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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Facts of Reconstruction, by John R. Lynch
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Facts of Reconstruction
+
+Author: John R. Lynch
+
+Release Date: July 1, 2005 [EBook #16158]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Suzanne Shell, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+John R. Lynch
+
+Copyright, 1913, by The Neale Publishing Company
+
+[Illustration: John R. Lynch]
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+PREFACE
+
+CHAPTER
+
+I      THE PART PLAYED BY MISSISSIPPI IN THE EARLY DAYS OF
+       RECONSTRUCTION
+
+II     REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTS DURING GOVERNOR
+       ALCORN'S ADMINISTRATION
+
+III    THE REPUBLICAN COUNTY CONVENTION OF 1869
+
+IV     IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL AND POLITICAL MEASURES OF THE NEW
+       LEGISLATURE
+
+V      THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HOUSE OF
+       REPRESENTATIVES
+
+VI     FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE STATE ELECTION
+       OF 1873. REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+VII    MISSISSIPPI SENDS B.K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE
+
+VIII   IMPROVED FINANCIAL CONDITION OF MISSISSIPPI UNDER THE AMES
+       ADMINISTRATION
+
+IX     WHAT CONSTITUTES "NEGRO DOMINATION"
+
+X      OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE GOVERNMENT IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+XI     RISE OF DEMOCRATIC RADICALISM IN THE SOUTH
+
+XII    EVENTFUL DAYS OF THE FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS
+
+XIII   STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1875. REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+XIV    INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND THE PRESIDENT REGARDING
+       STATE APPOINTMENTS
+
+XV     THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876 AND ITS RESULTS
+
+XVI    EFFECTS OF THE REFORM ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+XVII   THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION
+
+XVIII  ATTITUDE OF THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION TOWARD THE SOUTH
+
+XIX    QUESTION OF THE VALIDITY OF SENATOR LAMAR'S ELECTION
+
+XX     REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880. NOMINATION OF THE
+       COMPROMISE CANDIDATE, GARFIELD
+
+XXI    STORY OF THE MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN GARFIELD AND CONKLING
+
+XXII   THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884
+
+XXIII  THE ELECTION OF GROVER CLEVELAND
+
+XXIV   INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY LAMAR ON THE RETAINING OF COLORED
+       MEN IN OFFICE
+
+XXV    THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS BILL
+
+XXVI   MISSISSIPPI AND THE NULLIFICATION OF THE FIFTEENTH
+       AMENDMENT
+
+XXVII  EFFECT OF THE MCKINLEY TARIFF BILL ON BOTH POLITICAL PARTIES
+
+XXVIII INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND
+       SECRETARY GRESHAM
+
+XXIX   THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1900
+
+XXX    ARGUMENT ON PROPOSED CHANGE OF REPRESENTATION IN CONVENTION
+
+XXXI   COMPARISON OF BRYAN AND CLEVELAND
+
+XXXII  THE SOLID SOUTH. FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The author of this book is one of the few remaining links in the chain
+by which the present generation is connected with the reconstruction
+period,--the most important and eventful period in our country's
+history.
+
+What is herein recorded is based upon the author's own knowledge,
+contact and experience. Very much, of course, has been written and
+published about reconstruction, but most of it is superficial and
+unreliable; and, besides, nearly all of it has been written in such a
+style and tone as to make the alleged facts related harmonize with what
+was believed to be demanded by public sentiment. The author of this work
+has endeavored to present _facts_ as they were and are, rather than as
+he would like to have them, and to set them down without the slightest
+regard to their effect upon the public mind, except so far as that mind
+may be influenced by the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the
+truth. In his efforts along these lines he has endeavored to give
+expression to his ideas, opinions and convictions in language that is
+moderate and devoid of bitterness, and entirely free from race
+prejudice, sectional animosity, or partisan bias. Whether or not he has
+succeeded in doing so he is willing to leave to the considerate
+judgment and impartial decision of those who may take the time to read
+what is here recorded. In writing what is to be found in these pages,
+the author has made no effort to draw upon the imagination, nor to
+gratify the wishes of those whose chief ambition is to magnify the
+faults and deficiencies in some and to extol the good and commendable
+traits and qualities in others. In other words, his chief purpose has
+been to furnish the readers and students of the present generation with
+a true, candid and impartial statement of material and important facts
+based upon his own personal knowledge and experience, with such comments
+as in his judgment the occasion and circumstances warranted.
+
+Was the enfranchisement of the black men at the South by act of Congress
+a grave mistake?
+
+Were the reconstructed State Governments that were organized as a result
+thereof a disappointment and a failure?
+
+Was the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution premature and
+unwise?
+
+An affirmative answer to the above questions will be found in nearly
+everything that has been written about Reconstruction during the last
+quarter of a century. The main purpose of this work is to present the
+other side; but, in doing so, the author indulges the hope that those
+who may read these chapters will find that no extravagant and
+exaggerated statements have been made, and that there has been no
+effort to conceal, excuse, or justify any act that was questionable or
+wrong. It will be seen that the primary object the author has sought to
+accomplish, is to bring to public notice those things that were
+commendable and meritorious, to prevent the publication of which seems
+to have been the primary purpose of nearly all who have thus far written
+upon that important subject.
+
+But again, the question may be asked, if the reconstructed State
+Governments that were organized and brought into existence under the
+Congressional Plan of Reconstruction were not a disappointment and a
+failure, why is it that they could not and did not stand the test of
+time? The author hopes and believes that the reader will find in one of
+the chapters of this book a complete and satisfactory answer to that
+question.
+
+It will be seen that the State of Mississippi is made the pivotal one in
+the presentation of the facts and historical points touched upon in this
+work; but that is because Mississippi was the field of the author's
+political activities. That State, however, was largely typical, hence
+what was true of that one was, in the main, true of all the other
+reconstructed States.
+
+The author was a member of Congress during the settlement of the
+controversy between Hayes and Tilden for the Presidency of the United
+States, resulting from the close and doubtful election of 1876,--a
+controversy that was finally decided through the medium of the
+Electoral Commission. The reader will find in the chapter on that
+subject many important facts and incidents not heretofore published.
+
+Why was it that the able and brilliant statesman from Maine, James G.
+Blaine, died, as did Henry Clay, without having reached the acme of his
+ambition,--the Presidency of the United States? Why was he defeated for
+the Republican Presidential nomination in 1876,--the only time when it
+was possible for him to be elected, and defeated for the election in
+1884,--the only time when it was possible for him to be nominated? The
+answer to these questions will be found in this book.
+
+Then the interviews between the author and Presidents Grant and
+Cleveland, and Secretaries Blaine, Lamar, and Gresham will no doubt be
+interesting, if not instructive.
+
+If, in writing this book, the author shall have succeeded in placing
+before the public accurate and trustworthy information relative to
+Reconstruction, his highest ambition will have been fully gratified, his
+sense of justice entirely satisfied.
+
+JOHN R. LYNCH.
+
+
+
+
+THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE PART PLAYED BY MISSISSIPPI IN THE EARLY DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+The year 1866 was an eventful one in the history of this country. A
+bitter war was in progress between Congress and President Andrew Johnson
+over the question of the reconstruction of the States lately in
+rebellion against the National Government. The President had inaugurated
+a policy of his own that proved to be very unpopular at the North. He
+had pardoned nearly all the leaders in the rebellion through the medium
+of amnesty proclamations. In each rebel State he had appointed a
+provisional governor under whose direction Legislatures, State officers,
+and members of Congress had been chosen, and the Legislatures thus
+chosen elected the United States Senators for the Southern States in
+accordance with the President's plan of reconstruction. To make
+restoration to the Union full and complete nothing remained to be done
+but to admit to their seats the Senators and Representatives that had
+been chosen. In the mean time these different Legislatures had enacted
+laws which virtually re-enslaved those that had been emancipated in
+their respective States. For this the North would not stand. Sentiment
+in that section demanded not only justice and fair treatment for the
+newly emancipated race but also an emancipation that should be thorough
+and complete, not merely theoretical and nominal.
+
+The fact was recognized and appreciated that the colored people had been
+loyal to the Union and faithful to the flag of their country and that
+they had rendered valuable assistance in putting down the rebellion.
+From a standpoint of gratitude, if not of justice, the sentiment of the
+North at that time was in favor of fair play for the colored people of
+the South. But the President would not yield to what was generally
+believed to be the dominant sentiment of the North on the question of
+reconstruction. He insisted that the leaders of the Republican party in
+Congress did not represent the true sentiment of the country, so he
+boldly determined to antagonize the leaders in Congress, and to present
+their differences to the court of public opinion at the approaching
+Congressional elections. The issue was thus joined and the people were
+called upon to render judgment in the election of members of Congress
+in the fall of 1866. The President, with the solid support of the
+Democrats and a small minority of the Republicans, made a brave and
+gallant fight. The result, however, was a crushing defeat for him and a
+national repudiation of his plan of reconstruction.
+
+Notwithstanding this defeat the President refused to yield, continuing
+the fight with Congress which finally resulted in his impeachment by the
+House of Representatives for high Crimes and Misdemeanors in office and
+in his trial by the Senate sitting as a High Court for that purpose.
+When the vote of the court was taken the President was saved from
+conviction and from removal from office by the narrow margin of one
+vote,--a sufficient number of Republican Senators having voted with the
+Democrats to prevent conviction. It was believed by many at the time
+that some of the Republican Senators that voted for acquittal did so
+chiefly on account of their antipathy to the man who would succeed to
+the Presidency in the event of the conviction of the President. This man
+was Senator Benjamin Wade, of Ohio,--President _pro tem._ of the
+Senate,--who, as the law then stood, would have succeeded to the
+Presidency in the event of a vacancy in that office from any cause.
+
+Senator Wade was an able man, but there were others who were much more
+brilliant. He was a strong party man. He had no patience with those who
+claimed to be Republicans and yet refused to abide by the decision of
+the majority of the party organization unless that decision should be
+what they wanted. In short, he was an organization Republican,--what has
+since been characterized by some as a machine man,--the sort of active
+and aggressive man that would be likely to make for himself enemies of
+men in his own organization who were afraid of his great power and
+influence, and jealous of him as a political rival. That some of his
+senatorial Republican associates should feel that the best service they
+could render their country would be to do all in their power to prevent
+such a man from being elevated to the Presidency was, perhaps, perfectly
+natural: for while they knew that he was a strong and able man, they
+also knew that, according to his convictions of party duty and party
+obligations, he firmly believed that he who served his party best served
+his country best. In giving expression to his views and convictions, as
+he usually did with force and vigor, he was not always considerate of
+the wishes and feelings of those with whom he did not agree. That he
+would have given the country an able administration is the concurrent
+opinion of those who knew him best.
+
+While President Johnson was retained in office he was practically shorn
+of the greater part of the power and patronage that attaches to the
+office. This was done through the passage of a bill, over the
+president's veto, known as the Tenure of Office Act. The
+constitutionality of this act, which greatly curtailed the power of the
+President to make removals from office, was seriously questioned at the
+time, but it was passed as a political necessity,--to meet an unusual
+and unexpected emergency that seemed to threaten the peace and
+tranquillity of the country and practically to nullify the fruits of the
+victory which had been won on the field of battle. The law was repealed
+or materially modified as soon as President Johnson retired from office.
+The President also vetoed all the reconstruction bills,--bills
+conferring suffrage on the colored men in the States that were to be
+reconstructed,--that passed Congress; but they were promptly passed over
+the veto.
+
+The rejection by the country of the Johnson plan of reconstruction, had
+clearly demonstrated that no halfway measures were possible. If the
+colored men were not enfranchised then the Johnson plan might as well be
+accepted. The Republican or Union white men at the South were not
+sufficient in numbers to make their power or influence felt. The
+necessities of the situation, therefore, left no alternative but the
+enfranchisement of the blacks. It was ascertained and acknowledged that
+to make possible the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion,
+in accordance with the plan which had met with the emphatic approval of
+the North, the enfranchisement of the blacks in the States to be
+reconstructed was an absolute necessity.
+
+The first election held in Mississippi under the Reconstruction Acts
+took place in 1867, when delegates to a Constitutional Convention were
+elected to frame a new Constitution. The Democrats decided to adopt what
+they declared to be a policy of "Masterly Inactivity," that is, to
+refrain from taking any part in the election and to allow it to go by
+default. The result was that the Republicans had a large majority of the
+delegates, only a few counties having elected Democratic delegates. The
+only reason that there were any Democrats in the Convention at all was
+that the party was not unanimous in the adoption of the policy of
+"Masterly Inactivity," and consequently did not adhere to it. The
+Democrats in a few counties in the State rejected the advice and
+repudiated the action of the State Convention of their party on this
+point. The result was that a few very able men were elected to the
+convention as Democrats,--such men, for instance, as John W.C. Watson,
+and William M. Compton, of Marshall County, and William L. Hemingway, of
+Carroll, who was elected State Treasurer by the Democrats in 1875, and
+to whom a more extended reference will be made in a subsequent chapter.
+
+The result of the election made it clear that if the Democratic
+organization in the State had adopted the course that was pursued by
+the members of that party in the counties by which the action of their
+State Convention was repudiated, the Democrats would have had at least a
+large and influential minority of the delegates, which would have
+resulted in the framing of a constitution that would have been much more
+acceptable to the members of that party than the one that was finally
+agreed upon by the majority of the members of that body. But the
+Democratic party in the State was governed and controlled by the radical
+element of that organization,--an element which took the position that
+no respectable white Democrat could afford to participate in an election
+in which colored men were allowed to vote. To do so, they held, would
+not only be humiliating to the pride of the white men, but the
+contamination would be unwise if not dangerous. Besides, they were firm
+in the belief and honest in the conviction that the country would
+ultimately repudiate the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction, and that
+in the mean time it would be both safe and wise for them to give
+expression to their objections to it and abhorrence of it by pursuing a
+course of masterly inactivity. The liberal and conservative element in
+the party was so bitterly opposed to this course that in spite of the
+action of the State Convention several counties, as has been already
+stated, bolted the action of the convention and took part in the
+election.
+
+Of the Republican membership of the Constitutional Convention a large
+majority were white men,--many of them natives of the State and a number
+of others, though born elsewhere, residents in the State for many years
+preceding the war of the Rebellion. My own county, Adams (Natchez), in
+which the colored voters were largely in the majority, and which was
+entitled to three delegates in the convention, elected two white
+men,--E.J. Castello, and Fred Parsons,--and one colored man, H.P.
+Jacobs, a Baptist preacher. Throughout the State the proportion was
+about the same. This was a great disappointment to the dominating
+element in the Democratic party, who had hoped and expected, through
+their policy of "Masterly Inactivity" and intimidation of white men,
+that the convention would be composed almost exclusively of illiterate
+and inexperienced colored men. Although a minor at that time, I took an
+active part in the local politics of my county, and, being a member of a
+Republican club that had been organized at Natchez, I was frequently
+called upon to address the members at its weekly meetings.
+
+When the State Constitution was submitted to a popular vote for
+ratification or rejection I took an active part in the county campaign
+in advocacy of its ratification. In this election the Democrats pursued
+a course that was just the opposite of that pursued by them in the
+election of delegates to the Constitutional Convention. They decided
+that it was no longer unwise and dangerous for white men to take part in
+an election in which colored men were allowed to participate. This was
+due largely to the fact that the work of the convention had been far
+different from what they had anticipated. The newly framed Constitution
+was, taken as a whole, such an excellent document that in all
+probability it would have been ratified without serious opposition but
+for the fact that there was an unfortunate, unwise and unnecessary
+clause in it which practically disfranchised those who had held an
+office under the Constitution of the United States and who, having taken
+an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States, had
+afterwards supported the cause of the Confederacy. This clause caused
+very bitter and intense opposition to the ratification of the
+Constitution. When the election was over it was found that the
+Constitution had been rejected by a small majority. This result could
+not be fairly accepted as an indication of the strength of the two
+parties in the State, for it was a well-known fact that the Republican
+party had a clear majority of about 30,000.
+
+Notwithstanding the large Republican majority in the State, which was
+believed to be safe, sure and reliable, there were several causes that
+contributed to the rejection of the newly framed Constitution. Among the
+causes were:
+
+First. In consequence of the bitterness with which the ratification of
+the Constitution had been fought, on account of the objectionable clause
+referred to, intimidating methods had been adopted in several counties
+in which there was a large colored vote, resulting in a loss of several
+thousand votes for the Constitution.
+
+Second. There were several thousand Republicans both white and
+colored,--but chiefly colored,--who were opposed to that offensive and
+objectionable clause, believing the same to be unjust, unnecessary, and
+unwise; hence, many of that class refused to vote either way.
+
+Third. There were thousands of voters, the writer being one of that
+number, who favored ratification because the Constitution as a whole was
+a most excellent document, and because its ratification would facilitate
+the readmittance of Mississippi into the Union; after which the one
+objectionable clause could be stricken out by means of an amendment.
+While all of this class favored and advocated ratification for the
+reasons stated, yet their known attitude towards the clause proved to be
+a contributary cause of the rejection of the Constitution.
+
+The reader may not understand why there were any colored men, especially
+at that time and in that section, that would have any sympathy for the
+white men who would have been victims of this clause had the new
+Constitution been ratified. But if the reader will closely follow what
+this writer will set down in subsequent chapters of this work, he will
+find the reasons why there was and still is a bond of sympathy between
+the two races at the South,--a bond that the institution of slavery with
+all its horrors could not destroy, the Rebellion could not wipe out,
+Reconstruction could not efface, and subsequent events have not been
+able to change. The writer is aware of the fact that thousands of
+intelligent people are now laboring under the impression that there
+exists at the South a bitter feeling of antagonism between the two races
+and that this has produced dangerous and difficult problems for the
+country to solve. That some things have occurred that would justify such
+a conclusion, especially on the part of those who are not students of
+this subject, will not be denied.
+
+After the rejection of the Constitution no further effort was made to
+have Mississippi readmitted into the Union until after the Presidential
+and Congressional elections of 1868. The Democratic party throughout the
+country was solid in its support of President Andrew Johnson, and was
+bitter in its opposition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction.
+Upon a platform that declared the Reconstruction Acts of Congress to be
+unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void, the Democrats nominated for
+President and Vice-President, Ex-Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York,
+and General Frank P. Blair, of Missouri. The Republicans nominated for
+President General U.S. Grant, of Illinois, and for Vice-President
+Speaker Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. These candidates were nominated
+upon a platform which strongly supported and indorsed the Congressional
+Plan of Reconstruction.
+
+On this issue the two parties went before the people for a decision. The
+Republicans were successful, but not by such a decisive majority as in
+the Congressional election of 1866. In fact, if all the Southern States
+that took part in that election had gone Democratic, the hero of
+Appomattox would have been defeated. It was the Southern States, giving
+Republican majorities through the votes of their colored men, that saved
+that important national election to the Republican party. To the very
+great surprise of the Republican leaders the party lost the important
+and pivotal State of New York. It had been confidently believed that the
+immense popularity of General Grant and his prestige as a brilliant and
+successful Union general would save every doubtful State to the
+Republicans, New York, of course, included. But this expectation was not
+realized. The result, it is needless to say, was a keen and bitter
+disappointment, for no effort had been spared to bring to the attention
+of the voters the strong points in General Grant. A vote against Grant,
+it was strongly contended, was virtually a vote against the Union.
+Frederick Douglass, who electrified many audiences in that campaign,
+made the notable declaration that "While Washington had given us a
+country, it was Grant who had saved us a country." And yet the savior of
+our country failed in that election to save to the Republican party the
+most important State in the Union. But, notwithstanding the loss of New
+York, the Republicans not only elected the President and Vice-President,
+but also had a safe majority in both branches of Congress.
+
+One of the first acts of Congress after the Presidential election of
+1868 was one authorizing the President to submit Mississippi's rejected
+Constitution once again to a popular vote. The same act authorized the
+President to submit to a separate vote such clause or clauses of said
+Constitution as in his judgment might be particularly obnoxious to any
+considerable number of the people of the State. It was not and could not
+be denied that the Constitution as a whole was a most admirable
+document. The Democrats had no serious objection to its ratification if
+the clause disfranchising most of their leaders were eliminated. When it
+became known that this clause would be submitted to a separate vote, and
+that the Republican organization would not insist upon its retention, no
+serious opposition to the ratification of the Constitution was
+anticipated. And, indeed, none was made.
+
+The time fixed for holding the election was November, 1869. In the mean
+time the State was to be under military control. General Adelbert Ames
+was made Military Governor, with power to fill by appointment every
+civil office in the State. Shortly after General Ames took charge as
+Military Governor the Republican club at Natchez agreed upon a slate to
+be submitted to the Military Governor for his favorable consideration,
+the names upon said slate being the choice of the Republican
+organization of the county for county and city officials. Among the
+names thus agreed upon was that of the Rev. H.P. Jacobs for Justice of
+the Peace. It was then decided to send a member of the club to Jackson,
+the State capital, to present the slate to the Governor in person in
+order to answer questions that might be asked or to give any information
+that might be desired about any of the persons whose names appeared on
+the slate. It fell to my lot to be chosen for that purpose; the
+necessary funds being raised by the club to pay my expenses. I accepted
+the mission, contingent upon my employer's granting me leave of absence.
+
+Natchez at that time was not connected with Jackson by railroad, so that
+the only way for me to reach the capital was to go by steamer from
+Natchez to Vicksburg or to New Orleans, and from there by rail to
+Jackson. The trip, therefore, would necessarily consume the greater part
+of a week. My employer,--who was what was known as a Northern man,
+having come there after the occupation of the place by the Federal
+troops,--not only granted me leave of absence but agreed to remain in
+the city and carry on the business during my absence.
+
+When I arrived at the building occupied by the Governor and sent up my
+card, I had to wait only a few minutes before I was admitted to his
+office. The Governor received me cordially and treated me with marked
+courtesy, giving close attention while I presented as forcibly as I
+could the merits and qualifications of the different persons whose names
+were on the slate. When I had concluded my remarks the Governor's only
+reply was that he would give the matter his early and careful
+consideration. A few weeks later the appointments were announced; but
+not many of the appointees were persons whose names I had presented.
+However, to my great embarrassment I found that my own name had been
+substituted for that of Jacobs for the office of Justice of the Peace. I
+not only had no ambition in that direction but was not aware that my
+name was under consideration for that or for any other office. Besides,
+I was apprehensive that Jacobs and some of his friends might suspect me
+of having been false to the trust that had been reposed in me, at least
+so far as the office of Justice of the Peace was concerned. At first I
+was of the opinion that the only way in which I could disabuse their
+minds of that erroneous impression was to decline the appointment. But I
+found out upon inquiry that in no event would Jacobs receive the
+appointment. I was also reliably informed that I had not been
+recommended nor suggested by any one, but that the Governor's action was
+the result of the favorable impression I had made upon him when I
+presented the slate. For this, of course, I was in no way responsible.
+In fact the impression of my fitness for the office that my brief talk
+had made upon the Governor was just what the club had hoped I would be
+able to accomplish in the interest of the whole slate. That it so
+happened that I was the beneficiary of the favorable impression that my
+brief talk had made upon the Governor may have been unfortunate in one
+respect, but it was an unconscious act for which I could not be
+censured. After consulting, therefore, with a few personal friends and
+local party leaders, I decided to accept the appointment although, in
+consequence of my youth and inexperience, I had serious doubts as to my
+ability to discharge the duties of the office which at that time was one
+of considerable importance.
+
+Then the bond question loomed up, which was one of the greatest
+obstacles in my way, although the amount was only two thousand dollars.
+How to give that bond was the important problem I had to solve, for, of
+course, no one was eligible as a bondsman who did not own real estate.
+There were very few colored men who were thus eligible, and it was out
+of the question at that time to expect any white property owner to sign
+the bond of a colored man. But there were two colored men willing to
+sign the bond for one thousand dollars each who were considered eligible
+by the authorities. These men were William McCary and David Singleton.
+The law, having been duly satisfied in the matter of my bond, I was
+permitted to take the oath of office in April, 1869, and to enter upon
+the discharge of my duties as a Justice of the Peace, which office I
+held until the 31st of December of the same year when I resigned to
+accept a seat in the lower branch of the State Legislature to which I
+had been elected the preceding November.
+
+When I entered upon the discharge of my duties as a Justice of the Peace
+the only comment that was made by the local Democratic paper of the town
+was in these words: "We are now beginning to reap the ravishing fruits
+of Reconstruction."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTS DURING GOVERNOR ALCORN'S
+ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+The new Constitution of Mississippi, which had been rejected in 1868,
+was to be submitted to a popular vote once more in November, 1869. At
+the same time State officers, members of the Legislature, Congressmen,
+and district and county officers were to be elected. Since the
+objectionable clauses in the Constitution were to be put to a separate
+vote, and since it was understood that both parties would favor the
+rejection of these clauses, there was no serious opposition to the
+ratification of the Constitution thus amended. A hard and stubborn fight
+was, however, to be made for control of the State Government.
+
+General James L. Alcorn, who had been a general in the Confederate Army
+and who had recently openly identified himself with the Republican
+party, was nominated by the Republicans for the office of Governor of
+the State. Of the other six men who were associated with him on the
+state ticket, only the candidate for Secretary of the State, the
+Reverend James Lynch,--an able and eloquent minister of the Methodist
+Church,--was a colored man. Lynch was a man of fine ability, of splendid
+education, and one of the most powerful and convincing orators that the
+Republicans had upon the stump in that campaign. He was known and
+recognized as such an able and brilliant speaker that his services were
+in great demand from the beginning to the end of the campaign. No
+Democratic orator, however able, was anxious to meet him in joint
+debate. He died suddenly the latter part of 1872. His death was a great
+loss to the State and to the Republican party and especially to the
+colored race.
+
+Of the other five candidates on the ticket two,--the candidates for
+State Treasurer and Attorney General,--were, like General Alcorn,
+Southern white men. The candidate for State Treasurer, Hon. W.H. Vasser,
+was a successful business man who lived in the northern part of the
+State, while the candidate for Attorney General, Hon. Joshua S. Morris,
+was a brilliant member of the bar who lived in the southern part of the
+State. The other three, the candidates for Lieutenant-Governor, State
+Auditor and Superintendent of Education, were Northern men who had
+settled in the State after the War, called by the Democrats, "Carpet
+Baggers," but they were admitted to be clean and good men who had
+lived in the State long enough to become fully identified with its
+industrial and business interests. H.C. Powers, the candidate for
+Lieutenant-Governor, and H. Musgrove, the candidate for Auditor of
+Public Accounts, were successful cotton planters from Noxubee and Clarke
+counties respectively; while H.R. Pease, the candidate for State
+Superintendent of Education, had been identified with educational work
+ever since he came to the State. It could not be denied that it was a
+strong and able ticket,--one that the Democrats would find it very
+difficult to defeat. In desperation the Democratic party had nominated
+as their candidate for Governor a brother-in-law of President Grant's,
+Judge Lewis Dent, in the hope that the President would throw the weight
+of his influence and the active support of his administration on the
+side of his relative, as against the candidate of his own party,
+especially in view of the fact that Dent had been nominated not as a
+Democrat but as an Independent Republican,--his candidacy simply having
+been indorsed by the Democratic organization. But in this they were
+disappointed, for if the President gave any indication of preference it
+was in favor of the Republican ticket. General Ames, for instance, was
+the Military Governor of the State, holding that position at the
+pleasure of the President; and Ames was so outspoken in his support of
+the Republican ticket, that in an address before the State Republican
+Convention that nominated General Alcorn for the Governorship he
+announced, "You have my sympathy and shall have my support." This
+declaration was received by the convention with great applause, for it
+was known that those words from that source carried great weight. They
+meant not only that the Republican party would have the active and
+aggressive support of the Military Governor,--which was very important
+and would be worth thousands of votes to the party,--but they also
+indicated the attitude of the National Administration. The campaign was
+aggressive from beginning to end. Judge Dent was at a disadvantage,
+since his candidacy had failed to bring to his support the influence of
+the National Administration, which had been the sole purpose of his
+nomination. In spite of that fact Dent made a game and gallant fight;
+but the election resulted in an overwhelming Republican victory. That
+party not only elected the State ticket by a majority of about 30,000
+but it also had a large majority in both branches of the State
+Legislature.
+
+The new administration had an important and difficult task before it. A
+State Government had to be organized from top to bottom; a new judiciary
+had to be inaugurated,--consisting of three Justices of the State
+Supreme Court, fifteen Judges of the Circuit Court and twenty Chancery
+Court Judges,--who had all to be appointed by the Governor with the
+consent of the Senate, and, in addition, a new public school system had
+to be established. There was not a public school building anywhere in
+the State except in a few of the larger towns, and they, with possibly
+a few exceptions, were greatly in need of repairs. To erect the
+necessary school houses and to reconstruct and repair those already in
+existence so as to afford educational facilities for both races was by
+no means an easy task. It necessitated a very large outlay of cash in
+the beginning, which resulted in a material increase in the rate of
+taxation for the time being, but the Constitution called for the
+establishment of the system, and of course the work had to be done. It
+was not only done, but it was done creditably and as economically as
+possible, considering the conditions at that time.
+
+That system, though slightly changed, still stands,--a creditable
+monument to the first Republican State administration that was organized
+in the State of Mississippi under the Reconstruction Acts of Congress.
+
+It was also necessary to reorganize, reconstruct and, in many instances,
+rebuild some of the penal and charitable institutions of the State. A
+new code of laws also had to be adopted to take the place of the old
+code and thus wipe out the black laws that had been passed by what was
+known as the Johnson Legislature and in addition bring about other
+changes so as to make the laws and statutes of the State conform with
+the new order of things. This was no easy task, in view of the fact that
+a heavy increase in the rate of taxation was thus made necessary, for
+the time being at least. That this important work was splendidly,
+creditably, and economically done no fair-minded person who is familiar
+with the facts will question or dispute.
+
+That the State never had before, and has never had since, a finer
+Judiciary than that which was organized under the administration of
+Governor Alcorn and which continued under the administration of Governor
+Ames is an indisputable and incontrovertible fact. The Judges of the
+Supreme Court were E.G. Peyton, H.F. Simrall and J. Tarbell, who in
+Mississippi had no superiors in their profession, and who had the
+respect and confidence of the bar and of the people without regard to
+race or politics. Judge Peyton was the Chief Justice, Simrall and
+Tarbell being the Associate Justices. The first two were old residents
+of the State, while Mr. Justice Tarbell was what the Democrats would
+call a "Carpet Bagger." But that he was an able lawyer and a man of
+unimpeachable integrity no one doubted or questioned. During the second
+administration of President Grant he held the important position of
+Second Comptroller of the United States Treasury. The Circuit Court
+bench was graced with such able and brilliant lawyers as Jason Niles,
+G.C. Chandler, George F. Brown, J.A. Orr, John W. Vance, Robert
+Leachman, B.B. Boone, Orlando Davis, James M. Smiley, Uriah Millsaps,
+William M. Hancock, E.S. Fisher, C.C. Shackleford, W.B. Cunningham,
+W.D. Bradford and A. Alderson. Judges Brown and Cunningham were the only
+ones in the above list who were not old residents of the State. After
+leaving the bench, Judge Chandler served for several years as United
+States Attorney. Judge Niles served one term as a member of Congress,
+having been elected as a Republican in 1875. His son Henry Clay Niles is
+now United States District Judge for the State, having been appointed to
+that important position by President Harrison. He was strongly
+recommended by many members of the bench and bar of the State; and the
+very able and creditable way in which he has discharged the duties of
+the position has more than demonstrated the wisdom of the selection.
+
+The Chancery Courts as organized by Governor Alcorn and continued by
+Governor Ames were composed of men no less able and brilliant than those
+who composed the Bench of the Circuit Courts. They were: J.C. Lyon, E.P.
+Harmon, E.G. Peyton, Jr., J.M. Ellis, G.S. McMillan, Samuel Young, W.G.
+Henderson, Edwin Hill, T.R. Gowan, J.F. Simmons, Wesley Drane, D.W.
+Walker, DeWitte Stearns, D.P. Coffee, E.W. Cabiness, A.E. Reynolds,
+Thomas Christian, Austin Pollard, J.J. Hooker, O.H. Whitfield, E.
+Stafford, W.A. Drennan, Thomas Walton, E.H. Osgood, C.A. Sullivan, Hiram
+Cassedy, Jr., W.B. Peyton, J.D. Barton, J.J. Dennis, W.D. Frazee, P.P.
+Bailey, L.C. Abbott, H.W. Warren, R. Boyd, R.B. Stone, William Breck,
+J.N. Campbell, H.R. Ware and J.B. Deason. The above names composed those
+who were appointed both by Governors Alcorn and Ames. A majority of
+those originally appointed by Governor Alcorn were reappointed by
+Governor Ames. Of the forty appointments of Judges of the Chancery
+Courts made under the administrations of Alcorn and Ames, not more than
+about seven were not to the "manner born." The administration of James
+L. Alcorn as Governor of the State of Mississippi is one of the best
+with which that unfortunate State has been blessed. A more extended
+reference to the subsequent administration of Governor Ames will be made
+in a later chapter.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE REPUBLICAN COUNTY CONVENTION OF 1869
+
+
+Although it was not charged nor even intimated that my acceptance of the
+office of Justice of the Peace was the result of bad faith on my part,
+still the appointment resulted in the creation for the time being of two
+factions in the Republican party in the county. One was known as the
+Lynch faction, the other as the Jacobs faction.
+
+When the Constitution was submitted to a popular vote in November, 1869,
+it was provided that officers should be elected at the same time to all
+offices created by the Constitution and that they, including members of
+the Legislature, were to be chosen by popular vote. The county of Adams
+(Natchez) was entitled to one member of the State Senate and three
+members of the House of Representatives. Jacobs was a candidate for the
+Republican nomination for State Senator. The Lynch faction, however,
+refused to support him for that position although it had no objection to
+his nomination for member of the House. Since Jacobs persisted in his
+candidacy for State Senator the Lynch faction brought out an opposing
+candidate in the person of a Baptist minister by the name of J.M.P.
+Williams. The contest between the two Republican candidates was
+interesting and exciting, though not bitter, and turned out to be very
+close.
+
+The convention was to be composed of thirty-three delegates, seventeen
+being necessary to nominate. The result at the primary election of
+delegates to the convention was so close that it was impossible to tell
+which one had a majority, since there were several delegates,--about
+whose attitude and preference there had been some doubt,--who refused to
+commit themselves either way. In the organization of the convention the
+Williams men gained the first advantage, one of their number having been
+made permanent chairman. But this was not important since there were no
+contests for seats, consequently the presiding officer would have no
+occasion to render a decision that could have any bearing upon the
+composition of the body over which he presided.
+
+Both sides agreed that the nomination for State Senator should be made
+first and that the vote should be by ballot, the ballots to be received
+and counted by two tellers, one to be selected by each faction. When the
+result of the first ballot was announced, Jacobs had sixteen votes,
+Williams, sixteen, and a third man had one. Several ballots were taken
+with the same result, when, with the consent of both sides, a recess was
+taken until 3 o'clock in the afternoon. The one delegate that refused
+to vote for either Jacobs or Williams made no effort to conceal his
+identity. To the contrary, he was outspoken in his determination and
+decision that he would not at any time or under any circumstances vote
+for either. Strange to say, this man was also a colored Baptist
+preacher, the Rev. Noah Buchanan, from the Washington district. Members
+of both factions approached him during the recess and pleaded with him,
+but their efforts and pleadings were all in vain. Nothing could move him
+or change him. He stated that he had given the matter his careful and
+serious consideration, and that he had come to the conclusion that
+neither Jacobs nor Williams was a fit man to represent the important
+county of Adams in the State Senate, hence neither could get his vote.
+At the afternoon session, after several ballots had been taken with the
+same result, an adjournment was ordered until 9 o'clock next morning.
+
+Soon after adjournment each side went into caucus. At the Jacobs meeting
+it was decided to stick to their man to the very last. At the Williams
+meeting Hon. H.C. Griffin, white leader of the Williams men, suggested
+the name of the Rev. H.R. Revels as a compromise candidate. Revels was
+comparatively a new man in the community. He had recently been stationed
+at Natchez as pastor in charge of the A.M.E. Church, and so far as
+known he had never voted, had never attended a political meeting, and of
+course, had never made a political speech. But he was a colored man, and
+presumed to be a Republican, and believed to be a man of ability and
+considerably above the average in point of intelligence; just the man,
+it was thought, the Rev. Noah Buchanan would be willing to vote for.
+
+After considerable discussion it was agreed that a committee should be
+appointed to wait on Mr. Williams in order to find out if he would be
+willing to withdraw in favor of Revels should his friends and supporters
+deem such a step necessary and wise. In the event of Williams'
+withdrawal, the committee was next to call on Revels to find out if he
+would consent to the use of his name. If Revels consented, the committee
+was next to call on Rev. Buchanan to find out whether or not he would
+vote for Revels. This committee was to report to the caucus at 8 o'clock
+next morning.
+
+At the appointed time the committee reported that Williams had stated
+that he was in the hands of his friends and that he would abide by any
+decision they might make. Revels, the report stated, who had been taken
+very much by surprise,--having had no idea that his name would ever be
+mentioned in connection with any office,--had asked to be allowed until
+7 o'clock in the morning to consider the matter and to talk it over with
+his wife. At 7 o'clock he notified the chairman of the committee that
+he would accept the nomination if tendered.
+
+Buchanan had informed the committee that he had heard of Revels but did
+not know him personally. He too had asked to be allowed until 7 o'clock
+in the morning before giving a positive answer, so as to enable him to
+make the necessary inquiries to find out whether or not Revels was a
+suitable man for the position. At 7 o'clock he informed the chairman of
+the committee that if the name of Williams should be withdrawn in favor
+of Revels he would cast his vote for Revels. The caucus then decided by
+a unanimous vote that upon the assembling of the convention at 9 o'clock
+that morning Mr. Griffin should withdraw the name of Williams from
+before the convention as a candidate for State Senator, but that no
+other name should be placed in nomination. Every member of the caucus,
+however, was committed to vote for Revels. This decision was to be
+communicated to no one outside of the caucus except to Mr. Buchanan, who
+was to be privately informed of it by the chairman of the committee to
+whom he had communicated his own decision.
