contention that the Allies did not intend to respect Belgian neutrality. +It even proves more, namely, that Belgian neutrality practically did not +exist and that the Belgian Government was conspiring with the Allies +against Germany. Notwithstanding the denials coming from French sources +it is a fact that French prisoners were taken at Liege and Namur, who +acknowledged that they had been in those fortresses before the German +troops entered Belgium. + +On the French side it has been asserted that the German Chancellor in +Parliament had acknowledged that Germany was doing wrong in violating +Belgian neutrality. It must, however, not be overlooked that the +Chancellor further said: + + We know that the Allies do not intend to respect Belgian + neutrality, and Germany, in the position she is in, attacked from + three sides, cannot wait, while the Allies can wait. + +At that time the Belgian archives were not at the disposal of the German +Government. If the Chancellor had known at the time he made his speech +that Belgium was not neutral he would certainly have spoken of the +alleged Belgian neutrality in a different way. + +Germany has violated the frontiers of no really neutral country, while +the Allies are on record for disregarding all obligations toward China. + +Text of Wireless Message. + +Headquarters report German military authorities searching archives of +Belgian General Staff at Brussels, found portfolio inscribed +"Intervention Anglaise-Belgique," containing important documents: + + 1. Report to Belgian War Minister, dated April 10, 1906, containing + result detailed negotiations between Chief of Belgian General Staff + and British Military Attache at Brussels, Lieut. Col. Barnardiston. + Plan of English origin sanctioned by Major Gen. Grierson, Chief + English General Staff, contains strength, formation, landing + places, expeditionary-force 100,000 men; continuing, settles plan + Belgian General Staff transport accommodations, feeding in Belgium, + Belgian interpreters, gendarmerie, landing places at Dunkirk, + Calais, Boulogne. Details Barnardiston remarks for present Holland + cannot be relied upon. Further confidential communication that + English Government after destruction of German Navy will direct + supply provision via Antwerp. Finally suggestion from England + military attache that Belgian espionage service should be organized + in Prussian Rheinland. + + 2. Map showing strategical drawing up of French Army demonstrating + existence of French-Belgian agreement. + + 3. Report of Baron Greindl, Belgian Minister to Berlin, to Belgian + Foreign Office, dated Dec. 23, 1911. Greindl, commenting on plan of + Belgian General Staff for defense of Belgo-German frontier in + Franco-German war, points to threatening violation of neutrality by + France, saying: "Danger French attack threatening us, not only near + Luxemburg, but on whole length of common frontier, This assertion + no guess work, but founded upon positive facts." + + Minister further thoroughly discusses Entente's plans for passage + through Belgium, Calais, and England. France doubtful protectors, + Barnardiston's insinuations relative Flushing question, both + perfidious and naive postulates dressing plan of battle against + threatening Franco-British invasion into Belgium in Franco-German + war. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GREAT BRITAIN'S DENIAL. + +Statement Issued by British Foreign Office, London, Oct. 14. + +The story of an alleged Anglo-Belgian agreement of 1906, published in +the German press and based on documents said to have been found at +Brussels is only a press edition of a story which has been reproduced in +various forms and denied on several occasions. No such agreement has +ever existed as Germans well know. Gen. Grierson is dead and Col., now +Gen., Barnardiston is commanding the British forces before Tsing-tau. + +In 1906 Gen. Grierson was on the General Staff at the War Office and +Col. Barnardiston was military attache at Brussels. In view of the +solemn guarantee given by Great Britain to protect the neutrality of +Belgium against violation from any side some academic discussions may, +through the instrumentality of Col. Barnardiston, have taken place +between Gen. Grierson and the Belgian military authorities as to what +assistance the British Army might be able to afford to Belgium should +one of her neighbors violate that neutrality. Some notes with reference +to the subject may exist in the archives at Brussels. + +It should be noted that the date mentioned, namely 1906, was the year +following that in which Germany had, as in 1911, adopted a threatening +attitude toward France with regard to Morocco and in view of the +apprehensions existing of an attack on France through Belgium it was +natural that possible eventualities should be discussed. + +The impossibility of Belgium having been a party to any agreement of the +nature indicated or to any design for violation of Belgian neutrality is +clearly shown by reiterated declarations that she has made for many +years past that she would resist to the utmost any violation of her +neutrality from whatever quarter and in whatever form such violation +might come. It is worthy of attention that these charges of aggressive +designs on the part of other powers are made by Germany who, since 1906, +has established an elaborate network of strategical railways leading +from the Rhine to the Belgian frontier through a barren, thinly +populated tract, deliberately constructed to permit of the sudden attack +upon Belgium which was carried out two months ago. + + + * * * * * + + + + +REPLY TO GREAT BRITAIN. + +Statement by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador, Washington, Oct. +15. + + +Concerning the Anglo-Belgian military agreement existing since 1906, a +formal denial has been issued by England, which proves nothing. The +documents are in the hands of the German authorities, and will be +published in full. The facts remain that a so-called "neutral" country +concluded a military agreement with England, which provided for landing +of British troops in this "neutral" country. The document proves that by +its own free will "neutral Belgium" accepted the British offer and +decided to fight on the side of the Allies. + +England instigated Belgium to go to war, and when the time came to +protect the unfortunate little country it was left to its own resources. +Germany, on the other hand, which had heard of Belgium's agreement with +England at the beginning of this war, offered to protect Belgium and to +pay full indemnity for all her losses. Germany would have religiously +kept her promise. + +The documents found in Brussels further prove that as far back as 1906 +England was systematically trying to bring about the coalition which has +now forced war on Germany. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GRAY BOOK'S TESTIMONY. + +Statement by E. Havenith, Belgian Minister to the United States, +Washington, Oct. 22. + +The Belgian Legation has just received the copies of the "Gray Book." It +is evident from these documents that there has never existed any +military agreement between Belgium and England, either offensive or +defensive, such as the German Government asserts to have been in +existence since 1906. The following extracts speak for themselves: + + _No. 28--Offer of intervention by England. Note handed to Sir + Francis H. Villiers, British Minister to Belgium, to M. Davignon, + Minister of Foreign Affairs._ + + Brussels, Aug. 4, 1914. + + I am instructed to inform the Belgium Government that, if Germany + exercises pressure for the purpose of compelling Belgium to abandon + her position of a neutral country, the Government of his Britannic + Majesty expects Belgium to resist by every possible means. + + The Government of his Britannic Majesty is ready in that event to + join with Russia and France, if desired by Belgium, to offer to the + Belgian Government at once common action for the purpose of + resisting the use of force by Germany against Belgium and at the + same time to offer a guarantee to maintain the independence and + integrity of Belgium in the future. + + _No. 37--Offer of England for an alliance for the object of + assuring the neutrality of Belgium against the pressure of + Germany._ + + London, Aug. 4, 1914. + + The Minister of Foreign Affairs has informed the British Ministers + in Norway, Holland, and Belgium that Great Britain expects that + these three kingdoms will resist the pressure of Germany and + maintain neutrality. They will be supported in their resistance by + England, who in such a case is ready to co-operate with France and + Russia, if such is the desire of these three Governments, in + offering an alliance to the said Governments to repel the + employment of force against them by Germany and a guarantee for the + future maintenance of the independence and the integrity of the + three kingdoms. + + I pointed out that Belgium is neutral in perpetuity. The Minister + for Foreign Affairs replied: "It is for the event of neutrality + being violated." + + (Signed) LALAING, + + Belgium Minister in London. + + _No. 40--Belgium appeals to the powers after the invasion of + Belgium._ + + Brussels, Aug. 4, 1914. + + Monsieur le Ministre--The Belgium Government regrets to have to + announce to your Excellency that this morning the armed forces of + Germany penetrated into Belgian territory, violating the + engagements which they have undertaken by treaty. + + The Belgian Government are firmly decided to resist by all means in + their power. + + Belgium appeals to England, to France, and to Russia to co-operate + as guarantors in the defense of her territory. + + There should be a concerted and common action, having as its object + to resist the measures of force employed by Germany against Belgium + and at the same time to guarantee the maintenance of the + independence and integrity of Belgium for the future. + + Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she will undertake the + defense of the fortified places. I am, &c., + + (Signed) DAVIGNON, + + Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belgium. + +Where is to be found the alleged military convention said to have been +concluded in 1906 with England? Where is the agreement said to have +existed since 1906 between the Allies to force war on Germany? These +documents clearly prove that such compact never existed. + +The Belgian nation preferred ruin and death to the shameful perjury +proposed to her by Germany. For this reason Germany has devastated and +immersed in blood a peaceful little country. Today she seeks to rob her +of honor, her only remaining treasure. + +The official documents, the confessions of the German statesmen, the +ruins of Louvain, Malines, Aerschot, Termonde, and of so many villages +burned and razed to the ground, the blood of her children unjustly +massacred are the testimonies which the Belgian people cites before the +tribunal of public conscience. To this tribunal, without fear, the +Belgian Nation confides the cause of her honor. + + + * * * * * + + + + +BELGIUM'S ANSWER. + +Transmitted to The London Times and Published Oct. 23. + + +The Times of Oct. 14 reproduces a long article from The North-German +Gazette commenting on the discovery in the archives at Brussels of a map +entitled "English Intervention in Belgium" and of a memorandum to the +Belgian Minister of War which goes to prove that in the month of April, +1906, the Chief of the General Staff, on the suggestion of the British +Military Attache and with the approval of Gen. Grierson, had worked out +a plan of co-operation between British expeditionary forces and the +Belgian Army against Germany in the event of a Franco-German war. This +agreement is assumed to have been preceded in all probability by a +similar arrangement with the French General Staff. + +The North-German Gazette also publishes certain passages of a report of +the Belgian Minister at Berlin in December, 1911, relating to another +plan of the Belgian General Staff, in which the measures to be taken in +case of the violation of Belgian neutrality by Germany are discussed. +Baron Greindl pointed out that this plan dealt only with the precautions +to be taken in the event of an aggression on the part of Germany, while, +owing to its geographical situation, Belgium might just as well be +exposed to an attack by France and England. The North-German Gazette +draws from this discovery the strange conclusion that England intended +to drag Belgium into the war, and at one time contemplated the violation +of Dutch neutrality. + +We have only one regret to express on the subject of the disclosure of +these documents, and that is that the publication of our military +documents should be mangled and arranged in such a way as to give the +reader the impression of duplicity on the part of England and adhesion +by Belgium, in violation of her duties as a neutral State, to the policy +of the Triple Entente. We ask the North-German Gazette to publish in +full the result of its search among our secret documents. Therein will +be found fresh and striking proof of the loyalty, correctness, and +impartiality with which Belgium for 81 years has discharged her +international obligations. + +It was stated that Col. Barnardiston, the military representative at +Brussels of a power guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium, at the time +of the Algeciras crisis, questioned the Chief of the Belgian General +Staff as to the measures which he had taken to prevent any violation of +that neutrality. The Chief of the General Staff, at that time Lieut. +Gen. Ducarne, replied that Belgium was ready to repel any invader. Did +the conversation extend beyond these limits, and did Col. Barnardiston, +in an interview of a private and confidential nature, disclose to Gen. +Ducarne the plan of campaign which the British General Staff would have +desired to follow if that neutrality were violated? We doubt it, but in +any case we can solemnly assert, and it will be impossible to prove the +contrary, that never has the King or his Government been invited, either +directly or indirectly, to join the Triple Entente in the event of a +Franco-German war. By their words and by their acts they have always +shown such a firm attitude that any supposition that they could have +departed from the strictest neutrality is eliminated a priori. + +As for Baron Greindl's dispatch of Dec. 23, 1911, it dealt with a plan +for the defense of Luxembourg, due to the personal initiative of the +Chief of the First Section of the War Ministry. This plan was of an +absolutely private character and had not been approved by the Minister +of War. If this plan contemplated above all an attack by Germany, there +is no cause for surprise, since the great German military writers, in +particular T. Bernhardi, V. Schlivfeboch, and von der Goltz, spoke +openly in their treatises on the coming war of the violation of Belgian +territory by the German armies. + +At the outbreak of hostilities the Imperial Government, through the +mouth of the Chancellor and of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, did +not search for vain pretexts for the aggression of which Belgium has +been the victim. They justified it on the plea of military interests. +Since then, in face of the universal reprobation which this odious +action has excited, they have attempted to deceive public opinion by +representing Belgium as bound already before the war to the Triple +Entente. These intrigues will deceive nobody. They will recoil on the +head of Germany. History will record that this power, after binding +itself by treaty to defend the neutrality of Belgium, took the +initiative in violating it, without even finding a pretext with which to +justify itself. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +ATROCITIES OF THE WAR + + + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X. +(_From a Painting by A. Muller-Ury._)] + + + + +By Pope Pius X., Kaiser Wilhelm II., President Poincare, and King +Albert of Belgium. + + +Official Message from Pope Pius X. at the Vatican, Aug. 2. + + At this moment, when nearly the whole of Europe is being dragged + into the vortex of a most terrible war, with its present dangers + and miseries and the consequences to follow, the very thought of + which must strike every one with grief and horror, we whose care is + the life and welfare of so many citizens and peoples cannot but be + deeply moved and our heart wrung with the bitterest sorrow. + + And in the midst of this universal confusion and peril we feel and + know that both Fatherly love and the Apostolic ministry demand of + us that we should with all earnestness turn the thoughts of + Christendom thither "whence cometh help"--to Christ, the Prince of + Peace, and the most powerful mediator between God and man. + + We charge, therefore, the Catholics of the whole world to approach + the throne of Grace and Mercy, each and all of them, and more + especially the clergy, whose duty furthermore it will be to make in + every parish, as their Bishops shall direct, public supplication so + that the merciful God may, as it were, be wearied with the prayers + of His children and speedily remove the evil causes of war, giving + to them who rule to think the thoughts of peace and not of + affliction. + + From the palace of the Vatican, the second day of August, 1914. + + + PIUS X. Pontifex Maximus. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE POPE'S DYING WORDS. + +Pronounced by Pius X. at the Vatican, Aug. 20. + + + In ancient times the Pope, with a word, might have stayed the + slaughter. Now I am impotent and forced to see the spectacle of my + own children, even those who yesterday worked here with me, leaving + for the war and abandoning their cassocks and cowls for soldiers' + uniforms. Yesterday, although belonging to different nationalities, + we were here studying in sympathetic companionship. Now we are in + different fields, armed against each other and ready to take each + other's lives. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST. + + +Addressed to Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, Aug. 7. + + I consider it my duty, Sir, to inform you, as the most notable + representative of the principles of humanity, that after the + capture of the French fort of Longwy my troops found in that place + thousands of dumdum bullets, which had been manufactured in special + works by the French Government. Such bullets were found not only on + French killed and wounded soldiers and on French prisoners, but + also on English troops. You know what terrible wounds and awful + suffering are caused by these bullets, and that their use is + strictly forbidden by the generally recognized rules of + international warfare. + + I solemnly protest to you against the way in which this war is + being waged by our opponents, whose methods are making it one of + the most barbarous in history. Besides the use of these awful + weapons, the Belgian Government openly incited the civil population + to participate in the fighting, and has for a long time carefully + organized their resistance. The cruelties practiced in this + guerrilla warfare, even by women and priests, toward wounded + soldiers, and doctors and hospital nurses--physicians were killed + and lazarets fired on--were such that eventually my Generals were + compelled to adopt the strongest measures to punish the guilty and + frighten the bloodthirsty population from continuing their shameful + deeds. + + Some villages and even the old town of Louvain, with the exception + of its beautiful town hall, (Hotel de Ville,) had to be destroyed + for the protection of my troops. + + My heart bleeds when I see such measures inevitable and when I + think of the many innocent people who have lost their houses and + property as a result of the misdeeds of the guilty. + + WILHELM I. R. + + + * * * * * + + + + +REPLY TO THE KAISER. + + +Made by President Wilson at Washington, Sept. 16. + + I received your Imperial Majesty's important communication of the + 7th and have read it with the gravest interest and concern. I am + honored that you should have turned to me for an impartial judgment + as the representative of a people truly disinterested as respects + the present war and truly desirous of knowing and accepting the + truth. + + You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Presently, I pray + God very soon, this war will be over. The day of accounting will + then come, when I take it for granted the nations of Europe will + assemble to determine a settlement. Where wrongs have been + committed, their consequences and the relative responsibility + involved will be assessed. + + The nations of the world have fortunately by agreement made a plan + for such a reckoning and settlement. What such a plan cannot + compass the opinion of mankind, the final arbiter in all such + matters, will supply. It would be unwise, it would be premature, + for a single Government, however fortunately separated from the + present struggle, it would even be inconsistent with the neutral + position of any nation which, like this, has no part in the + contest, to form or express a final judgment. + + I speak thus frankly because I know that you will expect and wish + me to do so as one friend speaks to another, and because I feel + sure that such a reservation of judgment until the end of the war, + when all its events and circumstances can be seen in their entirety + and in their true relations, will commend itself to you as a true + expression of sincere neutrality. + + WOODROW WILSON. + + + * * * * * + + + + +CHARGE AGAINST GERMANY. + + +President Poincare of the French Republic to President Wilson, Sept. +11. + + Mr. President: I am informed that the German Government is + attempting to abuse your Excellency's good faith by alleging that + dumdum bullets are manufactured in French State workshops, and are + used by our soldiers. The calumny is nothing but an audacious + attempt to reverse the roles. Germany has since the beginning of + the war employed dumdum bullets, and has daily committed violations + of the laws of nations. + + On Aug. 18 and on several occasions since then we have had to + report crimes to your Excellency as well as to the powers signatory + to the Convention of The Hague. Germany, which was aware of our + protests, is now trying to deceive and to make use of pretexts and + lies in order to indulge in further acts of barbarity in the name + of right. Outraged civilization sends your Excellency an indignant + protest. + + RAYMOND POINCARE. + + + * * * * * + + + + +M. DELCASSE'S NOTE. + + +French Cabinet Minister Addresses the Danish Government, Sept. 10. + +The French Government protested on Aug. 18 to the Permanent Bureau of +The Hague Court of Arbitration against the use of dumdum bullets by the +Germans, producing proof obtained by surgeons that French soldiers had +been killed or wounded by these bullets. The German General Staff has +countered this by alleging that it was the French and English who used +the bullets, and the Imperial Chancellor has announced in fiery tones +that in the presence of the example given by the English and French the +German soldiers would henceforth use dumdum bullets; the responsibility +for this procedure, which he himself describes as an act of cruelty and +a violation of an international convention signed by Germany, will rest, +he says, upon the powers of the Triple Entente. + +By my Government's orders I have the honor to protest in the most formal +manner to the Danish Government against the lying German allegations. +French soldiers have never used dumdum bullets. The French Government +has never authorized, nor will authorize, its troops to use such +barbarous means of warfare, whatever be the infringements of law and the +cruelties committed by its adversaries. The "Instructions for French +Officers in Wartime" also lay down, and will continue to lay down, that +they are to forbid their men to use bullets at variance with the +stipulations of the Geneva and Hague conventions. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: ALBERT, KING OF THE BELGIANS] + + + + +THE BELGIAN MISSION. + + +Officially Explained to President Wilson at the White House, +Washington, Sept. 16. + +His Majesty the King of the Belgians has appointed a special envoy for +the purpose of acquainting the President of the United States of America +with the deplorable state of affairs prevailing in Belgium, whose +neutrality has been unjustly violated, and who since the beginning of +hostilities has been the theatre of the worst outrages on the part of +the invading German Army, in defiance of rules solemnized by +international treaty and customs consecrated by public right and law of +nations. + +Mr. Henry Carton de Wiart, Minister of Justice, has been chosen for this +mission. He is accompanied by Messrs. de Sadeleer, Hymans, and +Vandervelde, Ministers of State. Count Louis Lichtervelde is attached to +the mission as Secretary. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: CARTON DE WIART, +Minister of Justice, Spokesman of the Royal Belgian +Commission to the United States.] + + + + +M. DE WIART'S ADDRESS. + + +Made to the President at the White House, Washington, Sept. 16. + +Excellency: His Majesty the King of the Belgians has charged us with a +special mission to the President of the United States. + +Let me say to you how much we feel ourselves honored to have been called +upon to express the sentiments of our King and of our whole nation to +the illustrious statesman whom the American people have called to the +highest dignity of the Commonwealth. + +As far as I am concerned, I have already been able, during a previous +trip, to fully appreciate the noble virtues of the American Nation, and +I am happy to take this opportunity to express all the admiration with +which they inspire me. + +Ever since her independence was first established, Belgium has been +declared neutral in perpetuity. This neutrality, guaranteed by the +powers, has recently been violated by one of them. Had we consented to +abandon our neutrality for the benefit of one of the belligerents, we +would have betrayed our obligations toward the others. And it was the +sense of our international obligations as well as that of our dignity +and honor that has driven us to resistance. + +The consequences suffered by the Belgian Nation were not confined purely +to the harm occasioned by the forced march of an invading army. This +army not only seized a great portion of our territory, but it committed +incredible acts of violence, the nature of which is contrary to the law +of nations. + +Peaceful inhabitants were massacred, defenseless women and children were +outraged, open and undefended towns were destroyed, historical and +religious monuments were reduced to dust, and the famous library of the +University of Louvain was given to the flames. + +Our Government has appointed a judicial commission to make an official +investigation, so as to thoroughly and impartially examine the facts and +to determine the responsibility thereof, and I will have the honor, +Excellency, to hand over to you the proceedings of the inquiry. + +In this frightful holocaust which is sweeping all over Europe, the +United States has adopted a neutral attitude. + +And it is for this reason that your country, standing apart from either +one of the belligerents, is in the best position to judge, without bias +or partiality, the conditions under which the war is being waged. + +It is at the request, even at the initiative, of the United States that +all civilized nations have formulated and adopted at The Hague a law +regulating the laws and usage of war. + +We refuse to believe that war has abolished the family of civilized +powers, or the regulations to which they have freely consented. + +The American people has always displayed its respect for justice, its +search for progress, and an instinctive attachment for the laws of +humanity. Therefore, it has won a moral influence which is recognized by +the entire world. It is for this reason that Belgium, bound as she is to +you by ties of commerce and increasing friendship, turns to the American +people at this time to let it know the real truth of the present +situation. Resolved to continue unflinching defense of its sovereignty +and independence, it deems it a duty to bring to the attention of the +civilized world the innumerable grave breaches of rights of mankind of +which she has been a victim. At the very moment we were leaving +Belgium, the King recalled to us his trip to the United States and the +vivid and strong impression your powerful and virile civilization left +upon his mind. + +Our faith in your fairness, our confidence in your justice, in your +spirit of generosity and sympathy--all these have dictated our present +mission. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY. + + +Addressed to the Royal Belgian Commission in the White House, +Washington, Sept. 16. + +Permit me to say with what sincere pleasure I receive you as +representatives of the King of the Belgians, a people for whom the +people of the United States feel so strong a friendship and admiration, +a King for whom they entertain so sincere a respect, and express my hope +that we may have many opportunities of earning and deserving their +regard. + +You are not mistaken in believing that the people of this country love +justice, seek the true paths of progress, and have a passionate regard +for the rights of humanity. + +It is a matter of profound pride to me that I am permitted for a time to +represent such a people and to be their spokesman, and I am proud that +your King should have turned to me in time of distress as to one who +would wish on behalf of the people he represents to consider the claims +to the impartial sympathy of mankind of a nation which deems itself +wronged. + +I thank you for the document you have put in my hands containing the +result of an investigation made by a judicial committee appointed by the +Belgian Government to look into the matter of which you have come to +speak. It shall have my utmost attentive perusal and my most thoughtful +consideration. + +You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Presently, I pray God +very soon, this war will be over. The day of accounting will then come, +when, I take it for granted, the nations of Europe will assemble to +determine a settlement. Where wrongs have been committed their +consequences and the relative responsibility involved will be assessed. + +The nations of the world have, fortunately, by agreement made a plan for +such a reckoning and settlement. What such a plan cannot compass, the +opinion of mankind, the final arbiter in such matters, will supply. It +would be unwise, it would be premature for a single Government, however +fortunately separated from the present struggle, it would be +inconsistent with the neutral position of any nation, which, like this, +has no part in the contest, to form or express a final judgment. + +I need not assure you that this conclusion, in which I instinctively +feel that you will yourselves concur, is spoken frankly because in warm +friendship, and as the best means of perfect understanding between us, +an understanding based upon mutual respect, admiration, and cordiality. + +You are most welcome and we are greatly honored that you should have +chosen us as the friends before whom you could lay any matter of vital +consequence to yourselves, in the confidence that your cause would be +understood and met in the same spirit in which it was conceived and +intended. + + + * * * * * + + + + +OFFICIAL SUMMARY. + +Findings Presented by the Belgian Royal Commission to President Wilson +at Washington, Sept. 16. + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +I. + +Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael. + + +Belgium, which wanted peace, has been obliged by Germany to resort to +arms and to oppose a legitimate defense to an aggression which nothing +can justify, and which is contrary to the solemn pledges of treaties. + +Belgium is bound in honor to fight loyally and to observe all the rules, +laws, and customs of war. + +From the beginning of the invasion of its territory by German troops, +the Belgian Government had posted each and every day, in all the towns, +and the papers have each day repeatedly printed, instructions warning +the non-combatant civilians not to offer any resistance to the troops +and soldiers invading the country. + +The information on which the German Government believes today that it +can base its contention that the Belgian population contravenes the law +of nations and is not worthy of respect is absolutely unfounded. + +The Government protests most vigorously against these allegations and +against the odious threats of retaliation. If any deed contrary to the +rules of warfare should ultimately be proved, to understand such fact it +is only necessary to realize the well-founded excitement which the +cruelties of the German soldiers are provoking among the Belgian +population--a population which is thoroughly honest but energetic in the +defense of its rights and in its respect for humanity. + +If we were to publish a list of these atrocities, of which the first +ones are here recorded, this would indeed be a long list. + +Whole regions have been ravaged and abominable deeds perpetrated in the +towns. + +A committee attached to the Department of Justice is drawing up a list +of these horrors with scrupulous impartiality. + +As an example, a few facts are here published, facts which will depict +the state of mind and the procedure of certain German troops: + + 1. German cavalry, occupying the village of Linsmeau, were attacked + by some Belgian infantry and two gendarmes. A German officer was + killed by our troops during the fight, and subsequently buried at + the request of the Belgian officer in command. None of the civilian + population took part in the fighting at Linsmeau. Nevertheless the + village was invaded at dusk Aug. 10 by a strong force of German + cavalry, artillery and machine guns. In spite of formal assurances + given by the Burgomaster that none of the peasants had taken part + in the previous fighting, two farms and six outlying houses were + destroyed by gun fire and burned. All the male population were + then compelled to come forward and hand over whatever arms they + possessed. No recently discharged firearms were found. Nevertheless + the invaders divided these peasants into three groups. Those in one + group were bound and eleven of them placed in a ditch, where they + were afterward found dead, their skulls fractured by the butts of + German rifles. + + 2. During the night of Aug. 10 German cavalry entered Velm in great + numbers; the inhabitants were asleep. The Germans without + provocation fired on Mr. Deglimme-Gever's house, broke into it, + destroyed furniture, looted money, burned barns, hay, corn stacks, + farm implements, six oxen, and the contents of the farm-yard. They + carried off Mme. Deglimme half-naked to a place two miles away. She + was then let go and fired upon as she fled; without being hit. Her + husband was carried away in another direction and fired upon; he is + dying. The same troops sacked and burned the house of a railway + watchman. + + 3. Farmer Jef Dierchx of Neerhespen bears witness to the following + acts of cruelty committed by German cavalry at Orsmael and + Neerhespen on Aug. 10, 11, and 12. An old man of the latter village + had his arm sliced in three longitudinal cuts; he was then hanged + head downward and burned alive. Young girls have been raped and + little children outraged at Orsmael, where several inhabitants + suffered mutilations too horrible to describe. A Belgian soldier + belonging to a battalion of cyclist carbineers, who had been + wounded and made prisoner, was bound to a telegraph pole on the St. + Trond road and shot. + + 4. On Wednesday, Aug. 12, after an engagement at Haelen, Commandant + Van Damme, so severely wounded that he was lying on his back, was + finally murdered by German infantrymen firing their revolvers into + his mouth. + + 5. On Monday, Aug. 9, at Orsmael the Germans picked up Commandant + Knappen very seriously wounded, propped him against a tree and shot + him. Finally they hacked his corpse with swords. + + 6. Numerous soldiers, disarmed and unable to defend themselves, + have been ill-treated or killed by certain German soldiers. The + inquiry brings forth new facts of this kind every day. + + 7. In different places, notably at Hellonge-sur-Geer, at Barchon, + at Pontisse, at Haelen, at Zelk, German troops have fired on + doctors, nurses, ambulances, and ambulance wagons. + + 8. At Boncelles a body of German troops went into a battle carrying + a Belgian flag. + + 9. On Thursday, Aug. 6, before a fort at Liege, German soldiers + continued to fire on a party of Belgian soldiers, who were unarmed + and had been surrounded while digging a trench, after these had + hoisted the white flag. + + 10. On Thursday, Aug. 10, at Vootem, near the Fort of Loncin, a + group of German infantry hoisted the white flag. When Belgian + soldiers approached to take them prisoners the Germans suddenly + opened fire on them at close range. + + + * * * * * + + + + +II. + +Report on Aerschot. + + +Antwerp, Aug. 28, 1914. + +The commission of inquiry on violation of the laws of nations and the +laws and customs of warfare, after an impartial and careful +investigation, can make the following report of its findings: + +It appears from precise and concurring testimony that in the entire +region of Aerschot the Germans have committed veritable atrocities. The +majority of the population fled in terror. On their passage the German +troops set fire to farms and houses and furniture, shooting inoffensive +citizens whom they found along the road or who were working in the +field. + +At Hersselt, north of Aerschot, thirty-two houses of the village were +set on fire; the miller and his son, who fled, and about twenty-one +other persons were killed; and all this while no Belgian troops were +visible. + +The German troops penetrated into Aerschot, a town of 8,000 inhabitants, +on Wednesday, Aug. 19, in the morning. No Belgian forces remained +behind. No sooner did the Germans enter the town than they shot five or +six inhabitants whom they caused to leave their houses. In the evening, +pretending that a superior German officer had been killed on the Grand +Place by the son of the Burgomaster, or, according to another version of +the story, that a conspiracy had been hatched against the superior +commandant by the Burgomaster and his family, the Germans took every man +who was inside of Aerschot; they led them, fifty at a time, some +distance from the town, grouped them in lines of four men, and, making +them run ahead of them, shot them and killed them afterward with their +bayonets. More than forty men were found thus massacred. + +They gave up the town to be pillaged, taking from private residences all +they could take, breaking furniture, and forcing safes. The following +day they lined up, three by three, the villagers whom they had arrested +the day before, taking one man out of each line. These they led to a +distance of about 100 meters from the town, taking with them the +Burgomaster of the town, Mr. Tielmans, and his son, aged 151/2 years, and +his brother, and shot them. + +Later on they forced the remaining villagers to dig holes to bury their +victims. + +For three whole days they continued to pillage and set fire to +everything in sight. + +About 150 inhabitants of Aerschot are supposed to have been thus +massacred. + +The largest part of the city is totally destroyed. Five times the +Germans tried to set fire to the large church, the interior of which has +been sacked. The records of the town have been carried away. + +The ambulance attendants, although wearing the Red Cross badge, were not +respected. One of them reports that German troops fired upon him while +he was collecting his wounded, and that they continued to fire even +though he displayed his Red Cross armband. Moreover, during the entire +day of the 19th, while he was engaged in hospital service, he was +threatened and ill-used. A German officer, among others, took him by the +head, thrusting against his forehead the butt of a revolver. A +collector, wearing the insignia of the Red Cross, was killed in the Rue +de l'Hospital on the evening of Aug. 19 by Germans. + +Deny Any Civilian Attack. + +From all the testimony taken it appears that the civil population of +Aerschot has in no wise participated in the hostilities, that no shot +was fired by them; that all the witnesses agree in pointing out the +improbability of the German version, according to which the +Burgomaster's son, a youth of 151/2 years, and of extremely gentle +disposition, is said to have fired upon a superior German officer during +the night of Aug. 19. Still more improbable is the version of the +conspiracy organized by the Burgomaster. It is to be