+
+As soon as the convention was called to order Mr. Griffin was recognized
+by the chair. He stated that he had been authorized to withdraw the name
+of Rev. J.M.P. Williams from before the convention as candidate for
+State Senator. This announcement was received by the Jacobs men with
+great applause. The withdrawal of the name of Williams without placing
+any other in nomination they accepted as evidence that further
+opposition to the nomination of their candidate had been abandoned and
+that his nomination was a foregone conclusion. But they were not allowed
+to labor under that impression very long. The roll-call was immediately
+ordered by the chair and the tellers took their places. When the ballots
+had been counted and tabulated, the result was seventeen votes for
+Revels and sixteen votes for Jacobs. The announcement was received by
+the Williams men with great applause. The result was a victory for them
+because it was their sixteen votes together with the vote of Rev. Noah
+Buchanan that had nominated Revels. The Jacobs men accepted their defeat
+gracefully. A motion was offered by their leader to make the nomination
+unanimous and it was adopted without a dissenting vote. In anticipation
+of his nomination Revels was present as one of the interested spectators
+and upon being called upon for a brief address he delivered it with
+telling effect, thereby making a most favorable impression. This address
+convinced Rev. Noah Buchanan that he had made no mistake in voting for
+Revels. Jacobs was then nominated for member of the House of
+Representatives without opposition, his associates being John R. Lynch
+and Capt. O.C. French, a white Republican. The ticket as completed was
+elected by a majority of from fifteen hundred to two thousand, a
+Republican nomination in Adams County at that time being equivalent to
+an election.
+
+When the Legislature convened at Jackson the first Monday in January,
+1870, it was suggested to Lieutenant-Governor Powers, presiding officer
+of the Senate, that he invite the Rev. Dr. Revels to open the Senate
+with prayer. The suggestion was favorably acted upon. That prayer,--one
+of the most impressive and eloquent prayers that had ever been delivered
+in the Senate Chamber,--made Revels a United States Senator. He made a
+profound impression upon all who heard him. It impressed those who heard
+it that Revels was not only a man of great natural ability but that he
+was also a man of superior attainments.
+
+The duty devolved upon that Legislature to fill three vacancies in the
+United States Senate: one, a fractional term of about one year,--the
+remainder of the six year term to which Jefferson Davis had been elected
+before the breaking out of the Rebellion,--another fractional term of
+about five years, and the third, the full term of six years, beginning
+with the expiration of the fractional term of one year. The colored
+members of the Legislature constituted a very small minority not only of
+the total membership of that body but also of the Republican members. Of
+the thirty-three members of which the Senate was composed four of them
+were colored men: H.R. Revels, of Adams; Charles Caldwell, of Hinds;
+Robert Gleed, of Lowndes, and T.W. Stringer, of Warren. Of the one
+hundred and seven members of which the House was composed about thirty
+of them were colored men. It will thus be seen that out of the one
+hundred forty members of which the two Houses were composed only about
+thirty-four of them were colored men. But the colored members insisted
+that one of the three United States Senators to be elected should be a
+colored man. The white Republicans were willing that the colored men be
+given the fractional term of one year, since it was understood that
+Governor Alcorn was to be elected to the full term of six years and that
+Governor Ames was to be elected to the fractional term of five years.
+
+In this connection it may not be out of place to say that, ever since
+the organization of the Republican party in Mississippi, the white
+Republicans of that State, unlike some in a few of the other Southern
+States, have never attempted to draw the color line against their
+colored allies. In this they have proved themselves to be genuine and
+not sham Republicans,--that is to say, Republicans from principle and
+conviction and not for plunder and spoils. They have never failed to
+recognize the fact that the fundamental principle of the Republican
+party,--the one that gave the party its strongest claim upon the
+confidence and support of the public,--is its advocacy of equal civil
+and political rights. If that party should ever come to the conclusion
+that this principle should be abandoned, that moment it will merit, and
+I am sure it will receive, the condemnation and repudiation of the
+public.
+
+It was not, therefore, a surprise to any one when the white Republican
+members of the Mississippi Legislature gave expression to their entire
+willingness to vote for a suitable colored man to represent the state of
+Mississippi in the highest and most dignified legislative tribunal in
+the world. The next step was to find the man. The name of the Rev. James
+Lynch was first suggested. That he was a suitable and fit man for the
+position could not be denied. But he had just been elected Secretary of
+State for a term of four years, and his election to the Senate would
+have created a vacancy in the former office which would have
+necessitated the holding of another State election and another election
+was what all wanted to avoid. For that reason his name was not seriously
+considered for the Senatorship.
+
+[Illustration: HON. HIRAM R. REVELS. The first colored man that occupied
+a seat in the U.S. Senate. From a photograph taken by Maj. Lynch at
+Natchez, Miss., in 1868.]
+
+The next name suggested was that of the Rev. H.R. Revels and those who
+had been so fortunate as to hear the impressive prayer that he had
+delivered on the opening of the Senate were outspoken in their advocacy
+of his selection. The white Republicans assured the colored members
+that if they would unite upon Revels, they were satisfied he would
+receive the vote of every white Republican member of the Legislature.
+Governor Alcorn also gave the movement his cordial and active support,
+thus insuring for Revels the support of the State administration. The
+colored members then held an informal conference, at which it was
+unanimously decided to present the name of Rev. H.R. Revels to the
+Republican Legislative Caucus as a candidate for United States Senator
+to fill the fractional term of one year. The choice was ratified by the
+caucus without serious opposition. In the joint Legislative session,
+every Republican member, white and colored, voted for the three
+Republican caucus nominees for United States Senators,--Alcorn, Ames and
+Revels,--with one exception, Senator William M. Hancock, of Lauderdale,
+who stated in explanation of his vote against Revels that as a lawyer he
+did not believe that a colored man was eligible to a seat in the United
+States Senate. But Judge Hancock seems to have been the only lawyer in
+the Legislature,--or outside of it, as far as could be learned,--who
+entertained that opinion.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL AND POLITICAL MEASURES OF THE NEW LEGISLATURE
+
+
+In addition to the election of three United States Senators this
+Legislature had some very important work before it, as has already been
+stated in a previous chapter. A new public school system had to be
+inaugurated and put in operation, thus necessitating the construction of
+schoolhouses throughout the State, some of them, especially in the towns
+and villages, to be quite large and of course expensive. All of the
+other public buildings and institutions in the State had to be repaired,
+some of them rebuilt, all of them having been neglected and some of them
+destroyed during the progress of the late War. In addition to this the
+entire State Government in all of its branches had to be reconstructed
+and so organized as to place the same in perfect harmony with the new
+order of things.
+
+To accomplish these things money was required. There was none in the
+treasury. There was no cash available even to pay the ordinary expenses
+of the State government. Because of this lack of funds the government
+had to be carried on on a credit basis,--that is, by the issuing of
+notes or warrants based upon the credit of the State. These notes were
+issued at par to the creditors of the State in satisfaction of the
+obligations. In turn they were disposed of at a discount to bankers and
+brokers by whom they were held until there should be sufficient cash in
+the treasury to redeem them,--such redemption usually occurring in from
+three to six months, though sometimes the period was longer. To raise
+the necessary money to put the new machinery in successful operation one
+of two things had to be done: either the rate of taxation must be
+materially increased or interest bearing bonds must be issued and placed
+upon the market, thus increasing the bonded debt of the State. Although
+the fact was subsequently developed that a small increase in the bonded
+debt of the State could not very well be avoided, yet, after careful
+deliberation, the plan agreed upon was to materially increase the rate
+of taxation.
+
+This proved to be so unpopular that it came near losing the Legislature
+to the Republicans at the elections of 1871. Although it was explained
+to the people that this increase was only temporary and that the rate of
+taxation would be reduced as soon as some of the schoolhouses had been
+built, and some of the public institutions had been repaired, still this
+was not satisfactory to those by whom these taxes had to be paid. They
+insisted that some other plan ought to have been adopted, especially at
+that time. The War had just come to a close, leaving most of the people
+in an impoverished condition. What was true of the public institutions
+of the State was equally true of the private property of those who were
+property owners at that time. Their property during the War had been
+neglected, and what had not been destroyed was in a state of decay. This
+was especially true of those who had been the owners of large landed
+estates and of many slaves. Many of these people had been the
+acknowledged representatives of the wealth, the intelligence, the
+culture, the refinement and the aristocracy of the South,--the ruling
+class in the church, in society and in State affairs. These were the men
+who had made and molded public opinion, who had controlled the pulpit
+and the press, who had shaped the destiny of the State; who had made and
+enforced the laws,--or at least such laws as they desired to have
+enforced,--and who had represented the State not only in the State
+Legislature but in both branches of the National Legislature at
+Washington. Many of these proud sons, gallant fathers, cultured mothers
+and wives and refined and polished daughters found themselves in a
+situation and in a condition that was pitiable in the extreme. It was
+not only a difficult matter for them to adjust themselves to the new
+order of things and to the radically changed conditions, but no longer
+having slaves upon whom they could depend for everything, to raise the
+necessary money to prevent the decay, the dissipation and the ultimate
+loss or destruction of their large landed estates was the serious and
+difficult problem they had before them. To have the rate of taxation
+increased upon this property, especially at that particular time, was to
+them a very serious matter,--a matter which could not have any other
+effect than to intensify their bitterness and hostility towards the
+party in control of the State Government. But since Governor Alcorn,
+under whose administration, and in accordance with whose recommendation
+this increase had been made, was a typical representative of this
+particular class, it was believed and hoped that he would have
+sufficient influence with the people of his own class to stem the tide
+of resentment, and to calm their fears and apprehensions. That the
+Republicans retained control of the Legislature as a result of the
+elections of 1871,--though by only a small majority in the lower
+house,--is conclusive evidence that the Governor's efforts in that
+direction were not wholly in vain. The argument made by the taxpayers,
+however, was plausible and it may be conceded that, upon the whole, they
+were about right; for no doubt it would have been much easier upon the
+taxpayers to have increased at that time the interest-bearing debt of
+the State than to have increased the tax rate. The latter course,
+however, had been adopted and could not then be changed.
+
+Governor Alcorn also recommended,--a recommendation that was favorably
+considered by the Legislature,--that there be created and supported by
+the State a college for the higher education of the colored boys and
+young men of the State. This bill was promptly passed by the
+Legislature, and, in honor of the one by whom its creation was
+recommended the institution was named "Alcorn College." The presidency
+of this much-needed college was an honorable and dignified position to
+which a fair and reasonable salary was attached, so the Governor, who
+had the appointing power, decided to tender the office to Senator H.R.
+Revels upon the expiration of his term in the Senate. I had the honor of
+being named as one of the first trustees of this important institution.
+After the Governor, the trustees and Senator Revels had carefully
+inspected many different places that had been suggested for the location
+of the institution, Oakland College near the town of Rodney in Claiborne
+County, was finally purchased, and Alcorn College was established, with
+Senator Revels as its first president.
+
+As an evidence of the necessity for such an institution it will not be
+out of place to call attention to the fact that when the writer was
+first elected to Congress in 1872, there was not one young colored man
+in the State that could pass the necessary examination for a clerkship
+in any of the Departments at Washington. Four years later the supply was
+greater than the demand, nearly all of the applicants being graduates of
+Alcorn College. At this writing the institution is still being
+maintained by the State, although on a reduced appropriation and on a
+plan that is somewhat different from that which was inaugurated at its
+beginning and while the Republicans were in control of the State
+government. One of the reasons, no doubt, why it is supported by a
+Democratic administration, is that the State might otherwise forfeit and
+lose the aid it now receives from the National Government for the
+support of agricultural institutions. But, aside from this, there are
+very many liberal, fair-minded and influential Democrats in the State
+who are strongly in favor of having the State provide for the liberal
+education of both races.
+
+The knowledge I had acquired of parliamentary law not only enabled me to
+take a leading part in the deliberations of the Legislature, but it
+resulted in my being made Speaker of the House of Representatives that
+was elected in 1871. Shortly after the adjournment of the first session
+of the Legislature, the Speaker of the House, Hon. F.E. Franklin, of
+Yazoo County, died. When the Legislature reassembled the first Monday in
+January, 1871, Hon. H.W. Warren, of Leake County, was made Speaker of
+the House. In addition to the vacancy from Yazoo, created by the death
+of Speaker Franklin, one had also occurred from Lowndes County, which
+was one of the safe and sure Republican counties. Through apathy,
+indifference and overconfidence, the Democratic candidate, Dr. Landrum,
+was elected to fill this vacancy. It was a strange and novel sight to
+see a Democratic member of the Legislature from the rock-ribbed
+Republican county of Lowndes. It was no doubt a source of considerable
+embarrassment even to Dr. Landrum himself, for he was looked upon by all
+as a marvel and a curiosity. When he got up to deliver his maiden speech
+a few days after he was sworn in, he was visibly and perceptibly
+affected, for every eye was firmly and intently fixed upon him. Every
+one seemed to think that the man that could be elected to a seat in the
+Legislature from Lowndes County as a Democrat, must be endowed with some
+strange and hidden power through the exercise of which he could direct
+the movements and control the actions of those who might be brought in
+contact with him or subjected to his hypnotic influence; hence the
+anxiety and curiosity to hear the maiden speech of this strange and
+remarkable man. The voice in the House of a Democrat from the county of
+Lowndes was of so strange, so sudden, so unexpected and so remarkable
+that it was difficult for many to bring themselves to a realization of
+the fact that such a thing had actually happened and that it was a
+living reality. To the curious, the speech was a disappointment,
+although it was a plain, calm, conservative and convincing statement of
+the new member's position upon public questions. To the great amusement
+of those who heard him he related some of his experiences while he was
+engaged in canvassing the county. But the speech revealed the fact that,
+after all, he was nothing more than an ordinary man. No one was
+impressed by any word or sentence that had fallen from his lips that
+there was anything about him that was strange, impressive or unusual,
+and all decided that his election was purely accidental; for it was no
+more surprising than was the election of a colored Republican, Hon. J.M.
+Wilson, to the same Legislature the year before, from the reliable
+Democratic county of Marion.
+
+There was not much to be done at the second session of the Legislature
+outside of passing the annual appropriation bills; hence the session was
+a short one. Although Governor Alcorn's term as a United States Senator
+commenced March 4, 1871, he did not vacate the office of Governor until
+the meeting of Congress, the first Monday in the following December. A
+new Legislature and all county officers were to be elected in November
+of that year. It was to be the first important election since the
+inauguration of the Alcorn administration. The Governor decided to
+remain where he could assume entire responsibility for what had been
+done and where he could answer, officially and otherwise, all charges
+and accusations and criticisms that might be made against his
+administration and his official acts. The Republican majority in the
+State Senate was so large that the holdover Senators made it well nigh
+impossible for the Democrats to secure a majority of that body, but the
+principal fight was to be made for control of the House. As already
+stated the heavy increase in taxation proved to be very unpopular and
+this gave the Democrats a decided advantage. They made a strong and
+bitter fight to gain control of the House, and nearly succeeded.
+
+When every county had been heard from it was found that out of the one
+hundred fifteen members of which the House was composed, the Republicans
+had elected sixty-six members and the Democrats, forty-nine. Of the
+sixty-six that had been elected as Republicans, two,--Messrs. Armstead
+and Streeter,--had been elected from Carroll County on an independent
+ticket. They classed themselves politically as Independent or Alcorn
+Republicans. Carroll was the only doubtful county in the State that the
+Democrats failed to carry. The Independent ticket in that county, which
+was supported by an influential faction of Democrats, was brought out
+with the understanding and agreement that it would receive the support
+of the Republican organization. This support was given, but upon a
+pledge that the candidates for the Legislature, if elected, should not
+enter the Democratic caucus, nor vote for the candidates thereof in the
+organization of the House. These conditions were accepted, which
+resulted in the ticket being supported by the Republicans and,
+consequently elected. All the other doubtful and close counties went
+Democratic, which resulted in the defeat of some of the strongest and
+most influential men in the Republican party, including Speaker Warren
+of Leake County, Lucas and Boyd of Altala, Underwood of Chickasaw, Avery
+of Tallahatchie, and many others. Notwithstanding these reverses, the
+Republicans sent a number of able men to the House, among whom may be
+mentioned French of Adams, Howe and Pyles of Panola, Fisher of Hinds,
+Chandler and Davis of Noxubee, Huggins of Monroe, Stone and Spelman of
+Madison, Barrett of Amite, Sullivan and Gayles of Bolivar, Everett and
+Dixon of Yazoo, Griggs and Houston of Issaquina, and many others. In
+point of experience and ability this Legislature was the equal of its
+immediate predecessor.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
+
+
+The elections being over, and a Republican majority in both branches of
+the Legislature being assured, Governor Alcorn was then prepared to
+vacate the office of Governor, to turn over the administration of State
+affairs to Lieutenant-Governor Powers and to proceed to Washington so as
+to be present at the opening session of Congress on the first Monday in
+December when he would assume his duties as a United States Senator.
+
+The Legislature was to meet the first Monday in the following
+January,--1872. As soon as the fact was made known that the Republicans
+would control the organization of the House, the Speakership of that
+body began to be agitated. If Speaker Warren had been reëlected he would
+have received the Republican caucus nomination without opposition, but
+his defeat made it necessary for a new man to be brought forward for
+that position. A movement was immediately put on foot to make me the
+Speaker of the House.
+
+Upon a careful examination of the returns it was found that of the one
+hundred fifteen members of which the House was composed there were
+seventy-seven whites and thirty-eight colored. Of the seventy-seven
+whites, forty-nine had been elected as Democrats and twenty-eight as
+Republicans. The thirty-eight colored men were all Republicans. It will
+thus be seen that, while in the composition of the Republican caucus
+there were ten more colored than white members, yet of the total
+membership of the House there were thirty-nine more white than colored
+members. But in the organization of the House, the contest was not
+between white and colored, but between Democrats and Republicans. No one
+had been elected,--at least on the Republican side,--because he was a
+white man or because he was a colored man, but because he was a
+Republican. After a preliminary canvass the fact was developed that the
+writer was not only the choice of the colored members for Speaker of the
+House, but of a large majority of the white Republican members as well.
+They believed,--and voted in accordance with that belief both in the
+party caucus and in the House,--that the writer was the best-equipped
+man for that responsible position. This fact had been demonstrated to
+their satisfaction during the two sessions of the preceding Legislature.
+
+The nomination of the writer by the House Republican caucus for Speaker
+was a foregone conclusion several weeks before the convening of the
+Legislature. With a full membership in attendance fifty-eight votes
+would be necessary to perfect the organization. When the Republican
+caucus convened sixty members were present and took part in the
+deliberations thereof. Four of the Republicans-elect had not at that
+time arrived at the seat of government. The two Independents from
+Carroll refused to attend the caucus, but this did not necessarily mean
+that they would not vote for the candidates thereof in the organization
+of the House. But since we had sixty votes,--two more than were
+necessary to elect our candidate,--we believed that the organization
+would be easily perfected the next day, regardless of the action of the
+members from Carroll County.
+
+In this, however, we were sadly disappointed. The result of the first
+vote for Speaker of the House was as follows:
+
+     Lynch, Republican caucus nominee   55
+     Streeter, Democratic nominee       47
+     Chandler, Independent Republican    7
+     Armstead, Independent Republican    1
+     Howe, Regular Republican            1
+     Necessary to elect                 56
+
+Judge Chandler of Noxubee, who had been elected as a regular Republican
+with four other white Republicans,--all of whom attended and took part
+in the caucus the night before,--refused to vote for the nominee of the
+caucus for Speaker but voted instead for Chandler. It will be seen that
+the vote for Streeter, the Democratic caucus nominee, was two less than
+that party's strength; thus showing that two Democrats must have also
+voted for Chandler. It will also be seen that if every vote that was not
+received by Lynch had been given to Chandler or to any other man, that
+man would have received the required number of votes and would have been
+elected. The Democrats stood ready to give their solid vote to any one
+of the Independents whenever it could be shown that their votes would
+result in an election. But it so happened that Chandler and Armstead
+were both ambitious to be Speaker and neither would give way for the
+other, which, of course, made the election of either impossible. The one
+vote cast for Howe was no doubt Mr. Armstead's vote, while the one vote
+for Armstead was no doubt cast by his colleague. In the nomination of
+Hon. H.M. Streeter, the Democrats selected their strongest man, and the
+best parliamentarian on their side of the House. The refusal of the
+so-called Independents to vote for the Republican caucus nominee for
+Speaker produced a deadlock which continued for a period of several
+days. At no time could any one of the regular Republicans be induced
+under any circumstances to vote for any one of the Independents. They
+would much rather have the House organized by the Democrats than allow
+party treachery to be thus rewarded.
+
+While the deadlock was in progress, Senators Alcorn and Ames suddenly
+made their appearance upon the scene of action. They had made the trip
+from Washington to use their influence to break the deadlock, and to
+bring about an organization of the House by the Republican party. But
+Senator Alcorn was the one that could render the most effective service
+in that direction, since the bolters were men who professed to be
+followers of his and loyal to his political interests and leadership.
+
+As soon as the Senator arrived he held a conference with the bolters,
+including Messrs. Armstead and Streeter,--the two independents from
+Carroll. In addressing those who had been elected as Republicans and who
+had attended and participated in the caucus of that party, the Senator
+did not mince his words. He told them in plain language that they were
+in honor bound to support the caucus nominees of their party, or that
+they must resign their seats and allow their constituents to elect
+others that would do so. With reference to the Independents from
+Carroll, he said the situation was slightly different. They had been
+elected as Independents under conditions which did not obligate them to
+enter the Republican caucus or support the candidates thereof. They had
+pledged themselves not to support the Democratic caucus nominees, nor to
+aid that party in the organization of the House. Up to that time they
+had not made a move, nor given a vote that could be construed into a
+violation of the pledge under which they had been elected, but they had
+publicly declared on several occasions that they had been elected as
+Independents or Alcorn Republicans. In other words, they had been
+elected as friends and supporters of the Alcorn administration, and of
+that type of Republicanism for which he stood and of which he was the
+representative. If this were true then they should not hesitate to take
+the advice of the man to support whose administration they had been
+elected. He informed them that if they meant what they said the best way
+for them to prove it was to vote for the Republican caucus nominees for
+officers of the House, because he was the recognized leader of the party
+in the State and that the issue involved in the elections was either an
+endorsement or repudiation of his administration as Governor. Republican
+success under such circumstances meant an endorsement of his
+administration, while Republican defeat would mean its repudiation. The
+most effective way, then, in which they could make good their
+ante-election pledges and promises was to vote for the candidates of
+the Republican caucus for officers of the House.
+
+The two Carroll County Independents informed the Senator that he had
+correctly outlined their position and their attitude, and that it was
+their purpose and their determination to give a loyal and effective
+support, so far as the same was in their power, to the policies and
+principles for which he stood and of which he was the accredited
+representative; but that they were apprehensive that they could not
+successfully defend their action and explain their votes to the
+satisfaction of their constituents if they were to vote for a colored
+man for Speaker of the House.
+
+"But," said the Senator, "could you have been elected without the votes
+of colored men? If you now vote against a colored man,--who is in every
+way a fit and capable man for the position,--simply because he is a
+colored man, would you expect those men to support you in the future?"
+
+The Senator also reminded them that they had received very many more
+colored than white votes; and that, in his opinion, very few of the
+white men who had supported them would find fault with them for voting
+for a capable and intelligent colored man to preside over the
+deliberations of the House.
+
+"Can you then," the Senator asked, "afford to offend the great mass of
+colored men that supported you in order to please an insignificantly
+small number of narrow-minded whites?"
+
+The Senator assured them that he was satisfied they had nothing to fear
+as a result of their action in voting for Mr. Lynch as Speaker of the
+House. He knew the candidate favorably and well and therefore did not
+hesitate to assure them that if they contributed to his election they
+would have no occasion to regret having done so. The conference then
+came to a close with the understanding that all present would vote the
+next day for the Republican caucus nominees for officers of the House.
+This was done. The result of the ballot the following day was as
+follows:
+
+     Lynch, Republican caucus nominee,   63
+     Chandler, Independent Republican,   49
+     Necessary to elect                  57
+
+It will be seen that Judge Chandler received the solid Democratic vote
+while Lynch received the vote of every voting Republican present,
+including Chandler and the two Independents from Carroll,--three
+Republicans still being absent and not paired. By substantially the same
+vote ex-Speaker Warren, of Leake County, was elected Chief Clerk, and
+Ex-Representative Hill, of Marshall County, was elected
+Sergeant-at-arms. The Legislature was then organized and was ready to
+proceed to business.
+
+At the conclusion of the session, the House not only adopted a
+resolution complimenting the Speaker and thanking him for the able and
+impartial manner in which he had presided over its deliberations, but
+presented him with a fine gold watch and chain,--purchased with money
+that had been contributed by members of both parties and by a few
+outside friends,--as a token of their esteem and appreciation of him as
+a presiding officer. On the outside case of the watch these words were
+engraved: "Presented to Hon. J.R. Lynch, Speaker of the House of
+Representatives, by the Members of the Legislature, April 19, 1873."
+That watch the writer still has and will keep as a sacred family
+heirloom.
+
+A good deal of work was to be done by this Legislature. The seats of a
+number of Democrats were contested. But the decision in many cases was
+in favor of the sitting members. The changes, however, were sufficient
+to materially increase the Republican majority.
+
+Among the important bills to be passed was one to divide the State into
+six Congressional Districts. The apportionment of Representatives in
+Congress, under the Apportionment Act which had recently passed
+Congress, increased the number of Representatives from Mississippi,
+which had formerly been five, to six. Republican leaders in both
+branches of the Legislature decided that the duty of drawing up a bill
+apportioning the State into Congressional Districts should devolve upon
+the Speaker of the House, with the understanding that the party
+organization would support the bill drawn by him.
+
+I accepted the responsibility, and immediately proceeded with the work
+of drafting a bill for that purpose. Two plans had been discussed, each
+of which had strong supporters and advocates. One plan was so to
+apportion the State as to make all of the districts Republican; but in
+doing so the majority in at least two of the districts would be quite
+small. The other was so to apportion the State as to make five districts
+safely and reliably Republican and the remaining one Democratic. I had
+not taken a decided stand for or against either plan. Perhaps that was
+one reason why the advocates of both plans agreed to refer the matter to
+me for a final decision.
+
+The Democrats heard what had been done. One of them, Hon. F.M. Goar, of
+Lee County, called to see me so as to talk over the matter. He expressed
+the hope that in drawing up the bill, one district would be conceded to
+the Democrats.
+
+"If this is done," he said, "I assume that the group of counties located
+in the northeastern part of the State will be the Democratic district.
+In that event we will send a very strong and able man to Congress in the
+person of Hon. L.Q.C. Lamar."
+
+I had every reason to believe that if Mr. Lamar were sent to Congress
+he would reflect credit upon himself, his party, and his State. I
+promised to give the suggestion earnest and perhaps favorable
+consideration. After going over the matter carefully I came to the
+conclusion that the better and safer plan would be to make five safe and
+sure Republican districts and concede one to the Democrats. Another
+reason for this decision was that in so doing, the State could be more
+fairly apportioned. The Republican counties could be easily made
+contiguous and the population in each district could be made as nearly
+equal as possible. The apportionment could not have been so fairly and
+equitably made if the other plan had been adopted.
+
+After the bill had been completed, it was submitted to a joint caucus of
+the Republican members of the two Houses, and after a brief explanation
+by me of its provisions it was accepted and approved by the unanimous
+vote of the caucus.
+
+When it was brought before the house, a majority of the Democratic
+members,--under the leadership of Messrs. Streeter, Roane and
+McIntosh,--fought it very bitterly. They contended that the Democrats
+should have at least two of the six Congressmen and that an
+apportionment could have been made and should have been made with that
+end in view. The truth was that several of those who made such a
+stubborn fight against the bill had Congressional aspirations themselves
+and, of course, they did not fail to see that as drawn the bill did not
+hold out flattering hopes for the gratification of that ambition. But it
+was all that Mr. Goar and a few others that he had taken into his
+confidence expected, or had any right to expect. In fact, the one
+Democratic district, constructed in accordance with their wishes, was
+just about what they wanted. While they voted against the bill,--merely
+to be in accord with their party associates,--they insisted that there
+should be no filibustering or other dilatory methods adopted to defeat
+it. After a hard and stubborn fight, and after several days of exciting
+debate, the bill was finally passed by a strict party vote. A few days
+later it passed the Senate without amendment, was signed by the
+Governor, and became a law.
+
+As had been predicted by Mr. Goar, Hon. L.Q.C. Lamar was nominated by
+the Democrats for Congress in the first district, which was the
+Democratic district. The Republicans nominated against him a very strong
+and able man, the Hon. R.W. Flournoy, who had served with Mr. Lamar as a
+member of the Secession Convention of 1861. He made an aggressive and
+brilliant canvass of the district, but the election of Mr. Lamar was a
+foregone conclusion, since the Democratic majority in the district was
+very large.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE STATE ELECTION OF 1873.
+REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+
+An important election was to be held in Mississippi in 1873, at which
+State, district, and county officers, as well as members of the
+Legislature, were to be elected. The tenure of office for the State and
+county officers was four years. 1873, therefore, was the year in which
+the successors of those that had held office since 1869 had to be
+elected.
+
+The legislature to be elected that year would elect the successor of
+Senator Ames as United States Senator. Senator Ames was the candidate
+named to succeed himself. For some unaccountable reason there had been a
+falling out between Senator Alcorn and himself, for which reason Senator
+Alcorn decided to use his influence to prevent the reëlection of Senator
+Ames. This meant that there would be a bitter factional fight in the
+party, because both Senators were popular with the rank and file of the
+party.
+
+The fact was soon developed, however, that the people favored the return
+of Senator Ames to the Senate. This did not necessarily mean opposition
+or unfriendliness to Senator Alcorn. It simply meant that both were to
+be treated fairly and justly, and that each was to stand upon his own
+record and merits, regardless of their personal differences.
+
+If Senator Alcorn had been in Senator Ames' place the probabilities are
+that the sentiment of the party would have been just as strongly in his
+favor as it was at that time in favor of Ames. But on this occasion
+Senator Alcorn made the mistake of making opposition to Senator Ames the
+test of loyalty to himself. In this he was not supported even by many of
+his warmest personal and political friends. In consequence of the bitter
+fight that was to be made by Senator Alcorn to prevent the return of
+Senator Ames to the Senate, many of Senator Ames' friends advised him to
+become a candidate for the office of Governor. In that way, it was
+believed, he could command the situation, and thus make sure his
+election to succeed himself as Senator; otherwise it might be doubtful.
+
+But this involved two important points which had to be carefully
+considered. First, it involved the retirement of Governor Powers, who
+was a candidate to succeed himself. Second, the candidate for
+Lieutenant-Governor would have to be selected with great care, since if
+that program were carried out he would be, in point of fact, the
+Governor of the State for practically the whole term.
+
+After going over the situation very carefully with his friends and
+supporters Senator Ames decided to become a candidate for Governor,
+public announcement of which decision was duly made. This announcement
+seemed to have increased the intensity of Senator Alcorn's opposition to
+Senator Ames, for the former did not hesitate to declare that in the
+event of Ames' nomination for Governor by the regular party convention
+he would bolt the action of the convention, and make the race for
+Governor as an independent candidate. This declaration, however, made no
+impression upon the friends and supporters of Ames, and evidently had
+very little effect upon the rank and file of the party; for the fact
+became apparent shortly after the announcement of the candidacy of Ames
+that his nomination was a foregone conclusion. In fact, Senator Ames had
+such a strong hold upon the rank and file of the party throughout the
+State that when the convention met there was practically no opposition
+to his nomination. The friends and supporters of Governor Powers
+realized early in the campaign the hopelessness of the situation, so far
+as he was concerned, and therefore made no serious effort in his behalf.
+
+What gave the Ames managers more concern than anything else was the
+selection of a suitable man for Lieutenant-Governor. Many of the colored
+delegates insisted that three of the seven men to be nominated should
+be of that race. The offices they insisted on filling were those of
+Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and Superintendent of
+Education. Since the colored men had been particularly loyal and
+faithful to Senator Ames it was not deemed wise to ignore their demands.
+But the question was, Where is there a colored man possessing the
+qualifications necessary to one in charge of the executive department of
+the state?
+
+After going over the field very carefully it was decided that there was
+just one man possessing the necessary qualifications,--B.K. Bruce, of
+Bolivar County. He, it was decided, was just the man for the place, and
+to him the nomination was to be tendered. A committee was appointed to
+wait on Mr. Bruce and inform him of the action of the conference, and
+urge him to consent to the use of his name. But Mr. Bruce positively
+declined. He could not be induced under any circumstances to change his
+mind. He was fixed in his determination not to allow his name to be used
+for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, and from that determination he
+could not be moved.
+
+Mr. Bruce's unexpected attitude necessitated a radical change in the
+entire program. It had been agreed that the Lieutenant-Governorship
+should go to a colored man, but after Brace's declination the Ames
+managers were obliged to take one of two men,--H.C. Carter, or A.K.
+Davis. Davis was the more acceptable of the two; but neither, it was
+thought, was a fit and suitable man to be placed at the head of the
+executive department of the State. After again going over the field, and
+after canvassing the situation very carefully, it was decided that Ames
+would not be a candidate to succeed himself as United States Senator,
+but that he would be a candidate to succeed Senator Alcorn. This
+decision, in all probability, would not have been made if Alcorn had
+been willing to abide by the decision of the convention. But, since he
+announced his determination to bolt the nomination of his party for
+Governor and run as an Independent candidate, it was decided that he had
+forfeited any claim he otherwise would have had upon the party to
+succeed himself in the Senate. Senator Alcorn's term would expire March
+4, 1877. His successor would be elected by the Legislature that would be
+chosen in November, 1875. If Ames should be elected to the Governorship
+his successor in that office would be elected in November, 1877. In the
+event of his election to the Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn, his term
+as Senator would commence March 4, 1877, yet he could remain in the
+office of Governor until the meeting of Congress the following December,
+thus practically serving out the full term as Governor.
+
+With that plan mapped out and agreed upon, and the party leaders
+committed to its support, Davis was allowed to be nominated for the
+office of Lieutenant-Governor. Two other colored men were also placed
+upon the State ticket,--James Hill, for Secretary of State, and T.W.
+Cardozo, for State Superintendent of Education. While Davis had made
+quite a creditable record as a member of the Legislature, it could not
+be said that his name added strength to the ticket. Hill, on the other
+hand, was young, active, and aggressive, and considerably above the
+average colored man in point of intelligence at that time. His
+nomination was favorably received, because it was generally believed
+that, if elected, he would discharge the duties of the office in a way
+that would reflect credit upon himself and give satisfaction to the
+public. In point of education and experience Cardozo was admitted to be
+entirely capable of filling the office of Superintendent of Education;
+but he was not well known outside of his own county, Warren. In fact his
+nomination was largely a concession to that strong Republican county.
+
+The three white men nominated,--besides the candidate for
+Governor,--were, W.H. Gibbs, for Auditor of Public Accounts; Geo. E.
+Harris, for Attorney-General, and Geo. H. Holland, for State Treasurer.
+Gibbs had been a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1868, and
+subsequently a member of the State Senate. Holland had served as a
+member of the Legislature from Oktibbeha County. Harris had been a
+member of Congress from the Second (Holly Springs) District, having been
+defeated for the nomination in 1872 by A.R. Howe, of Panola County.
+While the ticket, as a whole, was not a weak one, its principal strength
+was in its head,--the candidate for Governor.
+
+Shortly after the adjournment of the convention Senator Alcorn had
+another convention called which nominated a ticket, composed exclusively
+of Republicans, with himself at its head for Governor. The Democrats at
+their convention endorsed the Alcorn ticket. While it would seem that
+this action on the part of the Democrats ought to have increased
+Alcorn's chances of success, it appears to have been a contributory
+cause of his defeat. Thousands of Republicans who were in sympathy with
+the movement, and who would have otherwise voted the Alcorn ticket,
+refused to do so for the reason that if it had been elected the
+Democrats could have claimed a victory for their party. On the other
+hand, both tickets being composed exclusively of Republicans, thousands
+of Democrats refused to vote for either, while some of them voted the
+Ames ticket. At any rate the election resulted in the success of the
+Ames ticket by a majority of more than twenty thousand. The regular
+Republicans also had a large majority in both branches of the
+Legislature.
+
+[Illustration: HON. B.K. BRUCE United States Senator, 1875-1881]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+MISSISSIPPI SENDS B.K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE
+
+
+As soon as the result of the election was known, the candidacy of B.K.
+Bruce, for United States Senator to succeed Senator Ames, was announced.
+Ames' term as Governor was to commence the first Monday in January,
+1874. His term as Senator would expire March 4, 1875. Upon assuming the
+duties of Governor he had been obliged to tender his resignation as
+Senator; thus it devolved upon the incoming legislature to elect a
+Senator to serve out the unexpired term, as well as for the full term of
+six years. Bruce's candidacy was for the full term.
+
+The secret of Mr. Bruce's positive refusal to allow his name to be used
+for the Lieutenant-Governorship, which would have resulted in making him
+Governor, was now revealed. He had had the Senatorship in mind at the
+time, but, of course, no allusion was made to that fact. As between the
+Senatorship and the Governorship he chose the former, which proved to be
+a wise decision, in view of subsequent events. It was soon developed
+that he was the choice of a large majority of the Republican members of
+the Legislature, white as well as colored. His nomination by the party
+caucus, therefore, was a foregone conclusion. Before the legislature
+met, it had been practically settled that Mr. Bruce should be sent to
+the Senate for the long term and Ex-Superintendant of Education, H.R.