remarked that if--a +thing which is not known--a German officer has been hit on the Grand +Place, it might have happened by a stray bullet, German soldiers being +engaged in shooting in the neighboring streets in order to frighten the +populace. + +Moreover, the Burgomaster, a very quiet man, had repeatedly warned his +fellow-citizens, by means of posters and circulars addressed to every +inhabitant of the town, that in case of invasion they were to abstain +from any hostility. These posters were still in evidence when the +Germans entered the city, and they were shown to them. + +The German troops which were traversing localities situated on this side +of Aerschot indulged in the same horrors. They shot fleeing citizens and +set fire to and sacked private houses, all this without provocation. + +At Rotselaer, for instance, they set fire to about fifteen houses. A +German officer, addressing an inhabitant whose house was afire, wanted +to make him declare, at the point of a pistol, that the fire had been +started by the Belgians. When this inhabitant protested, claiming that +the Belgians had left the town the previous evening, this officer +declared that if the Germans had set fire to the town it was due +probably to the fact that the civilians had fired at them, a fact which +is also denied by all the witnesses. + +There, too, the German troops pillaged everything they could lay their +hands on during their passage. + +Up to this writing the Commission of Inquiry has been unable to obtain +the testimony of inhabitants of Diest and Tirlemont, which towns were +occupied by the Germans on the 18th and 19th of August, 1914, and which +are cut off from communication. + +However, the inhabitants of Schaffen, a town near Diest, have stated +that the same abominations were committed in their locality and in the +adjoining communities, Lummen and Molenstede. The whole region has been +laid waste. German troops, at an hour's distance from Diest, had begun +their work of destruction all along the highway from Diest to Beeringen. +Turning upon Diest they set fire to everything they could lay hands +on--farms, houses, furniture. Arriving at the village of Schaffen, the +Germans set fire to the town, massacring the few inhabitants who +remained behind, and whom they found in their houses or in the streets. + +The witness gives the names and addresses of eighteen persons whom he +knows to have been massacred. + +Among them are: + +The wife of Francois Luyck, 45 years old, and her 12-year-old daughter, +who were discovered in a sewer and shot. + +The daughter of Jean Ouyen, 9 years old, who was shot. + +Andre Willem, 23 years old, sexton, who was tied to a tree and burned +alive. + +Joseph Reynders, forty years old, who was killed together with his +nephew, a lad of ten years. + +Gustave Lodt, forty years old, and Jean Marken, also aged forty, +probably buried alive. + +The witness testifies that he personally proceeded to exhume these two +bodies, and that he afterward buried them in the town cemetery. + +The village of Rethy, near Turnhout, was the object of devastation and +shooting during the day of Aug. 22 by seventeen cavalrymen who had +penetrated into the village. A young woman of fifteen years was killed +by a bullet. + +Still more horrible crimes, if that were possible, have been committed +by the German troops on account of their defeat at the hands of the +Belgian Army before Malines. The City of Louvain, with its artistic and +scientific riches, has not been spared. + +New reports will be submitted very shortly. + +GOOREMAN, President, +ERNST DE BUNSWYCK, +Secretary of the Commission. + + + * * * * * + + + + +III. + +Destruction of Louvain. + + +Antwerp, Aug. 31, 1914 + +To the Minister of Justice: + +Sir: The Commission of Inquiry begs to make the following report on the +deeds of which the City of Louvain and the surrounding localities and +the vicinity of Malines have been the theatre. + +The German Army penetrated into Louvain on Wednesday, Aug. 19, after +having set fire to the towns through which it had passed. + +From the moment of their entrance into the City of Louvain the Germans +requisitioned lodgings and victuals for their troops. They entered every +private bank of the city and took over the bank balances. German +soldiers broke the doors of houses abandoned by their inhabitants, +pillaged them and indulged in orgies. + +The German authorities took hostages--the Mayor of the city, Senator +Vander Kelm, the Vice Rector of the Catholic University, the Dean of the +city; magistrates and Aldermen were also detained. All arms, down to +fencing foils, had been handed over to the town administration and +deposited by the said authorities in the Church of St. Peter. + +In a neighboring village, Corbeek-Loo, a young matron, 22 years old, +whose husband was in the army, was surprised on Wednesday, Aug. 19, with +several of her relatives, by a band of German soldiers. The persons who +accompanied her were locked in an abandoned house, while she was taken +into another house, where she was successively attacked by five +soldiers. + +In the same village, on Thursday, Aug. 20, German soldiers were +searching a house where a young girl of 16 years lived with her parents. +They carried her into an abandoned house, and while some of them kept +the father and mother off, others went into the house, the cellar of +which was open, and forced the young woman to drink. Afterward they +carried her out on the lawn in front of the house and attacked her +successively. She continued to resist, and they pierced her breast with +their bayonets. Having been abandoned by the soldiers after these +abominable attacks, the girl was carried off by her parents, and the +following day, owing to the gravity of her condition, she was +administered the last rites of the Church by the priest of the parish +and carried to the hospital at Louvain. At that time her life was in +danger. + +On Aug. 24 and 25 Belgian troops, leaving the intrenched camp in +Antwerp, attacked the German Army which was outside of Malines. + +The German troops were driven back as far as Louvain and Vilvorde. + +Penetrating the towns which had been occupied by the enemy, the Belgian +Army found the whole country devastated. The Germans, while retiring, +had ravaged and set fire to the villages, taking with them all the male +inhabitants, driving them before them. + +Old Woman Killed by Bayonets. + +Upon entering Hofstade, on Aug. 25, the Belgian soldiers found there the +corpse of an old woman who had been killed by bayonet thrusts; she still +held in her hands the needle with which she was sewing when she was +attacked; one mother and her son, aged about 15 or 16 years, lay there, +pierced with bayonet wounds; one man was found hanging. + +In Sempst, a neighboring village, were found the corpses of two men +partially burned. One of them was found with his legs cut off at the +knees, the other was minus his arms and legs. A workman (whose charred +body several witnesses have seen) had been pierced with bayonets, and +afterward, while still living, the Germans soaked him with petroleum and +locked him in a house, which they set on fire. An old man and his son +had been killed by bullets; a woman coming out of her house had been +stricken down in the same manner. + +A witness whose declaration has been received by Edward Hertslet, son of +Sir Cecil Hertslet, Consul General of Great Britain in Antwerp, +testifies to have seen not far from Malines on Aug. 26 (that is, during +the last attack of the Belgian troops) an old man attached by the arms +to a beam of a barn. The body was completely burned; the head, the arms, +and the feet were intact. Further on was a body all over stabbed with +bayonet thrusts. Numerous corpses of peasants were found in positions of +supplication, arms lifted and hands folded in prayer. The Belgian Consul +to Unganda, who had entered the Belgian Army as a volunteer, reports +that everywhere the Germans had passed through the country was +devastated. The few inhabitants who remained in the villages told of +horrors committed by the enemy. Thus in Wacherzeel seven Germans are +said to have consecutively attacked a woman, afterward killing her. In +the same village they had stripped a young boy, threatening him with +death by pointing a revolver at his breast, piercing him with their +lances, and chasing him into the open fields and shooting after him, +without, however, hitting him. + +Everywhere there was ruin and devastation. At Bulcken numerous +inhabitants, including the priest, a man more than 80 years old, were +killed. + +Between Impde and Wolverthem two wounded Belgian soldiers were lying +near a house which was burning. The Germans threw these two unfortunate +men into the raging fire. + +The German troops repulsed by our soldiers entered Louvain in full +panic. Various witnesses assure us that at that moment the German +garrison occupying Louvain was advised erroneously that the enemy was +entering the town. Immediately the German garrison withdrew toward the +station, where it met with the German troops that had been repulsed and +pursued by the Belgian troops. Everything seems to indicate that a +collision took place between the two German regiments. From that moment, +under pretext that the Louvain civilians had fired upon them, a fact +which is contradicted by all witnesses, and which would hardly have been +possible inasmuch as all the inhabitants of Louvain, for several days +past, had been obliged to hand their arms over to the local +authorities, the German soldiers began to bombard the city. Moreover, +not one of the witnesses has seen the body of a single civilian at the +place where the affray happened. The bombarding lasted until 10 o'clock +at night. Afterward the Germans set fire to the city. + +Burning of the Town. + +The houses which had not taken fire were entered by German soldiers, who +threw fire grenades, which seem to have been provided for the occasion. +The largest part of the City of Louvain, especially the quarters of the +Ville Haute, comprising the modern houses, the Cathedral of St. Peter, +the University Halls, with the whole library of the university, its +manuscripts, its collections, the largest part of the scientific +institutions, and the town theatres, were at the moment being consumed +by flames. + +The commission deems it necessary, in the midst of these horrors, to +insist on the crime of lese humanity which the deliberate annihilation +of an academic library--a library which was one of the treasures of our +time--constitutes. + +Numerous corpses of civilians covered the street and squares. On the +route from Louvain to Tirlemont alone one witness testifies having seen +more than fifty of them. On the threshholds of houses were found burned +corpses of people who, surprised in their cellars by the fire, had tried +to escape and fell into the heap of live embers. The suburbs of Louvain +have been completely annihilated. + +A group of seventy-five persons, among whom were several notables of the +city, such as Father Coloboet and a Spanish priest, and also an American +priest, were conducted during the morning of Wednesday, Aug. 26, to the +square in front of the station. The men were brutally separated from +their wives and children, and after having received the most abominable +treatment, and after repeated threats of being shot, they were driven in +front of the German troops as far as the village of Campenhout. They +were locked in the church during the night. The following day at 4 +o'clock a German officer came to inform them that they might all confess +themselves, and that they would be shot half an hour later. But at 4:30 +o'clock they were allowed to go, and shortly afterward they were again +arrested by a German brigade, which forced them to march in front of +them to Malines. Answering a question on the part of one of the +prisoners, a German officer told them that they were going to taste some +of the Belgian grapeshot before Antwerp. At last they were liberated on +Thursday afternoon at the entrance of Malines. + +Further testimony shows that several thousand male inhabitants of +Louvain who had escaped the shooting and burning were sent toward +Germany. We do not at this writing know for what purpose. + +The fire continued for several days. An eye-witness, who on Aug. 30 left +Louvain, describes the state of the city as follows: + + "From Weert St. Georges," he says, "I have seen nothing except + burned towns and crazed villagers lifting to each comer their arms + as a mark of submission. From each house was hanging a white flag, + even from those that had been set on fire, and rags of them were + found hanging from the ruins. + + At Weert St. Georges I inquired from the inhabitants the cause of + the German reprisals. They all assured me that absolutely none of + the inhabitants had fired; that all arms had been previously given + up, and that the Germans had taken vengeance on the population + because a Belgian soldier of the Gendarme Corps had killed a Uhlan. + + The population which remained in Louvain took refuge in the suburb + of Heverle, where they are all piled up, the population having been + driven from the town by the troops and by the fire. + + The fire in Louvain began a little above the American College, and + the city is entirely destroyed, with the exception of the Town Hall + (Hotel de Ville) and the depot. Today the fire continued, and the + Germans--far from trying to stop it--seem rather to maintain it by + throwing straw into the fire, as I have myself seen in the streets + behind the Hotel de Ville. The cathedral and the theatres have been + destroyed and have fallen in, also the library. The town resembles + an old city in ruins, in the midst of which drunken soldiers are + circulating, carrying bottles of wine and liquor; the officers + themselves being installed in armchairs, sitting around tables and + drinking like their own men. + + In the streets dead horses are decaying, horses which are already + inflated, and the smell of the fire and of the decaying animals is + such that it has followed me for a long time." + +The commission up to this writing has been unable to obtain any +information regarding the fate of the Burgomaster of Louvain, nor +regarding the prominent persons taken for hostages. + +Conclusions of the Commission. + +By facts which have thus far been brought to its attention, the +commission reaches the following conclusions: + + In this war, German occupation of territory is systematically + followed by (and is at times preceded by and accompanied by) acts + of violence against the civil population, which acts of violence + are contrary to the conventional laws of war and to the most + elementary principles of humanity. + + The procedure of the Germans is everywhere the same. They advance + along the roads, shooting inoffensive passersby, particularly + cyclists and even peasants occupied in the fields which the Germans + traverse. + + In the towns and villages where they stop, the Germans first of all + requisition victuals and drinks which they consume to the point of + drunkenness; then they begin to shoot wildly, sometimes from the + interior of empty houses, declaring that the inhabitants have fired + the shots. It is then that the firing scenes begin, and murder and + especially pillage accompanied by acts of cold cruelty set in, acts + which respect neither sex nor age. Even where they claim to know + the perpetrator of the deeds which they allege, they do not content + themselves with executing the culprits summarily, but take + advantage of the occasions to decimate the population, to pillage + all the inhabitants, and to set fire to them. + + After a first massacre, somewhat at random, they shut the men into + the church of the town and order all women to go back to the houses + and leave the doors open during the night. + + In several localities the civil population has been sent to + Germany, to be compelled there, it appears, to labor in the fields, + as was done in the slave days of olden times. Numerous cases are + known where the inhabitants were forced to serve as guides and to + make trenches for the Germans. Numerous depositions reveal that in + their march, and even in their attacks, the Germans put before them + civilians, men and women, in order to prevent our soldiers from + firing. Other testimony proves that German detachments do not + hesitate to fly either a white flag or a Red Cross flag, so as to + approach our troops without being suspected. On the other hand they + fire on our ambulances and ill-treat our ambulance nurses. They + ill-treat and even kill our wounded. Clergymen seem to be + particularly the object of their attacks. Last, but not least, we + have in our possession explosive bullets left behind them by the + enemy at Wechter, and we are also in receipt of medical + certificates testifying that the wounds must have been inflicted by + bullets of the variety mentioned above. + + Documents and testimonials in support of these facts will be + published. + + (Signed) + + GOOREMAN, President. + COUNT GOBLET D'ALVIELLA. + + ERNST DE BUNSWYCK, + ORTS, Secretaries. + + + * * * * * + + + + +FURTHER REPORTS. + +Cabled to Royal Commission at Washington from Belgian Foreign Office. +Cablegram Received Sept. 8. + + +You have received the reports of the commission of Aug. 25 and 31. +Since then a great many localities, situated in the Vilvorde-Malines- +Louvain triangle, an extremely fertile and densely populated district, +have been partially pillaged and totally destroyed by fire. Their +inhabitants have fled, while a number of them, among others women and +children, were arrested and shot without trial, and without apparent +reason, except to inspire the population with terror. This was done in +Sempst, Weerde, Elewyt, Hofstade, Wespelaer, Wilsele, Bucken, Eppeghem, +Houthem, Tremeloo, Tistelt, Gelrode, Herent. At Wavre, where the +population was unable to pay a levy of 3,000,000 francs, fifty-six +houses were set on fire. The largest part of Cortenberg is burned. To +excuse these attacks the Germans allege that an army of civilians +resisted them. According to trustworthy testimony, no provocation can +be proved at Vise, Aerschot, Louvain, Wavre, and in other localities +situated in the Malines-Louvain-Vilvorde district, where fire was set +and massacres committed several days after the German occupation. + +Cablegram Received Sept. 15. + +Inform the Belgian Commission that the Belgian Committee on Inquiry +continues to report ruins and devastations and pillage, systematically +organized by German troops in the towns invested by them. The City of +Termonde was destroyed without any hostile participation on the part of +the civilian population. Out of 1,400 houses, only 295 remain standing, +others were destroyed by fire and razed from the ground, after the +Germans entered the city. Several civilians were imprisoned and executed +with bayonets in the presence of their relatives and fellow-citizens. In +Melle nine civilians were killed and forty-five properties destroyed, +without any reason. + +The re-occupation of Aerschot by the Belgian Army reveals disastrous +deeds. Dwellings, which were not destroyed by fire were completely +sacked and pillaged on Sept. 6 before the return of the Belgian troops. +Four hundred civilians, among them thirty clergymen, were locked since +Aug. 30 in the church without food, carried off, and sent to +destinations unknown. Localities in the neighborhood are completely +destroyed, and everywhere along the road are corpses. Women and young +girls were outraged. Systematic pillage. + + + * * * * * + + + + +A SUPPLEMENT. + +Published by Belgian Commission of Inquiry on Sept. 10 to Complete Its +Report of Aug. 31. + + +Of the two reports, dated August 28 and 31, which the Commission has had +the honor of addressing to you, the former recounted more particularly +the events which occurred at Aerschot and in the neighboring district, +while the latter dealt with the destruction of the town of Louvain by +the German troops. In order to complete its report of Aug. 31, the +Commission thinks it its duty to record that after the burning of +Louvain the houses which remained standing, the inhabitants of which had +been forced to flee, were pillaged under the eyes of German officers. On +Sept. 2 the Germans were seen setting fire to four houses. + +The "Chastisement" of Louvain. + +Another fact which emphasizes the ruthless character of the treatment to +which the peaceable population of Louvain was subjected