+Pease, should be elected to serve out the unexpired term of
+Governor-elect Ames.
+
+This slate was approved by the joint legislative caucus without a hitch
+and the candidates thus nominated were duly elected by the
+Legislature,--not only by the solid Republican vote of that body, but
+the additional vote of State Senator Hiram Cassidy, Jr., who had been
+elected as a Democrat.
+
+Senator Alcorn's keen disappointment and chagrin at the outcome of his
+fight with Governor Ames was manifested when Senator Bruce made his
+appearance to be sworn in as a Senator. It was presumed that Senator
+Alcorn, in accordance with the uniform custom on such occasions, would
+escort his colleague to the desk of the President of the Senate to be
+sworn in. This Senator Alcorn refused to do. When Mr. Bruce's name was
+called Senator Alcorn did not move; he remained in his seat, apparently
+giving his attention to his private correspondence. Mr. Bruce, somewhat
+nervous and slightly excited, started to the President's desk
+unattended. Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, who was sitting near
+by, immediately rose and extended his arm to Mr. Bruce and escorted him
+to the President's desk, standing by the new Senator's side until the
+oath had been administered, and then tendering him his hearty
+congratulations, in which all the other Republican Senators, except
+Senator Alcorn, subsequently joined.
+
+This gracious act on the part of the New York Senator made for him a
+lifelong friend and admirer in the person of Senator Bruce. This
+friendship was so strong that Senator Bruce named his first and only son
+Roscoe Conkling, in honor of the able, distinguished, and gallant
+Senator from New York.
+
+Senator Alcorn's action in this matter was the occasion of considerable
+unfavorable criticism and comment, some of his critics going so far as
+to intimate that his action was due to the fact that Mr. Bruce was a
+colored man. But, from my knowledge of the man and of the circumstances
+connected with the case, I am satisfied this was not true. His antipathy
+to Mr. Bruce grew out of the fact that Mr. Bruce had opposed him and had
+supported Ames in the fight for Governor in 1873.
+
+So far as I have been able to learn, I am the only one of the Senator's
+friends and admirers who opposed his course in that contest that he ever
+forgave. He, no doubt, felt that I was under less personal obligations
+to him than many others who pursued the same course that I did, since
+he had never rendered me any effective personal or political service,
+except when he brought the Independent members of the House in line for
+me in the contest for Speaker of that body in 1872; and even then his
+action was not so much a matter of personal friendship for me as it was
+in the interest of securing an endorsement of his own administration as
+Governor.
+
+In Mr. Bruce's case he took an entirely different view of the matter. He
+believed that he had been the making of Mr. Bruce. Mr. Bruce had come to
+the State in 1869 and had taken an active part in the campaign of that
+year. When the Legislature was organized it was largely through the
+influence of Governor Alcorn that he was elected Sergeant-at-arms of the
+State Senate. When the Legislature adjourned Governor Alcorn sent Bruce
+to Bolivar county as County Assessor. Bruce discharged the duties of
+that office in such a creditable and satisfactory manner that he was
+elected in 1871 Sheriff and Tax Collector of that important and wealthy
+county, the most responsible and lucrative office in the gift of the
+people of the county. He was holding that office when elected to the
+United States Senate. Senator Alcorn felt, therefore, that in taking
+sides against him and in favor of Ames in 1873 Mr. Bruce was guilty of
+gross ingratitude. This accounted for his action in refusing to escort
+Mr. Bruce to the President's desk to be sworn in as Senator. In this
+belief, however, he did Mr. Bruce a grave injustice, for I know that
+gratitude was one of Mr. Brace's principal characteristics. If Senator
+Alcorn had been a candidate from the start for the Republican nomination
+for Governor, Mr. Bruce, I am sure, would have supported him even as
+against Senator Ames. But it was known that the Senator had no ambition
+to be Governor. His sole purpose was to defeat Senator Ames at any cost,
+and that, too, on account of matters that were purely personal and that
+had no connection with party or political affairs. Mr. Bruce, like very
+many other friends and admirers of the Senator, simply refused to follow
+him in open rebellion against his own party. I am satisfied, however,
+that Mr. Bruce's race identity did not influence the action of Senator
+Alcorn in the slightest degree. As further evidence of that fact, his
+position and action in the Pinchback case may be mentioned. He spoke and
+voted for the admission of Mr. Pinchback to a seat in the Senate when
+such a staunch Republican as Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, opposed and
+voted against admission. In spite of Senator Alcorn's political defeat
+and humiliation in his own State, he remained true and loyal to the
+National Republican party to the end of his Senatorial term, which
+terminated with the beginning of the Hayes Administration. Up to that
+time he had strong hopes of the future of the Republican party at the
+South.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+IMPROVED FINANCIAL CONDITION OF MISSISSIPPI UNDER THE AMES
+ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+The administrations of Governor Alcorn and of Governor Ames, the two
+Republican Governors, who were products of Reconstruction,--both having
+been elected chiefly by the votes of colored men,--were among the best
+with which that State was ever blessed, the generally accepted
+impression to the contrary notwithstanding. In 1869 Alcorn was elected
+to serve for a term of four years. Ames was elected to serve the
+succeeding term. Alcorn was one of the old citizens of the State, and
+was therefore thoroughly identified with its business, industrial, and
+social interests. He had been one of the large and wealthy landowners
+and slave-owners, and therefore belonged to that small but select and
+influential class known as Southern aristocrats.
+
+Alcorn had taken an active and prominent part in public matters since
+his early manhood. Before the War of the Rebellion he had served several
+terms as a member of the Legislature. He represented his county,
+Coahoma, in the Secession Convention of 1861. He was bitterly opposed
+to Secession and fought it bravely; but when he found himself in a
+hopeless minority he gracefully acquiesced in the decision of the
+majority and signed the ordinance of Secession. He also joined the
+Confederate Army and took an active part in raising troops for the same.
+He was made brigadier-general, and had command of the Confederate forces
+in Mississippi for a good while. But, since the President of the
+Confederacy did not seem to be particularly partial to him, he was not
+allowed to see very much field service.
+
+When the war was over he took an active part in the work of
+rehabilitation and Reconstruction. He strongly supported the Andrew
+Johnson plan of Reconstruction, and by the Legislature that was elected
+under that plan he was chosen one of the United States Senators, but was
+not admitted to the seat to which he had been elected. When the Johnson
+plan of Reconstruction was repudiated and rejected by the voters of the
+Northern States, and when what was known as the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was endorsed and approved, Alcorn decided that further
+opposition to that plan was useless and unwise, and he publicly advised
+acceptance of it. His advice having been rejected by the Democrats,
+nothing remained for him to do but to join the Republican party, which
+he did in the early part of 1869.
+
+Since he was known to be a strong, able and influential man,--one who
+possessed the respect and confidence of the white people of the State
+regardless of party differences,--he was tendered the Republican
+nomination for the Governorship at the election that was to be held the
+latter part of that year. He accepted the nomination and was duly
+elected. He discharged the duties of the office in an able, creditable
+and satisfactory manner. The only point upon which the administration
+was at all subject to unfavorable criticism was the high rate of
+taxation to which the people were subjected for the support of the State
+Government; but the reader will see that this could hardly have been
+avoided at that particular time. In his message to the Legislature in
+January, 1910, Governor E.F. Noel accurately stated the principle by
+which an administration is necessarily governed in raising revenue to
+carry on the government. This is the same principle that governed the
+Alcorn administration when it took charge of the State Government in
+1870. In that message Governor Noel said: "The amount of assessment
+determines the tax burden of each individual, corporation, town, and
+county. The Legislature or local authorities settle the amount necessary
+to be provided for their respective treasuries. If all property be
+assessed at the same rate,--whether for the full value or for ten per
+cent, of the value of the property,--the payment of each owner would be
+unaffected; for the higher the assessment, the lower the levy; the lower
+the assessment, the higher the levy. Our State revenue is mainly derived
+from a six mill ad valorem tax."
+
+When the Alcorn administration took charge of the State Government the
+War had just come to a close. Everything was in a prostrate condition.
+There had been great depreciation in the value of real and personal
+property. The credit of the State was not very good. The rate of
+interest for borrowed money was high. To materially increase the bonded
+debt of the State was not deemed wise, yet some had to be raised in that
+way. To raise the balance a higher rate of taxation had to be imposed
+since the assessed valuation of the taxable property was so low.
+
+The figures showing the assessed valuation of taxable property in the
+State and the receipts and disbursements prior to 1875 are not
+available, but, taking the figures for that year, the reader can form a
+pretty accurate idea of what the situation must have been prior to that
+time. In 1875 the assessed valuation of real and personal property,
+subject to taxation in the State, was $119,313,834. The receipts from
+all sources that year amounted to $1,801,129.12. The disbursements for
+the same year were, $1,430,192.83.
+
+Now let us see what the situation was after the Ames administration had
+been in power about two years,--or half of the term for which it had
+been elected. According to a very carefully prepared statement that was
+made and published by an expert accountant in the State Treasurer's
+office in the latter part of 1875 the ad valorem rate of taxes for
+general purposes had been reduced from seven to four mills, and yet the
+amount paid into the Treasury was not only enough to meet all demands
+upon the State, but to make a material reduction in the bonded debt. The
+following is taken from that statement:
+
+"An examination of the report of the State Treasurer, of the first of
+January, 1874, at which time the administration of Governor Ames
+commenced, exhibits the fact that the indebtedness of the State at that
+date, exclusive of the amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and common
+school funds, balance of current funds on hand, and warrants in the
+Treasury belonging to the State, was $1,765,554.33 The amount of the tax
+of the previous year remaining uncollected on January first, 1874, and
+afterward collected, $944,261.51, should be deducted from the above
+amount, which will show the actual indebtedness of the State at that
+date to be $821,292.82. A further examination of the report of the same
+officer, for January first, 1875, shows the indebtedness, after
+deducting amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and common school
+funds, balance of current funds on hand and warrants in the Treasury
+belonging to the State, to be, $1,707,056.24. Then by deducting the
+amount of the tax of the previous year remaining uncollected January
+first, 1875, and afterwards collected, $998,628.11, the result shows the
+actual indebtedness on January first, 1875, to be $708,428.13. The
+forthcoming annual report of the State Treasurer, for January first,
+1876, will show the indebtedness of the State, exclusive of the amounts
+to the credit of the Chickasaw and common school funds, the balance of
+current funds on hand, and warrants in the Treasury belonging to the
+State, to be $980,138.33. Then, by proceeding again as above, and
+deducting the amount of the tax of the previous year, uncollected on
+January first, 1876, and now being rapidly paid into the Treasury, at a
+low estimate, $460,000.00, we have as an actual indebtedness of the
+State on January first, 1876, $520,138.33. Thus it will be seen that the
+actual indebtedness of the State is but little over a half million
+dollars, and that during the two years of Governor Ames' administration
+the State debt has been reduced from $821,292.82, on January first,
+1874, to $520,138.33, on January first, 1876, or a reduction of more
+than three hundred thousand dollars in two years--upwards of one third
+of the State debt wiped out in that time. Not only has the debt been
+reduced as above, but the rate of taxation for general purposes has
+been reduced from seven mills in 1873 to four mills in 1875."
+
+Notwithstanding the fact that the rate of taxation under the
+administration of Governor Ames had been reduced as shown above from
+seven mills in 1873 to four mills in 1875 the amount paid into the State
+Treasury was substantially the same as that paid in prior years. This
+was due to the great appreciation in the value of taxable property. Then
+again, a material reduction in the rate of taxation was made possible
+because the public institutions had all been rebuilt and repaired and a
+sufficient number of school buildings had been erected, thus doing away
+with the necessity for a special levy for such purposes. From this
+showing it would seem as if it were reasonable to assume that if such an
+administration as the one then in power could have been retained a few
+years longer there would not only have been a still further reduction in
+the rate of taxation, but the payable debt of the State would have been
+entirely wiped out. Instead of this we find the conditions to be about
+as follows:
+
+First. Shortly after the first reform State Treasurer had been in charge
+of that office it was developed that he was a defaulter to the amount of
+$315,612.19.
+
+Second. Notwithstanding the immense increase in the value of taxable
+property from year to year, it appears from the official records that
+the rate of ad valorem tax for general purposes has been increased from
+four to six mills.
+
+Third. There has been a very heavy increase in what is known as the
+specific or privilege taxes,--that is, a specific sum that business and
+professional persons must pay for the privilege of doing business or of
+practicing their professions in the State.
+
+Fourth. The amounts now collected and paid out for the support of the
+State Government are more than double what they were a few years ago,
+thus showing extravagance, if not recklessness, in the administration of
+the affairs of the State,--the natural result of a condition by which
+the existence of but one political party is tolerated.
+
+Fifth. Notwithstanding the immense increase in the value of taxable
+property, and in spite of the enormous sums paid into the State Treasury
+each year, there has been a material increase in the bonded debt of the
+State. In fact it has been necessary at different times to borrow money
+with which to pay the current expenses of the State Government.
+
+The following statistics for three years, 1907, 1908 and 1909, would
+seem to substantiate the above statement:
+
+The value of the taxable property of the State in 1907 was $373,584.960.
+Receipts from all sources that year were $3,391,127.15. Disbursements
+for the same period were $3,730,343.29. Excess of disbursements over
+receipts, $339,216.14.
+
+In 1908 the value of taxable property was $383,823,739. Receipts from
+all sources that year were $3,338,398.98. Disbursements, same period,
+$3,351,119.46. Excess of disbursements over receipts, $12,720.48.
+
+In 1909 the value of taxable property was $393,297,173. Receipts from
+all sources were $3,303,963.65. Disbursements, same period,
+$3,315,201.48. Excess of disbursements over receipts, $11,237.83.
+
+On the first day of January, 1907, what is called the payable debt of
+the State was reported to be $1,253,029.07. On the first day of January,
+1876, it was $520,138.33. Increase, $732,890.74.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+WHAT CONSTITUTES "NEGRO DOMINATION"
+
+
+It is claimed that in States, districts, and counties, in which the
+colored people are in the majority, the suppression of the colored vote
+is necessary to prevent "Negro Domination,"--to prevent the ascendency
+of the blacks over the whites in the administration of the State and
+local governments.
+
+This claim is based upon the assumption that if the black vote were not
+suppressed in all such States, districts, and counties, black men would
+be supported and elected to office because they were black, and white
+men would be opposed and defeated because they were white.
+
+Taking Mississippi for purposes of illustration, it will be seen that
+there has never been the slightest ground for such an apprehension. No
+colored man in that State ever occupied a judicial position above that
+of Justice of the Peace and very few aspired to that position. Of seven
+State officers only one, that of Secretary of State, was filled by a
+colored man, until 1873, when colored men were elected to three of the
+seven offices,--Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and State
+Superintendent of Education. Of the two United States Senators and the
+seven members of the lower house of Congress not more than one colored
+man occupied a seat in each house at the same time. Of the thirty-five
+members of the State Senate, and of the one hundred and fifteen members
+of the House,--which composed the total membership of the State
+Legislature prior to 1874,--there were never more than about seven
+colored men in the Senate and forty in the lower house. Of the
+ninety-seven members that composed the Constitutional Convention of 1868
+but seventeen were colored men. The composition of the lower house of
+the State Legislature that was elected in 1871 was as follows:
+
+Total membership, one hundred and fifteen. Republicans, sixty-six;
+Democrats, forty-nine. Colored members, thirty-eight. White members,
+seventy-seven. White majority, thirty-nine.
+
+Of the sixty-six Republicans thirty-eight were colored and twenty-eight,
+white. There was a slight increase in the colored membership as a result
+of the election of 1873, but the colored men never at any time had
+control of the State Government nor of any branch or department thereof,
+nor even that of any county or municipality. Out of seventy-two counties
+in the State at that time, electing on an average twenty-eight officers
+to a county, it is safe to assert that not over five out of one hundred
+of such officers were colored men. The State; district, county, and
+municipal governments were not only in control of white men, but white
+men who were to the manor born, or who were known as old citizens of the
+State--those who had lived in the State many years before the War of the
+Rebellion. There was, therefore, never a time when that class of white
+men known as Carpet-baggers had absolute control of the State
+Government, or that of any district, county or municipality, or any
+branch or department thereof. There was never, therefore, any ground for
+the alleged apprehension of negro domination as a result of a free,
+fair, and honest election in any one of the Southern or Reconstructed
+States.
+
+And this brings us to a consideration of the question, What is meant by
+"Negro Domination?" The answer that the average reader would give to
+that question would be that it means the actual, physical domination of
+the blacks over the whites. But, according to a high Democratic
+authority, that would be an incorrect answer. The definition given by
+that authority I have every reason to believe is the correct one, the
+generally accepted one. The authority referred to is the late Associate
+Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of Mississippi, H.H. Chalmers,
+who, in an article in the _North American Review_ about March, 1881,
+explained and defined what is meant or understood by the term "Negro
+Domination."
+
+According to Judge Chalmers' definition, in order to constitute "Negro
+Domination" it does not necessarily follow that negroes must be elected
+to office, but that in all elections in which white men may be divided,
+if the negro vote should be sufficiently decisive to be potential in
+determining the result, the white man or men that would be elected
+through the aid of negro votes would represent "Negro Domination." In
+other words, we would have "Negro Domination" whenever the will of a
+majority of the whites would be defeated through the votes of colored
+men. If this is the correct definition of that term,--and it is, no
+doubt, the generally accepted one,--then the friends and advocates of
+manhood suffrage will not deny that we have had in the past "Negro
+Domination," nationally as well as locally, and that we may have it in
+the future.
+
+If that is the correct definition then we are liable to have "Negro
+Domination" not only in States, districts, and counties where the blacks
+are in the majority, but in States, districts and counties where they
+are few in numbers. If that is the correct definition of "Negro
+Domination,"--to prevent which the negro vote should be
+suppressed,--then the suppression of that vote is not only necessary in
+States, districts, and counties in which the blacks are in the majority,
+but in every State, district, and county in the Union; for it will not
+be denied that the primary purpose of the ballot,--whether the voters be
+white or colored, male or female,--is to make each vote decisive and
+potential. If the vote of a colored man, or the vote of a white man,
+determines the result of an election in which he participates, then the
+very purpose for which he was given the right and privilege will have
+been accomplished, whether the result, as we understand it, be wise or
+unwise.
+
+In this connection it cannot and will not be denied that the colored
+vote has been decisive and potential in very many important National as
+well as local and State elections. For instance, in the Presidential
+election of 1868, General Grant, the Republican candidate, lost the
+important and pivotal State of New York, a loss which would have
+resulted in his defeat if the Southern States that took part in that
+election had all voted against him. That they did not do so was due to
+the votes of the colored men in those States. Therefore Grant's first
+administration represented "Negro Domination."
+
+Again, in 1876, Hayes was declared elected President by a majority of
+one vote in the electoral college. This was made possible by the result
+of the election in the States of Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida,
+about which there was much doubt and considerable dispute, and over
+which there was a bitter controversy. But for the colored vote in those
+States there would have been no doubt, no dispute, no controversy. The
+defeat of Mr. Hayes and the election of Mr. Tilden would have been an
+undisputed and an uncontested fact. Therefore, the Hayes administration
+represented "Negro Domination."
+
+Again, in 1880, General Garfield, the Republican candidate for
+President, carried the State of New York by a plurality of about 20,000,
+without which he could not have been elected. It will not be denied by
+those who are well informed that if the colored men that voted for him
+in that State at that time had voted against him, he would have lost the
+State and, with it, the Presidency. Therefore, the Garfield-Arthur
+administration represented "Negro Domination."
+
+Again, in 1884, Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic candidate, carried the
+doubtful but very important State of New York by the narrow margin of
+1,147 plurality, which resulted in his election. It cannot and will not
+be denied that even at that early date the number of colored men that
+voted for Mr. Cleveland was far in excess of the plurality by which he
+carried the State. Mr. Cleveland's first administration, therefore,
+represented "Negro Domination." Mr. Cleveland did not hesitate to admit
+and appreciate the fact that colored men contributed largely to his
+success, hence he did not fail to give that element of his party
+appropriate and satisfactory official recognition.
+
+Again, in 1888, General Harrison, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+carried the State of New York by a plurality of about 20,000, which
+resulted in his election, which he would have lost but for the votes of
+the colored men in that State. Therefore, Harrison's administration
+represented "Negro Domination."
+
+The same is true of important elections in a number of States, districts
+and counties in which the colored vote proved to be potential and
+decisive. But enough has been written to show the absurdity of the claim
+that the suppression of the colored vote is necessary to prevent "Negro
+Domination." So far as the State of Mississippi is concerned, in spite
+of the favorable conditions, as shown above, the legitimate State
+Government,--the one that represented the honestly expressed will of a
+majority of the voters of the State,--was in the fall of 1875 overthrown
+through the medium of a sanguinary revolution. The State Government was
+virtually seized and taken possession of _vi et armis_. Why was this?
+What was the excuse for it? What was the motive, the incentive that
+caused it? It was not in the interest of good, efficient, and capable
+government; for that we already had. It was not on account of
+dishonesty, maladministration, misappropriation of public funds; for
+every dollar of the public funds had been faithfully accounted for. It
+was not on account of high taxes; for it had been shown that, while the
+tax rate was quite high during the Alcorn administration, it had been
+reduced under the Ames administration to a point considerably less than
+it is now or than it has been for a number of years. It was not to
+prevent "Negro Domination" and to make sure the ascendency of the whites
+in the administration of the State and local governments; for that was
+then the recognized and established order of things, from which there
+was no apprehension of departure. Then, what was the cause of this
+sudden and unexpected uprising? There must have been a strong, if not a
+justifiable, reason for it. What was it? That question will be answered
+in a subsequent chapter.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE GOVERNMENT IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+
+In the last preceding chapter it was stated that the reason for the
+sanguinary revolution, which resulted in the overthrow of the Republican
+state government in the State of Mississippi in 1875, would be given in
+a subsequent chapter. What was true of Mississippi at that time was
+largely true of the other Reconstructed States where similar results
+subsequently followed. When the War of the Rebellion came to an end it
+was believed by some, and apprehended by others, that serious and
+radical changes in the previous order of things would necessarily
+follow.
+
+But when what was known as the Johnson Plan of Reconstruction was
+disclosed it was soon made plain that if that plan should be accepted by
+the country no material change would follow, for the reason, chiefly,
+that the abolition of slavery would have been abolition only in name.
+While physical slavery would have been abolished, yet a sort of feudal
+or peonage system would have been established in its place, the effect
+of which would have been practically the same as the system which had
+been abolished. The former slaves would have been held in a state of
+servitude through the medium of labor-contracts which they would have
+been obliged to sign,--or to have signed for them,--from which they, and
+their children, and, perhaps, their children's children could never have
+been released. This would have left the old order of things practically
+unchanged. The large landowners would still be the masters of the
+situation, the power being still possessed by them to perpetuate their
+own potential influence and to maintain their own political supremacy.
+
+But it was the rejection of the Johnson Plan of Reconstruction that
+upset these plans and destroyed these calculations. The Johnson plan was
+not only rejected, but what was known as the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction,--by which suffrage was conferred upon the colored men in
+all the States that were to be reconstructed,--was accepted by the
+people of the North as the permanent policy of the government, and was
+thus made the basis of Reconstruction and readmission of those States
+into the Union.
+
+Of course this meant a change in the established order of things that
+was both serious and radical. It meant the destruction of the power and
+influence of the Southern aristocracy. It meant not only the physical
+emancipation of the blacks but the political emancipation of the poor
+whites, as well. It meant the destruction in a large measure of the
+social, political, and industrial distinctions that had been maintained
+among the whites under the old order of things. But was this to be the
+settled policy of the government? Was it a fact that the incorporation
+of the blacks into the body politic of the country was to be the settled
+policy of the government; or was it an experiment,--a temporary
+expedient?
+
+These were doubtful and debatable questions, pending the settlement of
+which matters could not be expected to take a definite shape. With the
+incorporation of the blacks into the body politic of the country,--which
+would have the effect of destroying the ability of the aristocracy to
+maintain their political supremacy, and which would also have the effect
+of bringing about the political emancipation of the whites of the middle
+and lower classes,--a desperate struggle for political supremacy between
+the antagonistic elements of the whites was inevitable and unavoidable.
+But the uncertainty growing out of the possibility of the rejection by
+the country of the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was what held
+matters in temporary abeyance. President Johnson was confident,--or
+pretended to be,--that as soon as the people of the North had an
+opportunity to pass judgment upon the issues involved, the result would
+be the acceptance of his plan and the rejection of the one proposed by
+Congress.
+
+While the Republicans were successful in 1868 in not only electing the
+President and Vice-President and a safe majority in both branches of
+Congress, yet the closeness of the result had the effect of preventing
+the abandonment of the hope on the part of the supporters of the Johnson
+administration that the administration Plan of Reconstruction would
+ultimately be adopted and accepted as the basis of Reconstruction. Hence
+bitter and continued opposition to the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was declared by the ruling class of the South to be the
+policy of that section. While the Republicans were again successful in
+the Congressional elections of 1870 yet the advocates of the Johnson
+plan did not abandon hope of the ultimate success and acceptance by the
+country of that plan until after the Presidential and Congressional
+elections of 1872. In the meantime a serious split had taken place in
+the Republican party which resulted in the nomination of two sets of
+candidates for President and Vice-President. The Independent or Liberal
+Republicans nominated Horace Greeley of New York, for President, and B.
+Gratz Brown, of Missouri, for Vice-President. The regular Republicans
+renominated President Grant to succeed himself, and for Vice-President,
+Senator Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, was selected.
+
+The Democratic National Convention endorsed the ticket that had been
+nominated by the Liberal Republicans. The Republicans carried the
+election by an immense majority. With two or three exceptions the
+electoral vote of every state in the Union was carried for Grant and
+Wilson. The Republicans also had a very large majority in both branches
+of Congress.
+
+Since the result of the election was so decisive, and since every branch
+of the government was then in the hands of the Republicans, further
+opposition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was for the first
+time completely abandoned. The fact was then recognized that this was
+the settled and accepted policy of the Government and that further
+opposition to it was useless. A few of the southern whites, General
+Alcorn being one of the number, had accepted the result of the
+Presidential and Congressional elections of 1868 as conclusive as to the
+policy of the country with reference to Reconstruction; but those who
+thought and acted along those lines at that time were exceptions to the
+general rule. But after the Presidential and Congressional elections of
+1872 all doubt upon that subject was entirely removed.
+
+The Southern whites were now confronted with a problem that was both
+grave and momentous. But the gravity of the situation was chiefly based
+upon the possibility,--if not upon a probability,--of a reversal of
+what had been the established order of things, especially those of a
+political nature.
+
+The inevitable conflict between the antagonistic elements of which
+Southern society was composed could no longer be postponed. But the
+colored vote was the important factor which now had to be considered and
+taken into account. It was conceded that whatever element or faction
+could secure the favor and win the support of the colored vote would be
+the dominant and controlling one in the State. It is true that between
+1868 and 1872, when the great majority of Southern whites maintained a
+policy of "masterly inactivity," the colored voters were obliged to
+utilize such material among the whites as was available; but it is a
+well-known fact that much of the material thus utilized was from
+necessity and not from choice, and that whenever and wherever an
+acceptable and reputable white man would place himself in a position
+where his services could be utilized he was gladly taken up and loyally
+supported by the colored voters.
+
+After 1872 the necessity for supporting undesirable material no longer
+existed; and colored voters had the opportunity not only of supporting
+Southern whites for all the important positions in the State, but also
+of selecting the best and most desirable among them. Whether the poor
+whites or the aristocrats of former days were to be placed in control of
+the affairs of the State was a question which the colored voters alone
+could settle and determine. That the colored man's preference should be
+the aristocrat of the past was perfectly natural, since the relations
+between them had been friendly, cordial and amicable even during the
+days of slavery. Between the blacks and the poor whites the feeling had
+been just the other way; which was due not so much to race antipathy as
+to jealousy and envy on the part of the poor whites, growing out of the
+cordial and friendly relations between the aristocrats and their slaves;
+and because the slaves were, in a large measure, their competitors in
+the industrial market. When the partiality of the colored man for the
+former aristocrats became generally known, they--the former
+aristocrats,--began to come into the Republican party in large numbers.
+In Mississippi they were led by such men as Alcorn, in Georgia by
+Longstreet, in Virginia by Moseby, and also had as leaders such
+ex-governors as Orr, of South Carolina; Brown, of Georgia, and Parsons,
+of Alabama.
+
+Between 1872 and 1875 the accessions to the Republican ranks were so
+large that it is safe to assert that from twenty-five to thirty per cent
+of the white men of the Southern States were identified with the
+Republican party; and those who thus acted were among the best and most
+substantial men of that section. Among that number in the State of
+Mississippi was J.L. Alcorn, J.A. Orr, J.B. Deason, R.W. Flournoy, and
+Orlando Davis. In addition to these there were thousands of others, many
+of them among the most prominent men of the State. Among the number was
+Judge Hiram Cassidy, who was the candidate of the Democratic party for
+Congress from the Sixth District in 1872, running against the writer of
+these lines. He was one of the most brilliant and successful members of
+the bar in southern Mississippi. Captain Thomas W. Hunt, of Jefferson
+County, was a member of one of the oldest, best, and most influential
+families of the South. The family connections were not, however,
+confined to the South; George Hunt Pendelton of Ohio, for instance, who
+was the Democratic candidate for Vice-President of the United States on
+the ticket with McClellan, in 1864, and who was later one of the United
+States Senators from Ohio, was a member of the same family.
+
+While the colored men held the key to the situation, the white men knew
+that the colored men had no desire to rule or dominate even the
+Republican party. All the colored men wanted and demanded was a voice in
+the government under which they lived, and to the support of which they
+contributed, and to have a small, but fair, and reasonable proportion of
+the positions that were at the disposal of the voters of the State and
+of the administration.
+
+While the colored men did not look with favor upon a political alliance
+with the poor whites, it must be admitted that, with very few
+exceptions, that class of whites did not seek, and did not seem to
+desire such an alliance. For this there were several well-defined
+reasons.
+
+In the first place, while the primary object of importing slaves into
+that section was to secure labor for the cultivation of cotton, the
+slave was soon found to be an apt pupil in other lines of industry. In
+addition to having his immense cotton plantations cultivated by slave
+labor, the slave-owner soon learned that he could utilize these slaves
+as carpenters, painters, plasterers, bricklayers, blacksmiths and in all
+other fields of industrial occupations and usefulness. Thus the whites
+who depended upon their labor for a living along those lines had their
+field of opportunity very much curtailed. Although the slaves were not
+responsible for this condition, the fact that they were there and were
+thus utilized, created a feeling of bitterness and antipathy on the part
+of the laboring whites which could not be easily wiped out.
+
+In the second place, the whites of that class were not at that time as
+ambitious, politically, as were the aristocrats. They had been held in
+political subjection so long that it required some time for them to
+realize that there had been a change. At that time they, with a few
+exceptions, were less efficient, less capable, and knew less about
+matters of state and governmental administration than many of the
+ex-slaves. It was a rare thing, therefore, to find one of that class at
+that time that had any political ambition or manifested any desire for
+political distinction or official recognition. As a rule, therefore, the
+whites that came into the leadership of the Republican party between
+1872 and 1875 were representatives of the most substantial families of
+the land.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+RISE OF DEMOCRATIC RADICALISM IN THE SOUTH
+
+
+After the Presidential election of 1872 no one could be found who
+questioned the wisdom or practicability of the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction, or who looked for its overthrow, change or modification.
+After that election the situation was accepted by everyone in perfect
+good faith. No one could be found in any party or either race who was
+bold enough to express the opinion that the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was a mistake, or that negro suffrage was a failure. To
+the contrary it was admitted by all that the wisdom of both had been
+fully tested and clearly vindicated. It will not be denied even now by
+those who will take the time to make a careful examination of the
+situation, that no other plan could have been devised or adopted that
+could have saved to the country the fruits of the victory that had been
+won on the field of battle. The adoption of any other plan would have
+resulted in the accomplishment of nothing but the mere physical
+abolition of slavery and a denial of the right of a State to withdraw
+from the Union. These would have been mere abstract propositions, with
+no authority vested in the National Government for their enforcement.
+The war for the Union would have been practically a failure. The South
+would have gained and secured substantially everything for which it
+contended except the establishment of an independent government. The
+black man, therefore, was the savior of his country, not only on the
+field of battle, but after the smoke of battle had cleared away.
+
+Notwithstanding the general acceptance of this plan after the
+Presidential election of 1872, we find that in the fall of 1874 there
+was a complete and radical change in the situation,--a change both
+sudden and unexpected. It came, as it were, in the twinkling of an eye.
+It was like a clap of thunder from a clear sky. It was the State and
+Congressional elections of that year.
+
+In the elections of 1872 nearly every State in the Union went
+Republican. In the State and Congressional elections of 1874 the result
+was the reverse of what it was two years before,--nearly every State
+going Democratic. Democrats were surprised, Republicans were
+dumbfounded. Such a result had not been anticipated by anyone. Even the
+State of Massachusetts, the birthplace of abolitionism, the cradle of
+American liberty, elected a Democratic Governor. The Democrats had a
+majority in the National House of Representatives that was about equal
+to that which the Republicans had elected two years before. Such veteran
+Republican leaders in the United States Senate as Chandler, of Michigan,
+Windom, of Minnesota, and Carpenter, of Wisconsin, were retired from the
+Senate. When the returns were all in it was developed that the Democrats
+did not have a clear majority on joint ballot in the Michigan
+Legislature, but the margin between the two parties was so close that a
+few men who had been elected as independent Republicans had the balance
+of power. These Independents were opposed to the reëlection of Senator
+Chandler. That the Democrats should be anxious for the retirement of
+such an able, active, aggressive, and influential Republican leader as
+Chandler was to be expected. That party, therefore, joined with the
+Independents in the vote for Senator which resulted in the election of a
+harmless old gentleman by the name of Christiancy. The Michigan
+situation was found to exist also in Minnesota, and the result was the
+retirement of that strong and able leader, Senator William Windom, and
+the election of a new and unknown man, McMillan.
+
+What was true of Michigan and Minnesota was also found to be true of
+Wisconsin. The same sort of combination was made, which resulted in the
+retirement of the able and brilliant Matt Carpenter, and the election of
+a new man, Cameron, who was not then known outside of the boundaries of
+his State. Cameron proved to be an able man, a useful Senator, a good
+Republican and an improvement, in some respects, upon his predecessor;
+but his election was a defeat of the Republican organization in his
+State, which, of course, was the objective point with the Democrats.
+
+It was the State and Congressional elections of 1874 that proved to be
+the death of the Republican party at the South. The party in that
+section might have survived even such a crushing blow as this, but for
+subsequent unfortunate events to which allusion has been made in a
+previous chapter, and which will be touched upon in some that are to
+follow. But, under these conditions, its survival was impossible. If the
+State and Congressional elections of 1874 had been a repetition of those
+of 1872 or if they had resulted in a Republican victory, Republican
+success in the Presidential election of 1876 would have been a
+reasonably assured fact. By that time the party at the South would have
+included in its membership from forty to fifty per cent of the white men
+of their respective States and as a result thereof it would have been
+strong enough to stand on its own feet and maintain its own independent
+existence, regardless of reverses which the parent organization might
+have sustained in other sections. But at that time the party in that
+section was in its infancy. It was young, weak, and comparatively
+helpless. It still needed the fostering care and the protecting hand of
+the paternal source of its existence.
+
+When the smoke of the political battle that was fought in the early part
+of November, 1874, had cleared away, it was found that this strong,
+vigorous and healthy parent had been carried from the battle-field
+seriously wounded and unable to administer to the wants of its Southern
+offspring. The offspring was not strong enough to stand alone. The
+result was that its demise soon followed because it had been deprived of
+that nourishment, that sustenance and that support which were essential
+to its existence and which could come only from the parent which had
+been seriously if not fatally wounded upon the field of battle. After
+the Presidential election of 1872 Southern white men were not only
+coming into the Republican party in large numbers, but the liberal and
+progressive element of the Democracy was in the ascendency in that
+organization. That element, therefore, shaped the policy and declared
+the principles for which that organization stood. This meant the
+acceptance by all political parties of what was regarded as the settled
+policy of the National Government. In proof of this assertion a
+quotation from a political editorial which appeared about that time in
+the Jackson, Mississippi, _Clarion_,--the organ of the Democratic
+party,--will not be out of place. In speaking of the colored people and
+their attitude towards the whites, that able and influential paper said:
+
+"While they [the colored people] have been naturally tenacious of their
+newly-acquired privileges, their general conduct will bear them witness
+that they have shown consideration for the feelings of the whites. The
+race line in politics would never have been drawn if opposition had not
+been made to their enjoyment of equal privileges in the government and
+under the laws after they were emancipated."
+
+In other words, the colored people had manifested no disposition to rule
+or dominate the whites, and the only color line which had existed grew
+out of the unwise policy which had previously been pursued by the
+Democratic party in its efforts to prevent the enjoyment by the
+newly-emancipated race of the rights and privileges to which they were
+entitled under the Constitution and laws of the country. But after the
+State and Congressional elections of 1874 the situation was materially
+changed. The liberal and conservative element of the Democracy was
+relegated to the rear and the radical element came to the front and
+assumed charge.
+
+Subsequent to 1872 and prior to 1875 race proscription and social
+ostracism had been completely abandoned. A Southern white man could
+become a Republican without being socially ostracized. Such a man was no
+longer looked upon as a traitor to his people, or false to his race. He
+no longer forfeited the respect, confidence, good-will, and favorable
+opinion of his friends and neighbors. Bulldozing, criminal assaults and
+lynchings were seldom heard of. To the contrary, cordial, friendly and
+amicable relations between all classes, all parties, and both races
+prevailed everywhere. Fraud, violence, and intimidation at elections
+were neither suspected nor charged by anyone, for everyone knew that no
+occasion existed for such things. But after the State and Congressional
+elections of 1874 there was a complete change of front. The new order of
+things was then set aside and the abandoned methods of a few years back
+were revived and readopted.
+
+It is no doubt true that very few men at the North who voted the
+Republican ticket in 1872 and the Democratic ticket in 1874 were
+influenced in changing their votes by anything connected with
+Reconstruction. There were other questions at issue, no doubt, that
+influenced their action. There had been in 1873, for instance, a
+disastrous financial panic. Then there were other things connected with
+the National Administration which met with popular disfavor. These were
+the reasons, no doubt, that influenced thousands of Republicans to vote
+the Democratic ticket merely as an indication of their dissatisfaction
+with the National Administration.
+
+But, let their motives and reasons be what they may, the effect was the
+same as if they had intended their votes to be accepted and construed as
+an endorsement of the platform declarations of the National Democratic
+Convention of 1868, at least so far as Reconstruction was concerned.
+Democrats claimed, and Republicans could not deny, that so far as the
+South was concerned this was the effect of the Congressional elections
+of 1874. Desertions from the Republican ranks at the South, in
+consequence thereof, became more rapid than had been the accessions
+between 1872 and 1875. Thousands who had not taken an open stand, but
+who were suspected of being inclined to the Republican party, denied
+that there had ever been any justifiable grounds for such suspicions.
+Many who had taken an open stand on that side returned to the fold of
+the Democracy in sackcloth and ashes,--upon bended knees, pleading for
+mercy, forgiveness and for charitable forbearance. They had seen a new
+light; and they were ready to confess that they had made a grave
+mistake, but, since their motives were good and their intentions were
+honest, they hoped that they would not be rashly treated nor harshly
+judged.
+
+The prospects for the gratification and realization of the ambition of
+white men in that section had been completely reversed. The conviction
+became a settled fact that the Democratic party was the only channel
+through which it would be possible in the future for anyone to secure
+political distinction or receive official recognition,--hence the return
+to the ranks of that party of thousands of white men who had left it.
+All of them were eventually received, though some were kept on the
+anxious seat and held as probationers for a long time.
+
+It soon developed that all that was left of the once promising and
+flourishing Republican party at the South was the true, faithful, loyal,
+and sincere colored men,--who remained Republican from necessity as well
+as from choice,--and a few white men, who were Republicans from
+principle and conviction, and who were willing to incur the odium, run
+the risks, take the chances, and pay the penalty that every white
+Republican who had the courage of his convictions must then pay. This
+was a sad and serious disappointment to the colored men who were just
+about to realize the hope and expectation of a permanent political
+combination and union between themselves and the better element of the
+whites, which would have resulted in good, honest, capable, and
+efficient local government and in the establishment and maintenance of
+peace, good-will, friendly, cordial, and amicable relations between the
+two races. But this hope, politically at least, had now been destroyed,
+and these expectations had been shattered and scattered to the four
+winds. The outlook for the colored man was dark and anything but
+encouraging. Many of the parting scenes that took place between the
+colored men and the whites who decided to return to the fold of the
+Democracy were both affecting and pathetic in the extreme.
+
+The writer cannot resist the temptation to bring to the notice of the
+reader one of those scenes of which he had personal knowledge. Colonel
+James Lusk had been a prominent, conspicuous and influential
+representative of the Southern aristocracy of ante-bellum days. He
+enjoyed the respect and confidence of the community in which he
+lived,--especially of the colored people. He, like thousands of others
+of his class, had identified himself with the Republican party. There
+was in that community a Republican club of which Sam Henry, a well-known
+colored man, was president. When it was rumored,--and before it could be
+verified,--that Colonel Lusk had decided to cast his fortunes with the
+Republican party Henry appointed a committee of three to call on him and
+extend to him a cordial invitation to appear before the club at its next
+meeting and deliver an address. The invitation was accepted. As soon as
+the Colonel entered the door of the club, escorted by the committee,
+every man in the house immediately arose and all joined in giving three
+cheers and a hearty welcome to the gallant statesman and brave
+ex-Confederate soldier who had honored them with his distinguished
+presence on that occasion. He delivered a splendid speech, in which he
+informed his hearers that he had decided to cast his lot with the
+Republican party. It was the first public announcement of that fact that
+had been made. Of course he was honored, idolized and lionized by the
+colored people wherever he was known.
+
+After the Congressional elections of 1874 Colonel Lusk decided that he
+would return to the ranks of the Democracy. Before making public
+announcement of that fact he decided to send for his faithful and loyal
+friend, Sam Henry, to come to see him at his residence, as he had
+something of importance to communicate to him. Promptly at the appointed
+time Henry made his appearance. He did not know for what he was wanted,
+but he had a well-founded suspicion, based upon the changed conditions
+which were apparent in every direction; hence, apprehension could be
+easily detected in his countenance. Colonel Lusk commenced by reminding
+Henry of the fact that it was before the club of which he was president
+and upon his invitation that he, Lusk, had made public announcement of
+his intention to act in the future with the Republican party. Now that
+he had decided to renounce any further allegiance to that party he
+thought that his faithful friend and loyal supporter, Sam Henry, should
+be the first to whom that announcement should be made. When he had
+finished Henry was visibly affected.
+
+"Oh! no, Colonel," he cried, breaking down completely, "I beg of you do
+not leave us. You are our chief, if not sole dependence. You are our
+Moses. If you leave us, hundreds of others in our immediate neighborhood
+will be sure to follow your lead. We will thus be left without solid and
+substantial friends. I admit that with you party affiliation is
+optional. With me it is not. You can be either a Republican or a
+Democrat, and be honored and supported by the party to which you may
+belong. With me it is different. I must remain a Republican whether I
+want to or not. While it is impossible for me to be a Democrat it is not
+impossible for you to be a Republican. We need you. We need your
+prestige, your power, your influence, and your name. I pray you,
+therefore, not to leave us; for if you and those who will follow your
+lead leave us now we will be made to feel that we are without a country,
+without a home, without friends, and without a hope for the future. Oh,
+no, Colonel, I beg of you, I plead with you, don't go! Stay with us;
+lead and guide us, as you have so faithfully done during the last few
+years!"
+
+Henry's remarks made a deep and profound impression upon Colonel Lusk.
+He informed Henry that no step he could take was more painful to him
+than this. He assured Henry that this act on his part was from necessity
+and not from choice.
+
+"The statement you have made, Henry, that party affiliations with me is
+optional," he answered, "is presumed to be true; but, in point of fact,
+it is not. No white man can live in the South in the future and act with
+any other than the Democratic party unless he is willing and prepared to
+live a life of social isolation and remain in political oblivion. While
+I am somewhat advanced in years, I am not so old as to be devoid of
+political ambition. Besides I have two grown sons. There is, no doubt, a
+bright, brilliant and successful future before them if they are
+Democrats; otherwise, not. If I remain in the Republican party,--which
+can hereafter exist at the South only in name,--I will thereby retard,
+if not mar and possibly destroy, their future prospects. Then, you must
+remember that a man's first duty is to his family. My daughters are the
+pride of my home. I cannot afford to have them suffer the humiliating
+consequences of the social ostracism to which they may be subjected if I
+remain in the Republican party.
+
+"The die is cast. I must yield to the inevitable and surrender my
+convictions upon the altar of my family's good,--the outgrowth of
+circumstances and conditions which I am powerless to prevent and cannot
+control. Henceforth I must act with the Democratic party or make myself
+a martyr; and I do not feel that there is enough at stake to justify me
+in making such a fearful sacrifice as that. It is, therefore, with deep
+sorrow and sincere regret, Henry, that I am constrained to leave you
+politically, but I find that I am confronted with a condition, not a
+theory. I am compelled to choose between you, on one side, and my family
+and personal interests, on the other. That I have decided to sacrifice
+you and yours upon the altar of my family's good is a decision for which
+you should neither blame nor censure me. If I could see my way clear to
+pursue a different course it would be done; but my decision is based
+upon careful and thoughtful consideration and it must stand."
+
+Of course a stubborn and bitter fight for control of the Democratic
+organization was now on between the antagonistic and conflicting
+elements among the whites. It was to be a desperate struggle between the
+former aristocrats, on one side, and what was known as the "poor
+whites," on the other. While the aristocrats had always been the weaker
+in point of numbers, they had been the stronger in point of wealth,
+intelligence, ability, skill and experience. As a result of their wide
+experience, and able and skillful management, the aristocrats were
+successful in the preliminary struggles, as illustrated in the persons
+of Stephens, Gordon, Brown and Hill, of Georgia; Daniels and Lee, of
+Virginia; Hampton and Butler, of South Carolina; Lamar and Walthall, of
+Mississippi, and Garland, of Arkansas. But in the course of time and in
+the natural order of things the poor whites were bound to win. All that
+was needed was a few years' tutelage and a few daring and unscrupulous
+leaders to prey upon their ignorance and magnify their vanity in order
+to bring them to a realization of the fact that their former political
+masters were now completely at their mercy, and subject to their will.
+
+That the poor whites of the ante-bellum period in most of the late
+slaveholding or reconstructed States are now the masters of the
+political situation in those States, is a fact that will not be
+questioned, disputed or denied by anyone who is well informed, or who is
+familiar with the facts. The aristocrats of ante-bellum days and their
+descendants in the old slave States are as completely under the
+political control and domination of the poor whites of the ante-bellum
+period as those whites were under them at that time. Yet the reader must
+not assume that the election returns from such States indicate the
+actual, or even the relative, strength of the opposing and antagonistic
+elements and factions. They simply indicate that the poor whites of the
+past and their descendants are now the masters and the leaders, and
+that the masters and the leaders of the past are now the submissive
+followers.
+
+In the ranks of those who are now the recognized leaders is to be found
+some of the very best blood of the land,--the descendants of the finest,
+best, most cultivated, and most refined families of their respective
+States. But as a rule they are there, not from choice, but from
+necessity,--not because they are in harmony with what is being done, or
+because they approve of the methods that are being employed and pursued,
+but on account of circumstances and conditions which they can neither
+control nor prevent. They would not hesitate to raise the arm of revolt
+if they had any hope, or if they believed that ultimate success would be
+the result thereof. But as matters now stand they can detect no ray of
+hope, and can see no avenue of escape. Hence nothing remains for them to
+do but to hold the chain of political oppression and subjugation, while
+their former political subordinates rivet and fasten the same around
+their unwilling necks. They find they can do nothing but sacrifice their
+pride, their manhood, and their self-respect upon the altar of political
+necessity. They see, they feel, they fully realize the hopelessness of
+their condition and the helplessness of their situation. They see, they
+know, they acknowledge that in the line of political distinction and
+official recognition they can get nothing that their former political
+subordinates are not willing for them to have. With a hope of getting a
+few crumbs that may fall from the official table they make wry faces and
+pretend to be satisfied with what is being done, and with the way in
+which it is done. They are looked upon with suspicion and their loyalty
+to the new order of things is a constant source of speculation,
+conjecture, and doubt. But, for reasons of political expediency, a few
+crumbs are allowed occasionally to go to some one of that class,--crumbs
+that are gratefully acknowledged and thankfully received, upon the
+theory that some little consideration is better than none at all,
+especially in their present helpless and dependent condition. But even
+these small crumbs are confined to those who are most pronounced and
+outspoken in their declarations and protestations of loyalty, devotion,
+and subservient submission to the new order of things.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+EVENTFUL DAYS OF THE FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS
+
+
+The Mississippi Constitution having been ratified in 1869,--an odd year
+of the calendar,--caused the regular elections for State, district and
+county officers to occur on the odd year of the calendar, while the
+National elections occurred on the even years of the calendar, thus
+necessitating the holding of an election in the State every year.
+Therefore, no election was to be held in 1874, except for Congressmen,
+and to fill a few vacancies, while the regular election for county
+officers and members of the Legislature would be held in 1875.
+
+Since the regular session of the 44th Congress would not convene before
+December, 1875, in order to avoid the trouble and expense incident to
+holding an election in 1874, the Legislature passed a bill postponing
+the election of members of Congress until November, 1875. There being
+some doubt about the legality of this legislation, Congress passed a
+bill legalizing the act of the Legislature. Consequently no election was
+held in the State in 1874 except to fill a few vacancies that had
+occurred in the Legislature and in some of the districts and counties.
+
+One of the vacancies to be filled was that of State Senator, created by
+the resignation of Senator Hiram Cassidy, Jr. Senator Cassidy, who was
+elected as a Democrat in 1873, and who had voted for Mr. Bruce, the
+Republican caucus nominee, for United States Senator, had in the mean
+time publicly identified himself with the Republican party, thus
+following in the footsteps of his able and illustrious father, Judge
+Hiram Cassidy, Sr., who had given his active support to the Republican
+candidate for Governor in 1873.
+
+Governor Ames had appointed Senator Cassidy a Judge of the Chancery
+Court, to accept which office it was necessary for him to resign his
+seat as a member of the State Senate. A special election was held in
+November, 1874, to fill that vacancy. The Democrats nominated a strong
+and able man, Judge R.H. Thompson, of Brookhaven, Lincoln County. The
+Republicans nominated a still stronger and abler man, Hon. J.F.
+Sessions, of the same town and county,--a Democrat who had represented
+Franklin County for several terms, but who had that year identified
+himself with the Republican party. Sessions was Chancellor Cassidy's law
+partner.
+
+Since the counties comprising that senatorial district constituted a
+part of the district that I then represented in Congress, I took an
+active part in the support of the candidacy of Sessions. Although a
+Democrat, Hiram Cassidy, Jr., had been elected from that district in
+1873, Sessions, a Republican, was elected by a handsome majority in
+1874. A vacancy had also occurred in the Legislature from Franklin
+County, to fill which the Republicans nominated Hon. William P. Cassidy,
+brother of Chancellor Cassidy; but the Democratic majority in the county
+was too large for one even so popular as Wm. P. Cassidy to overcome;
+hence he was defeated by a small majority.
+
+From a Republican point of view Mississippi, as was true of the other
+reconstructed States, up to 1875 was all that could be expected and
+desired and, no doubt, would have remained so for many years, but for
+the unexpected results of the State and Congressional elections of 1874.
+While it is true, as stated and explained in a previous chapter, that
+Grant carried nearly every state in the Union at the Presidential
+election in 1872, the State and Congressional elections throughout the
+country two years later went just the other way, and by majorities just
+as decisive as those given the Republicans two years before.
+
+Notwithstanding the severe and crushing defeat sustained by the
+Republicans at that time, it was claimed by some, believed by others,
+and predicted by many that by the time the election for President in
+1876 would roll around it would be found that the Republicans had
+regained substantially all they had lost in 1874; but these hopes,
+predictions, and expectations were not realized. The Presidential
+election of 1876 turned out to be so close and doubtful that neither
+party could claim a substantial victory. While it is true that Hayes,
+the Republican candidate for President, was finally declared elected
+according to the forms of law, yet the terms and conditions upon which
+he was allowed to be peaceably inaugurated were such as to complete the
+extinction and annihilation of the Republican party at the South. The
+price that the Hayes managers stipulated to pay,--and did pay,--for the
+peaceable inauguration of Hayes was that the South was to be turned over
+to the Democrats and that the administration was not to enforce the
+Constitution and the laws of the land in that section against the
+expressed will of the Democrats thereof. In other words, so far as the
+South was concerned, the Constitution was not to follow the flag.
+
+In the 43rd Congress which was elected in 1872 and which would expire by
+limitation March 4, 1875, the Republicans had a large majority in both
+Houses. In the House of Representatives of the 44th Congress, which was
+elected in 1874, the Democratic majority was about as large as was the
+Republican majority in the House of the 43rd Congress. The Republicans
+still retained control of the Senate, but by a greatly reduced majority.
+
+During the short session of the 43rd Congress, important legislation was
+contemplated by the Republican leaders. Alabama was one of the States
+which the Democrats were charged with having carried in 1874 by
+resorting to methods which were believed to be questionable and illegal.
+An investigation was ordered by the House. A committee was appointed to
+make the investigation, of which General Albright, of Pennsylvania, was
+chairman. This committee was authorized to report by bill or otherwise.
+After a thorough investigation, the chairman was directed, and
+instructed by the vote of every Republican member of the committee,
+which constituted a majority thereof, to report and recommend the
+passage of what was called the Federal Elections Bill. This bill was
+carefully drawn; following substantially the same lines as a previous
+temporary measure, under the provisions of which what was known as the
+Ku Klux Klan had been crushed out, and order had been restored in North
+Carolina.
+
+It is safe to say that this bill would have passed both Houses and
+become a law, but for the unexpected opposition of Speaker Blaine. Mr.
+Blaine was not only opposed to the bill, but his opposition was so
+intense that he felt it his duty to leave the Speaker's chair and come
+on the floor for the purpose of leading the opposition to its passage.
+This, of course, was fatal to the passage of the measure. After a
+desperate struggle of a few days, in which the Speaker was found to be
+in opposition to a large majority of his party associates, and which
+revealed the fact that the party was hopelessly divided, the leaders in
+the House abandoned the effort to bring the measure to a vote.
+
+Mr. Blame's motives in taking this unexpected position, in open
+opposition to the great majority of his party associates, has always
+been open to speculation and conjecture. His personal and political
+enemies charged that it was due to jealousy of President Grant. Mr.
+Blaine was a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination the
+following year. It was a well-known fact that President Grant was not
+favorable to Mr. Blaine's nomination, but was in sympathy with the
+movement to have Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, Mr. Blaine's
+bitterest political enemy, nominated. Mr. Blaine was afraid, his enemies
+asserted, that, if the Federal Elections Bill,--under the provisions of
+which great additional power would have been conferred upon the
+President,--had become a law, that power would be used to defeat his
+nomination for the Presidency in 1876; hence his opposition to the Bill.
+But, whatever his motives were, his successful opposition to that
+measure no doubt resulted in his failure to realize the ambition of his
+life,--the Presidency of the United States. But for the stand he took
+on that occasion, he would probably have received sufficient support
+from Southern delegates in the National Convention to secure him the
+nomination, and, had he been nominated at that time, the probabilities
+are that he would have been elected. But his opposition to that bill
+practically solidified the Southern delegates in that convention against
+him, and as a result he was defeated for the nomination, although he was
+the choice of a majority of the Northern delegates.
+
+Even when Blaine received the nomination in 1884 it was developed that
+it could not have happened had the Southern delegates been as solidly
+against him at that time as they were in 1876. But by 1884 the Southern
+Republicans had somewhat relented in their opposition to him, and, as a
+result thereof, he received sufficient support from that section to give
+him the nomination. But he was defeated at the polls because the South
+was solid against him,--a condition which was made possible by his own
+action in defeating the Federal Elections Bill in 1875. In consequence
+of his action in that matter he was severely criticised and censured by
+Republicans generally, and by Southern Republicans especially.
+
+Although I was not favorable to his nomination for the Presidency at any
+time, my relations with Mr. Blaine had been so cordial that I felt at
+liberty to seek him and ask him, for my own satisfaction and
+information, an explanation of his action in opposing and defeating the
+Federal Elections Bill. I therefore went to him just before the final
+adjournment of the 43rd Congress and informed him that I desired to have
+a few minutes' private audience with him whenever it would be convenient
+for him to see me. He requested me to come to the Speaker's room
+immediately after the adjournment of the House that afternoon.
+
+When I entered the room Mr. Blaine was alone. I took a seat only a few
+feet from him. I informed him of the great disappointment and intense
+dissatisfaction which his action had caused in defeating what was not
+only regarded as a party measure, but which was believed by the
+Republicans to be of vital importance from a party point of view, to say
+nothing of its equity and justice. I remarked that for him to array
+himself in opposition to the great majority of his own party
+associates,--and to throw the weight of his great influence against such
+an important party measure as the Federal Elections Bill was believed to
+be,--he must have had some motive, some justifiable grounds of which the
+public was ignorant, but about which I believed it was fair to himself
+and just to his own friends and party associates, that he give some
+explanation.
+
+"As a southern Republican member of the House, and as one that is not
+hostile or particularly unfriendly to you," I said, "I feel that I have
+a right to make this request of you."
+
+At first he gave me a look of surprise, and for several seconds he
+remained silent. Then, straightening himself up in his chair, he
+answered:
+
+"I am glad, Mr. Lynch, that you have made this request of me, since I am
+satisfied you are not actuated by any unfriendly motive in doing so. I
+shall, therefore, give a frank answer to your question. In my judgment,
+if that bill had become a law the defeat of the Republican party
+throughout the country would have been a foregone conclusion. We could
+not have saved the South even if the bill had passed, but its passage
+would have lost us the North; indeed, I could not have carried even my
+own State of Maine, if that bill had passed. In my opinion, it was
+better to lose the South and save the North, than to try through such
+legislation to save the South, and thus lose both North and South. I
+believed that if we saved the North we could then look after the South.
+If the Southern Democrats are foolish enough to bring about a Solid
+South the result will be a Solid North against a Solid South; and in
+that case the Republicans would have nothing to fear. You now have my
+reasons, frankly and candidly given, for the action taken by me on the
+occasion referred to. I hope you are satisfied with them."
+
+I thanked Mr. Blaine cordially for giving me the desired explanation.
+"I now feel better satisfied with reference to your action upon that
+occasion," I assured him. "While I do not agree with you in your
+conclusions, and while I believe your reasoning to be unsound and
+fallacious, still I cannot help giving you credit for having been
+actuated by no other motive than to do what you honestly believed was
+for the best interest of the country and the Republican party."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1875. REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+
+When I returned to my home after the adjournment of Congress in March,
+1875, the political clouds were dark. The political outlook was
+discouraging. The prospect of Republican success was not at all bright.
+There had been a marked change in the situation from every point of
+view. Democrats were bold, outspoken, defiant, and determined. In
+addition to these unfavorable indications I noticed that I was not
+received by them with the same warmth and cordiality as on previous
+occasions. With a few notable exceptions they were cold, indifferent,
+even forbidding in their attitude and manner. This treatment was so
+radically different from that to which I had been accustomed that I
+could not help feeling it keenly. I knew it was indicative of a change
+in the political situation which meant that I had before me the fight of
+my life.
+
+My advocacy and support of the Federal Elections Bill, commonly called
+the "Force Bill," was occasionally given as the reason for this change;
+but I knew this was not the true reason. In fact, that bill would hardly
+have been thought of but for the fact that Mr. Blaine, the Republican
+Speaker of the House, had attracted national attention to it through his
+action in vacating the chair and coming on the floor of the House to
+lead the opposition to its passage. This act on the part of the
+statesman from Maine made him, in the opinion of many Southern
+Democrats, the greatest man that our country had ever produced,--George
+Washington, the Father of the Republic, not excepted. They were loud in
+their thanks for the valuable service he had thus rendered them and, as
+evidence of their gratitude to him, they declared their determination to
+show their appreciation of this valuable service in a substantial manner
+whenever the opportunity presented itself for it to be done.
+
+No man in the country was stronger, better or more popular than the
+statesman from Maine, until his name came before them as a candidate for
+President of the United States on a Republican ticket. A sudden
+transformation then took place. It was then discovered, to their great
+surprise and disappointment, that he was such an unsafe and dangerous
+man that no greater calamity could happen to the country than his
+elevation to the Presidency. Nothing, therefore, must be left undone to
+bring about his defeat.
+
+I was well aware of the fact at the time that it was the result of the
+State and Congressional elections at the north in 1874 that had
+convinced Southern Democrats that Republican ascendency in the National
+Government would soon be a thing of the past--that the Democrats would
+be successful in the Presidential and Congressional elections of 1876
+and that that party would, no doubt, remain in power for at least a
+quarter of a century. It was this, and not the unsuccessful effort to
+pass a Federal Elections Bill, that had produced the marked change that
+was noticeable on every hand. Every indication seemed to point to a
+confirmation of the impression that Democratic success at the
+Presidential election was practically an assured fact.
+
+There had been a disastrous financial panic in 1873 which was no doubt
+largely responsible for the political upheaval in 1874; but that was
+lost sight of in accounting for that result. In fact they made no effort
+to explain it except in their own way. The Democrats had carried the
+country; the reasons for this they construed to suit themselves. The
+construction they placed upon it was that it was a national condemnation
+and repudiation of the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction, and they
+intended to govern themselves accordingly.
+
+The election in Mississippi in 1875 was for members of Congress, members
+of the Legislature, and county officers, and also a State Treasurer to
+serve out the unexpired term of Treasurer Holland, deceased. My own
+renomination for Congress from the Sixth (Natchez) District was a
+foregone conclusion, since I had no opposition in my own party; but I
+realized the painful fact that a nomination this time was not equivalent
+to an election. Still, I felt that it was my duty to make the fight, let
+the result be what it might.
+
+If Congressmen had been elected in 1874 the State would have returned
+five Republicans and one Democrat as was done in 1872; but in 1875 the
+prospect was not so bright, the indications were not so favorable. The
+Democrats nominated for State Treasurer Hon. Wm. L. Hemmingway, of
+Carroll County. He was an able man, and had been quite prominent as a
+party leader in his section of the State. The defiant attitude assumed,
+and the bold declarations contained in the platform upon which he was
+nominated were accepted by the Republicans as notice that the Democrats
+intended to carry the election--"peaceably and fairly."
+
+The Republicans nominated Hon. George M. Buchanan, of Marshall County,
+upon a platform which strongly endorsed the National and State
+administrations. Mr. Buchanan was a strong and popular man. He had been
+a brave and gallant Confederate soldier. He had been for several years
+Sheriff and Tax Collector of his county, and was known to be especially
+fitted for the office of State Treasurer. As Sheriff and Tax Collector
+of Marshall County,--one of the wealthiest counties in the State,--he
+had handled and disbursed many thousands of dollars, every dollar of
+which had been faithfully accounted for. His honesty, integrity,
+ability, fitness, and capacity, everyone, regardless of race or party,
+unhesitatingly admitted.
+
+The administration of Governor Ames was one of the best the State had
+ever had. The judiciary was quite equal to that which had been appointed
+by Governor Alcorn. The public revenues had been promptly collected, and
+honestly accounted for. There had not only been no increase in the rate
+of taxation, but, to the contrary, there had been a material reduction.
+Notwithstanding these things the Democrats, together with the radical
+element in charge of the party machinery, determined to seize the State
+Government _vi et armis_; not because it was at all necessary for any
+special reason, but simply because conditions at that time seemed to
+indicate that it could be safely done.
+
+After the nominations had all been made, the campaign was opened in dead
+earnest. Nearly all Democratic clubs in the State were converted into
+armed military companies. Funds with which to purchase arms were
+believed to have been contributed by the National Democratic
+organization. Nearly every Republican meeting was attended by one or
+more of those clubs or companies,--the members of which were
+distinguished by red shirts, indicative of blood,--the attendance being
+for the purpose, of course, of "keeping the peace and preserving
+order." To enable the Democrats to carry the State a Republican majority
+of between twenty and thirty thousand had to be overcome. This could be
+done only by the adoption and enforcement of questionable methods. It
+was a case in which the end justified the means, and the means had to be
+supplied.
+
+The Republican vote consisted of about ninety-five per cent of the
+colored men, and of about twenty-five per cent of the white men. The
+other seventy-five per cent of the whites formerly constituted a part of
+the flower of the Confederate Army. They were not only tried and
+experienced soldiers, but they were fully armed and equipped for the
+work before them. Some of the colored Republicans had been Union
+soldiers, but they were neither organized nor armed. In such a contest,
+therefore, they and their white allies were entirely at the mercy of
+their political adversaries.
+
+Governor Ames soon took in the situation. He saw that he could not
+depend upon the white members of the State militia to obey his orders,
+to support him in his efforts to uphold the majesty of the law, and to
+protect the law-abiding citizens in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and
+property. To use the colored members of the militia for such a purpose
+would be adding fuel to the flames. Nothing, therefore, remained for him
+to do but to call on the National administration for military aid in
+his efforts to crush out domestic violence and enforce the laws of the
+State. He did call for such aid, but for reasons that will be given
+later it was not granted.
+
+When the polls closed on the day of the election, the Democrats, of
+course, had carried the State by a large majority,--thus securing a
+heavy majority in both branches of the Legislature. Of the six members
+of Congress the writer was the only one of the regular Republican
+candidates that pulled through, and that, by a greatly reduced majority.
+In the Second (Holly Springs) District, G. Wiley Wells ran as an
+Independent Republican against A.R. Howe, the sitting member, and the
+regular Republican candidate for reëlection. The Democrats supported
+Wells, who was elected.
+
+The delegation, therefore, consisted of four Democrats, one Republican,
+and one Independent Republican. While the delegation would have
+consisted of five straight Republicans and one Democrat had the election
+been held in 1874, still, since the Democrats had such a large majority
+in the House, the political complexion of the Mississippi delegation was
+not important. The election of the writer, it was afterwards developed,
+was due in all probability to a miscalculation on the part of some of
+the Democratic managers. Their purpose was to have a solid delegation,
+counting Wells as one of that number, since his election would be due
+to the support of the Democratic party.
+
+But in my district the plan miscarried. In one of the counties there
+were two conflicting reports as to what the Democratic majority was;
+according to one, it was two hundred and fifty, according to the other,
+it was five hundred. The report giving two hundred and fifty was, no
+doubt, the correct one, but the other would probably have been accepted
+had it been believed at the time that it was necessary to insure the
+election of the Democratic candidate. To overcome the majority in that
+district was more difficult than to overcome it in any of the other
+districts. While their candidate, Colonel Roderick Seal, was quite a
+popular man, it was well known that I would poll a solid Republican vote
+and some Democratic votes in addition. Fortunately for me there was a
+split in the party in my own county (Adams) for county officers, which
+resulted in bringing out a very heavy vote. This split also made the
+count of the ballots very slow,--covering a period of several days. My
+name was on both tickets. The election took place on Tuesday, but the
+count was not finished until the following Friday evening. Hence, the
+result for member of Congress in that county could not be definitely
+ascertained until Friday night.
+
+The Democratic managers at the State Capital were eager to know as soon
+as possible what the Republican majority in Adams County would be for
+Congressman, hence, on Wednesday evening, the editor of the local
+Democratic paper received a telegram from the Secretary of the
+Democratic State Committee, requesting to be informed immediately what
+the Republican majority for Congressman would be in Adams County. The
+editor read the telegram to me and asked what, in my opinion, would be
+my majority in the county. My reply was that I did not think it would
+exceed twelve hundred; whereupon he sent in the following report:
+"Lynch's majority in Adams will not exceed twelve hundred."
+
+Upon receipt of this telegram the majority of two hundred and fifty
+instead of five hundred was deemed sufficient from the county heretofore
+referred to. If the Republican majority in Adams would not exceed twelve
+hundred, the success of the Democratic Congressional candidate by a
+small but safe majority was assured on the face of the returns. Since
+Adams was the last county to be reported, no change could thereafter be
+made. When the count was finally finished in Adams it was found I had a
+majority of over eighteen hundred. This gave me a majority in the
+district of a little over two hundred on the face of the returns.
+
+The disappointment and chagrin on the part of the Democratic managers
+can better be imagined than described. But the agreeable surprise to the
+Republicans was at least equal to the Democrats' disappointment. The
+defeated Democratic candidate threatened to make a contest for the seat
+on the ground of violence and fraud; but this was so ridiculous that the
+managers of his own party would not allow him to carry the threat into
+execution.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND THE PRESIDENT REGARDING STATE
+APPOINTMENTS
+
+
+Shortly after I reached Washington in the latter part of November, 1875,
+I called on the President to pay my respects, and to see him on business
+relating to a Civil Service order that he had recently issued, and that
+some of the Federal office-holders had evidently misunderstood.
+Postmaster Pursell, of Summit, an important town in my district, was one
+of that number. He was supposed to be a Republican, having been
+appointed as such. But he not only refused to take any part in the
+campaign of 1875, but he also declined to contribute a dollar to meet
+the legitimate expenses of that campaign. The President's Civil Service
+order was his excuse. According to Pursell's construction of that order,
+Federal office-holders must not only take no part in political or party
+campaigns, but they must make no contributions for political purposes.
+He not only said nothing and did nothing in the interest of his party in
+that campaign, but it was believed by some that he did not even vote the
+Republican ticket.
+
+After paying my respects to the President I brought this case to his
+attention. I informed him that I very much desired to have Postmaster
+Pursell removed, and a good Republican appointed in his stead.
+
+"What is the matter with him?" the President asked. "Is he not a good
+postmaster?"
+
+"Yes," I replied, "there is nothing to be said against him, so far as I
+know, with reference to his administration of the office. I only object
+to him on account of politics. He may be,--and no doubt is,--a good,
+capable, and efficient postmaster; but politically he is worthless. From
+a party point of view he is no good. In my opinion, there ought to be a
+man in that office who will not only discharge his duties in a
+creditable manner, but who will also be of some service to the party and
+to the administration under which he serves. In the present postmaster
+of the town of Summit we have not such a man, but we can and will have
+one if you will appoint the one whose name I now present and for whom I
+ask your favorable consideration. We had, as you know, a bitter and
+desperate struggle. It was the very time that we stood sadly in need of
+every man and of every vote. We lost the county that Summit is in by a
+small majority. If an active and aggressive man, such as the one whose
+name I now place before you, had been postmaster at Summit, the result
+in that County might have been different. I therefore earnestly
+recommend that Pursell be removed, and that Mr. Garland be appointed to
+succeed him."
+
+The President replied: "You have given good and sufficient reasons for a
+change. Leave with me the name of the man you desire to have appointed,
+and his name will be sent to the Senate as soon as Congress meets." I
+cordially thanked the President, and assured him that he would have no
+occasion to regret making the change. In explanation of his Civil
+Service order the President remarked that quite a number of
+office-holders had seemed to misunderstand it, although it was plainly
+worded, and, as he thought, not difficult to understand. There had never
+been any serious complaints growing out of active participation in
+political campaigns on the part of office-holders, and that it was not,
+and never had been, the purpose of the administration, by executive
+order or otherwise, to limit or restrict any American citizen in the
+discharge of his duties as a citizen, simply because he happened to be
+an office-holder, provided that in so doing he did not neglect his
+official duties. There had, however, been serious complaints from many
+parts of the country about the use and abuse of Federal patronage in
+efforts to manipulate party conventions, and to dictate and control
+party nominations. To destroy this evil was the primary purpose of the
+civil service order referred to.
+
+I told the President that his explanation of the order was in harmony
+with my own construction and interpretation of it. That is why I made
+the recommendation for a change in the postmastership at Summit. The
+change was promptly made. I then informed the President that there was
+another matter about which I desired to have a short talk with him, that
+was the recent election in Mississippi. After calling his attention to
+the sanguinary struggle through which we had passed, and the great
+disadvantages under which we labored, I reminded him of the fact that
+the Governor, when he saw that he could not put down without the
+assistance of the National Administration what was practically an
+insurrection against the State Government, made application for
+assistance in the manner and form prescribed by the Constitution, with
+the confident belief that it would be forthcoming. But in this we were,
+for some reason, seriously disappointed and sadly surprised. The reason
+for this action, or rather non-action, was still an unexplained mystery
+to us. For my own satisfaction and information I should be pleased to
+have the President enlighten me on the subject.
+
+The President said that he was glad I had asked him the question, and
+that he would take pleasure in giving me a frank reply. He said he had
+sent Governor Ames' requisition to the War Department with his approval
+and with instructions to have the necessary assistance furnished without
+delay. He had also given instructions to the Attorney-General to use
+the marshals and the machinery of the Federal judiciary as far as
+possible in coöperation with the War Department in an effort to maintain
+order and to bring about a condition which would insure a peaceable and
+fair election. But before the orders were put into execution a committee
+of prominent Republicans from Ohio had called on him. (Ohio was then an
+October State,--that is, her elections took place in October instead of
+November.) An important election was then pending in that State. This
+committee, the President stated, protested against having the
+requisition of Governor Ames honored. The committee, the President said,
+informed him in a most emphatic way that if the requisition of Governor
+Ames were honored, the Democrats would not only carry Mississippi,--a
+State which would be lost to the Republicans in any event,--but that
+Democratic success in Ohio would be an assured fact. If the requisition
+were not honored it would make no change in the result in Mississippi,
+but that Ohio would be saved to the Republicans. The President assured
+me that it was with great reluctance that he yielded,--against his own
+judgment and sense of official duty,--to the arguments of this
+committee, and directed the withdrawal of the orders which had been
+given the Secretary of War and the Attorney-General in that matter.
+
+This statement, I confess, surprised me very much.
+
+"Can it be possible," I asked, "that there is such a prevailing
+sentiment in any State in the North, East or West as renders it
+necessary for a Republican President to virtually give his sanction to
+what is equivalent to a suspension of the Constitution and laws of the
+land to insure Republican success in such a State? I cannot believe this
+to be true, the opinion of the Republican committee from Ohio to the
+contrary notwithstanding. What surprises me more, Mr. President, is that
+you yielded and granted this remarkable request. That is not like you.
+It is the first time I have ever known you to show the white feather.
+Instead of granting the request of that committee, you should have
+rebuked the men,--told them that it is your duty as chief magistrate of
+the country to enforce the Constitution and laws of the land, and to
+protect American citizens in the exercise and enjoyment of their rights,
+let the consequences be what they may; and that if by doing this Ohio
+should be lost to the Republicans it ought to be lost. In other words,
+no victory is worth having if it is to be brought about upon such
+conditions as those,--if it is to be purchased at such a fearful cost as
+was paid in this case."
+
+"Yes," said the President, "I admit that you are right. I should not
+have yielded. I believed at the time that I was making a grave mistake.