has also been +established. On Aug. 28 a crowd of 6,000 to 8,000 persons, men, women +and children, of every age and condition, was conducted under the escort +of a detachment of the 162nd Regiment of German infantry to the riding +school of the town, where they spent the whole night. The place of +confinement was so small in proportion to the number of the occupants +that all had to remain standing, and so great were their sufferings that +in the course of this tragic night several women lost their reason and +children of tender years died in their mothers' arms. + +A communique from the German Great General Staff, the text of which is +published in the Cologne Gazette of Aug. 29, declares that the +"chastisement" inflicted upon Louvain was justified by the fact that a +battalion of Landwehr, which had been left unsupported in the town in +order to guard the communications, had been attacked by the civil +population, which was under the impression that the main German Army had +definitely retired. The same journal has published a narrative +purporting to come from a person who was a witness of the occurrence. + +The inquiry has established that this statement must be considered +false. It is, in fact, ascertained that the people of Louvain, who, +moreover, had been disarmed by the Communal Authority, did not provoke +the Germans by any act of hostility. + +The commission has resumed the inquiry begun at Brussels on the subject +of the occurrences at Vise. + +This place was the first Belgian town destroyed in pursuance of the +system applied subsequently by the invader to so many other of our +cities and villages. It is for this reason that we have been careful to +determine what truth there is in the German version according to which +the civilian population of Vise took part in the defense of the town or +rose against the Germans after the town had been occupied. + +Several witnesses now at Antwerp have been heard, notably soldiers +belonging to the detachment which disputed with the Germans the passage +of the Meuse, north of Liege, and a lady of German nationality, who +belongs to the religious community of the Sisters of Notre Dame at Vise. + +Innocent Vise. + +The result is to prove that the inhabitants took no part whatever in the +fighting which took place on Aug. 4 at the ford of Lixhe and at Vise +itself. + +Moreover, it was only in the night of Aug. 15-16 that the destruction of +the town began, the signal being given by several shots fired on the +evening of the 15th. The Germans asserted that the inhabitants had fired +upon them, particularly from a house the owner of which gave evidence +before the commission. + +The Germans discovered no arms in this house, any more than they did in +neighboring buildings, which, nevertheless, were burned after being +pillaged, and the male occupants of which were carried off to Germany. + +The evidence has brought to light the improbability of any rising among +a disarmed population against a numerous German garrison at a time when +the last Belgian troops had for eleven days evacuated the district, and +the witnesses have declared that the first shots were fired by +intoxicated German infantry soldiers at their own officers. This fact +appears not to be exceptional. It is, indeed, notorious that at +Maestricht, either by mistake or in consequence of a mutiny, Germans +about this same time killed one another during the night at a cavalry +camp which they had established at Mesch, close to the Dutch frontier in +Limbourg. + +It is confirmed that the town of Vise was entirely burned, with the +exception, it appears, of a religious establishment which seems to have +been respected, and that several citizens, both of the town and of the +village of Canne, were shot. + +A Deliberate System. + +A large number of places situated in the triangle between Vilvorde, +Malines, and Louvain--that is to say, in one of the most populous and, a +few days ago, one of the most prosperous regions in Belgium--have been +given over to plunder, partially or entirely destroyed by fire, their +population dispersed, while the inhabitants were indiscriminately +arrested and shot without trial and without apparent reason, the sole +object being, it seems, to inspire terror and to compel the migration of +the population. + +This was notably the case in the communes or hamlets of Sempst, Weerde, +Elewyt, Holstade, Wespelaer, Wilsele, Bueken, Eppeghem, Wackerzeele, +Rotselaer, Werchter, Thildonck, Boortmeerbeek, Houthem, Tremeloo. In +this last village only the church and the presbytery remained standing. +On the few houses which have been spared may be seen the following +inscriptions: "Nicht abbrennen," (do not burn,) "Bitte schonen," +(please spare,) "Gute leute, nicht plundren," (good people, do not +plunder.) These houses, however, were sacked afterward. + +In all these villages the women who have been unable to escape are +exposed to the brutal instincts of the German soldiers. + +The district immediately adjoins that of Aerschot, the devastation of +which was described in an earlier report. It extends at present to the +northwest of Brussels, where the important towns of Grimberghen and +Wolverthem have been sacked, while southeast of the capital, more than +twenty-five kilometers from the scene of military operations, the town +of Wavre, which was unable to furnish the exorbitant war levy of +3,000,000 francs (L120,000) imposed by the General Staff of the enemy, +has seen fifty-six of its houses destroyed by fire. + +We must also record that on Sept. 4 and 5 bombs were hurled from an +aeroplane upon Ghent and Escloo, which are open and undefended towns. + +Finally, you are aware, M. le Ministre, that the town of Malines, after +it had been completely evacuated by Belgian troops on Aug. 27, was +subjected for several days to a bombardment which has seriously damaged +the cathedral church of St. Rombaut, the pride of this ancient city. The +town of Heyst-opden-Berg was also bombarded without mercy, though there +was no strategic interest to warrant such an act. + +The Plea of Armed Resistance. + +The Germans, in order to excuse their violence, declare that, wherever +they have shot civilians or burned and pillaged towns and villages, +armed resistance has been offered by the inhabitants. While there may +possibly have been isolated instances of this kind, that is nothing more +than occurs in all wars, and if they had confined themselves to +executing the guilty persons we could only have bowed before the rigor +of military law. But in no case could individual and absolutely +exceptional acts of aggression justify the wholesale measures of +repression which have been adopted against the persons and the property +of the inhabitants of our towns and villages--the shooting, the burning, +the pillaging which has proceeded pretty well everywhere in our country, +not only by way of reprisals but with a refinement of cruelty. Moreover, +no provocation has been proved at Vise, Marsage, Louvain, Wavre, +Termonde, and other places which have been entirely and deliberately +destroyed several days after being occupied, not to mention the +systematic burning of isolated buildings situated in the line of march +of the troops, and the shooting of the unfortunate inhabitants who fled. + +The Germans have asserted in their newspapers that the Belgian +Government distributed to the civil population arms which were to be +used against the invaders. They add that the Catholic clergy preached a +sort of holy war and incited their flock everywhere to massacre the +Germans. Finally, they have declared, in order to justify the massacres +of women, that women showed themselves as ferocious as the men, and went +so far as to pour boiling oil from their windows upon the troops on the +march. + +A Tissue of Falsehoods. + +All these allegations are so many falsehoods. Far from having +distributed arms, the authorities everywhere on the approach of the +enemy disarmed the inhabitants. The Burgomasters everywhere warned the +townspeople against acts of violence, which would involve reprisals. The +clergy have unceasingly preached calm to their flock. As for the women, +if we except a story in a foreign newspaper, the source of which is +suspected, everything shows that their only anxiety was to escape the +horrors of a ruthless war. + +The true motives for the atrocities the moving evidence of which we have +gathered can only be, on the one hand, the desire to terrorize and +demoralize the people in accordance with the inhuman theories of German +military writers, and, on the other hand, the desire for plunder. A +shot fired, no one knows where, or by whom, or against whom, by a +drunken soldier, or an excited sentry, is enough to furnish a pretext +for the sack of a whole city. Individual plunder is succeeded by war +levies of a magnitude which it is impossible to satisfy and by the +taking of hostages who will be shot or kept in confinement until payment +of the ransom in full, according to the well-known procedure of classic +brigandage. It must also be stated that in order to establish the German +case all resistance offered by detachments of the regular army is laid +to the account of the civilian population, and that the invader +invariably avenges himself upon the civilians for the checks or even the +disappointments which he suffers in the course of the campaign. + +In the course of this inquiry we use only facts supported by trustworthy +evidence. It should be noted that up to the present we have been able to +record only a small part of the crimes committed against law, humanity, +and civilization, which will constitute one of the most sinister and +most revolting pages in contemporary history. If an international +inquiry, like that which was conducted in the Balkans by the Carnegie +Commission, could be conducted in our country, we are convinced that it +would establish the truth of our assertions. + +[Signed by M. Gooreman, Minister of State, President.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +"NOT A WORD OF TRUTH." + +Denial of Belgian Charges by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador at +Washington, Sept. 17. + + +All that I care to say about the Belgian charges is that I have +officially informed the State Department in Washington that there is not +one word of truth in the statements made to the President yesterday by +the Belgian Commission. + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMANY'S VERSIONS. + +Official Dispatch from Berlin to German Embassy at Washington, Aug. +29. + +In consequence of a sudden attack of Belgian troops from Antwerp the +German garrison at Louvain meets the enemy, leaving only one battalion +of the last reserve and army service corps in Louvain. Thinking that +this meant the retreat of the German troops, priests at Louvain gave +arms and ammunition to the civilians, who began, at different places, +suddenly to shoot out of windows at unsuspecting German troops, of whom +many were wounded. A fight of twenty-five hours between German soldiers +and the civil population of Louvain took place. Parts of Louvain were +burning. Civilians met with arms are killed. The manifesto of the Chief +General speaks of bestial cruelties committed on wounded and makes the +magistrates responsible for the provocation and for providing people +with arms. + +The German Army protests against the news spread out by enemies about +the cruelty of German warfare. The German troops had to take severe +measures sometimes when provoked, the population making treacherous +attacks upon them and bestial atrocities against the wounded. The +responsibility for the recourse of warfare falls entirely upon the +authorities of the occupied territories who gave arms to the civil +population and stirred them up to take part in the war wherever the +population was not hostile. The German troops never did harm people or +property. The German soldier is not an incendiary nor pillager. He only +fights against a hostile army. The news published in foreign papers +about the Germans chasing the population means the characterizing +immorality of the authors. + + + * * * * * + + + + +Official Communication of the German General Staff. + + +BERLIN, Aug. 30, 1914. + +The City of Loewen (Louvain) had surrendered and was given over to us by +the Belgian authorities. On Monday, Aug. 24, some of our troops were +shipped there and intercourse with the inhabitants was developing in a +quite friendly manner. + +On Tuesday afternoon, Aug. 25, our troops, hearing about an imminent +Belgian sortie from Antwerp, left in that direction, the Commanding +General ahead in a motor car, leaving behind only a Colonel with +soldiers to protect railroad, (landsturm battalion "neuss.") + +As the rest of the Commanding General's staff, with the horses, was +going to follow, and collected on the market place, suddenly rifle fire +opened from all the surrounding houses, all the horses being killed and +five officers wounded, one of them seriously. + +Simultaneously fire opened at about ten different places in town, also +on some of our troops, just arrived and waiting on the square in front +of the station, and on incoming military trains. A designed co-operation +with the Belgian sortie from Antwerp established beyond doubt. Two +priests caught in handing out ammunition to the people were shot at once +in front of the station. + +Street fights lasted till Wednesday, the 26th, in the afternoon, +(twenty-four hours,) when stronger forces, arrived in the meantime, +succeeded in getting the upper hand. Town and northern suburbs were +burning at different places and by this time have probably burned down +altogether. + +On the part of the Belgian Government a general rising of the population +against the enemy had been organized for a long time; depots of arms +were found where to each gun was attached the name of the citizen to be +armed. + +A spontaneous rising of the people has been recognized, at the request +of the smaller States at The Hague Conference, as being within the law +of nations as far as weapons are carried openly and the laws of +civilized warfare are being observed; but such rising was only admitted +in order to fight the attacking. + +In the case of Loewen the town had already surrendered and the +population renounced, without any resistance, the town being occupied +by our troops. Nevertheless the population attacked on all sides and +with a murderous fire the occupying forces and newly arriving troops, +which came in trains and automobiles, considering the hitherto peaceful +attitude of the population. + +Therefore there can be no question of means of defense allowed by the +law of nations, neither of a warlike guet-apens, (ambush,) but only of a +treacherous attempt of the civil population all along the line, and all +the more to be condemned as it was apparently planned long beforehand +with simultaneous attack from Antwerp, as arms were not carried openly, +as women and young girls took part in the fight and blinded our wounded, +sticking their eyes out. + +The barbarous attitude of the Belgian population in all parts occupied +by our troops has not only justified our severest measures, but forced +them on us for the sake of self-preservation. The intensity of the +resistance of the population is shown by the fact that in Loewen +twenty-four hours were needed to break down their attack. + +We ourselves regret deeply that during these fights the town of Loewen +has been destroyed to a great extent. Needless to say that these +consequences are not intentional on our part, but cannot be avoided in +this infamous franc-tireur war being led against us. + +Whoever knows the good-natured character of our troops cannot seriously +pretend that they are inclined to needless or frivolous destruction. + +The entire responsibility for these events rests with the Belgian +Government, who with criminal frivolity have given to the Belgian people +instructions contrary to law of nations and incited the resistance, and +who, in spite of our repeated warnings, even after the fall of Luettich, +(Liege,) have done nothing to induce them to a peaceful attitude. + + + * * * * * + + +Official German Statement Published in Berlin, Sept. 7. + + +Belgium is officially spreading false representations about the +occurrences through which the City of Louvain was made to suffer. It is +claimed that German troops, having been repulsed by Belgians making a +sortie from Antwerp, were fired upon by mistake by the German garrison +of Louvain and that in this way fighting occurred there. But events +prove incontestably that the Germans repulsed the Belgian sortie. + +During this battle before Antwerp an undoubtedly organized attack was +made upon the German troops at many places in Louvain, after apparently +friendly relations between the Germans and the citizens of the town had +seemed for twenty-four hours to be beginning. The attack was at first +against a Landwehr battalion composed of older men of quiet disposition +and themselves mostly fathers of families; also against sections of the +General Staff that had remained in the city, and upon moving columns of +troops. The Germans had many wounded and killed. They won the upper +hand, however, owing to the arrival of fresh troops by rail, who were +fired upon at the station. The truth of the foregoing statements is +established beyond all cavil. The City Hall was saved, but further +attempts to extinguish the fire were unsuccessful. + + + * * * * * + + + + +LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES. + +Official Report by Superior Confidential Councilor von Falke After +Inspection of Louvain, Sept. 17. + + +The ancient Tuchhalle, which was used for university and library +purposes, was completely destroyed by fire, with the exception of the +front and rear facades in Gothic and Renaissance style. The library, +with its very valuable treasures of manuscripts and books, was therefore +a total loss. Officials of the library who might have called attention +to the saving of the imperiled treasures were not present when the +adjoining houses on both sides of the hall caught fire, and no hope +exists that any of the books or manuscripts, or even parts thereof, +might be found in the ruins. + +Apart from this--by far the worst damage--and the partial destruction +by fire of the Cathedral of St. Peter no other losses of extraordinary +importance took place at Louvain. + +The Rathaus, or City Hall, in late Gothic style, under reconstruction +for several years and on which work has not been finished yet, was +saved, thanks to the orders of the commander, Major von Manteuffel, who +ordered that the burning houses on the right side of the City Hall be +leveled to the ground. The military removed from a cellar of the City +Hall a quantity of ammunition which threatened to explode through +extreme heat of the fire. Four soldiers were severely injured thereby. +The Rathaus, thanks to the precautions taken by the German military, and +in spite of its nearness to the conflagration, was not damaged in the +interior, nor did its rich outer architecture suffer any at all. + +The roof of the Cathedral of St. Peter, which was set afire by sparks +from adjoining buildings, was very considerably damaged, however only to +such an extent as to allow its restoration to the original condition. +The roof frame is burned to the beginning of the curve of the dome. The +inner ceiling has prevented the fire from spreading to the inner part of +the church, containing rich art treasures. Above the choir, however, the +inner ceiling gave way, thereby partially damaging the upper part of the +rococo altar of stone which was without any particular artistic value. + +The small sacrament house standing next to the altar--a very fine and +rich stonework of late Gothic style by the builder of the City Hall, M. +de Layens--has been slightly damaged by the collapse of the ceiling, +which chipped off the upper phiales. These broken pieces have been +collected without any substantial loss and can easily be replaced. The +damage to the sacrament house can therefore be replaced. Close to the +main portal of the cathedral, following the fire in the bell tower, the +falling bells pierced the roof. Near the entrance in the southerly part +of the church at the right side the fire did some damage to the walls +and the stone balustrades in the side chapel. Notable art treasures +have, however, not been damaged. Only the ventilator in the main portal, +a beautiful Renaissance carving, (of wood,) was burned. An ancient glass +painting of the seventeenth century remained undamaged. + +The left side chapel to the north of the entrance, with its Gothic +bronze baptismal and the iron arm in Gothic style, (the cover being +missing for many years,) with its rococo carved altars and heavy +sideboards, are untouched, as well as the organ of the year 1556 in a +beautiful carved oak inclosure of the Renaissance period in the +northerly centre chapel. + +The paintings in the choir chapels, to which belong the most precious +art treasures of Louvain, such as the works of Dierik Bouts and the +Master of Flemalle, together with all movable art treasures of St. +Peter's Church, were saved by Lieut. Col. of Reserves Thelemann and +transferred to a hall in the Rathaus, where they are now under the +supervision of the Mayor. Here can be found "The Holy Communion" by +Dierik Bouts, and his "Martyrdom of the Holy Erasmus," the +"Kreuzabnahme" ("Removal from the Cross") by the Master of Flemalle, and +two side paintings representing the donors (apparently by another +artist.) Three paintings by J.v. Rillaerz and several later paintings of +lesser value are stored there. + +The oaken church treasure chest containing eight silver Holy Virgins, +some of them from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a Gothic +incense bowl, Gothic Renaissance monstrances of silver, highly artistic +and valuable ciboriums of the eighteenth century, also chandeliers, +candlesticks, swinging lamps, and other church regalia have been stored +in the City Hall. The report continues that an architect of Louvain has +been ordered to temporarily repair the damage of the roof regardless of +cost. + +Thus of the old art works of the Church of St. Peter only the ventilator +is destroyed; the stone structure of the building itself remains intact. +Until the framework of the roof is rebuilt a temporary roof should be +constructed to shelter the interior of the church. A Louvain architect +has been authorized by the Mayor to do this work. + +The semi-official Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, after publishing this +report, says: + +"The disastrous accidental fire, called forth by the revolt of the +populace and then spread further through the storm wind, devastated +especially the rows of houses near the railroad station, in the +Bahnhofstrasse and in the centre of the city. The remaining churches lie +outside of the zone touched by the fire, which comprised about one-sixth +the area of the city; they were therefore not touched by the fire. Thus +there remained undamaged the Church of St. Michael, the Church of St. +Jacob, the Church of St. Gertrude, with all their notable art works; +likewise the College du Saint Esprit, with its library." + + + * * * * * + + + + +Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Protest Issued to Neutral Powers from French Foreign Office, Bordeaux, +Sept. 21. + +Without being able to invoke even the appearance of military necessity, +and for the mere pleasure of destruction, German troops have subjected +the Cathedral of Rheims to a systematic and furious bombardment. At this +hour the famous basilica is but a heap of ruins. + +It is the duty of the Government of the republic to denounce to +universal indignation this revolting act of vandalism, which, in giving +over to the flames this sanctuary of history, deprives humanity of an +incomparable portion of its historic patrimony. + + + * * * * * + + + + +POPE BENEDICT SILENT. + +Authorized Dispatch to The London Daily News, Sept. 27. + +Although the Pope is greatly shocked and deeply grieved at the +destruction of the Rheims Cathedral, which he is convinced was entirely +unnecessary, and could easily have been averted, he still declines to +make a public statement. I am merely authorized to state that the Pope's +sorrow at the destruction of the magnificent cathedral is so great that +it is impossible for him to express it. + +The Pope is convinced that his sorrow is shared not only by Catholics, +but by all Christians, since all believers in God mourn the destruction +of His temples, which even war does not justify. + +A member of the Pope's entourage explained the reasons why a public +statement was not issued. He said: + + The Pope's sorrow is understood, if not publicly announced. It is + inconceivable that even if the destruction of the cathedral was + necessary for strategical reasons the intensity of the Pope's + sorrow would be lessened, but a public statement implies blame, + which the Pope thinks now is inopportune and inexpedient, hence he + refrains from any comment. God's mercy is undoubted; His justice + inevitable. Time will show whether the criminal destruction of one + of the most famous of the world's cathedrals will remain + unpunished. Vengeance is God's + + + * * * * * + + + + +ATTACK NOT WILLFUL. + +Statement by Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador at Washington, +Sept. 23. + + +It would seem from certain published reports that the destruction of +this grand old edifice was the result of malice or envy. This is +ridiculous. All that I have to say on this matter is that I am positive +that the attack on the cathedral at Rheims was not willful. + +For my part, I feel much more for the thousands of men who have +sacrificed their lives, although I regret as much as any man the +destruction of such a beautiful work of art. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"SPARE THE CATHEDRAL." + +German Government Disclaimer Issued by Count von Bernstorff, +Washington, Sept. 23. + + +The German Government states officially in contradiction of the report +made by the Havas Agency that German artillery purposely destroyed +important buildings at Rheims, that, on the contrary, orders were given +to spare the cathedral by all means. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE FRENCH ARE BLAMED + +Official German Dispatch from Berlin, Received in Amsterdam, Sept. 23. + + +The Cathedral of Rheims was not used as a mark for a systematic +bombardment. During the last few days the French had strengthened the +fortress to defend their present position, and consequently the German +bombardment became necessary. Orders had been given to spare the +cathedral. + +If it should prove true that during the fire the cathedral suffered, +which cannot be yet ascertained, nobody would deplore it more than +ourselves, but the French who made Rheims a fortress in support of their +defense line are alone to blame. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE DAMAGE DONE. + +Official Report Made by Whitney Warren to the French Government, Sept. +28. + +On Friday, Sept. 25, I received word from the embassy that the French +Government had made arrangements to take me to Rheims in order that I +might make a report on general conditions and especially upon the +cathedral. So at 8 o'clock the next morning I started off with two +automobiles under the escort of Capt. Henri Charbonnel, accompanied by +two soldiers; one automobile, conducted by Mr. Hall of New York, +containing Major Morton Henry, Major Cosby, and Lieut. Boyd of the +embassy. + +We followed the route direct to Meaux, then to La Ferte-sur-Jouarre, +from there to Chateau-Thierry, where we picked up a third automobile +containing Capt. Perrin, with authority from Gen. Joffre to conduct us +anywhere we chose to go, providing it was safe. + +From there to Epernay, where we had luncheon, and then to +Chalons-sur-Marne, where was stationed the chef d'etat-major. There they +told us it was possible to go to Rheims, although the bombardment had +been rather severe the day before. So we turned northwest and proceeded +to Rheims, passing by Conde-sur-Marne and Verzy. Here we passed many +troops, who, although fagged, seemed to be in very good condition, and +we arrived at Rheims at 4:30, proceeding directly to the cathedral, +where I remained until dark, talking and visiting the monument with the +Cure Landrieux and the Abbe Thinot, who had been in charge of the +cathedral from the commencement. + +The next day I was again at the cathedral, from 7:30 in the morning +until 4:30 in the afternoon, visiting it in every particular, +endeavoring to realize the damage done, whether intentionally inflicted +or not. The following is as near as I am able to ascertain the different +phases of the bombardment: + +Four Bombs on First Day. + +On Sept. 4, when the Germans first entered Rheims, there was a first +bombardment by their guns, interpreted by the Germans themselves as +either a mistake or caused by the jealousy of some corps not allowed +that privilege. Four bombs fell upon the cathedral--one on the north +transept--doing but little damage, however. + +On Sept. 14 and 15, after the Germans had evacuated the city and the +French had entered, the bombardment recommenced, but without touching +the cathedral. On Sept. 17 two bombs struck, one on the apse and the +other on the north transept. + +On the 18th the cathedral was again hit on the southern flying +buttresses and on the roof, killing a gendarme and several German +wounded. + +On Sept. 19 the cathedral was fairly riddled by bombs during the entire +day, and at about 3:45 the scaffolding surrounding the north tower +caught fire. This fire lasted about one hour, and during that time two +further bombs struck the roof, setting it also on fire. The cure claims +that one of these bombs must have been incendiary, otherwise it would be +impossible to explain the extraordinary quickness with which the fire +spread throughout the roof timbers. + +The fire from the scaffolding descended until it reached the north door +of the main facade, which caught rapidly, burned through and +communicated to the straw with which the floor of the cathedral was +covered. This straw had been ordered on Sept. 12 by the German Commander +in order to prepare the cathedral to receive 3,000 German wounded but +the evacuation of the city by the Germans had prevented the cathedral +being used for that purpose. + +When the French came back the straw was gathered together with the +intention of removing it, but on the 17th the French General ordered it +to be re-spread, the flag of the Red Cross hoisted on the north tower +and the German wounded placed there, in the hopes that this might save +the cathedral. + +As I have said, on Sept. 19 the straw caught from the fire originating +in the scaffold, burning through the doors and destroying what was known +as the very fine wooden tambours, or vestibules, surrounding these doors +on the inside, and also calcinating the extraordinary stone sculptures +decorating the entire interior of this western wall. These sculptures +were peculiar to Rheims, being in high, full relief and cut out of the +mass of the stone itself instead of being applied. This is one of the +irreparable destructions occasioned. + +All the wonderful glass of the nave is absolutely gone; that of the apse +still exists, though greatly damaged. + +Decorative Motifs Lost. + +The fire on the outside calcinated the greater part of the facade, the +north tower and the entire clerestory, with the flying buttresses and +the turret crowning each of them. This stone, as far as its surface is +concerned, is irreparably damaged and when touched detaches itself; +consequently all decorative motifs wherever the flames reached are lost. + +The tresor was saved at the commencement of the fire by the priests and +the tapestries for which Rheims is so greatly renowned had been +fortunately removed before. Half the stalls have been destroyed. The +organ is intact and several crucifixes and pictures in the apse are +untouched. + +That anything remains of the monument is owing to the strong +construction of what might be called the carcass of the cathedral and, I +am firmly convinced, through no desire on the part of the bombarding +forces to spare this monument. The walls and vaults are of a robustness +which can resist even modern implements of destruction, for even on +Sept. 24, when the bombardment was again taken up, three bombs landed on +the cathedral, but the vaults resisted absolutely, not even being +perforated. + +Had the Cathedral of Amiens received the same punishment, because of the +lightness of its construction the vaults would undoubtedly have given +way, the flying buttresses would have crushed in the walls and nothing +would have remained but a mass of crumbled stone, with the exception of +perhaps the ruins of the towers. If anything therefore remains of Rheims +Cathedral it is due, as I have already said, to the robustness of its +construction and not to any desire on the part of those bombarding it to +spare it from utter destruction. + +The monument, about which no troops were massed, towers above the rest +of the town; to avoid it, in view of the uselessness of destroying it +and because it was serving as a hospital, would have been an easy +matter. The entire quarter of the city situated between it and the enemy +is destroyed, including the Episcopal Palace, which contained the +Archaeological Museum, the Episcopal Chapel, and what was known as the +"Apartment of the Kings." This quarter also contained the principal +commercial houses. + +"Blind Rage" Causes Attack. + +It would seem that the only explanation which can be offered was blind +rage upon the part of the besieging army. + +There are two monuments of almost equal importance to the world which +are in jeopardy of the same fate as the Cathedral of Rheims, viz., the +Cathedrals of Noyon and Laon. That these will be respected is to be +hoped, in spite of the ruthless and miserable attempt to reduce the +glorious monuments of Rheims to ruins. + +On Friday, Sept. 25, the Germans further shelled the Abbey of Remy at +Rheims, one shell exploding in the interior and destroying an immense +quantity of glass. The civil hospital, which occupies the cloisters of +St. Remy, received as its quota nine bombs, one of which killed four of +the patients in the beds, and another one of the attendants. Needless to +say that over this building also were flying flags of the Red Cross. + +On Sunday, Sept. 27, I spent about two hours on top of the north tower +of the cathedral, behind the parapets, where I could not be seen, +watching the bombardment of the French forces, which was going on in the +suburbs of the town, situated at about two kilometers from my point of +vantage. It was most interesting, the precision with which the German +shells arrived in groups of six at intervals of, I should say, three to +five minutes. The French troops were all wonderfully covered so that +they could not be seen, their guns being concealed under straw or beet +leaves, according to the character of the ground upon which the battery +was established. + +No smoke came from their guns, their powder being absolutely smokeless, +and yet the Germans seemed to have located them very thoroughly and kept +up a continual bombardment, their shells landing repeatedly over the +same place, seemingly, without any deviation whatever. + +Shot Proclaims "Lights Out." + +We all slept the Saturday and Sunday nights in Rheims, which was in a +state of siege, all lights being out at 8 o'clock. One of our party +foolishly left his window open while he had his light on; a pistol shot +from the police drew attention to the fact, and the entire electric +light of the hotel was immediately cut off. + +In the day time great numbers of the population would leave the city and +go out in the suburbs on the safe side to watch the combat, returning at +night to their homes to see what destruction had been occasioned and, if +possible, to get a night's rest. I had a large quantity of tobacco with +me, which was received by the troops and by the civilians with great +joy, for they had seen none for a month, the Germans having taken +everything. + +While the commercial part of the city had been absolutely destroyed, in +other parts one would find places where stray shells had fallen, doing +great damage. It all seemed absolutely ruthless and useless. The cure of +the cathedral told me that the Germans during their occupation had +established an observation post in the north tower with an electric +searchlight. This they took away with them, and some of the French +officers, during the first days of reoccupation, occasionally went up +there to have a look, but the cure had strongly objected and they had +given it up. + +I know that the two days that I was there nobody but myself went into +the tower and I did so unbeknown to the authorities, being very careful +not to show myself, as I was assured it would draw fire if the Germans +saw anybody moving about on it. I think, myself, that this is an +exaggeration, as their line of observation must be at least seven or +eight miles removed and at that distance, even with a very strong glass, +it would be almost impossible to distinguish a human silhouette. + +We left Rheims at 7 o'clock on Monday morning, proceeding to +Villers-Cotterets and stopping at Lafere-en-Tardenois, which was the +headquarters of the English. Here there were great quantities of +automobiles and considerable commotion that it was his honest opinion +that this was not the case. The village had been bombarded before the +arrival of the Germans, and the Mayor had taken refuge in the cellar of +the Mairie. When the Germans arrived at about 3 o'clock they dragged him +out and took him to a little place about three kilometers from Senlis, +where he is supposed to have been questioned, together with other +hostages. At 10 o'clock that night he was shot and buried where he fell. + +The next day seven other hostages were shot in view of the fact that +some civilians were accused of having fired upon the military. Three +days after this the Acting Mayor and a party of citizens recovered the +body of the Mayor, who had been buried under a very thin covering of +earth in a very shallow grave--so much so that his hands and feet were +uncovered. He had one bullet hole in his forehead, which would seem to +indicate that the execution was not a military one, but that some +officer had, for some reason, shot him--perhaps in a moment of +impatience. + +From Senlis we went to Clermont, which is the headquarters of the left +wing. There I had the great good fortune to be introduced to Gen. +Castelnau, who showed me his maps and the way a battle was fought on +paper. This is one of the greatest privileges I think I have ever +enjoyed, and the curious part of it was that their way of working in the +military art is very similar to the way we plot and scheme as +architects. The General interested me as a very fine, simple citizen. +Among other things he said to me: + + "My dear Sir, how is it possible to fight with these people? They + seem to have no mercy, no decency. It really seems impossible to + know how to meet them." + +He had with him several of his staff officers and one of them was +charged with making a report upon the atrocities committed. He allowed +me to read several of these reports and showed me photographs of one +incident that impressed me greatly. These photographs this officer had +taken himself and in order to prove that he had seen the incident and +was on the ground he was himself in the photograph. This special +happening was as follows: + +In some little town to the east the Germans had taken out sixteen +peasants and field laborers. They bound their hands either in front or +at the back, tied them in bunches of five, cut their suspenders and +unbuttoned their trousers so that escape was impossible and shot them in +an open field. The report contained the names and ages of these poor +chaps. The oldest, I remember, was 67, and several were over 50. The +French had been able to get no explanation whatever of what had +occurred, as the village was absolutely deserted. The persecution of +women seems to be quite prevalent. + +From here we returned to Paris, passing by Creil and Chantilly without +any incident, arriving in Paris at about 8 o'clock at night. + +WHITNEY WARREN. + + + * * * * * + + + + +WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? + +THE SOCIALISTS' PART + + + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: EMIL VAN DER VELDE, +Belgian Minister of State and Chairman International +Socialist Bureau. +(_Photo from Wiener Agency._)] + + + + +HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER. + + +Concluding Remarks of Emil Vandervelde, Belgian Minister of State, +Chairman International Socialist Bureau, in Harlem Casino, New York, +Sept. 21. + + +You in the United States represent the International within a nation. +You have undertaken to do what no nation of Europe has ever +accomplished. You have taken the men and women and children of all +nationalities and molded of them one uniform nation of peace. + +This meeting here tonight is a demonstration of this. The International, +unfortunately divided by war, has not been seen in Europe in weeks. I +find it again in the United States. These United States, which are to +be, not merely the United States of America, or the United States of +capitalism, but the United States of the Socialism of the world. + +At the last meeting of the International Socialist Bureau in Paris I can +see gathered at the same table, Hugo Haase, the Chairman of the +Parliamentary group of the German Social Democracy, drafting resolutions +of peace on behalf of the entire International. And at the same table +sat our unforgettable Jean Leon Jaures, who fell at the first mad rush +of the war tide. What a frightful succession of events have taken place +since that time! + +Jaures dead; Guesde, the uncompromising, the Marxist, the Socialist, a +member of the French Cabinet; Dr. Ludwig Frank, one of the most +promising of the young German Socialists, shot dead in battle! +Socialists become national! French, Russian, Belgian, German, Austrian +Socialists fighting one another, destroying one another! + +Who was right, who wrong? Did the majority of the German Socialists, +under the leadership of David, do right in voting the war credits asked +by the Kaiser? Or did the minority do right, under the direction of Dr. +Liebknecht, in refusing these credits? Who can pass judgment? But this +we do know and can truthfully say--not a single capitalistic Government +of all Europe but shares in the guilt. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"ENVOY OF MY PARTY." + + +Statement by Jules Guesde, Minister in France's War Cabinet and +Exponent of French Socialism, at Paris, Aug. 29. + + +I go into the Cabinet as an envoy of my party, not to govern, but to +fight. If I were younger, I would have shouldered a gun. But as my age +does not permit this I will, nevertheless, face the enemy and defend the +cause of humanity. + +I am confident of final victory, and without hesitation as to its +subsequent role in France, the party will never deviate from the line of +conduct laid out. As the solidarity of workmen does not shut out the +right to defend themselves against traitor workmen, so international +solidarity does not exclude the right of one nation to defend itself +against a Government traitor to the peace of Europe. + +France has been attacked, and she will have no more ardent defenders +than the workmen's party. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: JULES GUESDE, +French Cabinet Minister and Exponent of French Socialism. +(_Photo from Trans Atlantic Co._)] + + + + +MINISTER JULES GUESDE. + +Editorial Article in the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Aug. 28. + + +Who would have suspected in 1904 that Jules Guesde would come to be once +more a member of a Ministry, popular in its majority? Who would have +thought then--it was in the time of the memorable debates over +socialistic "ministerialism" in the Amsterdam Congress of the +International--that there ever could come a time when this clear-headed +and unswerving exponent of academic socialism would be forced by the +need of the hour to take a step which in ordinary circumstances would be +absolutely inconceivable for him? + +And now this has actually happened. Jules Guesde, who has been +called--in contrast to the easily moved emotional Jaures--the +stiff-necked dogmatist, is not only become Minister, but with him +another proved Socialist champion, Marcel Sembat, who for his part too +would rather have split the party than to have approved the entrance of +Millerand into the Cabinet of Waldeck Rousseau. + +But now these two are sitting on the same Ministerial bench, not only +with this self-same Millerand, but with the much more deeply despised +renegade Briand, with the anti-Socialist abettor Ribot, and the +disgusting reactionary and favorite of the Czar, Pelcassi. The world +seems to be unhinged. + +Yet the incomprehensible is under the existing circumstances only too +easily understood, Guesde and Sembat have taken this difficult step, +because there was no other choice for them, they had to take it. They, +as representatives of a party which had sent 102 members to the Chamber +of Deputies, could not refuse, when this was the question, to create a +Ministry for Defense. + +That was the question! It was demanded of all the larger parties that +they put up their best--that is, their intellectually strongest--men for +a Cabinet whose sole task was the defense of France. When this task is +accomplished, when the war is ended in one way or the other, then the +Ministry will undoubtedly dissolve, and the Ministerial magnificance of +Comrades Guesde and Sembat will be at an end until the opportunity +offers of creating a Socialist Ministry. + +France, according to all news emanating from the scene of hostilities, +is in an extraordinarily difficult situation. Should the German Army +succeed, as seems already to have been the case in two places, in +breaking through the French-Belgian-English chain of defense, then the +way to Paris is as good as open. If nothing more, at least the reported +preparations of the Parisians indicate that a siege is expected there in +the very near future; and since Paris is still the heart of France, the +taking of that city would be one with the fall of the French Republic. + +If in such an hour of danger a nation calls upon its sons, there is for +them no choice; they must answer the call. + +Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat did no more than their duty! + + + * * * * * + + + + +"REVOLUTION!" + +Cry Raised by Jean Jaures at Session of International Socialist Bureau, +Brussels, July 29. + +The diplomats negotiate. It seems that they will be satisfied to take +from Servia a little of its blood. We have, therefore, a little rest to +insure peace. But to what lesson is Europe submitted? When after twenty +centuries of Christianity, when after 100 years of the triumph of the +principles of the rights of men, how is it possible that millions of +persons, without knowing why, can kill each other? + +And Germany? If she knew of the Austrian note, it is inexcusable to have +permitted such a step. And if she did not know of this Austrian note, +what is her Governmental wisdom? You have an agreement which drags you +into war and you do not know what you have been dragged for? I ask, What +people have shown so much anarchy? + +Nevertheless the authorities hesitate. Let us profit by it and organize. +For us, French Socialists, our duty is simple. We do not need to impose +on our Government a policy of peace. They are practicing it. I, who have +never hesitated to bring upon my head the hatred of our patriots by my +desire to bring about a Franco-German understanding, have the right to +say that at this time the French Government desires peace. + +The French Government is the best ally for peace of the English +Government, which has taken the initiative in conciliation and gives to +Russia advice of prudence and patience. + +As for us, it is our duty to insist that it shall speak with force that +Russia may abstain. If unfortunately Russia does not abstain, it is our +duty to say, "We do not know of any other treaty except the one which +binds us to the human race." + +This is our duty, and in expressing it we find ourselves in accord with +our German comrades who demand of their Government to see to it that +Austria moderates its acts. It is possible that the telegram of which I +spoke is due partly to that desire of the German workers. One cannot go +against the wish of four millions of enlightened consciences. + +Do you know what the proletariat is? They are the men who have +collectively an affection for peace and a horror for war. The +chauvinists, the nationalists, &c., are men who have collectively an +affection for war and carnage. When they feel, however, over their heads +the menace of conflicts, or wars which may put an end to their +capitalist existence, then they remind themselves that they have friends +who seek to reduce the storm. But for the supreme masters the ground is +mined. In the drunkenness of the first battles they succeed in pulling +along the masses. In proportion as typhus completes the work of death +and misery these men will turn to the masters of Germany, France, +Russia, Austria, Italy, and so on, and will demand what reason they can +give for all those corpses. And then the revolution will tell them: Go +and demand grace from God and men. + + + * * * * * + + + + +COMPOSURE IS NECESSARY. + +Editorial Article for l'Humanite, Written by Jean Jaures on the Night +He Was Assassinated, July 31. + + +If we put things at their worst, if we take, in view of the most +formidable hypothesis, the necessary precautions, let us keep the +lucidity of our spirit, the firmness of our reason. To judge from all +the common elements, it does not seem that the international situation +is desperate. To be sure, it is grave, but all chances of an amicable +adjustment have not disappeared. On one side it is evident that if +Germany had a design to attack us she would have proceeded according to +the famous sudden attack. On the contrary, she has allowed days to pass, +and France, like Russia, could have put to profit this delay, the one, +Russia, in order to proceed to a partial mobilization, the other, +France, to take precautions compatible with the maintenance of peace. + +On the other hand, Austria and Russia have entered into direct +negotiations. Russia demands of Austria what treatment she reserves for +Servia. Austria answers that she will respect her "territorial +integrity." Russia figures that it is not enough and that it must also +include that "the sovereign rights of Servia are guaranteed." + +Even if discord comes between the views of Austria and those of Russia, +one could measure the distance of the ideas and work on a solution of a +problem whose points are determined. It is then, it seems, that the +English idea of mediation which seeks a form, its means of expression, +but which in the end will prevail, for it embodies the profound +sentiments of the people, and without doubt the desire of the rulers +who feel rising toward them, like punishment, this peril of war, with +which for a moment they thought of playing like a diplomatic toy. + +If we judge what war itself will be and the effects it will produce by +panic, sinister rumors, economic difficulties, monetary difficulties, +and the financial disasters which the mere possibility of a conflict +creates; when we think that even now we must postpone payments, and +prepare to decree a forced circulation for the paper certificates, one +asks if the most crazy or the sanest of men are capable to open such a +crisis. + +The greatest danger at this time is not, if I can say it, in the events +themselves. It is not even in the real dispositions of the +chancelleries, however guilty they may be; it is not in the real will of +the people; it is in the nervousness which is gaining, in the worry +which is spread, in the sudden impulse which grows from fear, of the +growing uncertainty, prolonged anxiety. To these crazy panics the crowd +may give in, and it is not sure that the Governments, too, may give in. +They spend their time (delicious occupation) to frighten and to reassure +each other. And this, do not mistake, can last for weeks. Those who +imagine that a diplomatic crisis must be or can be settled in a few days +are mistaken. Just as the battles of modern war develop on an immense +front, last seven or eight days, the same way the diplomatic battles, +placing now in the game entire Europe and involving a number of powerful +nations, will spread necessarily over several weeks. To resist this test +one must have nerves of steel, or, better still, they need a firm +reasoning, clear and calm. It is to the intelligence of the people, it +is to their reasoning, that we must now make an appeal if we wish them +to remain masters of themselves, escape the panics, dominate the +excitement, and supervise the march of men and things, to spare the +human race from the horror of war. + +The danger is great, but it is not unavoidable if we preserve clearness +of mind and a strong will, if we have both heroism of patience and +heroism of action. The clear view of our duty will give us the power to +accomplish it. + +All the militant Socialist members of the Federation of the Seine are +called, for next Sunday morning, to Wagram Hall, to a meeting where the +situation will be explained, where the action which the International +expects of you will be defined. + +A number of meetings will keep in action the thought and will of the +proletariat and will prepare the magnificent demonstration which will be +a prelude to the labors of the International Congress. + +What counts now is the continuity of action, the constant awakening of +the reason and conscience of the workers. There lies true salvation. +There lies the guarantee of the future. + + + * * * * * + + + + +PRESSURE FOR PEACE. + +Resolutions of International Socialist Bureau at Brussels, July 29. + + +In assembly of July 29 the International Socialist Bureau has heard +declarations from representatives of all nations threatened by a world +war, describing the political situation in their respective countries. + +With unanimous vote, the bureau considers it an obligation for the +workers of all nations concerned not only to continue but even to +strengthen their demonstrations against war in favor of peace and of a +settlement of the Austro-Servian conflict by arbitration. + +The German and French workers will bring to bear on their Governments +the most vigorous pressure in order that Germany may secure in Austria a +moderating action, and in order that France may obtain from Russia an +undertaking that she will not engage in the conflict. On their side the +workers of Great Britain and Italy shall sustain these efforts with all +the power at their command. + +The congress urgently convoked in Paris [it was never held] will be the +vigorous expression of the absolutely peaceful will of the workers of +the whole world. + +It is further resolved that the International Socialist Bureau +congratulates the Russian workers on their revolutionary attitude, and +invites them to continue their heroic efforts against Czardom as being +one of the most effective guarantees against the threatened world war. + + + * * * * * + + + + +HUGO HAASE AT BRUSSELS. + +Speech of German Social Democratic Leader on July 30, Five Days Before +His Declaration in the Reichstag. + + +For twenty-five years Austria-Hungary has been attempting to strangle +Servia economically. Therefore, the ultimatum sent to Servia must be +regarded as a provocation to long desired war. As you know, Servia's +answer was so conciliatory in tone that if Austria had had the honest +desire peace could have been brought about. Austria wanted war. + +The most fearful thing about it all is that this criminal sport may +deluge all Europe with blood. A telegram says that Austria does not wish +to carry on a long war with Servia, but only intends taking the capital +city, Belgrade, by way of teaching Servia a lesson. This role of the +teacher punishing the pupils is both reprehensible and dastardly. + +Austria seems to count upon Germany's help. Nevertheless, the German +Socialists declare that secret negotiations have very little weight with +the proletariat. The German proletariat says that Germany is not to +involve herself, even if Russia enters in. The German capitalists, on +the other hand, demand that Germany step in because Austria makes war +with Servia. And on the same illogical, reprehensible grounds the French +capitalists are demanding war with Germany. The French proletariat is +one with the German proletariat. + +The people, sunk deep in want and despair, will at last awake and +establish socialism. Yesterday thousands and tens of thousands of them +in Berlin protested against the war. Their slogan was: "Long live peace, +and down with war!" + + + * * * * * + + + + +HAASE IN THE REICHSTAG. + +Speech of Aug. 4--"We Do Not Desert Our Fatherland." + + +We are face to face with a great crisis. The consequences of the +imperialistic policy by means of which an era of competitive preparation +for war has been inaugurated, and which has served to intensify hostile +feeling between nations, have swept down over Europe like a torrent. The +responsibility lies with those who have upheld this policy; we refuse +it. [Applause from the Socialists.] Social Democracy has fought this +disastrous development with all its strength, and even up to the very +last hour, by means of prodigious public demonstrations, particularly in +close co-operation with its brothers in France, [applause from the +Socialists,] it has labored for the maintenance of peace. Its endeavors +have been in vain. We now stand before the brazen facts of actual war; +the horrors of hostile invasion threaten us. It is not for us today to +decide for or against war, but to deliberate on the problem of the +available means of national defense. We have now to think of the +millions of our fellow-countrymen who, through no fault of theirs, have +been drawn into this disaster. [Applause.] They will be the ones to +suffer most heavily from the devastation of this war. + +Our warmest sympathy, accorded without reference to party, accompanies +all our brothers who have been called to the front. [Vigorous applause +from all sides of the House.] We are thinking also of the mothers who +must give up their sons, of the women and children robbed of their +mainstay and support, of those whom, to the anxiety of their loved ones, +the pangs of hunger threaten. To these will very soon be added tens of +thousands of wounded and crippled soldiers. To stand by them all, to +ease their misfortune, to alleviate their immeasurable need--this we +consider our compelling duty. [Vigorous applause.] + +With a victory of the Russian despotism, which is stained with the blood +of the best of its own people, much, if not all, which concerns our +people and their future in freedom will be at stake. [Storm of +applause.] + +It is necessary to ward off the danger in order to render secure the +culture and the independence of our own country. [Vigorous applause.] + +Thus do we actualize what we have always claimed--in the hour of danger +we do not desert our Fatherland! [Vigorous demonstrations of approval.] + +In this regard we feel ourselves in perfect accord with the +International, which has at all times recognized the right of every +people to natural independence and self-defense, just as we agree with +it in denouncing every war of conquest. + +We demand that as soon as this purpose of securing national safety is +achieved, and the combatants shall be disposed toward peace, that an end +be made to the war through a peace which shall facilitate friendship +between neighboring peoples. We demand this not only in the interests of +that international solidarity for which we have continually fought, but +also in the interests of the German people. We hope that the grisly +lessons learned from suffering in this conflict will waken in new +millions of hearts the horror of war, and will win them over to the +ideal of Socialism and peace between nations. + +Guided by these principles, we approve the proposed appropriations. +[Vigorous applause.] + + + * * * * * + + + + +GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED. + +Letter from Dr. Carl Liebknecht, Social-Democratic Member of the +Reichstag, in the Burger Zeitung, Bremen, Sept. 18. + + +I understand that several members of the Socialist Party have written +all sorts of things to the press with regard to the deliberations of +the Socialist Party in the Reichstag on Aug. 3 and 4. + +According to these reports there were no serious differences of opinion +in our party in regard to the political situation, and our own position +and decision to assent to war credits are alleged to have been arrived +at unanimously. + +In order to prevent the dissemination of an inadmissible legend I feel +it to be my duty to put on record the fact that the issues involved gave +rise to diametrically opposite views within our parliamentary party, and +these opposing views found expression with a violence hitherto unknown +in our deliberations. + +It is also entirely untrue to say that assent to the war credits was +given unanimously. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN, +Chairman German Socialist Party and ex-Vice President +of the Reichstag.] + + + + +SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS. + +Letter from Philipp Scheidemann, Ex-Vice President of the Reichstag, in +the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Sept. 10. + + +BERLIN, Aug. 21. + +----, I send you a few facts. + +No one in Germany wanted this war. The fact that Germany declared war on +Russia and finally on France does not contradict this statement. If +Germany, who was exactly informed as to the preparations being made by +her neighbors, had delayed for ever so short a time, Russia would have +completed her mobilization which she had secretly been carrying on for +some time, and with her Cossacks would have swept down on our eastern +country which was only moderately well protected. And then woe to us! + +That the Government, after the failure of all its efforts to maintain +peace, promptly took the initiative, disturbed not a little the Czar of +Russia. This was perhaps indicated most dramatically by his manifesto to +the Jews. This same Czar, whose hands are stained with the blood of many +thousands of the Jews whom his servants of slaughter have murdered +during the pogroms, this same Czar who has degraded and abused the Jews +in the most inhuman fashion, has now, in order to create an agreeable +impression, issued a manifesto "to my beloved Jews!" Now when he has to +fear that the Poles and those Jews living in Russian Poland may rise up +against his army of shame, now does he begin to make bright promises for +the future! + +Russia to Blame. + +Upon Russia rests the entire responsibility for the present war. While +the Czar was still negotiating with the German Kaiser for the declared +purpose of bringing about peace, he was arming his troops not only +against Austria but against Germany. + +That France, republican France, has allied herself with Russian +absolutism for the purpose of murder and destruction, is an almost +inconceivable fact. And that England, parliamentarian England, +democratic England, is fighting side by side with the Russians for +"freedom and culture," that is a truly gigantic and shameless piece of +hypocrisy. + +I do not need to place before those of our readers who are schooled in +socialism any comments on the causes of this war--the fact itself as it +stands is of a stupendous, terrifying magnitude. And it is with this +fact that we have now to reckon. Russia, France, Belgium, England, +Servia, Montenegro and Japan are now involved in this battle for +"freedom and culture," which means fighting against Germany, against the +world which has given birth to Goethe, to Kant and to Karl Marx! It +would be laughable were the situation not so desperately grave. + +Socialism in each of the West European powers has done all it could to +prevent the war. Its strength could not sufficiently prevail--it was not +enough. On Aug. 1, 1914, socialism in each country found itself +confronted with the hideous certainty of war. What was to be done? + +On the 1st of August there was no longer any possibility whatsoever of +sending a letter or telegram across the German frontier. The telegram of +condolence which we sent to Paris on the assassination of Jean Jaures +never arrived. Socialism in each country was forced back entirely upon +itself. + +At the time when I am writing this letter, Aug. 21, we in Germany know +absolutely nothing concerning the details of the action taken in the +Belgian and French Parliament. Only this much has penetrated to us, that +our comrades in all of the countries under consideration have come to +the same conclusion as we in Germany. The French have approved the war +credits, the Belgians have admitted Vandervelde to the Ministry for +Defense. That our comrades in England have come out for the strictest +neutrality is easily understood. Any other attitude on their part would +be a crime against socialism. No one would be so ignorant as to find +analogies between the situation of the German and the English +Socialists. We in Germany had to perform the duty of protecting +ourselves against Czarism, we had to accomplish the task of saving the +country in which Social Democracy has reached its highest point of +development, from impending subjection to Russia. In England the +decision had to be made only as to whether sides should be taken in the +conflict between Russia and Germany, or whether neutrality should be +preserved. + +A Germany under the yoke of the Czar would have set back a century the +Socialist movement not only of Germany itself but of the whole world. + +Moreover, we Social Democrats have never ceased to be Germans, because +we belong to the Socialist International. And if we in the Reichstag +have unanimously approved the war credit, we have done no more after all +than to carry out what has often been repeated by our greatest +Socialists from the Reichstag platform. + +Quotes Bebel and Elder Liebknecht. + +The words of Bebel and of the elder Liebknecht have always been heard +with favor in America. And what, for example, has Bebel said in this +connection? + + In the preservation of Germany's independence all the laboring + classes, to the very least among them, are just as much concerned + as those who consider themselves the chosen leaders and rulers of + the people, and the working class in nowise desires to bend its + back under any sort of foreign rule. + +Still more fully did Bebel declare himself during the session of the +Reichstag of March 7, 1904. At that time he said: + + Gentlemen: You cannot in the future carry on any successful wars + without our aid. ["Very true!" "Right!" from the Socialists.] If + you conquer you will conquer with us and not against us; without + our help you can no longer subsist. ["True!" "Right!" from the + Socialists.] I will go still further, we would have the greatest + possible interest were we to be involved in a war--a war in which + the existence of Germany was threatened, for--and I give you my + word for it--we are ready to the last and the oldest man among us + to shoulder arms and protect German soil not in service to you but + to ourselves--as far as I am concerned, in fact in defiance of you. + ["True indeed!" "Right!" from the Socialists.] + + We live and fight on this soil, the land of our fathers, as much if + not more our fatherland than yours, to the end that it will be a + joy even for the last and least among us to live therein. ["Very + good!" from the Socialists.] + + That is our endeavor and that it is which we are laboring to + achieve, and it is for this reason that we shall repulse with all + the power at our command and to our very last breath every attempt + to snatch from this Fatherland one inch of land. ["Very good!" from + the Socialists.] + +There are numerous declarations of similar nature which have been +uttered by our great friend, Wilhelm Liebknecht has also spoken in +similar fashion. On the 28th of November, 1888, he addressed the +Reichstag as follows: + + What the opponents of German consolidation over there in France and + Russia fear is a German people united for the defense of their + land. And in this regard--that I can assure you--I have personally + removed for our part every doubt, if any existed, among influential + French politicians; if France attacks, straightway there is no + party in Germany on which she can rely, and straightway every + Socialist in Germany is pledged and prepared to march against the + invader. + +For years we have been slandered by our enemies in Germany as traitors +and worse. The imperial anti-Socialist association has had an excellent +example of this alleged treachery of ours. Our vote has stretched the +anti-Socialists in the dust, together with all the other political +vultures who have lived by slandering us. + +As Socialists of firm conviction we have voted for the war credit and +moved this vote through a declaration from the party representative, +Haase. In our programme we have demanded that a volunteer army replace +the standing army. Why do we demand the volunteer army? Because we +consider it the best protection against every attack on the Fatherland. +This is it, then! We, too, wish to defend the Fatherland. Suppose that +instead we had said in the hour of need: Yes, we want to protect our +Fatherland against the knout regiments of the Czar all right enough, but +we demand that protection from the militia! Since we do not as yet have +the militia, we shall make no use of the standing army, for we would +rather let the Cossacks into the country! + +From whatever side we consider the situation, we German Socialists could +not have acted otherwise than we have. A party like that of Social +Democracy, the strongest in the country, cannot avoid the facts by +hiding its head in the sand; it must act! It is no exaggeration to state +that in the present crisis the entire German people is united. That +whole nation is determined, cost what it may, to end the war as speedily +as possible, but at the same time victoriously. There is no one here who +feels any resentment toward France, and every one wishes that a worthy +peace will be established between Germany and France as soon as +possible. + +England's Shameful Role. + +England is playing a perfectly shameful role in this war. Even though +France were allied to Russia by an unfortunate treaty, England was not +so allied! But England, who has ever been jealous of the industrial +development of our country, used the violation of our treaty of +neutrality with Belgium, which was incurred only in dire need and which +was yielded openly and honestly in the Reichstag by the Chancellor, as a +pretext to declare war against us. And England crowned this abhorrent +action by mobilizing against us an east-Asiatic nation. Japan, whose +sons have enjoyed the most genuine and far-reaching hospitality at our +hands, whose culture has been enriched through us, who has won from us +our industrial secrets, shows herself suddenly as the most despicable, +the most treacherous nation of this whole world. I do not need to go +into details over the demands which Japan has presented to Germany, for +I assume that your readers are already in full possession of the facts. + +Germany will perhaps lose a part of her colonial possessions in this +war. Germany is in no position to protect these against many enemies +during the war. Germany has steadily counted upon some colonial losses +in the struggle. We Socialists especially have in our opposition to +capitalistic colonial policy continually pointed to the fact that in the +event of war colonies cannot be retained. + +For the rest, however, Germany is of good courage. No one has the +slightest doubt that our country will claim victory against the hostile +oppression from without. In the meantime you in America have long since +learned that all announcements of defeats which Germany is said to have +suffered in the east, in the west, and on the sea, are lies. It is true +that at Schirmek in Alsace a few cannon were lost by our troops. But, on +the other hand, the fact is established that in the very first days +after mobilization all the enemies' troops were completely driven from +Germany, and further, that during the mobilization of our troops +victorious battles occurred at Muelhausen and Lagarde in Alsace; that in +the east they have made sharp inroads on the Russians; that they +overcame Luettich with all its forts and captured Brussels on the 20th of +August. + +Here in Germany we are expecting every moment news of the taking of +Namur. The quicker decisive battles take place, by so much sooner will +there be some possibility of establishing peace with France. + +PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN. + + + * * * * * + + + + +"CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS." + +Karl Kautsky, in the Neue Zeit, Berlin, Aug. 8. + + +_Kautsky has for over a quarter of a century been one of the foremost +Socialist leaders in Germany; the founder and present editor of the Neue +Zeit. The present article on the war appeared before the periodical was +suppressed by the Government._ + +War, with all its attendant horrors, has broken loose, the "Critique of +Weapons" has been set up, and the weapons of criticism are consequently +broken. This is not merely the inevitable result of the automatic +limitations which would be imposed by any state of war, but +rather--though this is but a transitory phase--because of an absolute +lack of interest in any sort of critical estimate of the whole +situation. In breathless suspense, every man is concentrating the whole +of his mental energy on the news of the next moment, news concerning +which none can make even fairly clear surmise, and about which one fact +only is known in advance, that whatever it is, it is sure to be +horrible. For relief from this wretched suspense men are looking to +dispatches and decisions of battles, not to critical speculation. + +Yet by the time these lines come before the reader this stage may +already be giving way, and in all probability there will be beginning to +be felt the need of regaining our usual attitude, of taking account of +this monstrous event which has broken in on us so suddenly--so +unexpectedly that for the moment it has stunned us--of making ourselves +clear concerning the end toward which we are moving. + +Of course, to discuss the chances of each or any of the combatants +involved is out of the question; indeed, it would be a difficult task +for the shrewdest military expert to establish a sound estimate, for +there are probably few, perhaps none, to whom the armies under +consideration are sufficiently well known for that. Besides all this, +moreover, the present conflict is taking place under conditions +absolutely different from any we have before known, totally new to our +experience. + +Formerly, when the situation was more simple than at present, there were +always at the outbreak of war a few experienced experts who could +correctly estimate the prospects for each side in the struggle, for it +was usually fairly clear from the very beginning what each side wanted +to gain and what in the case of victory each would gain. But in the +present situation there is not a word of prophecy which can be uttered +in face of the fact that the most terrible war known to history has +broken out without any of the powers involved in the least wishing it. +It was in Russia first that at the last moment the war party seemed to +have gained the upper hand and to have set in motion the whole bloody +sport. We may rely on it that the statesmen of Austria were of the +honest belief that they could localize the conflict with Servia. + +But it is impossible any longer to consider this world war as a +continuation of that conflict. Servia has vanished completely from the +horizon, and in the moment when that end disappeared from view, each +nation found itself suddenly fighting for nothing else save its own +national integrity. The real purposes in this war will not come to the +surface until the balance of the power becomes a little more sharply +defined. Then in the victors' camp all manner of purposes and desires +will suddenly spring up wide awake. + +When Everything Is Over. + +Meanwhile, little as may be affirmed today concerning the prospects for +the parties in this struggle and the manner of the war's conclusion, +this assertion may safely be put forth; this world will wear a vastly +different appearance when everything is over. + +We hope, and may reasonably expect, that the war will be relatively +short. The Franco-Prussian war lasted from the middle of July to the end +of February; military operations began early in August and closed with +the truce of Jan. 28. That the present war will be dragged out to so +great a length, involving so incredible a number of men, demanding so +severe a straining of energies--especially the financial--on the part of +all the nations, is hardly conceivable. But however short a time it may +last, we shall emerge a world very different from before. + +The time is long since past when a great war brings in its train no +changes other than the ceding of a few square miles of conquered +territory. Under the capitalistic method of production, continual +changes, irreconcilable situations, constantly new problems pile up so +rapidly that no great war is any longer possible which does not bring +with it a prolonged breaking down as well as a building up of industrial +organisms. + +Especially is it clear that the non-European world will undergo a +powerful change. The non-European nations are already in the ascendency; +more and more they are becoming a strong opposition force to Europe. +Their advance must win tremendous impetus from a war which in every case +will weaken seriously the European nations, no matter how it may swing +the balance of power among them. + +The United States particularly will derive the greatest profit from the +struggle. Without any exertion whatsoever she is already able to control +the entire American market, and in the Far East it is possible for her +to exercise considerable restraint on her European competitors. In time +she will be in a position to constitute herself the only great money +power of that section of the world which employs the use of free +capital. Already there is a colossal stream of European securities +flowing to the United States, who is acquiring them at the very lowest +prices. The remedy for the economic wrongs of Europe which will be +created by this war as well as the fixing of indemnities will not be +possible without the aid of America. At the very least, the conquered +nations will be wholly dependent on American capital. + +Next to the United States in this amazingly swift advance stand the +nations of Asia and of Islam--Japan, China, India, Persia, Turkey with +her tributary possessions. The progress of these nations has been +considerably hampered by the control--both financial and +military--exerted over them by the European powers. In the free States +this control has been suddenly lifted; in the dependencies, such as +India, Persia, and Egypt, it has been materially weakened, and it will +be long before it can again operate with the same force. We must reckon +with the possibility of revolt among these nations and of their entrance +into the world war. Russia, England, France--these could be considerably +weakened by such a turn of affairs. Colonial policy would then show the +obverse side of the medal. It might well prove a decided source of +military and economic strength for Germany that her colonial possessions +are relatively unimportant. + +World Imperialism Doomed. + +The stronger the non-European nations become, the fewer grow the +possibilities for a continuation of the policy of empire. This world +war, born in the very midst of imperialism, can readily end in +circumstances which knock the supports from under the imperialistic +policy. + +It may be said similarly of our worldwide preparation for war, that it +too has been a direct consequence of imperialism; and our own party has +steadily maintained that it would create an atmosphere in which powder +would finally go off of itself--a spontaneous combustion. + +The burdens imposed by this war will be so terrible that from the +financial point of view it may be extremely difficult if not absolutely +impossible when peace shall at length have been concluded to add thereto +the burden of renewed preparation for war, especially in the face of +competition with America, strong and industrially intact. + +These changes must inevitably give an entirely new aspect to our +external as well as to our internal political state. To what extent will +follow changes in the political relations of the different classes it is +too early yet to surmise. But here also there is every assurance for the +assertion that political life will recommence stronger than ever +before. + +As soon as the "Critique of Weapons" ceases, immediately the weapons of +criticism are bound to take on a sharper edge. What forms critical +effort will assume, against what it will direct its force, what +circumstances will bring it to maturity, all of this lies in the lap of +Time. In any case, Social Democracy, like any other party, will in that +time need the full measure of its strength to assert itself and to +protect the interests of the class of which it is made up. To preserve +this strength through the vicissitudes which the