+But as presented, it was duty on one side, and party obligation on the
+other. Between the two I hesitated, but finally yielded to what was
+believed to be party obligation. If a mistake was made, it was one of
+the head and not of the heart. That my heart was right and my intentions
+good, no one who knows me will question. If I had believed that any
+effort on my part would have saved Mississippi I would have made it,
+even if I had been convinced that it would have resulted in the loss of
+Ohio to the Republicans. But I was satisfied then, as I am now, that
+Mississippi could not have been saved to the party in any event and I
+wanted to avoid the responsibility of the loss of Ohio, in addition.
+This was the turning-point in the case.
+
+"And while on this subject," the President went on, "let us look more
+closely into the significance of this situation. I am very much
+concerned about the future of our country. When the War came to an end
+it was thought that four things had been brought about and effectually
+accomplished as a result thereof. They were: first, that slavery had
+been forever abolished; second, that the indissolubility of the Federal
+Union had been permanently established and universally recognized;
+third, that the absolute and independent sovereignty of the several
+States was a thing of the past; fourth, that a national sovereignty had
+been at last created and established, resulting in sufficient power
+being vested in the general government not only to guarantee to every
+State in the Union a Republican form of government, but to protect, when
+necessary, the individual citizen of the United States in the exercise
+and enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which he is entitled under
+the Constitution and laws of his country. In other words, that there had
+been created a National citizenship as distinguished from State
+citizenship, resulting in a paramount allegiance to the United
+States,--the general Government,--having ample power to protect its own
+citizens against domestic and personal violence whenever the State in
+which he may live should fail, refuse, or neglect to do so. In other
+words, so far as citizens of the United States are concerned, the States
+in the future would only act as agents of the general Government in
+protecting the citizens of the United States in the enjoyment of life,
+liberty, and property. This has been my conception of the duties of the
+President, and until recently I have pursued that course. But there
+seems to be a number of leading and influential men in the Republican
+party who take a different view of these matters. These men have used
+and are still using their power and influence, not to strengthen but to
+cripple the President and thus prevent him from enforcing the
+Constitution and laws along these lines. They have not only used their
+power and influence to prevent and defeat wise and necessary legislation
+for these purposes, but they have contributed, through the medium of
+public meetings and newspaper and magazine articles, to the creation of
+a public sentiment hostile to the policy of the administration. Whatever
+their motives may be, future mischief of a very serious nature is bound
+to be the result. It requires no prophet to foresee that the national
+government will soon be at a great disadvantage and that the results of
+the war of the rebellion will have been in a large measure lost. In
+other words, that the first two of the four propositions above stated
+will represent all that will have been accomplished as a result of the
+war, and even they, for the lack of power of enforcement in the general
+government, will be largely of a negative character. What you have just
+passed through in the State of Mississippi is only the beginning of what
+is sure to follow. I do not wish to create unnecessary alarm, nor to be
+looked upon as a prophet of evil, but it is impossible for me to close
+my eyes in the face of things that are as plain to me as the noonday
+sun."
+
+It is needless to say that I was deeply interested in the President's
+eloquent and prophetic talk which subsequent events have more than fully
+verified.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876 AND ITS RESULTS
+
+
+The Presidential election was held in 1876. The Republicans had carried
+the country in 1872 by such a decisive majority that it indicated many
+years of continued Republican ascendency in the National Government. But
+the severe reverses sustained by that party at the polls two years later
+completely changed this situation and outlook. Democrats confidently
+expected and Republicans seriously apprehended that the Presidential
+election of 1876 would result in a substantial Democratic victory. Mr.
+Blaine was the leading candidate for the Republican nomination, but he
+had bitter opposition in the ranks of his own party. That opposition
+came chiefly from friends and supporters of Senator Conkling at the
+North and from Southern Republicans generally. The opposition of the
+Conkling men to Mr. Blaine was largely personal; while southern
+Republicans were opposed to him on account of his having caused the
+defeat of the Federal Elections Bill. The great majority of southern
+Republicans supported Senator Oliver P. Morton of Indiana.
+
+After the National Convention had been organized, it looked for a while
+as if Mr. Blaine's nomination was a foregone conclusion. Hon. Edward
+McPherson, of Pennsylvania,--a strong Blaine man,--had been made
+President of the Convention. In placing Mr. Blaine's name in nomination,
+Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois made such an eloquent and effective
+speech that he came very near carrying the Convention by storm, and thus
+securing the nomination of the statesman from Maine. But the opposition
+to Mr. Blaine was too well organized to allow the Convention to be
+stampeded, even by the power and eloquence of an Ingersoll. It was this
+speech that gave Mr. Ingersoll his national fame and brought him to the
+front as a public speaker and lecturer. It was the most eloquent and
+impressive speech that was delivered during the sitting of the
+Convention. After a bitter struggle of many hours, and after a number of
+fruitless ballots, the Convention finally nominated Gov. R.B. Hayes, of
+Ohio, as a compromise candidate. This result was brought about through a
+union of the combined opposition to Mr. Blaine. Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler, of
+New York, was nominated for Vice-President and the work of the
+Convention was over.
+
+The Democrats nominated ex-Governor Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for
+President, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President.
+Their platform pledged many radical reforms in the administration of the
+government. This ticket was made with the hope that it would be
+successful in the doubtful and debatable States of New York, New Jersey,
+Indiana, and Connecticut, which, with the Solid South, would constitute
+a majority of the electoral college, even if all the other States should
+go Republican, which was not anticipated.
+
+That the prospect of Democratic success was exceedingly bright and the
+probability of a Republican victory extremely dark, was generally
+conceded. The South was counted upon to be solid in its support of the
+Democratic ticket, for the methods that had been successfully
+inaugurated in Mississippi the year before, to overcome a Republican
+majority of more than twenty thousand, were to be introduced and adopted
+in all the other States of that section in which conditions were
+practically the same as in Mississippi.
+
+To insure success, therefore, it was only necessary for the Democrats to
+concentrate their efforts upon the four doubtful States outside of the
+Solid South. Up to a certain point the plan worked well. Every
+indication seemed to point to its successful consummation. As had been
+anticipated, the Democrats were successful in the four doubtful Northern
+States, and they also carried, on the face of the returns, every
+Southern State, just as had been planned; the Mississippi methods
+having been adopted in such of them as had Republican majorities to
+overcome. Since through those methods the Democrats had succeeded in
+overcoming a large Republican majority in Mississippi, there was no
+reason why the same methods should not produce like results in South
+Carolina, in Louisiana, and in Florida. In fact, it was looked upon as a
+reflection upon the bravery and party loyalty of the Democracy of those
+States if they could not do what had been done under like conditions in
+Mississippi. Hence those States _had_ to be carried, "peaceably and
+fairly," of course, "but they must be carried just the same." Failure to
+carry them was out of the question, because too much was involved.
+According to the plans and calculations that had been carefully made, no
+Southern State could be lost. While it might be possible to win without
+all of them, still it was not believed to be safe to run any such risk,
+or take any such chance. If the Democrats should happen to carry a state
+that was not included in the combination, so much the better.
+
+Everything seemed to work admirably. That it was a plan by which
+elections could be easily carried, with or without votes, had been
+clearly demonstrated. On the face of the returns the majorities were
+brought forth just as had been ordered and directed. But it seems that
+such methods had been anticipated by the Republican governments in South
+Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida, and that suitable steps had been
+taken to prevent their successful consummation through the medium of
+State Returning Boards. When the Returning Boards had rejected and
+thrown out many of the majorities that had been returned from some of
+the counties and parishes, the result was changed, and the Republican
+candidates for Presidential electors were officially declared elected.
+This gave the Republican candidates for President and Vice-President a
+majority of one vote in the Electoral College. It has, of course, been
+alleged by many,--and it is believed by some,--that the actions of those
+Returning Boards defeated the will of the people as expressed at the
+polls, thus bringing about the seating in the Presidential chair of the
+man that had been fairly and honestly defeated. Yet, no one who is
+familiar with the facts, and who is honest enough to admit them, will
+deny that but for the inauguration in South Carolina, Florida, and
+Louisiana, of the Mississippi methods, those three States would have
+been as safely Republican at that time and in that election as were the
+States of Pennsylvania and Vermont. But the plans of the Democratic
+managers had been defeated. It was hard for them to lose a victory they
+felt and believed to have been won by them, notwithstanding the
+extraneous methods that had been employed to bring about such results.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+EFFECTS OF THE REFORM ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+
+Because the Democrats carried the election in Mississippi in 1875, they
+did not thereby secure control of the State Government. That election
+was for members of the Legislature, members of Congress and county
+officers. Only one State officer was elected,--a State Treasurer,--to
+fill the vacancy created by the death of Treasurer Holland. All the
+other State officers were Republicans. But the Democrats could not
+afford to wait until Governor Ames' term expired. They were determined
+to get immediate control of the State Government. There was only one way
+in which this could be done, and that was by impeachment.
+
+This course they decided to take. It could not be truthfully denied that
+Governor Ames was a clean, pure, and honest man. He had given the State
+an excellent administration. The State judiciary had been kept up to the
+high standard established by Governor Alcorn. Every dollar of the public
+money had been collected, and honestly accounted for. The State was in a
+prosperous condition. The rate of taxation had been greatly reduced,
+and there was every prospect of a still further reduction before the end
+of his administration. But these facts made no difference to those who
+were flushed with the victory they had so easily won. They wanted the
+offices, and were determined to have them, and that, too, without very
+much delay. Hence, impeachment proceedings were immediately instituted
+against the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor,--not in the interest of
+reform, of good government or of low taxes, but simply in order to get
+possession of the State Government.
+
+The weakness of the case against the Governor was shown when it
+developed that the strongest charge against him was that he had entered
+into an alleged corrupt bargain with State Senator Cassidy, resulting in
+Cassidy's appointment as one of the Judges of the Chancery Court.
+Cassidy had been elected a member of the State Senate as a Democrat.
+Notwithstanding that fact he voted for Mr. Bruce, the Republican caucus
+nominee for United States Senator, and subsequently publicly identified
+himself with the Republican party. Later his brother, William P.
+Cassidy, and his law partner, Hon. J.F. Sessions, did likewise. In 1874
+Sessions was elected to the State Senate as a Republican to serve out
+the unexpired term of his law partner, Cassidy, who had resigned his
+seat in the Senate upon his appointment as a Judge of the Chancery
+Court.
+
+Cassidy was a brilliant young man, and an able lawyer. That the
+Governor should have selected him for an important judicial position was
+both wise and proper. It was one of his best and most creditable
+appointments and was generally commended as such when it was made. The
+fact that he had been elected to the State Senate as a Democrat, and
+shortly thereafter joined the Republican party was made the basis of the
+charge that his change of party affiliation was the result of a corrupt
+bargain between the Governor and himself, for which the Governor, but
+not the Judge, should be impeached and removed from office. There were a
+few other vague and unimportant charges, but this one, as weak as it
+was, was the strongest of the number.
+
+When the articles of impeachment were presented to the House, it was
+seen that they were so weak and so groundless that the Governor believed
+it would be an easy matter for him to discredit them even before an
+antagonistic legislature. With that end in view, he employed several of
+the ablest lawyers in the country to represent him. They came to Jackson
+and commenced the preparation of the case, but it did not take them long
+to find out that their case was a hopeless one. They soon found out to
+their entire satisfaction that it was not to be a judicial trial, but a
+political one and that the jury was already prepared for conviction
+without regard to the law, the Constitution, the evidence, or the
+facts. Governor Ames was to be convicted, not because he was guilty of
+any offense, but because he was in the way of complete Democratic
+control of the State Government.
+
+Personally they had nothing against Ames. It was not the man but the
+office they wanted, and that they were determined to have. They knew he
+had committed no offense, but, as matters then stood, being a Republican
+was an offense which justified removal from office. To punish him
+otherwise, for anything he had done or failed to do, did not at any time
+enter into their calculations. The Governorship was the prize at stake.
+In this matter there was no concealment of their purposes and
+intentions. As soon as the Governor's legal advisers found out what the
+actual situation was, they saw it was useless to continue the fight.
+Upon their advice, therefore, the Governor tendered his resignation,
+which was promptly accepted. He then left the State never to return
+again. If the impeachment proceedings had been instituted in good
+faith,--upon an honest belief that the chief executive had committed
+offenses which merited punishment,--the resignation would not have been
+accepted. The fact that it was accepted,--and that, too, without
+hesitation or question,--was equivalent to a confession that the purpose
+of the proceedings was to get possession of the office. Short work was
+made of the Lieutenant-Governor's case; and State Senator John M.
+Stone, the Democratic President pro tem. of the State Senate, was duly
+sworn in and installed as the acting Governor of the State. Thus
+terminated a long series of questionable acts, the inauguration of which
+had no other purpose than to secure the ascendency of one political
+party over another in the administration of the government of the State.
+
+The sanguinary revolution in the State of Mississippi in 1875 was
+claimed to be in the interest of good administration and honest
+government; it was an attempt to wrest the State from the control of
+dishonest men,--negroes, carpet baggers, and scalawags,--and place it in
+control of intelligent, pure, and honest white men. With that end in
+view, Geo. M. Buchanan, a brave and gallant ex-Confederate soldier, was,
+through questionable and indefensible methods, defeated for the office
+of State Treasurer, and Wm. L. Hemmingway was declared elected. Yet when
+the change took place it was found that every dollar of the public money
+was accounted for. During the whole period of Republican administration
+not a dollar had been misappropriated, nor had there been a single
+defalcation, although millions of dollars had passed through the hands
+of the fiscal agents of the State and of the different counties.
+
+How was it with the new reform administration? Treasurer Hemmingway had
+been in office only a comparatively short while when the startling
+information was given out that he was a defaulter to the amount of
+$315,612.19. William L. Hemmingway a defaulter! Could such a thing be
+possible? Yes, it was an admitted and undisputed fact.
+
+Mr. Hemmingway had been quite prominent in the politics of the State;
+but those who knew the man, and I was one of those, had every reason to
+believe that he was an honest man, and that he was the personification
+of integrity. He was neither a speculator nor a gambler. Even after the
+defalcation was made known there was nothing to indicate that any part
+of the money had been appropriated to his own use. Yet the money had
+mysteriously disappeared. Where was it? Who had it? These were questions
+the people of the State desired to have answered, but they have never
+yet been answered and, it is safe to say, they never will be. Hemmingway
+no doubt could and can answer those questions, but he has not done so
+and the probabilities are that he never will. He evidently believed that
+to turn State's evidence would render him more culpable than to be
+guilty of the act which he had allowed to be committed. He might have
+been forced to make a confession, or at least been compelled to give the
+prosecution a clue to the real criminal or criminals if the prosecution
+had been in charge of persons who could not be suspected of being the
+political beneficiaries of the methods by which it was possible for him
+to be placed in charge of the office. It was hardly reasonable to expect
+such men to make very much of an effort to secure a confession. In fact,
+it seems to have been a relief to them to have the accused take the
+position that he alone was the responsible party and that he was willing
+to bear all the blame and assume all the consequences that would result
+from the act. The names, therefore, of those who were the beneficiaries
+of this remarkable defalcation will, no doubt, remain a secret in the
+bosom of William L. Hemmingway, and will be buried with him in his
+grave.
+
+Hemmingway was tried, convicted, sentenced and served a term in the
+State Prison; all of which he calmly endured rather than give the name
+of any person having connection with that unfortunate affair. All the
+satisfaction that the public can get with reference to it,--other than
+the punishment to which Hemmingway was subjected,--is to indulge in
+conjectures about it. One conjecture, and the most reasonable and
+plausible one, is that if Hemmingway had made a full confession it might
+have involved not only some men who were prominent and influential, but
+perhaps the Democratic State organization as well. For it was a
+well-known fact that in 1875 nearly every Democratic club in the State
+was converted into an armed military company. To fully organize, equip,
+and arm such a large body of men required an outlay of a large sum of
+money. The money was evidently furnished by some persons or through some
+organization. Those who raised the money, or who caused it to be raised,
+no doubt had an eye to the main chance. A patriotic desire to have the
+State redeemed (?) was not with them the actuating motive. When the
+redemption (?) of the State was an accomplished fact they, no doubt,
+felt that they were entitled to share in the fruits of that redemption.
+Their idea evidently was that the State should be made to pay for its
+own salvation and redemption, but the only way in which this could be
+done was to have the people's money in the State treasury appropriated
+for that purpose otherwise than by legislative enactment. This, as I
+have already stated, is only a conjecture, but, under the circumstances,
+it is the most reasonable and plausible one that can be imagined.
+
+The case of Treasurer Hemmingway is conclusive evidence that in point of
+efficiency, honesty and official integrity the Democratic party had no
+advantage over the party that was placed in power chiefly through the
+votes of colored men. What was true of Mississippi in this respect was
+also true,--in a measure, at least,--of the other reconstructed States.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION
+
+
+Although the action of the returning boards in South Carolina,
+Louisiana, and Florida, gave Mr. Hayes a majority of one vote in the
+Electoral College, the Democrats, who were largely in the majority in
+the National House of Representatives, were evidently not willing to
+acquiesce in the declared result,--claiming that Mr. Tilden had been
+fairly elected and that he ought to be inaugurated.
+
+Hon. Henry Watterson, of Kentucky,--who was at that time a member of the
+House,--delivered a fiery speech in which he declared that a hundred
+thousand armed men would march to Washington to see that Mr. Tilden was
+inaugurated. The situation for a while looked very grave. It seemed as
+if there would be a dual government, Hayes and Tilden each claiming to
+be the legally elected President. To prevent this was the problem then
+before Congress and the American people. Conferences, composed of
+influential men of both parties, were being frequently held in different
+parts of the city.
+
+The creation of an electoral commission to pass upon and decide the
+disputed points involved was finally suggested, and was accepted by a
+majority of both parties. The name of the originator of this suggestion
+has never been made public; but it is believed by many that Senator
+Edmunds, of Vermont, was the man, since he was the principal champion of
+the measure in the Senate. Subsequent events appeared to indicate that
+Hon. Wm. M. Evarts of New York, was also an influential party to the
+scheme, if not the originator of it. At any rate, no one seemed to have
+been sufficiently proud of it to lay claim to its paternity. It was
+merely a temporary scheme, intended to tide over an unpleasant, and
+perhaps dangerous, condition which existing remedies did not fully meet.
+It was equivalent to disposing of the Presidency by a game of
+chance,--for the composition of the proposed commission was,
+politically, purely a matter of chance.
+
+As finally agreed upon, the measure provided for a commission to be
+composed of fifteen members,--five from the House, five from the Senate,
+and five Justices of the Supreme Court. As the Democrats had a majority
+in the House, it was agreed that they should have three, and the
+Republicans two of the five members of that body. Since the Republicans
+had a majority in the Senate it was agreed that they should have three,
+and the Democrats two of the five members of that body. Of the five
+justices of the Supreme Court, two were to be Republicans and two,
+Democrats; the fifth Justice to be an independent,--or one who was as
+near an independent as could be found on the bench of that Court.
+
+When the bill creating this commission came before the House I spoke
+against it, and voted against it, for two reasons. In the first place, I
+believed it was a dangerous precedent to subject the Presidency of the
+United States to such a game of chance as was contemplated by the bill
+then under consideration. Either Hayes or Tilden had been elected, and
+the result ought to be ascertained according to legal forms. In the
+second place, I had a suspicion that it was the outgrowth of an
+understanding or agreement which would result in the abandonment of
+Southern Republicans by the National Administration.
+
+Mr. Lamar, for instance, did not hesitate to declare that it was more
+important that the South should have local self-government than that the
+President should be a Democrat. In other words, what Southern Democrats
+wanted was to be let alone,--was to have the National Administration
+keep its hands off, and allow them to manage their own affairs in their
+own way, even if that way should result in a virtual nullification, in
+part at least, of the War Amendments to the Federal Constitution.
+
+I had a suspicion that this concession had been granted upon condition
+that the southern Democratic leaders in Congress would consent to the
+creation of the proposed commission, and to the ratification of its
+decision, whatever that decision might be. To such a bargain I did not
+care to be even an innocent party. My suspicions were strengthened by
+the fact that the principal opposition among Democrats to the creation
+of the commission and to the ratification of its decision came from
+northern Democrats. Southern Democrats, with a few notable exceptions,
+not only favored the creation of the commission and the ratification of
+its decision, but even the fiery Watterson was induced to hold his peace
+and to give expression to his righteous indignation through the medium
+of a silent vote. That my suspicions were well founded subsequents
+events more than demonstrated. I took the position that Mr. Hayes had
+been legally elected, at least according to the forms of law and in the
+manner prescribed by the Constitution,--and that he should, therefore,
+be duly inaugurated even if it should be necessary for President Grant,
+as Commander-in-chief of the Army, to use the military force of the
+Government for that purpose. I contended that, having been thus legally
+elected, Hayes should not be subjected to the chance of losing his title
+to the office and that the incoming President should not be bound by
+any ante-inauguration pledges, which, in the opinion of some, would have
+a tendency to cast a cloud upon his title to the office. But the bill
+was passed and the commission was duly appointed.
+
+At this point the game of chance turned in favor of the Republicans. It
+was generally understood that Justice David Davis, of Illinois, would be
+the fifth Justice to be placed on the commission. He was said to be an
+Independent,--the only member of the Supreme Court that could be thus
+classed politically. But, in point of fact, he was more of a Democrat
+than an Independent. Had he been made a member of the commission it is
+more than probable that Mr. Tilden, and not Mr. Hayes, would have been
+made President. The Legislature of Illinois was at that time engaged in
+an effort to elect a United States Senator. The Legislature was composed
+of about an equal number of Republicans and Democrats,--three
+Independents holding the balance of power. The Independents at length
+presented the name of Justice David Davis as their choice for Senator.
+In order to make sure of the defeat of a Republican, the Democrats
+joined the Independents in the support of Justice Davis, which resulted
+in his election. This took place only a few days before the time
+appointed for the selection of the commissioners.
+
+As soon as it was announced that Justice Davis had been elected to the
+Senate the Republican leaders in Congress insisted that he was no
+longer eligible to a seat on the Electoral Commission. This was at first
+strongly combated by the Democrats, who contended that the Justice was
+only a Senator-elect, and that he did not cease to be a member of the
+Court until he tendered his resignation as such; this he was neither
+required nor expected to do until shortly before the beginning of his
+term as a Senator. But the Republicans pressed their objections so
+strongly that the Democrats were induced to yield the point, and Justice
+Bradley was selected as the fifth Justice. Next to Davis, Bradley came
+as near being an Independent as any member of the Court. Although he had
+been appointed as a Republican by President Grant,--as had Justice Davis
+by President Lincoln,--yet he had rendered several decisions which gave
+the Democrats hope that he might give the deciding vote in their favor
+and thus make Mr. Tilden President. In this they were disappointed; for
+it turned out that the substitution of Bradley for Davis made Hayes
+President of the United States. It would, perhaps, be unfair to say that
+the decisions of the commission were rendered regardless of the
+evidence, the law, and the arguments, yet it so happened that every
+important point was decided by a strict party vote,--eight to seven.
+
+In this connection it will not be out of place to refer to a scene that
+was created on the Democratic side of the House by Hon. Ben. Hill, of
+Georgia. Mr. Hill entered the House one afternoon, having just returned
+from the Supreme Court Chamber, where the commission was in session. He
+remarked to one of his colleagues in a low tone that he had just
+returned from where the sessions of the commission were being held, and
+that while there the important and valuable information had been
+imparted to him that on a most vital point the Democrats could with
+absolute certainty depend upon the vote of Mr. Justice Bradley.
+
+"Can that be possible?" exclaimed his excited and highly elated
+colleague.
+
+"Yes," replied Mr. Hill, "there can be no doubt about it. I know whereof
+I speak. It came to me through a source that cannot be questioned."
+
+"Then wait until I can call several of our friends," replied his
+colleague, "I want them to hear the good news at the same time it is
+heard by me, so that we can rejoice together."
+
+Mr. Hill was soon surrounded by an eager, excited, and interested group
+of anxious Democratic members. "We are now ready," said his delighted
+colleague, whose face was covered with a smile of satisfaction, "to hear
+the good news."
+
+"Well," replied Mr. Hill, whose manner was grave and whose countenance
+gave every evidence of deep emotion, "whenever a motion to adjourn is
+made by a Democratic member of the commission we can safely depend upon
+the vote of Mr. Justice Bradley being cast in the affirmative."
+
+The heads of the anxious group immediately fell in deep disappointment
+and despair. But, of course, they did not fail to see the irony of Mr.
+Hill's remark. It did transpire that whenever a motion to adjourn was
+made by a Democratic member of the commission it was usually carried by
+a vote of eight to seven,--Mr. Justice Bradley voting in the affirmative
+with the Democrats. On no other question, however, could they depend on
+his vote.
+
+The decision of the Electoral Commission was finally rendered in favor
+of Mr. Hayes by a strict party vote,--eight to seven. Strong and bitter
+opposition to the approval of the decision was made in the House by
+quite a number of northern Democrats, but the majority of southern
+Democrats, aided by such northern Democrats as represented districts
+having large commercial interests,--interests that are at all times
+willing to pay any price for peace,--accepted the decision, and Mr.
+Hayes was allowed to be peacefully inaugurated.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+ATTITUDE OF THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION TOWARD THE SOUTH
+
+
+The new administration had been in power only a short while before it
+became apparent to southern Republicans that they had very little to
+expect from this administration. It was generally understood that a
+southern man would be made Postmaster General in the new cabinet, but it
+was assumed, of course, by those, at least, who were not fully informed
+about the secret deals and bargains that had been entered into as a
+condition precedent to a peaceable inauguration of the new
+administration,--that he would be a Republican.
+
+Senator Alcorn, of my own State, Mississippi, who had just retired from
+the Senate, had an ambition to occupy that position. I was one to whom
+that fact was made known. I did not hesitate to use what little
+influence I had to have that ambition gratified. I was so earnest and
+persistent in pressing his claims and merits upon those who were known
+to be close to the appointing power, that I succeeded in finding out
+definitely and authoritatively the name of the man that had been agreed
+upon and would, no doubt, be appointed to that position. Ex-Senator
+Key, a Democrat from Tennessee, was the man. When I informed Senator
+Alcorn of that fact the manifestation of surprise, disappointment, and
+disgust with which he received it can better be imagined than described.
+This was not due so much to the fact that some other one than himself
+had been selected, but to the fact that the fortunate man was a Southern
+Democrat. For the first time the Senator became convinced that southern
+Republicans had been made the subjects of barter and trade in the
+shuffle for the Presidency, and that the sacrifice of southern
+Republicans was the price that had to be paid for the peaceable
+inauguration of Mr. Hayes. This, in Senator Alcorn's opinion, meant that
+the Republican party in the reconstructed States of the South was a
+thing of the past. There was no hope for it in the future.
+
+"It would have been far better," said the Senator, "not only for the
+Republican party at the South but for the country at large, to have
+allowed the Democrats to inaugurate Tilden, and to have taken charge of
+the Government, than to have purchased Republican victory at such a
+fearful cost. What inducement can a southern white man now have for
+becoming a Republican? Under the present state of things he will be
+hated at home, and despised abroad. He will be rejected by his old
+friends and associates, and discountenanced by his new ones. He will
+incur the odium, and merit the displeasure and censure of his former
+friends, associates, and companions with no compensating advantages for
+the sacrifices thus made."
+
+The Senator spoke with deep feeling. He could see that his efforts to
+build up a strong Republican party at the South must necessarily fail
+under such conditions, and that it was useless to make any further
+effort in that direction. Under his influence and leadership very many
+of the best and most influential white men in his state had identified
+themselves with the Republican party. His efforts in that direction
+would have been continued, in spite of the temporary defeat of the party
+at the polls, however severe that defeat might have been, if those
+efforts had been appreciated and appropriately recognized by the
+national leaders of the organization. But when he saw that not only was
+this not to be done, but that one of those who was known to be fully
+identified with the political persecutors of southern Republicans was to
+be recognized,--thus placing the stamp of approval upon their work by an
+administration that was supposed to be Republican and therefore opposed
+to such methods,--it was time for southern white men, who had been
+acting with the Republican party and for those who may have such action
+in contemplation, to stop and seriously consider the situation. It was
+now in order for each one of them to ask himself the question: "Can I
+afford to do this?"
+
+The appointment of a southern Democrat to a seat in the Cabinet of a
+Republican President, especially at that particular time, was a crushing
+blow to southern Republicans. It was the straw that broke the camel's
+back. Senator Alcorn was a man suitable in every way for the office of
+Postmaster-General. He had a commanding presence, he was an eloquent
+speaker, and an able debater,--by nature a leader and not a follower. He
+had taken an active part in the politics of his state before and after
+the War. After he identified himself with the Republican party he was
+ambitious to be chiefly instrumental in building up a strong party in
+his State and throughout the South which would not only recognize merit
+in the colored people and accord absolute justice and fair play to them,
+but which would include in its membership a large percentage, if not a
+majority, of the best and most substantial white men of that section.
+
+That he had made splendid progress along those lines cannot be denied.
+The announced southern policy of the Hayes administration not only
+completed the destruction of what had been thus accomplished, but it
+made any further progress in that direction absolutely impossible. The
+selection of ex-Senator Key was, however, not the only Cabinet
+appointment which clearly indicated the southern policy of the
+administration. There were two others,--those of William M. Evarts and
+Carl Schurz. Those men had been prominent in their bitter opposition to
+the southern policy of President Grant. Mr. Schurz had been one of the
+leaders in the Greeley movement against President Grant and the
+Republican party in 1872, while Mr. Evarts was later the principal
+speaker at a public indignation meeting that was held at New York to
+denounce the southern policy of the Grant administration. In fact, John
+Sherman was the only one of the Cabinet ministers that had a positive
+national standing, and even his brilliant star was somewhat marred on
+account of the impression that, as one of the Hayes managers, he had
+been a party to the deals and agreements that had been made and entered
+into as a condition precedent to the peaceable induction of Mr. Hayes
+into office. It was known, or at any rate believed, that Mr. Sherman's
+appointment as Secretary of the Treasury was for the one specific
+purpose of bringing about the resumption of specie payments. He was the
+author of the act which fixed the date when specie payments should be
+resumed. He had the reputation of being one of the ablest financiers the
+country had produced. That he should be named to carry into effect the
+act of which he was the author was to be expected. For the reasons above
+stated, it was the one Cabinet appointment that met with general
+approval.
+
+It was soon seen, however, that the Cabinet was so constructed as to
+make it harmonize with the southern policy of the administration. It was
+not long before the announcement was officially made in prolix
+sentences, of which Secretary Evarts was no doubt the author, that the
+army could not and would not be used to uphold and sustain any State
+Government in an effort to maintain its supremacy and enforce obedience
+to its mandates. In other words, it was a public announcement of the
+fact that if there should be an armed revolt in a State against the
+lawful State Government which would be strong enough to seize and take
+possession of that government, the National Government would refuse to
+interfere, even though a request for assistance should be made by the
+Chief Executive of the State in the manner and form prescribed by the
+Constitution. I have never believed that this policy,--which was meant,
+of course, for the South,--was in harmony with Mr. Hayes' personal
+convictions; especially in view of his public utterances during the
+progress of the campaign and immediately after the announcement had been
+made that he had been defeated. But he no doubt asked himself the
+question: "What can I do?" This is what he had been bound to do, by his
+managers through the medium of an ante-inauguration pledge, which he
+felt in honor bound to respect. Mr. Hayes was not a man of sufficient
+force of character to disregard and repudiate such a pledge or bargain.
+Had he been a Napoleon, or even an Andrew Jackson, he would have
+declared that no man or set of men had any authority to make for him any
+ante-inauguration pledge, promise, or bargain by which he would be bound
+as chief magistrate of the country. To the contrary, he would have
+openly and publicly declared:
+
+"I am President, or I am not. That I am the legally elected President is
+a recognized and undisputed fact, and, as such, I shall neither
+recognize nor respect any pledge, promise or bargain which involves
+dishonor on my part or acquiescence in the suspension, violation or
+evasion of the Constitution or of any law made in pursuance thereof. As
+President of the United States I have taken and subscribed to an oath by
+which I am bound to uphold the Constitution of my country, and to see
+that the laws are duly executed and enforced. That oath I am determined
+to respect and honor. I shall not only do all in my power to see that
+the Constitution and the laws of the land are obeyed and enforced,--both
+in letter and in spirit,--but it is also my determination to see that
+every American citizen is protected in the exercise and enjoyment of his
+rights, as far as it may be in the power of the President to protect
+him." Such a declaration, accompanied by an honest effort to carry the
+same into effect, even if he had been unsuccessful, would have carried
+the name of R.B. Hayes down in history as one of the greatest and most
+brilliant statesmen our country had ever produced. But, he was not equal
+to the occasion, and therefore failed to take advantage of such a golden
+opportunity. On the contrary, he decided to live up to and carry out to
+the very letter, every pledge, promise, agreement or bargain that had
+been made in his behalf, which involved the dishonor of his own name and
+the disgrace of his country. Packard, for Governor of Louisiana, and
+Chamberlain, for Governor of South Carolina, were voted for at the same
+time that the Hayes electors were voted for in their respective States.
+Each of these candidates polled a much larger vote than that of the
+Hayes electors. If, therefore, Mr. Hayes was legally or mortally
+entitled to the electoral votes of those States, without which he could
+not have been elected, those men were entitled to be recognized and
+supported as Governor of their respective States. But it was a
+well-known fact that without the support and backing of the National
+Administration at that particular time, they could not maintain and
+enforce their authority against the organization of the Democratic
+party. The public announcement of the southern policy of the National
+Administration put an effectual end to any further effort on the part
+of either Packard or Chamberlain. The Administration not only deserted
+and abandoned those two men and the party for which they had so bravely
+and so gallantly stood, but it allowed the very men whose votes made Mr.
+Hayes President to be harassed and persecuted for what they had done in
+that direction. After Packard surrendered to the inevitable he was
+tendered a position in the foreign service, which he accepted. When
+Chamberlain was forced to abandon the hopeless struggle in South
+Carolina, he moved to New York and engaged in the practice of law.
+Politically he affiliated with the Democratic party until his death.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+QUESTION OF THE VALIDITY OF SENATOR LAMAR'S ELECTION
+
+
+Mr. Blaine had been elected to the United States Senate from Maine, his
+term beginning March 4th, 1877. The term for which Mr. Lamar, of
+Mississippi, had been elected, commenced at the same time. It was not
+possible to have a Congressional investigation of the Mississippi
+election of 1875 unless the same should be ordered by the Senate,--the
+Republicans having a small majority in that body. Each House being the
+sole judge of the elections and qualifications of its own members, the
+Senate could, of course, have Mr. Lamar's credentials referred to the
+Committee of Privileges and Elections, with instructions to make an
+investigation of the methods used to carry the election. This committee
+would ascertain and report whether or not there had been a legal and
+valid election in that State, and, pending the investigation and report
+by the committee and the disposition of the same by the Senate, the seat
+to which Mr. Lamar had been elected would remain vacant. As the result
+of a number of conferences between Republican Senators and
+representative Mississippi Republicans, this course was decided upon as
+the one to be pursued. But, in order to do this, the Senate must have
+something upon which to base its contemplated action. It could not be
+expected to take official notice of rumors or newspaper reports of what
+had taken place. It was therefore decided that a memorial should be
+drawn up and signed by a number of reputable and well-known citizens of
+the State, making specific allegations with reference to that election,
+and concluding with a request that a thorough investigation be made
+before the Senator, chosen by the Legislature that had been brought into
+existence by that election, could be admitted to the Senate.
+
+In support of this contemplated action there had been a number of
+precedents,--the recent case of Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana, being one
+of them. It fell to my lot to draw up the memorial. It was to be
+presented to the Senate and championed in that body by Senator Morton,
+of Indiana. The Republican majority in the Senate was small. The
+Democrats, of course, would bitterly oppose the Morton motion. To make
+sure of its adoption the affirmative vote of nearly every Republican
+Senator was necessary. At any rate there could be no serious defection
+in the Republican ranks, otherwise the Morton proposition could not
+prevail. That anyone on the Republican side would oppose it was not
+anticipated, for every one that had been approached expressed his
+intention of supporting it. No one of the newly elected Senators had
+been approached. It was not deemed necessary. It was not anticipated
+that any one of them would do otherwise than support the program that
+had been agreed upon by the older members of the Senate. Senator Morton
+was to submit the memorial and make the motion when the name of Mr.
+Lamar was called to take the oath of office.
+
+The names of the States were called in alphabetical order, about three
+being called at a time. Maine was reached before Mississippi, and Mr.
+Blaine was duly sworn in as a Senator from that State. No one expected
+that he would do otherwise than support the program that had been agreed
+upon, but, contrary to expectations, as soon as Mississippi was called
+Mr. Blaine was on his feet, demanding recognition. Of course he was
+recognized by the chair. He made a motion that Mr. Lamar be sworn in
+_prima facie_ as the Senator from Mississippi. His contention was that,
+since his credentials were regular, the Senator-elect should be sworn
+in; and if there should be any question about the legality of the
+election it could be made the subject of a subsequent investigation.
+
+This unexpected action on the part of Mr. Blaine took everyone by
+surprise, with the possible exception of Mr. Lamar, who, no doubt, was
+well aware of what was in contemplation. It produced consternation and
+caused a panic among the Republican leaders in the Senate. Hurried and
+excited conferences were being held while the subject was being debated.