future has in store is +presently to be the most important problem of our internal politics. + +We must hold intact the organizations and the party organs together with +the trade unions; we must guard their members from imprudences as well +as from defection. This goes without saying and there is no true comrade +who will not act in this spirit. + +No less necessary, however, is unity within the party, the absolute +relinquishing of all petty individual grievances. We are a party +committed to self-criticism, but in time of a great crisis criticism +must become mute. Never has it been more difficult, never, in fact, less +possible, to adopt and to maintain a position which would satisfy every +Socialist without exception. Every war brings Social Democracy into the +fatal dilemma between the necessity for defending our individual homes +on the one hand and, on the other, for preserving international +solidarity. The present war confronts us as well as the army staff with +particular difficulties, for it is a war possessing many faces. It is +not only a war against the Czar of Russia, but also against the +democracies of France and England, whose Governments felt themselves +forced out of fear of isolation and later subjection to stand by the +Russian Czar. + +We can very easily understand how to many this or that decision by our +party may seem a false step, but it would be still more false, still +more disastrous, were we, through any difference of opinion, to allow an +internal disagreement to arise. In time of war discipline is not for +the army alone; for a party it, too, is the first requirement. Under its +rule we must all stand together, more courageous, more firmly united +than ever before. Not criticism but faith is now the essential condition +of our success. + +KARL KAUTSKY. + + + * * * * * + + + + +SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM. + +Manifesto Resenting German Mission of Herr Sudekum Issued by Socialist +Party at Rome, Sept. 3. + + +We are Socialists, and we do not hesitate to proclaim that the sending +of a Socialist mission from Germany to Italy at this moment cannot be +free from insidious suspicion; and as such it offends the dignity and +the independence of Italian socialism, and offends it so much more +because international socialism knows that on German Socialists depended +the lesser or greater efficacy in the action of international socialism +to arrest the provocative struggle of armaments promoted by Germany, and +thus to prevent war. + +It offends it so much more because the German Socialist Party, assuming +for the justification of the aggressive policy of Germany and Austria +the same arguments as the Kaiser's diplomacy, has lost the right to +attach itself to the ties of international socialism. + +We have thus far kept silent, not to disturb the neutrality proclaimed +since the outbreak of the war by the Italian people, irrevocably decided +not to dishonor themselves before the world and before history in giving +aid to Austria and Germany, and requiring peace after two years of war +in Lybia. + +Today, however, we are no longer able to be silent in the presence of +German Socialist activity encouraging the obscure play of diplomatic +intrigues on the part of the Governments of the ex-Triple Alliance, +which tends to move Italian neutrality toward the tortuous and perilous +paths of indirect co-operation. We want to affirm that our wishes are +for the immediate cessation of the war without conquerors or conquered. + +But if now this hope is vain, we express our desire that this infamous +war may be concluded by the defeat of those who have provoked it; the +Austrian and German Empires, since the empires of Austria and Germany +form the rampart of European reaction, even more than Russia, which is +shaken by democratic and Socialist forces, which have shown that they +know how to attempt a heroic effort of liberation; since if the German +and Austrian Empires emerge victorious from the war it will mean the +triumph of military absolutism in its most brutal expression, of a +barbarian horde massacring, devastating, destroying, and conquering in +violation of every treaty and right and law. + +Nor do the German Socialists give us any confidence of knowing how to +restrain this; in the past they have only been able to realize +advantageous contrasts of labor and to attain gigantic election results +without exercising any influence in the policy of their own country. + +The defeat of the German Empire may instead offer German socialism the +opportunity of emerging from its voluntary impotence and redeem itself +by breaking down the feudal political regime of the empire, taking away +from Russian absolutism the assistance it has hitherto enjoyed, and +contributing to alter decisively the aims of all European policy. + +Since, finally, the victory of the French Republic, now imbued with +genuine socialism, and that of England, where the truest democracy +flourishes, signifies the victory of a European political regime open to +all social conquests and desiring peace, it signifies the agreement +between States at last free and nationally reinforced by the limitation +of armaments and the substitution of a system of national militia for +defense in the place of hordes professionally organized for aggression, +which would imply the liberation as well of the German people. + +Therefore, under actual conditions, while nearly the whole of Europe is +at war, we may well raise our cry of horror and of protest; but our +protest strikes only those who desired the war, not those who submit to +it to defend themselves against oppression. + +In this war is outlined on one side the defense of European reaction, on +the other the defense of all revolutions, past and future, brought about +by historical necessity stronger than the intentions of Governments. And +because of this we must confirm that there remains for us only one way +of being internationalists--namely, to declare ourselves loyally in +favor of whoever fights the empires of reaction, just as the Italian +Socialists residing in Paris have understood that one way only remains +to be anti-militarist--to arm and fight against the empires of +militarism. + +This is our answer as Italian Socialists to the German Socialists. + + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: KEIR HARDIE, M.P., +British Representative International Socialist Bureau.] + + + + +BRITISH MANIFESTO. + +Issued by Keir Hardie and Arthur Henderson, July 31. + + + The long-threatened European war is now upon us. For more than 100 + years no such danger has confronted civilization. It is for you to + take full account of the desperate situation and to act promptly + and vigorously in the interest of peace. You have never been + consulted about the war. + + Whatever may be the rights and wrongs of the sudden, crushing + attack made by the militarist Empire of Austria upon Servia, it is + certain that the workers of all countries likely to be drawn into + the conflict must strain every nerve to prevent their Governments + from committing them to war. + + Everywhere Socialists and the organized forces of labor are taking + this course. Everywhere vehement protests are made against the + greed and intrigues of militarists and armament mongers. + + We call upon you to do the same here in Great Britain upon an even + more impressive scale. Hold vast demonstrations against war in + every industrial centre. Compel those of the governing class and + their press who are eager to commit you to co-operate with Russian + despotism to keep silence and respect the decision of the + overwhelming majority of the people, who will have neither part nor + lot in such infamy. The success of Russia at the present day would + be a curse to the world. + + There is no time to lose. Already, by secret agreements and + understandings, of which the democracies of the civilized world + know only by rumor, steps are being taken which may fling us all + into the fray. + + Workers, stand together therefore for peace! Combine and conquer + the militarist enemy and the self-seeking imperialists today, once + and for all. + + Men and women of Britain, you have now an unexampled opportunity of + rendering a magnificent service to humanity and to the world! + + Proclaim that for you the days of plunder and butchery have gone + by; send messages of peace and fraternity to your fellows who have + less liberty than you. Down with class rule! Down with the rule of + brute force! Down with war! Up with the peaceful rule of the + people! (Signed on behalf of the British Section of the + International Socialist Bureau,) + + J. KEIR HARDIE, + + ARTHUR HENDERSON. + + + * * * * * + + + + +KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS. + +Directed at Sir Edward Grey, British Minister for Foreign Affairs, in +House of Commons, Aug. 27. + + +_Mr. Keir Hardie_ (Merthyr Tydvil, Lab.) asked the Secretary for Foreign +Affairs whether the suggestions for a peace settlement made by the +German Ambassador, ["White Paper," Page 66, Item No. 123,] together with +his invitation to the Foreign Secretary to put forward proposals of his +own which would be acceptable as a basis for neutrality, were submitted +to and considered by the Cabinet; and, if not, why proposals involving +such far-reaching possibilities were thus rejected. + +_Sir E. Grey_ (Northumberland, Berwick)--These were personal suggestions +made by the Ambassador on Aug. 1, and without authority to alter the +conditions of neutrality proposed to us by the German Chancellor in No. +85 in the "White Paper"--Miscellaneous, No. 6, [1914.] + +The Cabinet did, however, consider most carefully the next morning--that +is, Sunday, Aug. 2--the conditions on which we could remain neutral, and +came to the conclusion that respect for the neutrality of Belgium must +be one of these conditions. ["Hear, hear!"] The German Chancellor had +already been told on July 30 that we could not bargain that way. + +On Monday, Aug. 3, I made a statement in the House accordingly. I had +seen the German Ambassador again at his own request on Monday, and he +urged me most strongly, though he said that he did not know the plans of +the German military authorities, not to make the neutrality of Belgium +one of our conditions when I spoke in the House. It was a day of great +pressure, for we had another Cabinet in the morning, and I had no time +to record the conversation, and therefore it does not appear in the +"White Paper"; but it was impossible to withdraw that condition [loud +cheers] without becoming a consenting party to the violation of the +treaty, and subsequently to a German attack on Belgium. + +After I spoke in the House we made to the German Government the +communication described in No. 153 in the "White Paper" about the +neutrality of Belgium. Sir Edward Goschen's report of the reply to that +communication had not been received when the "White Paper" was printed +and laid. It will be laid before Parliament to complete the "White +Paper." + +I have been asked why I did not refer to No. 123 in the "White Paper" +when I spoke in the House on Aug. 3. If I had referred to suggestions to +us as to conditions of neutrality I must have referred to No. 85, the +proposals made, not personally by the Ambassador, but officially by the +German Chancellor, which were so condemned by the Prime Minister +subsequently, and this would have made the case against the German +Government much stronger than I did make it in my speech. ["Hear, +hear!"] I deliberately refrained from doing that then. + +Let me add this about personal suggestions made by the German +Ambassador, as distinct from communications made on behalf of his +Government. He worked for peace; but real authority at Berlin did not +rest with him and others like him, and that is one reason why our +efforts for peace failed. [Loud cheers.] + +_Mr. Keir Hardie_--May I ask whether any attempt was made to open up +negotiations with Germany on the basis of suggestions here set forth by +the German Ambassador? + +_Sir E. Grey_--The German Ambassador did not make any basis of +suggestions. It was the German Chancellor who made the basis of +suggestions. The German Ambassador, speaking on his own personal +initiative and without authority, asked whether we would formulate +conditions on which we would be neutral. We did go into that question, +and those conditions were stated to the House and made known to the +German Ambassador. + +_Mr. Keir Hardie_ [who was received with cries of "Oh!" from all parts +of the House]--May I ask whether the German authorities at Berlin +repudiated the suggestions of their Ambassador in London, and whether +any effort at all [renewed cries of "Oh!" and "Order!"] was made to find +out how far the German Government would have agreed to the suggestions +put before them by their own Ambassador? + + + * * * * * + + + + +REPLY TO MINISTER GREY. + +Made by J. Ramsay Macdonald, Member of Socialist Labor Party, in House +of Commons, Aug. 4. + + +I would have preferred to remain silent this afternoon, but +circumstances do not permit of it. I shall model what I have to say +upon the two speeches to which we have just listened. The right +honorable gentleman has delivered a speech the echoes of which will go +down in history. However much we may resist the conclusions to which we +have come, we have not been able to resist the moving character of his +appeal ["Hear, hear!"] + +I think, however, he is wrong, and I think the Government for which he +speaks is wrong. I think the verdict of history will be that they are +wrong. + +The effect of the right honorable gentleman's speech in this House will +not be its final effect. There may or may not be opportunities for us to +go into details, but I want to say to the House, and without +provocation, that if the right honorable gentleman had come here today +and told us that our country was in danger, then I do not care what +party he appealed to or to what class, we would be behind him. We would +vote him what money he wants, and we would go further, for we would +offer him ourselves--if the country was in danger. [Cries of "But it +is!"] He has not persuaded me that it is, and he has not persuaded +honorable friends with me that it is. + +I am perfectly certain that when the light honorable gentleman's speech +gets into cold print tomorrow he will not persuade a large section of +the country. If the nation's honor were in danger we would be with them. +There has been no crime committed by statesmen of this character without +those statesmen appealing to the nation's honor. + +We went into the Crimean war because of our honor; we rushed into the +South African war because of our honor, and the right honorable +gentleman is appealing to us today because of our honor. + +If the right honorable gentleman would come to us and say that a small +European nationality like Belgium is in danger [cries of "It is +invaded!"] and would assure us that he is going to confine the conflict +to that quarter, then we will support him. But what is the use of +talking about going to the aid of Belgium when you are really going +into a European war which will not leave the map of Europe as it was +before. + +The right honorable gentleman said nothing about Russia. We want to know +about that and try and find out what is going to happen after this is +all over. We are not going to go blindly into this conflict without +having at least some rough idea of what is going to happen afterward. + +At all events, so far as France is concerned, we can say solemnly and +definitely that no such friendship as is described by the right +honorable gentleman between one nation and another can ever justify one +of those nations going into war on behalf of the other. + +If France is really in danger, if as the result of all this we are going +to have the power, civilization and genius of France removed in European +history, let the right honorable gentleman say so. It is an absolutely +impossible conception. + +So far as we are concerned, whatever attacks may be made upon us, +whatever may be said about us, we will take the action that he will take +by saying that this country ought to have remained neutral [Labor +cheers] because in the deepest parts of our hearts we believe that that +was right and that that alone was consistent with the honor of the +country and the traditions of the party that are now in office. + + + * * * * * + + + + +MR. MACDONALD REPENTS. + +But Does Not Recant--Accusation of The London Times. + + +It is to be noted that while Mr. Macdonald has never withdrawn his +accusations of bad faith against the Government--while he allows them +still to be circulated as a broadsheet--he ventures to pose as having +abandoned them. Belgian neutrality was, he said in The Labour Leader, +and in effect in the House of Commons also, being used as an excuse--it +was "a pretty game of hypocrisy." But writing in The Leicester Daily +Post on Sept. 24 in vindication of his attitude he said: + + + On one point I wish to be quite clear.... We could not afford, + either from the point of view of honor or of interest, to see + Germany occupy Belgium. The war that comes nearest having a Divine + justification is the war in which a great and mighty State engages + to protect a small nation. From that position I have never receded. + In the controversies that have been raised I have doubted whether, + when our diplomacy is judged with the whole of the facts before the + judges, it will come well out of its trial on this point, but that + when the popular sentiment of the country is judged it will come + out clean and fine, so far as Belgium is concerned, I am quite + convinced. + + +This is the man who charges the Government with dragging the country +into war because it would not acquiesce in the German armies marching +through Belgium on the condition that the integrity and independence of +Belgium were respected! + +And will it be believed that Mr. Macdonald, whose indictment of the +Government for deliberately dragging us into an unnecessary war is still +in circulation, has actually ventured to associate himself with the +recruiting movement? + +In the House of Commons on Aug. 3 Mr. Macdonald predicted that Sir +Edward Grey's statement "would not persuade a large section of the +country." That prediction having been falsified, it has been necessary +for the prophet to hedge. So when a recruiting meeting was held in +Leicester on Sept. 11, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald wrote a letter to the Mayor +expressing his regret that he could not be present, and saying: + + Victory must be ours. England is not played out. Her mission is not + accomplished. She can, if she would, take the place of esteemed + honor among the democracies of the world, and if peace is to come + with healing on her wings the democracies of Europe must be her + guardians. There should be no doubt about that.... History will in + due time apportion the praise and the blame, but the young men of + the country must, for the moment, settle the immediate issue of + victory. Let them do it in the spirit of the brave men who have + crowned our country with honor in the times that are gone.... + Should, an opportunity arise to enable me to appeal to the pure + love of country ... I shall gladly take that opportunity. If need + be, I shall make it for myself. I want the serious men of the trade + union, the brotherhood, and similar movements to face their duty. + To such men it is enough to say "England has need of you." + +Thus the man who is doing his best to enfeeble sympathy abroad for his +country's cause, by representing that cause as one based on hypocrisy, +is at the same time exhorting his fellow-countrymen to make the +hypocrisy victorious! + +Clearly, when the officials of the Berlin news department described Mr. +Ramsay Macdonald as "Ramsay and Macdonald" they were not so ill-informed +as at first appeared. + +Though Mr. Macdonald is not two persons, he has at least two voices. + + + * * * * * + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of New York Times Current History: The +European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2, by Various + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT *** + +***** This file should be named 16331.txt or 16331.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/3/3/16331/ + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, David Gundry and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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