+For the seriousness of the situation was recognized. Mr. Blaine's
+defection meant the defeat of the Morton motion should it be made, and
+the adoption of the Blaine motion by the solid vote of the Democrats, to
+which would be added a small minority of the Republicans. This division
+in the ranks of the party at the beginning of the Hayes administration
+had to be avoided if possible. That Mr. Blaine should recede from his
+position was, of course, out of the question. Nothing, therefore,
+remained to be done but for Senator Morton to refrain from making his
+motion; for a hurried canvass of the Senate had revealed the fact that
+the motion, if made and brought to a vote, would be defeated, and the
+effect of such a defeat would be worse than if the motion had not been
+made. So the Blaine motion was allowed to go by default, and Mr. Lamar
+was duly sworn in as a Senator from Mississippi. Of course it was well
+known at the time by many,--Mr. Blaine among the number,--that this
+ended the controversy and that no subsequent investigation would be
+made. That Mr. Blaine was sadly and seriously disappointed at the
+result of his action in this case, as well as in his action in defeating
+the Federal Elections Bill, will be made clear in subsequent chapters.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880. NOMINATION OF THE COMPROMISE
+CANDIDATE, GARFIELD
+
+
+Since the indications were that the Democrats would be successful in the
+Congressional elections of 1878, the election in the "shoe-string
+district" that year was allowed to go by default.
+
+In 1880, the year of the Presidential election, I decided that I would
+again measure arms with Chalmers for Representative in Congress from
+that district. It was practically a well-settled fact that there was to
+be a bitter fight for the Republican Presidential nomination that year.
+There were three prominent candidates in the field for the
+nomination,--James G. Blaine, U.S. Grant, and John Sherman. Grant was
+especially strong with southern Republicans, while Blaine had very
+little support in that section. Sherman was well thought of on account
+of the splendid record he had made as a member of the United States
+Senate, and, in addition to that, he had the influence and the support
+of the National Administration, of which he was a member,--being at that
+time Secretary of the Treasury.
+
+In the State of Mississippi Bruce, Hill and I,--the three leading
+colored men,--had formed an offensive and defensive alliance. Bruce was
+United States Senator, which position he had secured largely through the
+influence and active support of myself and Hill,--of Hill especially,
+since he was on the ground at the time of the election, which enabled
+him to take personal charge of the campaign before the Legislature in
+the interest of Mr. Bruce.
+
+Hill had been elected Secretary of State on the ticket with Ames in 1873
+and, after the expiration of his term, was, through the influence and
+support of Bruce and myself, made Collector of Internal Revenue for the
+State of Mississippi. The office of Secretary of State, to which he was
+elected in 1873, was one that the Democrats did not take possession of
+in 1876. Unlike the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, the removal of the
+incumbent was not necessary to put that party in possession of the State
+Government.
+
+I, Lynch, was at that time a member of the National House of
+Representatives, which position I was able to retain for a long time
+with the active assistance and support of Bruce and Hill,--especially of
+Bruce.
+
+That we three should work in perfect political harmony was both natural
+and proper, since, in doing so, we protected our own interests and
+secured for ourselves, and for our friends and supporters, appropriate
+official recognition. At nearly every State convention either Bruce or I
+was made chairman of the convention, with Hill as floor manager.
+
+The State committee was organized and controlled in the same way.
+Through that thorough and effective organization I was Chairman of the
+Republican State Committee from 1881 to 1892, and I could have retained
+it longer had I consented to serve; notwithstanding the dissolution of
+the combination, which took place about that time, as will be shown and
+explained later.
+
+There was a faction in the party that was opposed to the leadership of
+these three influential colored men, but it was never strong enough to
+organize or control a State Convention as long as we three worked in
+union. While this union had the effect of keeping us at the front as
+recognized leaders of the party it could not be said it was detrimental
+to the party organization, for the reason that under that leadership the
+organization never failed to support the men that the party believed to
+be the strongest. In other words, while we used the party machinery to
+prevent our own political extinction we never allowed our own ambitions
+to conflict with what was believed by other influential members of the
+party to be for the best interest of the organization.
+
+It looked for a while as if the State Convention of 1880 would result
+in a dissolution of this combination which had so successfully
+controlled the party organization in the State so many years. Bruce and
+Hill were supporters of Secretary Sherman for the Republican
+Presidential nomination, while I was favorable to the candidacy of
+ex-President Grant. That Grant was the choice of a large majority of the
+Republicans of the State could not be truthfully denied. Mr. Bruce was
+the Republican United States Senator in harmony with the administration.
+Mr. Hill was an office-holder under that administration, and Secretary
+Sherman was believed to be the administration candidate for the
+nomination.
+
+As soon as the fact was developed that Bruce and Hill were for Sherman
+and that I was for Grant, the faction which had always opposed and
+fought the leadership of the Bruce-Lynch-Hill combination took up the
+fight for Grant, with the determination to take advantage of Grant's
+strength and popularity in order to secure control of the party
+machinery. It was this that prevented at that time a dissolution of the
+Bruce-Hill-Lynch combination. The situation with which we were
+confronted made it necessary for the three to come together and, in a
+spirit of concession, agree upon a common line of action. Upon the
+suggestion of Mr. Bruce a conference soon took place at which I agreed
+that, since it was my purpose to be a candidate for the Congressional
+nomination in the Sixth or "shoe-string district," I would not be a
+candidate for delegate to the National Convention, but that I would
+support Bruce and Hill as delegates from the State at large, with the
+understanding that, if at any time Sherman's name should be withdrawn
+and Grant's nomination were possible, they should support Grant. It was
+further agreed that I should support the Bruce-Lynch-Hill combination in
+the fight for the organization of the State Convention, but that I
+should be at liberty to use my influence for the election of Grant men
+as delegates other than Bruce and Hill.
+
+At the conclusion of this conference I made public announcement of the
+fact that, since it was my purpose to become a candidate for Congress in
+the Sixth or "shoe-string district," I would not be a candidate for
+delegate to the National Convention but would give my support to Bruce
+and Hill, for two of the four places on the delegation from the State at
+large, with the understanding that the delegation, if controlled by
+them, would not be hostile to Grant. I had reasons to know that Mr.
+Bruce, in consequence of his cordial relations with Senator
+Conkling,--the national leader of the Grant forces,--was not unfriendly
+to Grant, and that he would use his influence to prevent the delegation
+from going into any combination for the sole purpose of defeating the
+nomination of Grant. In other words, Grant was Brace's second choice for
+the nomination.
+
+The fight for the delegation was waged with a good deal of heat and
+bitterness. The canvass had not progressed very far before it was
+developed that Grant was much stronger than the faction by which he was
+being supported. The fight was so bitter, and the delegates to the State
+Convention were so evenly divided, that the result was the election of a
+compromise delegation which was about evenly divided between Grant and
+Sherman. Bruce and Hill were among those that were elected.
+
+The National Convention, which was held in Chicago in June of that year,
+was one of the most exciting and interesting in the history of the
+party. It was that convention that abolished what was known as "the unit
+rule." Up to that time the right of a State Convention to elect all the
+delegates to which the State was entitled,--district as well as
+State,--and to instruct them as a body had never before been questioned.
+New York, as well as other States, had instructed the delegates to cast
+the entire vote of the State for Grant. This was the unit rule. It is a
+rule which even now is enforced in National Conventions of the
+Democratic party. It was through the enforcement of this rule that Mr.
+Cleveland was renominated, when he was so bitterly opposed by a portion
+of the delegation from his own State,--especially the Tammany
+delegates,--that General Bragg was moved to make the celebrated
+declaration that he "loved Mr. Cleveland on account of the enemies he
+had made." Notwithstanding the fact that those delegates were strongly
+opposed to Mr. Cleveland, and though they protested against having their
+votes recorded for him, they were so recorded through the application
+and enforcement of the unit rule. It was the enforcement of this rule
+upon which Mr. Conkling insisted in the National Republican Convention
+of 1880. About twenty of the New York district delegates, under the
+leadership of Judge W.H. Robertson, refused to be governed by the
+instructions of the State Convention. Their contention was that the
+State Convention had no right to bind by instructions any delegates
+except the four from the State at large. After a lengthy and heated
+debate the convention finally sustained this contention, and since that
+time the unit rule has not been recognized in a National Republican
+Convention.
+
+This action, no doubt, resulted in the defeat of General Grant for the
+nomination; for it was a well-known fact that his nomination was
+possible only through the enforcement of the unit rule. His friends and
+supporters, however, under the leadership of Senator Conkling, made a
+strong and desperate fight with the hope that the tide might ultimately
+turn in their favor, but with the intention, in any event, of
+preventing if possible the nomination of Mr. Blaine. General Grant's
+name was placed before the Convention by Senator Conkling in one of his
+most eloquent and masterly efforts.
+
+"The man whose name I shall place in nomination," he said, "does not
+hail from any particular State; he hails from the United States. It is
+not necessary to nominate a man that can carry Michigan. Any Republican
+can carry Michigan. You should nominate a man that can carry New York.
+That man is U.S. Grant."
+
+Mr. Blaine's name was placed in nomination by a delegate from Michigan
+by the name of Joy. His effort did not come up to public expectation.
+The eloquent speech of Senator Frye, of Maine, who seconded the
+nomination, made up in part for the public disappointment in Mr. Joy's
+effort. The name of Secretary John Sherman was placed before the
+Convention in one of General Garfield's most powerful and convincing
+efforts. It is safe to say that the speech delivered by General Garfield
+on that occasion made him the nominee of that convention. After drawing
+an eloquent and vivid picture of the kind of man that should be made
+President,--with the intention of naming John Sherman as the man thus
+described,--he asked in a tone of voice that was pitched in a high key:
+
+"Who is that man?"
+
+The response came from different parts of the hall, "Garfield."
+
+And sure enough it was Garfield. After a number of fruitless ballots it
+became apparent that neither of the three leading candidates could
+possibly be nominated. Very few, if any, of the Grant men would at any
+time go to either Blaine or Sherman. Very few, if any, of the Sherman
+men would go to Blaine, while Blaine men could not in any considerable
+numbers, be induced to go either to Grant or Sherman. While a number of
+Sherman men would have supported Grant in preference to Blaine, there
+were not enough of them, even with the Grant men, to constitute a
+majority. When Garfield's name was suggested as a compromise candidate
+he was found to be acceptable to both the Blaine and the Sherman men as
+well as to some of the Grant men, who had abandoned all hope of Grant's
+nomination. The result was that Garfield was finally made the unanimous
+choice of the convention. The New York delegation, being allowed to name
+the man for Vice-President, nominated Chester A. Arthur, of that State.
+
+Although General Garfield was nominated as a compromise candidate his
+election was by no means a foregone conclusion. The Democrats had
+nominated a strong and popular man, General W.S. Hancock, one of the
+most brilliant and successful generals in the Union Army. Associated on
+the ticket with him was a popular Indiana Democrat, William H. English.
+It looked for a while as if Democratic success were reasonably certain,
+especially after the September State and Congressional elections in the
+State of Maine, the result of which was virtually a Democratic victory.
+
+What was known as the celebrated Mentor Conference then took place.
+Mentor was the home of General Garfield. The conference consisted of
+General Garfield, General Grant, and Senator Conkling. Who was
+instrumental in bringing that conference into existence perhaps will
+never be known, and what was actually said and done on that occasion
+will, no doubt, remain a mystery. But it resulted in bringing the
+Grant-Conkling wing of the party,--which up to that time had been
+lukewarm and indifferent,--into the active and aggressive support of the
+ticket. Senator Conkling immediately took the stump and made a brilliant
+and successful campaign, not only in New York but also in the other
+close and doubtful States. The result was that Garfield carried New York
+by a majority of about twenty thousand and was elected. Without New York
+he would have been defeated; for the South this time was unquestionably
+solid in its support of the Democratic ticket; at least, according to
+the forms of law. It was not necessary to resort to the questionable
+expedient of an electoral commission to determine the result of that
+election. It is safe to say that, but for the active support given the
+ticket in that campaign by General Grant and Senator Conkling, New York
+would have been lost to the party and Garfield would have been defeated.
+With the election of Garfield the National House of Representatives was
+also Republican. The majority was small, but it was large enough to
+enable the party to organize the House. The Garfield administration
+started out under very favorable auspices. How it ended will be told in
+another chapter.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXI
+
+STORY OF THE MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN GARFIELD AND CONKLING
+
+
+The Garfield Administration, as I have said, started out under most
+favorable auspices. Mr. Conkling took an active part in the Senate as a
+champion and spokesman of the administration. He seemed to have taken it
+for granted, that,--although his bitter enemy, Mr. Blaine, was Secretary
+of State,--his own influence with the administration would be potential.
+In conversation with his personal friends he insisted that this was a
+part of the agreement that had been entered into at the famous Mentor
+Conference, about which so much had been said and published. If it were
+true that Mr. Conkling's control of the Federal patronage in New York in
+the event of Republican success was a part of that agreement, it
+transpired that Mr. Blaine had sufficient influence with the President
+to bring about its repudiation.
+
+It is a fact well known that the President was anxious to avoid a break
+with Senator Conkling. Judge W.H. Robertson, who was a candidate for the
+Collectorship of the port of New York was strongly supported by Mr.
+Blaine. Judge Robertson had been one of the influential leaders of the
+Blaine movement in New York. It was he who had disregarded the action of
+the State Convention in instructing the delegates to cast the vote of
+the State as a unit for General Grant. In bolting the action of the
+State Convention Judge Robertson carried about nineteen other delegates
+with him over to Mr. Blaine. Therefore Mr. Blaine insisted upon the
+appointment of Judge Robertson to the Collectorship of the port at New
+York. Senator Conkling would not consent under any circumstances to this
+appointment. Mr. Blaine, it appears, succeeded in convincing the
+President that, but for Judge Robertson's action, his, Garfield's,
+nomination would have been impossible and that consequently it would be
+base ingratitude not to appoint Robertson to the position for which he
+was an applicant. Mr. Blaine contended that the administration would not
+only be guilty of ingratitude should it refuse to appoint his candidate,
+but that it would thereby allow itself to be the medium through which
+this man was to be punished for his action in making the existence of
+the administration possible.
+
+"Can you, Mr. President, afford to do such a thing as this?" asked Mr.
+Blaine.
+
+To which the President gave a negative answer. Perhaps it did not occur
+to Mr. Blaine at that time that, while the action of Judge Robertson
+may have made the nomination of Mr. Garfield possible, the subsequent
+action of Senator Conkling made his election possible. But,
+notwithstanding this, the President decided that Judge Robertson should
+have the office for which he was an applicant.
+
+As previously stated, however, the President was anxious to avoid a
+break with Senator Conkling. To get the Senator to consent to the
+appointment of Judge Robertson was the task the President had before
+him. With that end in view the President invited Mr. Conkling to a
+private conference, at which he expressed a willingness to allow the New
+York Senator to name every important Federal officer in New York except
+the Collector of the Port, if he would consent to the appointment of
+Judge Robertson to that office. But the only concession Senator Conkling
+was willing to make was to give his consent to the appointment of Judge
+Robertson to any position in the foreign service. This was not
+satisfactory, hence the conference was a failure. The President was thus
+placed in a very disagreeable dilemma, being thus forced, very much
+against his inclination, to take a decided stand in a very unpleasant
+controversy. He was thus forced to choose between Mr. Blaine, his own
+Secretary of State, on one side, and Senator Conkling on the other. To
+one he felt that he was indebted for his nomination. To the other he
+believed that his election was largely due. It was asserted by some who
+were in a position to know that, if the President had taken sides with
+Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine would have immediately tendered his
+resignation, and thus would have severed his official connection with
+the administration. While no intimation of this was made known to the
+President, yet he no doubt believed, in consequence of the deep and
+intense interest Mr. Blaine had shown in the matter, that such action on
+his part, in the event of an adverse decision, was more than probable.
+When the President saw that there was no escape,--that he was obliged to
+take a decided stand one way or the other,--he decided to sustain the
+contention of his Secretary of State. Consequently, after the fruitless
+conference between the President and Senator Conkling, the name of Judge
+Robertson for Collector of the port at New York, was sent to the Senate.
+Senator Conkling, joined by his colleague, Senator Platt, at first made
+an effort to have the nomination rejected, but the other Republican
+Senators were not willing to place themselves in open opposition to the
+administration. When the fact was developed that the nomination would be
+confirmed, Senators Conkling and Platt immediately tendered their
+resignations.
+
+This in my opinion was a grave blunder on their part, as subsequent
+events more than proved. They had before them the example of Senator
+Sumner, by which they should have profited. Senator Sumner was greatly
+humiliated, when, through the influence of the administration, he was
+supplanted by Senator Cameron as Chairman of the Senate Committee on
+Foreign Relations on account of a misunderstanding with President Grant,
+growing out of the effort on the part of the administration to bring
+about the annexation of Santo Domingo, to which Senator Sumner was
+bitterly opposed. Yet he did not,--because he was thus, as he felt,
+unjustly humiliated,--resign his seat in the Senate. He realized that
+while he was commissioned to speak for his own State, his great power
+and immense influence were not confined solely to that particular State.
+He appreciated the fact that when he spoke and voted as a Senator, he
+did so, not merely as a Senator from the State of Massachusetts, but as
+a Senator of the United States. He belonged to no one State, but to the
+United States. He had,--on account of his great intellect, power,
+influence, and ability,--long since ceased to be the spokesman and
+representative of any particular State or section; he was a
+representative of his country--recognized as such throughout the
+civilized world. Knowing these things to be true Sumner did not feel
+that he should deprive the people of his valuable services simply
+because he was not in harmony with the administration upon some one
+matter, however important that matter might be. In this Senator Sumner
+was unquestionably right.
+
+What, then, was true of Senator Sumner was equally true of Senators
+Conkling and Platt in their misunderstanding with President Garfield
+about the Collectorship of the port of New York.
+
+Mr. Conkling was one of the greatest men our country had ever produced.
+He was a man of much influence and great power. He was not only an
+intellectual giant, but he was a man of commanding presence and
+attractive personality. As an orator he had few equals and no superiors.
+As in the case of Senator Sumner he spoke and voted as a Senator not
+merely for his State, but for his country; not for any particular
+section or locality, but for the United States. He was too great a man,
+and his services were too important and valuable for his country to be
+deprived of them merely on account of a misunderstanding between the
+President and himself about Federal patronage in New York. He and his
+colleague should have retained their seats in the Senate and trusted to
+the judgment of their fellow-citizens for a vindication of their course
+and action in that as in other matters. They not only made a mistake in
+resigning their seats in the Senate, but consummated it when they went
+before the Legislature of their State, which was then in session, and
+asked for a vindication through the medium of reëlection. This was
+subjecting their friends to a test to which they were not willing to
+submit. Their friends, both in the Legislature and out of it, were loyal
+to them, and this loyalty would have been demonstrated at the proper
+time and in the right way had the two Senators remained in a position
+which would have enabled their adherents to do so without serious injury
+to the party organization. But when these men were asked, as the price
+of their loyalty, to place the party organization in the State in open
+opposition to the National Administration for no other reason than a
+misunderstanding about Federal patronage in the city of New York, they
+did not think that the controversy was worth the price; hence the
+request was denied. The result was the defeat of Conkling and Platt, and
+the election of two Administration Republicans, Warner Miller and E.G.
+Lapham.
+
+This foolhardy act of Conkling's had the unfortunate effect of
+eliminating him from public life, at least so far as an active
+participation in public affairs was concerned. But this was not true of
+Mr. Platt. He was determined to come to the front again, and in this he
+was successful. At the very next National Convention (1884) he turned up
+as one of the Blaine delegates from New York, and was one of the
+speakers that seconded Mr. Blaine's nomination. That was something Mr.
+Conkling never could have been induced to do. He was proud, haughty and
+dictatorial. He would never forget a friend, nor forgive an enemy. To
+his friends he was loyal and true. To his enemies he was bitter and
+unrelenting. For his friends he could not do too much. From his enemies
+he would ask no quarter and would give none. More than one man of
+national reputation has been made to feel his power, and suffer the
+consequences resulting from his ill-will and displeasure. But for the
+unfriendliness of Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine no doubt would have attained
+the acme of his ambition in reaching the Presidency of the United
+States. It was Mr. Blaine's misfortune to have made an enemy of the one
+man who, by a stroke of destiny, was so situated as to make it possible
+for him to prevent the realization of Mr. Blaine's life ambition. It was
+due more to Mr. Conkling than to any other one man that Mr. Blaine was
+defeated for the Republican Presidential nomination in 1876,--the year
+in which he could have been elected had he been nominated.
+
+Mr. Conkling was too much of a party man to support the Democratic
+ticket under any circumstances, hence, in 1884, when Mr. Blaine was at
+length nominated for the Presidency, Mr. Conkling gave the ticket the
+benefit of his silence. That silence proved to be fatal. In consequence
+of Mr. Conkling's silence and apparent indifference in 1884, Mr. Blaine
+lost New York, the pivotal State, and was defeated by Mr. Cleveland for
+the Presidency. The falling off in the Republican vote in Mr. Conkling's
+home county alone caused the loss of the State and of the Presidency of
+the United States to the Republican party.
+
+The quarrel between Blaine and Conkling originated when both of them
+were members of the House of Representatives. In a controversy that took
+place between them on the floor of the House Mr. Blaine referred to Mr.
+Conkling as the member from New York with the "turkey gobbler strut."
+That remark made the two men enemies for life. That remark wounded Mr.
+Conkling's pride; and he could never be induced to forgive the one who
+had so hurt him.
+
+As a United States Senator Conkling was both felt and feared. No Senator
+ever desired to get into a controversy with him, because he was not only
+a speaker of great power and eloquence, but as a debater he was cutting
+and scathing in his irony. Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, who as an
+eloquent orator compared favorably with the best on both sides of the
+Chamber, had the misfortune to get into a controversy on one occasion
+with the distinguished New York Senator. In repelling an accusation that
+the Senator from Mississippi had made against him, Mr. Conkling said:
+"If it were not that this is the United States Senate I would
+characterize the member from Mississippi as a coward and a
+prevaricator."
+
+If those words had been uttered by any other Senator than Roscoe
+Conkling it is more than probable that he would have been severely
+reprimanded; no other Senator, however, cared to incur Conkling's
+displeasure by becoming the author of a resolution for that purpose.
+
+Senator John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, was the only other Senator that ever
+came near holding a similar position; for, while he was by no means the
+equal of Conkling, he was both eloquent and sarcastic. For that reason
+Senators were not anxious to get into a controversy with him. On one
+occasion it seemed that he came near getting into a dispute with Senator
+Manderson, of Nebraska. While the Senator from Nebraska was delivering a
+speech, he made a remark to which the Senator from Kansas took
+exceptions. When the Kansas Senator arose,--flushed with anger, and
+laboring under intense excitement,--to correct what he declared in words
+that were more forcible than elegant, to be a misstatement of his
+position, the Senator from Nebraska did not hesitate for a moment to
+accept the correction, remarking by way of explanation and apology that
+he had not distinctly heard the remark the Senator from Kansas had made,
+and to which he was alluding when interrupted.
+
+"Then," retorted the Senator from Kansas, "that is your misfortune."
+
+"I admit," the Senator from Nebraska quickly replied, "that it is always
+a misfortune not to hear the Senator from Kansas."
+
+The unfortunate controversy between President Garfield and Senator
+Conkling resulted in a national calamity. The bitterness that grew out
+of it had the effect of bringing a crank on the scene of action. Early
+in July, 1881,--when the President, in company with Mr. Blaine, was
+leaving Washington for his summer vacation,--this cowardly crank, who
+had waited at the railroad station for the arrival of the distinguished
+party, fired the fatal shot which a few months later terminated the
+earthly career of a President who was beloved by his countrymen without
+regard to party or section.
+
+Whatever may have been the merits of this unfortunate controversy, it
+resulted in the political death of one and the physical death of the
+other; thus depriving the country of the valuable services of two of the
+greatest and most intellectual men that our country had ever produced.
+
+When the President died I was at my home, Natchez, Mississippi, where a
+memorial meeting was held in honor of his memory, participated in by
+both races and both parties. I had the honor of being one of the
+speakers on that occasion. That part of my remarks which seemed to
+attract most attention and made the deepest impression was the
+declaration that it was my good fortune, as a member of the National
+House of Representatives, to sit within the sound of his eloquent voice
+on a certain memorable occasion when he declared that there could never
+be a permanent peace and union between the North and the South until the
+South would admit that, in the controversy that brought on the War the
+North was right and the South was wrong. Notwithstanding that
+declaration, in which he was unquestionably right, I ventured the
+opinion that, had he been spared to serve out the term for which he had
+been elected, those who had voted for him would have been proud of the
+fact that they had done so, while those who had voted against him would
+have had no occasion to regret that he had been elected.
+
+Upon the death of President Garfield Vice-President Arthur,--who had
+been named for that office by Mr. Conkling,--became President; but he,
+too, soon incurred the displeasure of Mr. Conkling. Mr. Conkling had
+occasion to make a request of the President which the latter could not
+see his way clear to grant. For this Mr. Conkling never forgave him. The
+President tried hard afterwards to regain Mr. Conkling's friendship, but
+in vain. He even went so far, it is said, as to tender Mr. Conkling a
+seat on the bench of the Supreme Court; but the tender was
+contemptuously declined.
+
+President Arthur aspired to succeed himself as President. As a whole he
+gave the country a splendid administration, for which he merited a
+renomination and election as his own successor. While there was a strong
+and well-organized effort to secure for him a renomination, the
+probabilities are that the attitude of Mr. Conkling towards him
+contributed largely to his defeat; although the ex-Senator took no
+active part in the contest. But, as in the case of Mr. Blaine, his
+silence, no doubt, was fatal to Mr. Arthur's renomination.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXII
+
+THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884
+
+
+When the Forty-seventh Congress expired March 4th, 1883, I returned to
+my home at Natchez, Mississippi. 1884 was the year of the Presidential
+election. Early in the year it was made clear that there was to be a
+bitter fight for the Presidential nomination.
+
+President Arthur was a candidate to succeed himself; but Mr. Blaine, it
+was conceded, would be the leading candidate before the Convention.
+Senator John Sherman was also a candidate. It was generally believed
+that Senator Edmunds of Vermont would get a majority of the delegates
+from the New England States. Mr. Blaine was weaker in his own section,
+New England, than in any other part of the country except the South. The
+South, however, had somewhat relented in its opposition to him, as
+previously stated, in consequence of which he had a stronger support
+from that section than in any of his previous contests for the
+nomination; to this fact may be attributed his nomination by the
+Convention. That support, it was believed, was due more to a deference
+to public opinion at the North,--the section that must be depended upon
+to elect the ticket,--than confidence in Mr. Blaine.
+
+The delegation from my own State, Mississippi, was, with one exception,
+solid in its support of President Arthur. The one exception was Hon.
+H.C. Powers, one of the delegates from the first district.
+
+Two active, aggressive, able and brilliant young men had just entered
+the field of national politics, both of them having been elected
+delegates to this convention. Those men were Theodore Roosevelt, of New
+York, and H.C. Lodge, of Massachusetts. Both were vigorously opposed to
+the nomination of Mr. Blaine. Roosevelt's election as a delegate from
+New York was in the nature of a national surprise. Mr. Blaine was
+believed to be very strong in that State. The public, therefore, was not
+prepared for the announcement that Theodore Roosevelt,--an anti-Blaine
+man,--had defeated Senator Warner Miller,--the able and popular leader
+of the Blaine forces in that State,--as delegate to the National
+Convention from the State at large. The Blaine leaders were brought to a
+realization of the fact, that, in consequence of their unexpected defeat
+in New York, it was absolutely necessary, in order to make sure of the
+nomination of their candidate, to retain the support they had among the
+Southern delegates.
+
+With that end in view the National Committee, in which the Blaine men
+had a majority, selected a Southern man, Hon. Powell Clayton, of
+Arkansas, for temporary chairman of the Convention. The anti-Blaine
+men,--under the leadership of Messrs. Roosevelt, Lodge, Hoar, Hanna,
+Geo. William Curtis and others,--decided to select another Southern man
+to run against Clayton. For that purpose a conference was
+held;--composed of many of the active supporters of Arthur, Sherman, and
+Edmunds,--to select the man to put up against Clayton.
+
+I did not attend the conference. Senator Hoar suggested my name and
+insisted that I was the man best fitted for the position. After a brief
+discussion it was decided unanimously to select me. A committee was
+appointed, of which ex-Governor Pinchback, of Louisiana, was chairman,
+to wait on me and inform me of what had been done, and to insist upon my
+acceptance of the distinguished honor which had thus been conferred upon
+me. Another committee was appointed,--of which Hon. M.A. Hanna, of Ohio,
+was chairman, to poll the Convention to find out the strength of the
+movement. This committee subsequently reported that Clayton would be
+defeated and Lynch elected by a majority of about thirty-five votes. For
+two reasons I had some doubt about the propriety of allowing my name to
+be thus used. First, I doubted the wisdom of the movement. It had been
+the uniform custom to allow the National Committee to select the
+temporary chairman of the Convention, and I was inclined to the opinion
+that a departure from that custom might not be a wise step. Second, I
+did not think it could possibly win. My opinion was that a number of
+delegates that might otherwise vote for me could not be induced to vote
+in favor of breaking what had been a custom since the organization of
+the party.
+
+I did not come to a definite decision until the morning of the day that
+the Convention was to be organized. Just before that body was called to
+order I decided to confer with Maj. William McKinley and Hon. M.A.
+Hanna, of Ohio, and act upon their advice. McKinley was for Blaine and
+Hanna was for Sherman, but my confidence in the two men was such that I
+believed their advice would not be influenced by their personal
+preference for the Presidential nomination. I did not know at that time
+that Mr. Hanna had taken an active part in the deliberations of the
+conference that resulted in my selection for temporary chairman of the
+Convention. I first consulted Major McKinley. I had served with him in
+Congress and had become very much attached to him. He frankly stated
+that, since he was a Blaine man, he would be obliged to vote against me,
+but he told me that this was an opportunity that comes to a man but once
+in a lifetime.
+
+"If you decline," he said, "the anti-Blaine men will probably put up
+someone else who would, no doubt, receive the same vote that you would
+receive. If it is possible for them to elect anyone, I know of no man I
+would rather have them thus honor than you. While, therefore, I shall
+vote against you and hope you will not be elected,--simply because I am
+a Blaine man, and a vote for you means a vote against Blaine,--I shall
+not advise you to decline the use of your name."
+
+I then approached Mr. Hanna, who appeared to be surprised that I
+hesitated about consenting to the use of my name.
+
+"We have you elected," he said, "by a majority of about thirty-five. You
+cannot decline the use of your name, for two reasons; first, since we
+know we have the votes necessary to elect you, should you now decline
+the public would never believe otherwise than that you had been
+improperly influenced. This you cannot afford. In the second place, it
+would not be treating us fairly. We have selected you in perfect good
+faith, with the expectation that you would allow your name to be thus
+used; or, if not, you would have declined in ample time to enable us to
+reconvene, and select someone else. To decline now, on the eve of the
+election, when it is impossible for us to confer and agree upon another
+man for the position, would be manifestly unfair to us as well as to
+your own candidate for the Presidential nomination, whose chances may
+be injuriously affected thereby."
+
+This argument was both impressive and effective. I then and there
+decided to allow my name to be used. I learned afterwards that it was
+under the direction and management of Mr. Hanna that the Convention had
+been so carefully and accurately polled. That his poll was entirely
+correct was demonstrated by the result. This also established the fact
+that as an organizer Mr. Hanna was a master, which was subsequently
+proved when he managed Mr. McKinley's campaign both for the nomination
+and election to the Presidency in 1896.
+
+When the Convention was called to order, and the announcement was made
+that the National Committee had selected Hon. Powell Clayton, of
+Arkansas, for temporary chairman of the Convention, an attractive young
+man in the Massachusetts delegation was recognized by the chair. He gave
+his name, as H.C. Lodge. He said he rose to place the name of another
+gentleman in nomination; and, after making a neat and appropriate speech
+in commendation of his candidate,--a speech that created a very
+favorable impression,--he named ex-Congressman John R. Lynch, of
+Mississippi, whom he believed to be a suitable man for the position. The
+ball was then opened. This was an indication of a combination of the
+field against Blaine. Many speeches were made on both sides, but they
+were temperate in tone, and free from bitterness. Among those that spoke
+in support of my candidacy were Messrs. Theodore Roosevelt, and Geo.
+William Curtis, of New York. When the debate was over the chairman
+directed that the States be called in alphabetical order,--the roll of
+delegates from each State to be called, so as to allow each individual
+delegate to cast his own vote. When Mississippi was reached, I joined
+with H.C. Powers, the Blaine member of the delegation, in voting for
+Clayton. The result was just about what Mr. Hanna said it would be.
+
+The Blaine men were discouraged and the anti-Blaine men were jubilant.
+It was claimed by the latter, and apprehended by the former, that it was
+indicative of Mr. Blaine's defeat for the nomination. It certainly
+looked that way, but the result of the election for the temporary
+chairmanship proved to be misleading. Mr. Hanna's poll was not to find
+out how many delegates would vote for the nomination of Mr. Blaine, but
+how many would vote for Lynch for temporary chairman. On that point his
+poll was substantially accurate. It was assumed that every Blaine man
+would vote for Mr. Clayton. This is where the mistake was made. It
+turned out that there were some Blaine men, especially from the South,
+that voted for Lynch. The result, therefore, was not, as it was hoped it
+would be, an accurate test of the strength of the Blaine and
+anti-Blaine forces in the Convention.
+
+Since my election had not been anticipated,--at least, by me,--my speech
+of acceptance was necessarily brief. I presided over the deliberations
+of the Convention the greater part of two days, when Hon. John B.
+Henderson, of Missouri, was introduced as the permanent chairman. This
+is the same Henderson, who, as a Republican United States Senator from
+Missouri, voted against the conviction of President Andrew Johnson, who
+had been impeached by the House of Representatives for high crimes and
+misdemeanors in office. The Democratic Senators needed but seven votes
+from the Republican side of the chamber to prevent conviction. They
+succeeded in getting the exact number, Senator Henderson being one. He
+appears to have been the only one of that number that politically
+survived that act. All others soon passed into political oblivion;
+although several of them subsequently identified themselves with the
+Democratic party. While it may be said that Senator Henderson survived
+the act, it is true that his election as a delegate to the National
+Republican Convention of 1884 and his selection as the permanent
+chairman thereof are the only prominent illustrations of that fact.
+
+During the deliberations of the Convention Mr. Bishop, one of the
+delegates from Massachusetts, introduced a resolution to change the
+basis of representation in future National Conventions of the party. His
+plan was to make the number of Republican votes cast, counted, certified
+and returned at the last preceding National election, the basis of
+representation in succeeding National Conventions.
+
+Hon. W.O. Bradley, of Kentucky, led off in a very able, eloquent, and
+convincing speech in opposition to the resolution. The colored delegates
+from the South selected me to present their side of the question. For
+that purpose I was recognized by the chair, and spoke against the
+resolution. In the first place I called attention to the fact that if
+elections were fair, and the official count honest in every State, the
+probabilities were that there would be no occasion for the proposed
+change. That the change proposed would result in a material reduction in
+the representation in future conventions chiefly from Southern States
+was because the greater part of the Republican votes in some of said
+States were suppressed by violence or nullified by fraud. The effect of
+the change proposed would be simply to make such questionable methods
+the basis of representation in future Republican National Conventions.
+This, I claimed, the Republican party could not afford to do. At the
+conclusion of my remarks the resolution was withdrawn by its author, Mr.
+Bishop, who came over to my seat, and congratulated me upon the way in
+which I had presented the case; stating at the same time that my speech
+had convinced him that his proposition was a mistake.
+
+After a hotly contested fight Mr. Blaine was finally nominated. Senator
+John A. Logan, of Illinois, was named as the candidate for
+Vice-President. It looked as if the time had at last come when the
+brilliant statesman from Maine would have the acme of his ambition
+completely realized.
+
+I was honored by the delegation from my State with being made a member
+of the National Committee, and also a member of the committee that was
+named to wait on Mr. Blaine and notify him officially of his nomination.
+The notification committee went all the way to Mr. Blaine's home,
+Augusta, Maine, to discharge that duty.
+
+The ceremony of notification took place in Mr. Blaine's front yard. The
+weather was fine. The notification speech was delivered by the chairman,
+Senator Henderson, to which Mr. Blaine briefly responded, promising to
+make a more lengthy reply in the form of a letter of acceptance. At the
+conclusion of the ceremony he called me to one side and asked what was
+the outlook in Mississippi. I informed him that he could easily carry
+the State by a substantial majority if we could have a fair election and
+an honest count; but that under the existing order of things this would
+not be possible, and that the State would be returned against him.
+
+"Oh, no," he replied, "you are mistaken about that. Mr. Lamar will see
+that I get a fair count in Mississippi."
+
+I confess that this remark surprised me very much.
+
+"Mr. Blame," I replied, "you may understand the political situation in
+Mississippi better than I do, but I know whereof I speak when I say that
+Mr. Lamar would not if he could and could not if he would, secure you a
+fair count in Mississippi. The State will be returned against you."
+
+"You will find," he said, "that you are mistaken. Mr. Lamar will see
+that I get a fair count in Mississippi."
+
+Mr. Lamar not only made an aggressive campaign against Mr. Blaine, but
+it was chiefly through his influence and efforts that the State was
+returned against Mr. Blaine by a very large majority. And yet no one who
+knew Mr. Lamar could justly accuse him of being an ingrate. He was
+essentially an appreciative man; as he never failed to demonstrate
+whenever and wherever it was possible for him to do so. No one knew
+better than did Mr. Lamar that he was under deep and lasting obligations
+to Mr. Blaine; but it seems that with all his wisdom and political
+sagacity and foresight Mr. Blaine was unable to distinguish between a
+personal and a political obligation. Mr. Lamar felt that what Mr. Blaine
+had done for him was personal, not political, and that if
+his,--Lamar's,--party was in any respect the beneficiary thereof, it
+was merely incidental. At any rate, it was utterly impossible for him to
+serve Mr. Blaine in a political way. Had he made the effort to do so he
+not only would have subjected himself to the accusation of party
+treachery, but it would have resulted in his own political downfall. To
+expect any ambitious man to make such a sacrifice as this was contrary
+to human nature.
+
+The truth was that Mr. Blaine had been chiefly instrumental in bringing
+about a condition of affairs at the South which made it impossible for
+any of his Democratic or Republican friends in that section to be of any
+material service to him at the time he most needed them. And yet, he
+could not see this until it was too late. In spite of this he would have
+been elected, but for the fact that he lost the pivotal State of New
+York by a small plurality, about eleven hundred and forty-seven, the
+reasons for which have been given in a previous chapter. It is therefore
+sad, but true, that by his own act this able and brilliant statesman,
+like Henry Clay, died without having reached the acme of his
+ambition,--the Presidency of the United States.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIII
+
+THE ELECTION OF GROVER CLEVELAND
+
+
+The Republicans of my district insisted that I make the race for
+Congress again in 1884, and I decided to do so, although I knew it would
+be useless for me to do so with any hope of being elected, for I knew
+the prospect of success was not as favorable as two years previous.
+
+Judge Van Eaton, the Democratic candidate for Congressman in 1882, was a
+representative of the better element, and would, therefore, rather be
+defeated than be declared elected through the enforcement and
+application of questionable methods. He publicly declared on several
+occasions that, as anxious as he was to be a member of Congress, he
+would rather be defeated than have a certificate of election tainted
+with fraud. In other words, if he could not be fairly and honestly
+elected he preferred to be defeated. He insisted upon a fair election
+and an honest count. This was not agreeable to many of his party
+associates. They believed and privately asserted that his open
+declarations on that point not only carried an implied reflection upon
+his party in connection with previous elections, but that he was taking
+an unnecessary risk in his own case. Chiefly for these reasons, the
+Judge, though a strong and able man, was denied the courtesy of a
+nomination for a second term. It had always been the custom to allow a
+member to serve at least two terms; but this honor was denied Judge Van
+Eaton, the nomination being given to Honorable T.R. Stockdale, of Pike
+county.
+
+Stockdale was a different type of a man from Van Eaton. He was in
+perfect accord with the dominant sentiment of his party. He felt that he
+had been nominated to go to Congress,--"peaceably and fairly," if
+possible, but to go in any event. Then, again, that was the year of the
+Presidential election, and the Democrats were as confident of success
+that year as they had been in 1876 and in 1880.
+
+For President and Vice-President the candidates were Blaine and Logan,
+Republicans, and Cleveland and Hendricks, Democrats.
+
+Mr. Cleveland had the prestige of having been elected Governor of New
+York by a majority of about one hundred thousand. New York was believed
+to be the pivotal and the decisive State, and that its votes would
+determine the election for President. That the Republicans, even with
+such a popular man as Mr. Blaine as their candidate, would be able to
+overcome the immense majority by which Mr. Cleveland had carried the
+State for Governor was not believed by any Democrat to be possible. The
+Democrats did not take into account any of the local circumstances that
+contributed to such a remarkable result; but they were well known to
+Republicans in and out of that State. One of the principal contributory
+causes was a determination on the part of thousands of Republican voters
+in that State to resent at the polls National interference in local
+State affairs.
+
+Judge Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the Treasury, was the
+Republican candidate against Mr. Cleveland for the Governorship when the
+latter was elected by such an immense majority. It was a well-known fact
+that Judge Folger could not have been nominated but for the active and
+aggressive efforts of the National Administration, and of its agents and
+representatives. The fight for the Republican nomination for Governor
+that year was the beginning of the bitter fight between the Blaine and
+the Arthur forces in the State for the delegation in 1884. In the
+nomination of Judge Folger the Blaine men were defeated. To neutralize
+the prestige which the Arthur men had thus secured, thousands of the
+Blaine men, and some who were not Blaine men, but who were against the
+National Administration for other reasons, refused to vote for Judge
+Folger, and thus allowed the State to go Democratic by default. In 1884,
+when Mr. Blaine was the candidate of the Republicans for the
+Presidency, a sufficient number of anti-Blaine men in New York,--in a
+spirit of retaliation, no doubt,--pursued the same course and thus
+allowed the State again to go Democratic by default. The loss which Mr.
+Blaine sustained in the latter case, therefore, was much greater than
+that gained by him in the former.
+
+But, let the causes, circumstances, and conditions be what they may,
+there was not a Democrat in Mississippi in 1884 who did not believe that
+Mr. Cleveland's election to the Presidency was a foregone conclusion.
+That he would have the support of the Solid South there was no doubt.
+Those States, they believed, were as certain to be returned Democratic
+as the sun would rise on the morning of the day of the election.
+
+Although I accepted the nomination for Congress, I as chairman of the
+Republican State Committee, devoted the greater part of my time to the
+campaign throughout the State. Mr. Blaine had many warm friends and
+admirers among the white men and Democrats in the State, some of them
+being outspoken in their advocacy of his election. In making up the
+electoral ticket I made every effort possible to get some of those men
+to consent to the use of their names. One of them, Joseph N. Carpenter,
+of my own home town, Natchez, gave his consent to the use of his name.
+He was one of the solid business men of the town. He was not only a
+large property owner but the principal owner of a local steamboat that
+was engaged in the trade on the Mississippi River between Natchez and
+Vicksburg. He was also the principal proprietor of one of the
+cotton-seed-oil mills of the town. In fact his name was associated with
+nearly every important enterprise in that community. Socially no family
+stood higher than his in any part of the South. His accomplished wife
+was a Miss Mellen, whose brother, William F. Mellen, was one of the most
+brilliant members of the bar that the State had ever produced. She had
+another brother who acquired quite a distinction as a minister of the
+gospel.
+
+When the announcement was made public that Joseph N. Carpenter was to be
+an elector on the Republican ticket, intense excitement was immediately
+created. The Democratic press of the State immediately turned their
+batteries upon him. Personal friends called upon him in large numbers
+and urged him to decline. But he had consented to serve, and he felt
+that it was his duty, and ought to be his privilege to do so. Besides,
+he was a sincere Blaine man. He honestly believed that the election of
+Mr. Blaine would be conducive to the best interests of the country, the
+South especially. To these appeals, therefore, he turned a deaf ear. But
+it was not long before he was obliged to yield to the pressure. The fact
+was soon made plain to him that, if he allowed his name to remain on
+that ticket, the probabilities were that he would be financially
+ruined. He would soon find that his boat would be without either
+passengers or freight; his oil mill would probably be obliged to close
+because there would be no owners of the raw material of whom he could
+make purchases at any price, and even his children at school would, no
+doubt, be subjected to taunts and insults, to say nothing of the social
+cuts to which his family might be subjected. He was, therefore, brought
+to a painful realization of the fact that he was confronted with
+conditions which he had not fully anticipated. He could then see, as he
+had never seen before, that he had been brought face to face with a
+condition and not a theory. He was thus obliged to make his choice
+between accepting those conditions upon the one hand, and on the other
+the empty and temporary honor of serving as an elector on the Blaine
+Republican ticket. His convictions, his manhood and his self-respect
+were on one side; his material interests and family obligations were on
+the other. His mental condition during that period can better be
+imagined than described. After giving thoughtful consideration and
+sleepless nights to the matter, he at length decided to yield to the
+pressure and decline the use of his name. He informed me of his decision
+through the medium of a private letter which he said he had written with
+great reluctance and sincere regret. The committee thereupon named Dr.
+Jackson, of Amite County, an old line Republican, to fill the vacancy.
+
+It will thus be seen that in pursuing a course that Mr. Blaine thought
+would place southern Democrats under obligations to him he placed a
+weapon in the hands of his own personal and political enemies by which
+they were enabled to crush and silence his friends and supporters; for
+after all it is not so much the love of fair play, as it is the fear of
+punishment, that actuates the average man in obeying the laws and
+respecting the rights and privileges of others. Mr. Blaine's friends and
+supporters at the South were the very people who stood most in need of
+that security and protection which can come only through a thorough and
+impartial enforcement of laws for the protection of citizens in the
+exercise and enjoyment of their civil and political rights, as well as
+the enforcement of laws for the protection of life, liberty and
+property.
+
+Judge H.F. Simrall, one of the most brilliant lawyers in the State,--who
+came into the Republican party under the leadership of General Alcorn in
+1869, and who had served as a Justice of the Supreme Court of the
+State,--made an effort to canvass the State for Mr. Blaine, but his
+former associates, with whom he tried to reason, treated him with such
+scanty courtesy that he soon became discouraged and abandoned the
+effort.
+
+There were two factions in the Democratic party, Mr. Lamar being the
+recognized head of one of them. His political enemies suspected and some
+of them accused him of being partial to Mr. Blaine. To save himself and
+his friends from humiliation and defeat in his own party it was
+necessary for him to dispel that suspicion, and disprove those
+accusations. With that end in view he made a thorough canvass of the
+State in the interest of Mr. Cleveland and the Democratic party. The
+State was returned for Mr. Cleveland by a large majority, for which Mr.
+Lamar was in a great measure credited. Mr. Blaine finally saw his
+mistake, which he virtually admitted in the speech delivered by him at
+his home immediately after the election; but it was then too late to
+undo the mischief that had been done. It was like locking the stable
+door after the horse had been stolen. That Mr. Blaine died without
+having attained the goal of his ambition was due chiefly to his lack of
+foresight, poor judgment, political blunders, and a lack of that
+sagacity and acumen which are so essential in a successful party leader.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIV
+
+INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY LAMAR ON THE RETAINING OF COLORED MEN IN OFFICE
+
+
+In selecting his first cabinet Mr. Cleveland did Mr. Lamar and the State
+of Mississippi the honor of making him his Secretary of the Interior.
+Early in the administration, upon the occasion of my first visit to
+Washington after the inauguration of Mr. Cleveland, I called on
+Secretary Lamar to pay him my respects and tender him my congratulations
+upon his appointment. When I entered his office he was engaged in
+conversation with some prominent New York Democrats, Mayor Grace, of New
+York City, being one of the party. The Secretary received me cordially;
+and, after introducing me to the gentlemen with whom he was conversing,
+requested me to take a seat in the adjoining room, which was used as his
+private office, until the departure of the gentlemen with whom he was
+then engaged; remarking at the same time that there was an important
+matter about which he desired to talk with me.
+
+I had been seated only a short while before he made his appearance. As
+soon as he had taken his seat he said:
+
+"Lynch, you have shown me some favors in the past, and I desire to
+manifest in a substantial way my appreciation of what you have done for
+me and the friendly interest you have taken in me. No one knows better
+than I do, or can appreciate more keenly than I can, the value of the
+services you have rendered me, and the satisfactory results of your
+friendly interest in me. In saying this I do not wish to even intimate
+that you have done anything for me that was inconsistent with the
+position occupied by you as an influential leader of the Republican
+party of our State. The truth is, you were, fortunately, placed in such
+a position that you were enabled to render a great service to a
+Mississippi Democrat without doing a single act, or giving expression to
+a single thought, that was not in harmony with your position as a leader
+of your own party. That you saw fit to make me, rather than some other
+Democrat, the beneficiary of your partiality is what I keenly
+appreciate, highly value and now desire to reciprocate. The Republican
+party is now out of power, and it is likely to remain so for the next
+quarter of a century. Fortunately for me I am now so situated that I can
+reciprocate, in a small measure, the friendly interest you have taken in
+me in the recent past; and this, I hope, you will allow me to do. I have
+an office at my disposal that I want you to accept. I know you are a
+pronounced Republican. I neither ask nor expect you to change your
+politics. Knowing you as I do, it would be useless for me to make such a
+request of you even if I desired to have you make such a change. All I
+shall ask of you is that you be not offensively active or boldly
+aggressive in political matters while you hold a commission from me. In
+other words, I want to render you a service without having you
+compromise your political standing, and without making the slightest
+change in your party affiliations. However, recognizing as you must the
+delicacy of the situation resulting from the position I occupy and the
+relation that I sustain to the administration, you will, I know, refrain
+from saying and doing anything that will place me in an embarrassing
+position before the public and before the administration with which I am
+identified. The office to which I refer is that of special agent of
+public lands. The salary is fifteen hundred a year and expenses. The
+place is worth from two thousand to two thousand five hundred a year. I
+shall not send you down South, where you may have some unpleasant and
+embarrassing experiences, but I will send you out into the Black Hills,
+where you will not be subjected to the slightest inconvenience and where
+you will have very little to do, but make your reports and draw your
+pay. If you say you will accept the appointment I shall give immediate
+directions for the commission to be made out and you can take the oath
+of office within the next twenty-four hours."
+
+Of course I listened with close attention and with deep interest to what
+the honorable Secretary said. When he had finished, I replied in about
+these words:
+
+"Mr. Secretary, I fully appreciate the friendly interest you manifest in
+me, and I also appreciate what you are willing to do for me. If I have
+rendered you any services in the past, I can assure you that they were
+not rendered with the expectation that you would thereby be placed under
+any obligations to me whatever. If I preferred you to others in your own
+party it was because I believed in you the State would have the services
+of one of its best, most brilliant and most eloquent representatives. It
+was the good of the State and the best interests of its people rather
+than the personal advancement of an individual that actuated me. The
+exalted position now occupied by you I consider a confirmation of the
+wisdom of my decision. But the fact cannot be overlooked that while you
+are an able and influential leader in the Democratic party, I am, though
+not so able nor so influential, a leader,--locally, if not
+nationally,--in the Republican party. While I can neither hope nor
+expect to reach that point of honor and distinction in the Republican
+party that you have reached in the Democratic, I am just as proud of
+the position I occupy to-day as a Republican, as it is possible for you
+to be of yours as a Democrat. Even if it be true, as you predict--of
+course I do not agree with you--that the Republican party will be out of
+power for the next quarter of a century, or even if that party should
+never again come into power, that fact cannot and will not have the
+slightest weight with me. Therefore, I do not feel that you, as a member
+of a National Democratic Administration, can afford to tender me any
+position that I can see my way clear to accept. While I fully and keenly
+appreciate your friendly interest in me and your desire and willingness
+to serve me, I cannot accept the position you have so gracefully
+tendered me, nor can I accept any other you may see fit to offer me.
+
+"But, if you want to render me a service, I can tell you wherein it can
+be done,--a service that will be just as much appreciated as any you can
+possibly render me. When I was a member of Congress I secured the
+appointment of quite a number of young colored men to clerkships in the
+Pension Bureau of your department. I understand that all these men have
+excellent records. If you will retain them in their positions I shall
+feel that you have repaid me for whatever you may think I have done for
+you in the past."
+
+"That," the Secretary replied, "is a very reasonable request. Come to
+see me again in a day or two and bring a list of their names and I will
+then see just what I can do along those lines."
+
+I then bade Mr. Lamar good-bye and left his office. A few days later I
+returned with the list. But upon that list I had placed the names of two
+men who had not been appointed on my recommendation. One was a colored
+man, a physician; the other was a white man, a lawyer. The physician
+occupied a position that was in the line of his profession. The lawyer
+was a clerk in the Pension Bureau, who had been recently appointed upon
+the recommendation of Senator Bruce. The physician had been connected
+with the public service a long time. I knew both men favorably and felt
+that it was my duty to save them if in my power. Both were married and
+had interesting families.
+
+When I placed the list in the Secretary's hands he read it over very
+carefully, and then said:
+
+"I think I can safely assure you that the name of every one on this list
+will be retained except these two"--indicating the colored physician and
+the white lawyer. "This physician," the Secretary said, "is a colored
+man, and the husband of a white wife. The lawyer is a white man, and the
+husband of a colored wife. I cannot promise you, therefore, that they
+will be retained, however capable and efficient they may be. So far as I
+am personally concerned, it would make no material difference; I should
+just as lief retain them as any of the others. But I cannot afford to
+antagonize public opinion in my State on the question of amalgamation.
+One of these men, the white lawyer, is from my own State, where he is
+well known. His case is recent, and fresh in the public mind. So far as
+he is concerned, I can see no escape. With the colored physician it may
+be different. He is not from my State and is not known in the State. I
+doubt very much if anyone in the State knows anything about him, or is
+aware of the fact that the position occupied by him is under my
+department. If attention is not called to his case, I shall let him
+alone.
+
+"But with the lawyer it is different. A representative of a Mississippi
+newspaper that is unfriendly to me is now on the ground. He has a list
+of all the Republicans,--especially the colored ones,--holding positions
+in this department. The name of this lawyer is on that list. It is the
+intention of the faction his paper represents to bring pressure to bear
+upon me to force me to turn all of these men out of office for political
+reasons, regardless of their official standing. But, so far as your
+friends are concerned, I shall defy them except in the case of this
+lawyer, and also in the case of this physician if attention is called to
+him. In their cases, or either of them, I shall be obliged, for reasons
+already given; to yield."
+
+Strange to say, attention was never called to the case of the physician
+and he remained in office during the whole of Mr. Cleveland's first
+administration. I made a strong appeal to the Secretary in behalf of my
+friend, the white lawyer. I said in substance:
+
+"Mr. Secretary, you ought not to allow this deserving man to be punished
+simply because he was brave enough to legally marry the woman of his
+choice. You know him personally. You know him to be an able and
+brilliant young man. You know that he is now discharging the responsible
+duties of the position which he occupies in your department with credit
+to himself, and to the satisfaction of his official superiors. You know
+that you have not a better nor a more capable official connected with
+the public service than you have in this able young man. Under these
+circumstances it is your duty, as the responsible head of your
+department, to protect him and his estimable family from this gross
+wrong,--this cruel injustice. For no one knows better than you do, Mr.
+Secretary, that this alleged opposition to amalgamation is both
+hypocritical and insincere. If a natural antipathy existed between the
+two races no law would be necessary to keep them apart. The law, then,
+against race intermarriage has a tendency to encourage and promote race
+intermixture, rather than to discourage and prevent it; because under
+existing circumstances local sentiment in our part of the country
+tolerates the intermixture, provided that the white husband and father
+does not lead to the altar in honorable wedlock the woman he may have
+selected as the companion of his life, and the mother of his children.
+If, instead of prohibiting race intermarriage, the law would compel
+marriage in all cases of concubinage, such a law would have a tendency
+to discourage race intermixture; because it is only when they marry
+according to the forms of law that the white husband and father is
+socially and otherwise ostracized. Under the common law,--which is the
+established and recognized rule of action in all of our States in the
+absence of a local statute by which a different rule is established,--a
+valid marriage is nothing more than a civil contract entered into
+between two persons capable of making contracts. But under our form of
+government marriage, like everything else, is what public opinion sees
+fit to make it.
+
+"It is true that in our part of the country no union of the sexes is
+looked upon as a legal marriage unless the parties to the union are
+married according to the form prescribed by the local statutes. While
+that is true it is also true that there are many unions, which, but for
+the local statutes, would be recognized and accepted as legal marriages
+and which, even under existing conditions, are tolerated by local
+sentiment and sanctioned by custom. Such unions are known to exist, and
+yet are presumed not to exist. None are so blind as those who can see
+but will not see. One of the unwritten but most effective and rigid laws
+of our section,--which everyone respects and never violates,--is that a
+man's private and domestic life must never be made the subject of
+political or public discussion or newspaper notoriety. The man, who at
+any time or under any provocation will so far forget himself as to say
+or do anything that can be construed into a violation of that unwritten
+law, will be likely to pay the penalty with his own life and that, too,
+without court, judge, or jury; and the one by whom the penalty may be
+inflicted will stand acquitted and justified before the bar of public
+opinion. If, then, this able and brilliant young man,--whose bread and
+meat you now have at your disposal,--had lived in concubinage with the
+mother of his children, no law against custom and tradition would have
+been violated, and no one would suggest that he be punished for what he
+had done. Knowing these facts as you do, you ought to rise to the
+dignity of the occasion and protect this good and innocent man from the
+cruel, unjust, and unreasonable demands that are now being made upon you
+to dispense with his valuable services. This gentleman, to my personal
+knowledge, is not only worthy of whatever you may do for him, but his
+elegant and accomplished wife is one of the finest and most cultivated
+ladies it has ever been my good fortune to know. She is not only
+remarkably intelligent, but she is a woman of fine natural ability and
+of superior attainments. She is such a brilliant conversationalist,--so
+interesting, so instructive and so entertaining,--that it is a great
+pleasure and satisfaction to have the opportunity of being in her
+delightful presence, and of sitting within the sound of her sweet,
+charming, and musical voice. In physical development she is as near
+perfection as it is possible for a woman to be. I have had the good
+fortune of knowing her well for a number of years, and I have always
+admired her for her excellent traits and admirable qualities. She is a
+woman that would ornament and grace the parlor and honor the home of the
+finest and best man that ever lived, regardless of his race or
+nationality or the station he may occupy in life, however exalted that
+station may be. She married the man of her choice because she had
+learned to love and honor him, and because, in her opinion, he possessed
+everything, except wealth, that was calculated to contribute to her
+comfort, pleasure and happiness. In a recent conversation I had with
+her, her beautiful, large dark eyes sparkled with delight, and her sweet
+and lovely face was suffused with a smile of satisfaction when she
+informed me that she had never had occasion to regret her selection of a
+husband. She was then the mother of several very handsome children, to
+whom she pointed with pardonable pride. The products of such a union
+could not possibly be otherwise than attractive, for the father was a
+remarkably handsome man, while the mother was a personification of the
+typical southern beauty. The man was devoted to his family. How could he
+be otherwise? Husband and wife were so strongly attached to each other
+that both were more than willing to make any sacrifice that cruel fate
+might have in store for them.
+
+"I therefore appeal to you, Mr. Secretary, in behalf of this charming
+and accomplished woman and her sweet and lovely children. In taking this
+position I am satisfied you will have nothing to lose, for you will not
+only have right on your side, but the interest of the public service as
+well. Rise, then, to the dignity of the occasion and assert and maintain
+your manhood and your independence. You have done this on previous
+occasions, why not do it again? As a member of the Senate of the United
+States you openly and publicly defied the well-known public sentiment of
+your party in the State which you then had the honor in part to
+represent, when you disregarded and repudiated the mandate of the State
+Legislature, instructing you to vote for the free and unlimited coinage
+of silver. It was that vote and the spirit of manly independence shown
+by you on that occasion that placed you in the high and responsible
+position you now occupy, the duties of which your friends know will be
+discharged in a way that will reflect credit upon yourself and honor
+upon your State.
+
+"You again antagonized the dominant sentiment of the Democratic party of
+your State when you pronounced an eloquent eulogy upon the life and
+character of Charles Sumner. And yet you were able to overcome the
+bitter opposition you had encountered on each of those occasions. You
+can do the same thing in this case. I therefore ask you to promise me
+that this worthy and competent public servant shall not be discharged as
+long as his official record remains good."
+
+The Secretary listened to my remarks with close and respectful
+attention. When I had finished he said:
+
+"I agree with nearly all you have said. My sympathies are with your
+friend and it is my desire to retain him in the position he now so
+satisfactorily fills. But when you ask me to disregard and openly defy
+the well-known sentiment of the white people of my State on the question
+of amalgamation, I fear you make a request of me which I cannot safely
+grant, however anxious I may be to serve you. I could defend myself
+before a public audience in my State on the silver question and on the
+Sumner eulogy much more successfully than on the question of
+amalgamation; although in the main, I recognize the force and admit the
+truth of what you have said upon that subject. Hypocritical and
+insincere as the claim may be with reference to maintaining the absolute
+separation of the two races, the sentiment on that subject is one which
+no man who is ambitious to have a political future can safely afford to
+ignore,--especially under the new order of things about which you are
+well posted. While I am sorry for your friend, and should be pleased to
+grant your request in his case, I cannot bring myself to a realization
+of the fact that it is one of sufficient national importance to justify
+me in taking the stand you have so forcibly and eloquently suggested."
+
+This ended the interview. I went to the home of my friend that evening,
+and informed him and his amiable wife of what had been said and done.
+They thanked me warmly for my efforts in their behalf, and assured me
+that there was a future before them, and that in the battle of life they
+were determined to know no such word as "fail." A few weeks later my
+friend's official connection with the public service was suddenly
+terminated. He and his family then left Washington for Kansas, I think.
+About a year thereafter he had occasion to visit Washington on business.
+I happened to be there at that time. He called to see me and informed me
+that, instead of regretting what had occurred, he had every reason to be
+thankful for it, since he had done very much better than he could have
+done had he remained at Washington. I was, of course, very much
+gratified to hear this and warmly congratulated him. Since that time,
+however, I have not seen him nor any member of his family, nor have I
+heard anything from them except indirectly, although I have made a
+number of unsuccessful efforts to find them. I am inclined to the
+opinion that, like thousands of people of the same class, their identity
+with the colored race has long since ceased and that they have been
+absorbed by the white race, as I firmly believe will be true of the
+great mass of colored Americans. It is to prevent any embarrassment
+growing out of the probability of this condition that has actuated me in
+not making public the names of the parties in question. No good could
+come of the disclosure, and much harm might follow. I can, however, most
+positively assure the public that this is not a fiction,--that it is not
+a mere picture that is painted from the vividness of my imagination, but
+that the story as related in all its details is based upon actual
+occurrences.
+
+With this one exception, Secretary Lamar retained in office every clerk
+whose name appeared on the list that I gave him. They were not only
+retained throughout the Administration but many of them were promoted.
+It can be said to the credit of Secretary Lamar that during his
+administration very few changes were made in the clerical force of the
+department for political reasons, and, as a rule, the clerks were
+treated with justice, fairness and impartiality.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXV
+
+THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS BILL
+
+
+It was during the administration of President Harrison that another
+effort was made to secure the enactment by Congress of the necessary
+legislation for the effective enforcement of the war amendments to the
+National Constitution,--a Federal Elections Bill. Mr. Lodge, of
+Massachusetts, was the author of the bill. But the fact was soon
+developed that there were so many Republicans in and out of Congress who
+lacked the courage of their convictions that it would be impossible to
+secure favorable action. In fact there were three classes of white men
+at the South who claimed to be Republicans who used their influence to
+defeat that contemplated legislation. The white men at the South who
+acted with the Republican party at that time were divided into four
+classes.
+
+First, those who were Republicans from principle and conviction--because
+they were firm believers in the principles, doctrines, and policies for
+which the party stood, and were willing to remain with it in adversity
+as well as in prosperity,--in defeat as well as in victory. This class,
+I am pleased to say, while not the most noisy and demonstrative,
+comprised over seventy-five per cent, of the white membership of the
+party in that part of the country.
+
+Second, a small but noisy and demonstrative group, comprising about
+fifteen per cent of the remainder, who labored under the honest, but
+erroneous, impression that the best and most effective way to build up a
+strong Republican party at the South was to draw the color line in the
+party. In other words, to organize a Republican party to be composed
+exclusively of white men, to the entire exclusion of colored men. What
+those men chiefly wanted,--or felt the need of for themselves and their
+families,--was social recognition by the better element of the white
+people of their respective localities. They were eager, therefore, to
+bring about such a condition of things as would make it possible for
+them to be known as Republicans without subjecting themselves and their
+families to the risk of being socially ostracized by their white
+Democratic neighbors. And then again those men believed then, and some
+of them still believe or profess to believe, that southern Democrats
+were and are honest and sincere in the declaration that the presence of
+the colored men in the Republican party prevented southern white men
+from coming into it. "Draw the race line against the colored
+man,--organize a white Republican party,--and you will find that
+thousands of white men who now act with the Democratic party will join
+the Republicans." Some white Republicans believed that the men by whom
+these declarations were made were honest and sincere,--and it may be
+that some of them were,--but it appears not to have occurred to them
+that if the votes of the colored men were suppressed the minority white
+vote, unaided and unprotected, would be powerless to prevent the
+application of methods which would nullify any organized effort on their
+part. In other words, nothing short of an effective national law, to
+protect the weak against the strong and the minority of the whites
+against the aggressive assaults of the majority of that race, would
+enable the minority of the whites to make their power and influence
+effective and potential; and even then it could be effectively done only
+in coöperation with the blacks. Then again, they seemed to have lost
+sight of the fact,--or perhaps they did not know it to be a fact,--that
+many leading southern Democrats are insincere in their declarations upon
+the so-called race question. They keep that question before the public
+for political and party reasons only, because they find it to be the
+most effective weapon they can use to hold the white men in political
+subjection. The effort, therefore, to build up a "white" Republican
+party at the South has had a tendency, under existing circumstances, to
+discourage a strong Republican organization in that section. But, even
+if it were possible for such an organization to have a potential
+existence, it could not be otherwise than ephemeral, because it would be
+wholly out of harmony with the fundamental principles and doctrines of
+the national organization whose name it had appropriated. It would be in
+point of fact a misnomer and, therefore, wholly out of place as one of
+the branches of the national organization which stands for, defends, and
+advocates the civil and political equality of all American citizens,
+without regard to race, color, nationality, or religion. Any
+organization, therefore, claiming to be a branch of the Republican
+party, but which had repudiated and denounced the fundamental and sacred
+creed of that organization, would be looked upon by the public as a
+close, selfish and local machine that was brought into existence to
+serve the ends, and satisfy the selfish ambition of the promoters and
+organizers of the corporation. Yet there were a few well-meaning and
+honest white men in some of the Southern States who were disposed,
+through a mistaken sense of political necessity, to give such a movement
+the benefit of their countenance. But the movement has been a lamentable
+failure in States where it has been tried, and it cannot be otherwise in
+States where it may yet be tried. Men who were in sympathy with a
+movement of this sort took a pronounced stand against the proposed
+Federal Elections Bill, and used what influence they had to prevent its
+passage; their idea being that, if passed, it would have a tendency to
+prevent the accomplishment of the purposes they had in contemplation.
+
+Third, a group that consisted of a still smaller number who were
+Republicans for revenue only,--for the purpose of getting office. If an
+office were in sight they would be quite demonstrative in their advocacy
+of the Republican party and its principles; but if they were not
+officially recognized, their activities would not only cease, but they
+would soon be back into the fold of the Democracy. But should they be
+officially recognized they would be good, faithful, and loyal
+Republicans,--at least so far as words were concerned,--until they
+ceased to be officials, when they would cease at the same time to be
+Republicans. Men of this class were, of course, opposed to the proposed
+legislation for the enforcement of the war amendments to the
+Constitution.
+
+Fourth, a group that consisted of an insignificantly small number of
+white men who claimed to be national Republicans and local
+Democrats,--that is, they claimed that they voted for the Republican
+candidate for President every four years, but for Democrats in all other
+elections. Of course they were against the proposed legislation. These
+men succeeded in inducing some well-meaning Republican members of
+Congress, like Senator Washburne, of Minnesota, for instance, to believe
+that the passage of such a bill would have a tendency to prevent the
+building up of a strong Republican organization at the South. Then
+again, the free silver question was before the public at that time. The
+Republican majority in the Senate was not large. Several of those who
+had been elected as Republicans were free silver men. On that question
+they were in harmony with a majority of the Democrats, and out of
+harmony with the great majority of Republicans. The Free Silver
+Republicans, therefore, were not inclined to support a measure that was
+particularly offensive to their friends and allies on the silver
+question. After a careful canvass of the Senate it was developed that
+the Republican leaders could not safely count on the support of any one
+of the Free Silver Republicans in their efforts to pass the bill, and,
+since they had the balance of power, any further effort to pass it was
+abandoned. It was then made plain to the friends and supporters of that
+measure that no further attempt would be made in that direction for a
+long time, if ever.
+
+I wrote and had published in the Washington _Post_ a letter in which I
+took strong grounds in favor of having the representation in
+Congress,--from States where the colored men had been practically
+disfranchised through an evasion of the Fifteenth Amendment,--reduced
+in the manner prescribed by the Fourteenth Amendment. In that letter I
+made an effort to answer every argument that had been made in opposition
+to such a proposition. It had been argued by some fairly good lawyers,
+for instance, that the subsequent ratification of the Fifteenth
+Amendment had so modified the Fourteenth as to take away from Congress
+this optional and discretionary power which had been previously
+conferred upon it by the Fourteenth Amendment. I tried in that
+letter,--and I think I succeeded,--to answer the argument on that point.
+It was also said that if Congress were to take such a step it would
+thereby give its sanction to the disfranchisement of the colored men in
+the States where that had been done. This I think I succeeded in proving
+was untrue and without foundation. The truth is that the only material
+difference between the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments on this
+particular point is that, subsequent to the ratification of the
+Fourteenth and prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, a
+State could legally disfranchise white or colored men on account of race
+or color, but, since the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, this
+cannot be legally done. If, then, Congress had the constitutional right
+under the Fourteenth Amendment to punish a State in the manner therein
+prescribed, for doing what the State then had a legal and
+constitutional right to do, I cannot see why Congress has not now the
+same power and authority to inflict the same punishment upon the State
+for doing or permitting to be done what it now has no legal and
+constitutional right to do.
+
+No State, in my opinion, should be allowed to take advantage of its own
+wrongs, and thus, by a wrongful act, augment its own power and influence
+in the government. To allow a majority of the white men in the State of
+Mississippi, for instance, to appropriate to themselves through
+questionable methods the representative strength of the colored
+population of that State, excluding the latter from all participation in
+the selection of the representatives in Congress, is a monstrous wrong,
+the continuance of which should not be tolerated.
+
+For every crime there must be a punishment; for every wrong there must
+be a remedy, and for every grievance there must be a redress. That this
+state of things is wrong and unjust, if not unlawful, no fair-minded
+person will deny. It is not only wrong and unjust to the colored people
+of the State, who are thus denied a voice in the government under which
+they live and to support which they are taxed, but it also involves a
+grave injustice to the States in which the laws are obeyed and the
+National Constitution,--including the war amendments to the same,--is
+respected and enforced. I am aware of the fact that it is claimed by
+those who are responsible for what is here complained of that, while
+the acts referred to may be an evasion if not a violation of the spirit
+of the Constitution, yet, since they do not violate the letter of the
+Constitution the complaining parties are without a remedy, and therefore
+have no redress. This contention is not only weak in logic but unsound
+in law, even as construed by the Supreme Court of the United States,
+which tribunal seems to be the last to which an appeal can be
+successfully made, having for its object the enforcement of the
+Constitution and laws so far as they relate to the political and civil
+rights of the colored Americans. That a State can do by indirection what
+it cannot do directly, is denied even by the Supreme Court of the United
+States.
+
+That doctrine was clearly and distinctly set forth in a decision of the
+Court rendered by Mr. Justice Strong, which was concurred in by a
+majority of his associates. In that decision it was held that
+affirmative State action is not necessary to constitute race
+discrimination by the State. In other words, in order to constitute
+affirmative State action in violation of the Constitutional mandate
+against distinction and discrimination based on race or color, it is not
+necessary that the State should pass a law for that purpose. The State,
+the Court declared, acts through its agents, Legislative, Executive and
+Judicial. Whenever an agent or representative of the State acts, his
+acts are binding upon the State, and the effect is the same as if the
+State had passed a law for that purpose. If a judge, for example, in the
+selection of jurors to serve in his court should knowingly and
+intentionally allow a particular race to be excluded from such service
+on account of race or color, the effect would be the same as if the
+State, through its Legislature, had passed a law for that purpose. The
+colored men in the States complained of, have been disfranchised in
+violation of the spirit if not the letter of the Constitution, either by
+affirmative State action, or through and by the State's agents and
+representatives. Their acts, therefore, constitute State action as fully
+as if the Legislature had passed a law for that purpose.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVI
+
+MISSISSIPPI AND THE NULLIFICATION OF THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT
+
+
+The defeat or abandonment of the Lodge Federal Elections Bill was
+equivalent to a declaration that no further attempts would be made for a
+good while, at least, to enforce by appropriate legislation the war
+amendments to the Constitution. Southern Democrats were not slow in
+taking advantage of the knowledge of that fact.
+
+My own State, Mississippi, was the first to give legal effect to the
+practical nullification of the Fifteenth Amendment. On that question the
+Democratic party in the State was divided into two factions. The radical
+faction, under the leadership of Senator George, advocated the adoption
+and enforcement of extreme methods. The liberal or conservative
+faction,--or what was known as the Lamar wing of the party under the
+leadership of Senator Walthall,--was strongly opposed to such methods.
+Senator George advocated the calling of a Constitutional Convention, to
+frame a new Constitution for the State. Senator Walthall opposed it,
+contending that the then Constitution, though framed by Republicans,
+was, in the main, unobjectionable and should be allowed to stand. But
+Senator George was successful, and a convention was called to meet in
+the fall of 1890. In order to take no chances the Senator had himself
+nominated and elected a member of the Convention.
+
+When the Convention met, it was found that there were two strong
+factions, one in favor of giving legal effect to the nullification of
+the Fifteenth Amendment, and the other opposed to it. The George faction
+was slightly in the majority, resulting in one of their
+number,--nullificationists, as they were called,--Judge S.S. Calhoun,
+being elected President of the Convention. The plan advocated and
+supported by the George faction, of which Senator George was the author,
+provided that no one be allowed to register as a voter, or vote if
+registered, unless he could read and write, or unless he could
+understand any section of the Constitution when read to him and give a
+reasonable interpretation thereof. This was known as the "understanding
+clause." It was plain to every one that its purpose was to evade the
+Fifteenth Amendment, and disfranchise the illiterate voters of one race
+without disfranchising those of the other.
+
+The opposition to this scheme was under the leadership of one of the
+ablest and most brilliant members of the bar, Judge J.B. Christman, of
+Lincoln County. As a substitute for the George plan or understanding
+clause, he ably and eloquently advocated the adoption of a fair and
+honest educational qualification as a condition precedent to
+registration and voting, to be equally applicable to whites and blacks.
+
+The speeches on both sides were able and interesting. It looked for a
+while as if the substitute clause proposed by Judge Christman would be
+adopted. In consequence of such an apprehension, Judge Calhoun, the
+President of the Convention, took the floor in opposition to the
+Christman plan, and in support of the one proposed by Senator George.
+The substance of his speech was that the Convention had been called for
+the purpose of insuring the ascendency of the white race,--the
+Democratic party,--in the administration of the State Government through
+some other methods than those which had been enforced since 1875.
+
+"If you fail in the discharge of your duties in this matter," he
+declared, "the blood of every negro that will be killed in an election
+riot hereafter will be upon your shoulders."
+
+In other words, the speaker frankly admitted, what everyone knew to be a
+fact, that the ascendency of the Democratic party in the State had been
+maintained since 1875 through methods which, in his opinion, should no
+longer be sanctioned and tolerated. These methods, he contended, were
+corrupting the morals of the people of the State and should be
+discontinued; but the ascendency of the Democratic party must be
+maintained at any cost. The George plan, he urged, would accomplish this
+result, because if the negroes were disfranchised according to the forms
+of law, there would be no occasion to suppress his vote by violence
+because he would have no vote to suppress; and there would be no
+occasion to commit fraud in the count or perjury in the returns.
+
+Notwithstanding this frank speech, which was intended to arouse the
+fears of the members of the Convention from a party standpoint, the
+defeat of the Christman substitute was by no means an assured fact. But
+the advocates of the George plan,--the "understanding clause,"--were
+both desperate and determined. Contrary to public expectation two
+Republicans, Geo. B. Melchoir and I.T. Montgomery, had been elected to
+the Convention from Bolivar County. But their seats were contested, and
+it was assumed that their Democratic contestants would be seated. Still,
+pending the final disposition of the case, the two Republicans were the
+sitting members. Montgomery was colored and Melchoir was white. But the
+George faction needed those two votes. No one suspected, however, that
+they would get them in any other way than by seating the contestants.
+The advocates and supporters of the Christman substitute were,
+therefore, very much surprised and disappointed when they learned that
+Mr. Montgomery, the only colored member of the Convention, intended to
+make a speech in favor of the adoption of the George plan, and vote for
+it; which he did. Why this man, who had the reputation of being honest
+and honorable, and who in point of intelligence was considerably above
+the average of his race, should have thus acted and voted has always
+been an inexplicable mystery. It is difficult to believe that he was
+willing to pay such a price for the retention of his seat in the
+Convention, still it is a fact that the contest was never called and
+Montgomery and his colleague were allowed to retain their seats.
+
+The adoption of the George plan was thus assured, but not without a
+desperate fight. The opponents of that scheme made a brave, though
+unsuccessful, fight against it. But it was soon made plain to the
+advocates of the George plan that what they had succeeded in forcing
+through the Convention would be defeated by the people at the
+ballot-box. In fact, a storm of protest was raised throughout the State.
+The Democratic press, as well as the members of that party, were
+believed to be about equally divided on the question of the ratification
+of the Constitution as thus framed. Since it was well known that the
+Republicans would be solid in their opposition to ratification, the
+rejection of the proposed Constitution was an assured fact. But the
+supporters of the George scheme felt that they could not afford to have
+the results of their labors go down in defeat. In order to prevent this
+they decided to deny the people the right of passing judgment upon the
+work of the Convention. The decision, therefore, was that the Convention
+by which the Constitution was framed should declare it duly ratified and
+approved, and to go into effect upon a day therein named. The people of
+that unfortunate State, therefore, have never had an opportunity to pass
+judgment upon the Constitution under which they are living and which
+they are required to obey and support, that right having been denied
+them because it was known that a majority of them were opposed to its
+ratification and would have voted against it.
+
+But this so-called "understanding clause," or George scheme, is much
+more sweeping than was intended by its author. The intent of that clause
+was to make it possible to disfranchise the illiterate blacks without
+disfranchising the illiterate whites. But as construed and enforced it
+is not confined to illiterates but to persons of intelligence as well.
+No man, for instance, however intelligent he may be, can be registered
+as a voter or vote if registered, if the registering officers or the
+election officers are of the opinion that he does not understand the
+Constitution. It is true, the instrument is so worded that no allusion
+is made to the race or color of those seeking to be registered and to
+vote; still, it is perfectly plain to everyone that the purpose was to
+enable the State to do, through its authorized and duly appointed agents
+and representatives, the very thing the Fifteenth Amendment declares
+shall not be done. According to the decision of the Supreme Court, as
+rendered by Mr. Justice Strong, the effect is the same as if the
+instrument had declared in so many words that race or color should be
+the basis of discrimination and exclusion.
+
+The bitter and desperate struggle between the two factions of the
+Democratic party in the State of Mississippi in this contest, forcibly
+illustrates the fact that the National Republican party made a grave
+mistake when it abandoned any further effort to enforce by appropriate
+legislation the war amendments to the Constitution. In opposing and
+denouncing the questionable methods of the extreme and radical faction
+of their own party, the conservative faction of the Democrats believed,
+expected, and predicted that such methods would not be acquiesced in by
+the Republican party, nor would they be tolerated by the National
+Government. If those expectations and predictions had been verified they
+would have given the conservative element a justifiable excuse to break
+away from the radicals, and this would have resulted in having two
+strong political parties in that section to-day instead of one. But
+when it was seen that the National Republican party made no further
+opposition to the enforcement of those extraneous, radical and
+questionable methods, that fact not only had the effect of preventing
+further opposition on the part of the conservative Democrats, but it
+also resulted in many of the politically ambitious among them joining
+the ranks of the radicals, since that was then the only channel through
+which it was possible for their political aspirations to be gratified.
+
+The reader cannot fail to see that under the plan in force in
+Mississippi there is no incentive to intelligence; because intelligence
+does not secure access to the ballot-box, nor does the lack of it
+prevent such access. It is not an incentive to the accumulation of
+wealth; because the ownership of property does not secure to the owner
+access to the ballot-box, nor does the lack of it prevent such access.
+It is not a question of intelligence, wealth or character, nor can it be
+said that it is wholly a question of party. It is simply a question of
+factional affiliation. The standard of qualification is confined to such
+white men as may be in harmony with the faction that may happen to have
+control for the time being of the election machinery. What is true of
+Mississippi in this respect is equally true of the other States in which
+schemes of various sorts have been invented and adopted to evade the
+Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVII
+
+EFFECT OF THE MCKINLEY TARIFF BILL ON BOTH POLITICAL PARTIES
+
+
+The Congressional elections of 1890 resulted in a crushing defeat for
+the Republicans. This was due, no doubt, to the McKinley Tariff Bill
+which became a law only about a month before the elections of that year.
+Congress convened the first Monday in December, 1889, and that session
+did not come to a close until the following October. The Democrats in
+Congress made a bitter fight against the McKinley Tariff Bill, and,
+since it was a very complete and comprehensive measure, a great deal of
+time was necessarily consumed in its consideration and discussion. When
+it finally became a law the time between its passage and the elections
+was so short that the friends of the measure did not have time to
+explain and defend it before the elections took place. This placed the
+Republicans at a great disadvantage. They were on the defensive from the
+beginning. The result was a sweeping Democratic victory.
+
+But, strange to say, the same issues that produced Democratic success
+and Republican defeat at that election brought about Republican success
+and Democratic defeat at the Presidential and Congressional elections in
+1896. The McKinley Tariff Bill of 1890 was so popular six years later,
+that the author of that measure was deemed the strongest and most
+available man to place at the head of the Republican ticket as the
+candidate of that party for President. His election was a complete
+vindication of the wisdom of the measure of which he was the author and
+champion. In 1890 his bill was so unpopular that it resulted in his own
+defeat for reëlection to Congress. But this did not cause him to lose
+faith in the wisdom and the ultimate popularity of the bill which he was
+proud to have bear his name.
+
+"A little time," said McKinley, "will prove the wisdom of the measure."
+In this he was not mistaken. His defeat for reëlection to Congress
+ultimately made him President of the United States; for the following
+year the Republicans of his State elected him Governor, which was a
+stepping-stone to the Presidency. All that was needed was an opportunity
+for the merits of his bill to be thoroughly tested. Shortly after its
+passage, but before it could be enforced or even explained, the people
+were led to believe that it was a harsh, cruel, and unjust measure,
+imposing heavy, unreasonable, and unnecessary taxes upon them,
+increasing the prices of the necessaries of life without a
+corresponding increase in the price of labor. The people were in an
+ugly mood in anticipation of what was never fully realized.
+
+It is true that the tariff was not the sole issue that resulted in such
+a sweeping Republican victory in the National elections of 1896. The
+financial issue, which was prominent before the people at that time, was
+one of the contributory causes of that result. Still it cannot be denied
+that McKinley's connection with the Tariff Bill of 1890 was what gave
+him the necessary national prominence to make him the most available man
+to be placed at the head of his party ticket for the Presidency that
+year.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVIII
+
+INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND SECRETARY
+GRESHAM
+
+
+When Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated in 1893, I was Auditor of the
+Treasury for the Navy Department. Hon. J.G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, had
+been made Secretary of the Treasury. My resignation had been tendered,
+the acceptance of which I expected to see announced any day, but the
+change did not take place until August of that year.
+
+While seated at my desk one day a messenger from the White House made
+his appearance, and I was informed that the President desired to see me
+in person. When I arrived at the White House I was immediately ushered
+into the President's private office, where he was seated alone at a desk
+engaged in reading a book or a magazine. It was at an hour when he was
+not usually accessible to the public. He received me in a very cordial
+way. He informed me that there was an important matter about which he
+desired to talk with me--to get the benefit of my opinion and
+experience. He assured me of his friendly interest in the colored
+people. It was his determination that they should have suitable and
+appropriate recognition under his administration. He said he was very
+much opposed to the color line in politics. There was no more reason why
+a man should be opposed or discriminated against on account of his race
+than on account of his religion. He believed it to be the duty of the
+Democratic party to encourage the colored voters to divide their votes,
+and the best way to do this was to accord to that race the same relative
+consideration, the same treatment, and to give the race the same
+recognition that is given other races and classes of which our
+citizenship is composed. The party line is the only one that should be
+drawn. He would not appoint a colored Republican to office merely for
+the purpose of giving official recognition to the colored race, nor
+would he refuse to appoint a colored Democrat simply because he was
+colored. If this course were pursued, and this policy adopted and
+adhered to by the Democratic party, the colored voters who are in
+harmony with that party on questions about which white men usually
+divide, could see their way clear to vote in accordance with their
+convictions upon such issues, and would not be obliged to vote against
+the party with which they may be in harmony on account of that party's
+attitude towards them as a race. "In other words," he said, "it is a
+well-known fact that there are thousands of colored men who vote the
+Republican ticket at many important elections,--not from choice but
+from what they believe to be a necessity. If the views entertained by me
+on this subject should be accepted by the Democratic party, as I hope
+and believe they will be, that necessity,--real or imaginary,--would no
+longer exist, and the gradual division of the colored vote would
+necessarily follow."
+
+He went on to say that he had not hesitated to express himself fully,
+freely and frankly with members of his own party on the subject, and
+that he had informed them of the course he intended to pursue; but that
+he had been advised against appointing any colored man to an office in
+which white women were employed.
+
+"Now," said the President, "since you have been at the head of an
+important bureau in the Treasury Department during the past four years,
+a bureau in which a number of white women are employed as clerks, I
+desire very much to know what has been your experiences along those
+lines." I informed the President that I would take pleasure in giving
+him the information desired. I assured him that if my occupancy of that
+office had been the occasion of the slightest embarrassment to anyone
+connected with the public service,--whether in the office over which I
+presided or any other,--that fact had never been brought to my notice.
+On the contrary, I had every reason to believe that no one who had
+previously occupied the position enjoyed the respect, good-will and
+friendship of the clerks and other employees to a greater extent than
+was enjoyed by me. My occupancy of that office had more than
+demonstrated the fact, if such were necessary, that official position
+and social contact were separate and distinct. My contact with the
+clerks and other employees of the office was official, not social.
+During office hours they were subject to my direction and supervision in
+the discharge of their official duties, and I am pleased to say that all
+of them, without a single exception, have shown me that courtesy,
+deference and respect due to the head of the office. After office hours
+they went their way and I went mine. No new social ties were created and
+none were broken or changed as the result of the official position
+occupied by me. I assured the President, that, judging from my own
+experience, he need not have the slightest apprehension of any
+embarrassment, friction or unpleasantness growing out of the appointment
+of a colored man of intelligence, good judgment and wise discretion as
+head of any bureau in which white women were employed.
+
+I could not allow the interview to close without expressing to the
+President my warm appreciation of his fair, just, reasonable and
+dignified position on the so-called race question.
+
+"Your attitude," I said, "if accepted in good faith by your party, will
+prove to be the solution of this mythical race problem. Although I am a
+pronounced Republican, yet, as a colored American, I am anxious to have
+such a condition of things brought about as will allow a colored man to
+be a Democrat if he so desires. I believe you have stated the case
+accurately when you say that thousands of colored men have voted the
+Republican ticket at important elections, from necessity and not from
+choice. As a Republican, it is my hope that colored as well as white
+men, act with and vote for the candidates of that party when worthy and
+meritorious, but as a colored American, I want them to be so situated
+that they can vote that way from choice and not from necessity. No man
+can be a free and independent American citizen who is obliged to
+sacrifice his convictions upon the altar of his personal safety. The
+attitude of the Democratic party upon this so-called race question has
+made the colored voter a dependent, and not an independent, American
+citizen. The Republican party emancipated him from physical bondage, for
+which he is grateful. It remains for the Democratic party to emancipate
+him from political bondage, for which he will be equally grateful. You
+are engaged, Mr. President, in a good and glorious work. As a colored
+man I thank you for the brave and noble stand you have taken. God grant
+that you, as a Democrat, may have influence enough to get the Democratic
+party as an organization to support you in the noble stand you have so
+bravely taken."
+
+The President thanked me for my expressions of good-will, and thus
+terminated what to me was a remarkable as well as a pleasant and most
+agreeable interview.
+
+A few days later a messenger from the State Department called at my
+office and informed me that the Secretary of State, Judge Gresham,
+desired to see me. Judge Gresham and I had been warm personal friends
+for many years. He had occupied many positions of prominence and
+responsibility. He had been a major-general in the Union army, and was
+with Sherman's army during that celebrated March through Georgia. He was
+one of the leading candidates for the Presidential nomination before the
+National Republican Convention at Chicago in 1888, when General Benjamin
+Harrison, of Indiana, was nominated.
+
+I was a member of that Convention and one of Judge Gresham's active
+supporters. In the campaign that followed Judge Gresham gave General
+Harrison his active and loyal support, but, for some unaccountable
+reason, he supported Mr. Cleveland against General Harrison in 1892. Mr.
+Cleveland was not only elected, but, contrary to public expectation, he
+carried the State of Illinois,--a State in which Judge Gresham was known
+to be very popular, especially among the colored people of Chicago;
+many of whom, it was said, voted for Mr. Cleveland through the efforts
+and influence of Judge Gresham. Mr. Cleveland evidently believed that
+his success in Illinois was due largely to Judge Gresham, and as
+evidence of that fact, and because Judge Gresham was known to be a very
+able man, Mr. Cleveland paid him the distinguished honor of appointing
+him to the leading position in his cabinet,--that of Secretary of State.
+
+When I called at the State Department the Judge invited me to a seat in
+his private office. He said there was an important matter about which he
+desired to talk with me. My name, he said, had been the subject of a
+recent conversation between the President and himself. The President, he
+said, was well aware of the cordial relations existing between us, and
+believed that if any man could influence my action he, Gresham, was that
+man.
+
+"Now," said the Judge, "the President has formed a very favorable
+opinion of you. He is anxious to have you remain at the head of the
+important bureau over which you are now presiding in such a creditable
+and satisfactory manner. But you understand that it is a political
+office. As anxious as the President is to retain you, and as anxious as
+I am to have him do so, he could not do it and you could neither ask nor
+expect him to do it, unless you were known to be in sympathy with, and a
+supporter of, his administration,--at least in the main. Now, you know
+that I am not only your friend, but that I am a friend to the colored
+people. I know you are a Republican. So am I; but I am a Cleveland man.
+Cleveland is a better Republican than Harrison. In supporting Cleveland
+against Harrison I am no less a Republican. As your friend I would not
+advise you to do anything that would militate against your interests.
+Knowing, as you do, that I am not only your friend but also a good
+Republican, you can at least afford to follow where I lead. I want you,
+then, to authorize me to say to the President that you are in sympathy
+with the main purposes of his administration as explained to you by me,
+and that his decision to retain you in your present position will be
+fully and keenly appreciated by you."
+
+In my reply I stated that while I was very grateful to the Judge for his
+friendly interest in me, and while I highly appreciated the President's
+good opinion of me, it would not be possible for me to consent to retain
+the position I then occupied upon the conditions named.
+
+"If," I said, "it is the desire of the President to have me remain in
+charge of that office during his administration or any part thereof, I
+would be perfectly willing to do so if I should be permitted to remain
+free from any conditions, pledges, promises or obligations. The
+conditions suggested mean nothing more nor less than that I shall
+identify myself with the Democratic party. The President has no office
+at his disposal the acceptance or retention of which could be a
+sufficient inducement for me to take such a step as that. I agree with
+what you have said about Mr. Cleveland, so far as he is personally
+concerned. I have every reason to believe that he has a friendly
+interest in the colored people and that he means to do the fair thing by
+them so far as it may be in his power. But he was elected as a Democrat.
+He is the head of a National Democratic Administration. No man can be
+wholly independent of his party,--a fact recognized in the conditions
+suggested in my own case. I don't think that Mr. Cleveland is what would
+be called in my part of the country a good Democrat, because I believe
+he is utterly devoid of race prejudice, and is not in harmony with those
+who insist upon drawing the color line in the Democratic party. In my
+opinion he is in harmony with the Democratic party only on one important
+public question,--the tariff. On all others,--the so-called race
+question not excepted,--he is in harmony with what I believe to be
+genuine Republicanism. Still, as I have already stated, he was elected
+as a Democrat; and, since he holds that the office now occupied by me is
+a political one, it ought to be filled by one who is in political
+harmony with the administration. I am not that man; for I cannot
+truthfully say that I am in harmony with the main purposes of the
+administration."
+
+The Judge remarked that my decision was a disappointment to him, and he
+believed that I would some day regret having made it, but that he would
+communicate to the President the result of our interview. In spite of
+this, my successor, Morton, a Democrat from Maine, was not appointed
+until the following August.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIX
+
+THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1900
+
+
+As a delegate to the National Republican Convention of 1900, I was
+honored by my delegation with being selected to represent Mississippi on
+the Committee on Platform and Resolutions; and by the chairman of that
+committee, Senator Fairbanks, I was made a member of the sub-committee
+that drafted the platform. At the first meeting of the sub-committee,
+the Ohio member, Senator J.B. Foraker, submitted the draft of a platform
+that had been prepared at Washington which was made the basis of quite a
+lengthy and interesting discussion. This discussion developed the fact
+that the Washington draft was not at all satisfactory to a majority of
+the sub-committee. The New York member, Hon. L.E. Quigg, was especially
+pronounced in his objections, not so much to what was declared, but to
+the manner and form in which the declarations were made. In his opinion,
+the principles of the party were not set forth in the Washington draft
+in language that would make them clearly understood and easily
+comprehended by the reading public. After every member who desired to
+speak had done so, it was agreed that those who desired amendments,
+changes, or additions should submit the same in writing, and that these
+with the Washington draft be turned over to Mr. Quigg as a sub-committee
+of one. A platform in harmony with the views expressed by members of the
+committee would then be carefully prepared, and the same submitted to
+the sub-committee at an adjourned meeting to be held at an early hour
+the next morning.
+
+The only amendment suggested by me was one, the purpose of which was to
+express more clearly the attitude of the party with reference to the
+enforcement of the war amendments to the National Constitution. When the
+sub-committee met the next morning Mr. Quigg submitted an entirely new
+draft, which he had prepared the afternoon and night before, using the
+Washington draft and the amendments submitted by members of the
+sub-committee as the basis of what he had done. His draft proved to be
+so satisfactory to the sub-committee that it was accepted and adopted
+with very slight modifications. Mr. Quigg seemed to have been very
+careful in the preparation of his draft, not only giving expression to
+the views of the sub-committee, which had been developed in the
+discussion, and as had been set forth in the suggested amendments
+referred to him, but the manner and form of expression used by him
+impressed the committee as being a decided improvement upon the
+Washington draft, although the subject matter in both drafts was
+substantially the same. Mr. Quigg's draft, with very slight changes and
+alterations, was not only accepted and adopted, but he was the recipient
+of the thanks of the other members for the excellent manner in which he
+had discharged the important duty that had been assigned him.
+
+The full committee was then convened by which the unanimous report of
+the sub-committee was adopted without opposition and without change. But
+I had anticipated a renewal of the effort to change the basis of
+representation in future National Republican Conventions, and had,
+therefore, made some little mental preparation to take a leading part in
+opposition to its adoption. Such a proposition had been submitted at
+nearly every National Convention of the party since 1884. That a similar
+effort would be made at this convention I had good reasons to believe.
+In this I was not mistaken. It was introduced by Senator Quay, of
+Pennsylvania. His proposition, like the others, was that in the future
+delegates to the National Convention should be apportioned among the
+different States upon the basis of the votes polled for the party
+candidates at the last preceding national election, instead of upon the
+basis of the States' representation in Congress. On the first view this
+proposition seems to be both reasonable and fair, but it cannot stand
+the test of an intelligent analysis. As soon as I sought and secured
+the recognition of the chair, I offered an amendment in the nature of a
+substitute, declaring it to be the judgment of the party that in all
+States in which there had been an evasion of the Fifteenth Amendment by
+State action, that there should be a reduction in the representation in
+Congress from such State or States in the manner and for the purpose
+expressed in the Fourteenth Amendment. A point of order was immediately
+made against the amendment, but the occupant of the chair, Senator
+Lodge, stated that he would hold his decision in reserve pending an
+explanation by me of the amendment I had submitted. At that time a
+suggestion was made that the whole subject be postponed until the next
+day, to which I assented, and then yielded the floor. But it was not
+again called up, hence my speech was never delivered. Since it may be of
+some interest to the reader to get an idea of what I had in mind, I
+shall here set down in the main what I intended to say on that occasion
+had the opportunity been presented.
+
+"Mr. Chairman, while there may be some doubt, in a parliamentary sense,
+as to whether or not the amendment I have submitted can be entertained
+as a substitute for the original proposition, it cannot be denied that
+it relates to the same subject matter. I hope, therefore, that the
+Convention will have an opportunity in some way of voting upon it in
+lieu of the one that has been presented by the distinguished gentleman
+from Pennsylvania. It is a well-known fact that under the present system
+each State is entitled to double the number of delegates that it has
+Senators and Representatives in Congress. The plan now proposed is that
+the apportionment in future conventions be based upon the number of
+votes polled for the candidates of the party at the last preceding
+National election, according to what is known as the 'official returns,'
+although it may be a fact, as is unquestionably true in some States,
+that the 'official returns' may not be free from fraud,--that they may
+represent in some instances not the actual party vote polled, but the
+party vote counted, certified, and returned. This plan, therefore, means
+that representation from some States in future National Republican
+Conventions will not be based upon Republican strength, nor determined
+by Republican votes, but will be fixed and determined by Democratic
+election officials. In other words, Democrats, and not Republicans, will
+fix and determine in a large measure, representation in future
+Conventions of the Republican party.
+
+"The proposed change is predicated upon the assumption that elections
+are fair and returns are honest in all the States at each and every
+National election. If that were true the difference in the
+representation from the several States would be unimportant and
+immaterial, even under the proposed change, hence there would be no
+occasion for the change. The fact that this assumption is not true
+furnishes the basis for the alleged inequality in representation, and
+the apparent necessity for the change proposed. In addition to this it
+is a well-known fact that in several of the Southern States,--my own,
+Mississippi, among the number,--the Fifteenth Amendment to the National
+Constitution has been practically nullified, and that the colored men in
+such States have been as effectually disfranchised as if the Fifteenth
+Amendment were not a part of the organic law of the land. If the plan
+that is now proposed by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania
+should be adopted, the National Republican party by accepting them and
+making them the basis of representation in future National Conventions
+of the party will have thereby placed itself on record as having given
+its sanction to the questionable methods by which these results have
+been accomplished. I frankly confess that the plan I have presented is
+based upon the humiliating confession that the Government is without
+power under the Constitution as construed by the Supreme Court to
+effectually enforce the war amendments; and that in consequence thereof
+nothing is left to be done but to fall back upon the plan prescribed by
+the Fourteenth Amendment, which is to reduce the representation in
+Congress from such States in the manner and for the purposes therein
+stated.
+
+"It is true that the Fourteenth Amendment having been proposed and
+submitted prior to the Fifteenth, the provision with reference to
+reduction of representation in Congress was predicated upon the
+assumption that the different States could then legally make race or
+color a ground of discrimination in prescribing the qualification of
+electors. Still, it occurs to me that if a State could be thus punished
+for doing that which it had a legal right to do, the same punishment can
+now be inflicted for doing that which it can no longer legally do. If
+the plan proposed by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania
+should be adopted, the Republican party will not only have placed itself
+on record as having given its sanction to the methods by which these
+results will have been accomplished, but it will be notice to the
+different States, north as well as south, that any of them that may see
+fit to take advantage of their own wrongs will have no occasion to fear
+any future punishment being inflicted upon the State for so doing. Under
+the plan thus proposed the State that may thus take advantage of its own
+wrongs will not only receive no punishment in the reduction of its
+representation in Congress, but its methods and practices will have been
+approved and adopted by the Republican party.
+
+"On the other hand, the plan I propose is one which is equivalent to a
+notice to the different States that, while the National Government may
+not be able to enforce by appropriate legislation the war amendments to
+the Constitution, the Legislative department of the Government can
+prevent a State from taking advantage of its own wrongs, through the
+infliction of a punishment upon the State in the reduction of its
+representation in Congress. Since representation in the National
+Convention is based upon the States' representation in Congress, it will
+be seen that if the representation in Congress from such States should
+be reduced, it would result in a reduction in the representation from
+such States in the National Convention. The main purpose, therefore,
+which the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania seems to have in
+view will have been practically accomplished, but in a far different and
+in a much less objectionable way. It will be some satisfaction to
+southern Republicans, who are denied access to the ballot-box through an
+evasion of the National Constitution, to know that if they are to be
+denied a voice in future National Conventions of the party to which they
+belong, because they are unable to make their votes effective at the
+ballot-box, the party or State by which they are thus wronged will not
+be allowed to take advantage of, and enjoy the fruits thereof. They will
+at least have the satisfaction of knowing that if they cannot vote
+themselves, others cannot vote for them, and thus appropriate to
+themselves the increased representation in Congress and in the electoral
+college to which the State is entitled, based upon their representative
+strength.
+
+"The strongest point in favor of this proposed change, as I have
+endeavored to show, grows out of the apparent inequality in
+representation in the National Convention due to the denial of access to
+the ballot-box to Republicans through an evasion of the Fifteenth
+Amendment. I cannot believe, Mr. Chairman, that this convention can be
+induced to favorably consider any proposition, the effect of which will
+be to sanction and approve the questionable methods by which the colored
+Republicans in several Southern States have been disfranchised. I cannot
+believe that this convention can be induced to favorably consider any
+proposition, the effect of which will be the sending of a message of
+sympathy and encouragement to the Democrats of North Carolina, who are
+now engaged in an effort to disfranchise the colored Republicans of that
+State.
+
+"The colored Americans ask no special favors as a class,--and no special
+protection as a race. All they ask and insist upon is equal civil and
+political rights, and a voice in the government under which they live,
+and to which they owe allegiance, and for the support of which they are
+taxed. They feel that they are entitled to such consideration and
+treatment, not as a matter of favor but as a matter of right. They came
+to the rescue of their country when its flag was trailing in the dust of
+treason and rebellion, and freely watered the tree of liberty with the
+precious and patriotic blood that flowed from their loyal veins.
+
+"There sits upon the floor of this convention to-day a distinguished
+gentleman whose name is upon the lips of every patriotic American
+citizen. The gentleman to whom I refer, is the member from the great and
+important State of New York, Theodore Roosevelt, who, as the brave
+leader of the American troops, led the charge upon San Juan Hill. In
+following the lead of that gallant officer on that momentous occasion,
+the colored American again vindicated his right to a voice in the
+government of his country. In his devotion to the cause of liberty and
+justice the colored American has shown that he was not only willing and
+ready at any and all times to sacrifice his life upon the altar of his
+own country, but that he is also willing to fight side by side with his
+white American brother in an effort to plant the tree of liberty upon a
+foreign soil. Must it now be said, that, in spite of all this, the
+colored American finds himself without a home, without a country,
+without friends, and even without a party? God forbid!
+
+"Mr. Chairman, the colored American has been taught to believe that when
+all other parties and organizations are against him, he can always look
+with hope and encouragement to conventions of the Republican party. Must
+that hope now be destroyed? Must he now be made to feel and to realize
+the unpleasant fact that, as an American citizen, his ambition, his
+hopes and his aspirations are to be buried beneath the sod of
+disappointment and despair? Mr. Chairman, the achievements of the
+Republican party as the friend and champion of equal civil and political
+rights for all classes of American citizens, constitute one of the most
+brilliant chapters in the history of that grand and magnificent
+organization. Must that chapter now be blotted out? Are you now prepared
+to confess that in these grand and glorious achievements the party made
+a grave mistake?
+
+"It was a most beautiful and imposing scene that took place yesterday
+when a number of venerable men who took part in the organization of the
+Republican party, occupied seats upon the platform of this convention.
+The presence of those men brought to mind pleasant and agreeable
+recollections of the past. Until the Republican party was organized, the
+middle classes, the laboring people, the oppressed and the slave had no
+channel through which to reach the bar of public opinion. The Democratic
+party was controlled by the slave oligarchy of the South, whilst the
+Whig party had not the courage of its convictions. The Republican party
+came to the front with a determination to secure, if possible, freedom
+for the slave, liberty for the oppressed, and justice and fair play for
+all classes and races of our population. That its efforts in these
+directions have not been wholly in vain are among the most glorious and
+brilliant achievements that will constitute a most important part of the
+history of our country; for it had been the unmistakable determination
+of that party to make this beautiful country of ours in truth and in
+fact the land of the free and the home of the brave. Surely it is not
+your purpose now to reverse and undo any part of the grand and noble
+work that has been so successfully and so well done along these lines.
+
+"And yet that is just what you will have done if you adopt the
+proposition presented by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania.
+While I do not assert and cannot believe that such was or is the purpose
+and desire of the author of that proposition, yet no one that will give
+the matter careful consideration can fail to see that the effect of it
+will be to undo, in part at least, what the Republican party has
+accomplished since its organization. As a colored Republican, speaking
+in behalf of that class of our fellow citizens who honor and revere the
+Republican party for what it has accomplished in the past, I feel that I
+have a right to appeal to you not to cloud the magnificent record which
+this grand organization has made. So far as the colored man is
+concerned, you found him a slave; you have made him a free man. You
+found him a serf; you have made him a sovereign. You found him a
+dependent menial; you have made him a soldier. I therefore appeal to the
+members of this Convention, in the name of the history of the Republican
+party, and in behalf of justice and fair-play, to vote down this unjust,
+unfair, unwise and unnecessary proposition which has been presented by
+the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXX
+
+ARGUMENT ON PROPOSED CHANGE OF REPRESENTATION IN CONVENTION
+
+
+In addition to the reasons already given there are many others that
+might be urged against the proposed change of representation.
+
+In the first place, the present plan is based upon the sound and stable
+principle upon which the Government was organized. Representation in
+Congress is not based upon votes or voters, but upon population. The
+same is true of the different State Legislatures. All political
+parties,--or, at any rate, the principal ones,--have adopted the same
+system in the make-up of their State and National Conventions. The
+membership of the National Convention being based upon each State's
+representation in Congress, the State Conventions, with perhaps a few
+exceptions, are based upon the representation in the State Legislatures
+from each county, parish, or other civil division. It is the fairest,
+safest, best, and most equitable plan that can be devised or adopted.
+
+Under this plan or system, no State, section or locality can gain or
+lose representation in any party convention through the application of
+extraneous or questionable methods, either by the action of the
+government or of a political party. The representation in Congress and
+in the different State Legislatures, which is based upon population,
+fixes the representation from each State in the different National
+Conventions and in many of the State Conventions. Any other plan or
+system,--especially that which is based upon the number of votes cast
+for the candidates of the party as officially ascertained and
+declared,--would have a tendency to work serious injustice to certain
+States and sections. In fact, it would have a tendency to sectionalize
+the party by which the change is made.
+
+Under the present system, for instance, Pennsylvania and Texas have the
+same representation in a National Democratic Convention that they have
+in a National Republican Convention, although one is usually Republican
+in National elections and the other Democratic. And why should not the
+representation from those States be the same in both conventions? Why
+should Texas, because it is believed to be safely Democratic, have more
+power and influence in a Democratic Convention on that account than the
+Republican State of Pennsylvania? The answer may be because one is a
+Democratic and the other a Republican State--because one can be relied
+upon to give its electoral votes to the candidates of the Democratic
+party while the other cannot. But this is not in harmony with our
+governmental system. Representation in Congress being based upon
+population, every State, section and locality has its relative weight
+and influence in the government in accordance with the number of its
+inhabitants.
+
+That this is the correct principle will not be seriously questioned when
+it is carefully considered. What is true of Pennsylvania and Texas in a
+National Democratic Convention is equally true of the same States in a
+National Republican Convention, and for the same reasons. The argument
+that Pennsylvania should have relatively a larger representation in a
+National Republican Convention than Texas, because the former is
+reliably Republican while the latter is hopelessly Democratic, is just
+as fallacious in this case as in the other. But it is said that
+delegates from States that cannot contribute to the success of the
+ticket should not have a potential voice in nominating a ticket that
+other States must be depended upon to elect. Then why not exclude them
+altogether, and also those from the territories and the District of
+Columbia?
+
+The argument is unsound, and unreasonable; a State may be reliably
+Republican at one election and yet go Democratic at the next. In 1872
+General Grant, the Republican candidate for President, carried nearly
+every State in the Union, in the South as well as in the North. Four
+years later Governor Hayes, the Republican candidate for President,
+came within one vote of being defeated in the electoral college; and
+even then his election was made possible only through the decision of
+the Electoral Commission. In 1880 General Garfield, the Republican
+candidate for President, carried New York, and was elected; while four
+years later Mr. Blaine, the candidate of the same party, lost it and was
+defeated. In 1888 Harrison, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+carried New York, and was elected; four years later he not only lost New
+York, but also such important States as Indiana and Illinois, and came
+within a few votes of losing Ohio. This was due to a slump in the
+Republican vote throughout the country, which would have made a very
+radical change in the National Convention of 1896 if the apportionment
+of delegates to that convention had been based upon the votes cast for
+Harrison in 1892. While McKinley, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+was elected by a large majority in 1896, he lost such important Western
+States as Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Montana, Washington and Nevada.
+While he was reëlected four years later by an increased majority, he
+again lost some of the same States. While Roosevelt, the Republican
+Presidential candidate in 1904, carried every State that McKinley
+carried in 1900, and several others besides, Mr. Bryan, the Democratic
+candidate in 1908, though defeated by a large majority, regained some
+of the Western States that Roosevelt carried in 1904,--notably his own
+State of Nebraska.
+
+There was a time when such States as Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia,
+Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee were as safely Democratic as Texas and
+Georgia. Will anyone assert that such is true of them now? There also
+was a time when such States as Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada were as
+reliably Republican as Pennsylvania and Vermont. Is that true of them
+now? In addition to these, taking into consideration important elections
+that have been held since 1880, the Republicans cannot absolutely rely
+upon the support of such States as Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut,
+New York, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, Kansas, and even Ohio. Even the
+strong Republican State of Pennsylvania has occasionally gone Democratic
+in what is called an "off year." Other Republican States,--or States
+that usually go Republican,--have gone Democratic when it was not an off
+year,--Illinois, for instance, in 1892. All of this goes to prove how
+unreliable, unsafe, unsatisfactory, unjust and unfair would be the
+change in the basis of representation as thus proposed.
+
+Another argument in support of the proposed change is that delegates
+from Democratic States are, as a rule, controlled by the administration
+then in power, if Republican, and that such delegates can be depended
+upon to support the administration candidate whoever he may be,
+regardless of merit, strength or availability. This argument, of course,
+is based upon the assumption that what is true of Democratic States in
+this respect is not true of Republican States. The slightest
+investigation will easily establish the fallacy of this assumption. The
+truth is that the federal office-holders--especially those holding
+appointive offices,--can, with a few exceptions, always be depended upon
+to support the Administration candidate, whoever he may be. The only
+difference between the North and the South in this respect is that in
+some of the Southern States, where but one party is allowed to
+exist,--the Democratic party,--the Republican office-holders can more
+easily manipulate and control the conventions of their party in such
+States. But that the office-holders of all sections constitute an
+important factor in the election of delegates to the National
+Conventions will not be denied by those who are familiar with the facts,
+and are honest enough to admit them.
+
+For purposes of illustration we will take the National Republican
+Convention of 1908, which nominated Judge Taft. It was known that Judge
+Taft was the man whose candidacy was supported by the Administration.
+The proceedings of the Convention revealed the fact that outside of five
+States that had what were called "favorite son" candidates of their
+own, there were perhaps not more than fifty votes in the whole
+Convention that were opposed to the administration candidate, although
+it is more than probable that Judge Taft would not have been nominated
+but for the fact that he was the choice of the administration.
+
+I am sure no fair-minded person will assert that, in thus voting, the
+delegates from the Democratic States were influenced by the
+administration, while those from Republican States were not. It is not
+my purpose to assert or even intimate that any questionable methods were
+used to influence the election, or control the votes of the delegates in
+the interest of any one candidate. Nothing of that sort was necessary,
+since human nature is the same the world over.
+
+That the office-holders should be loyal to the administration to which
+they belong is perfectly natural. That those who wish to become
+office-holders should be anxious to be on the winning side is also
+natural, and that, too, without regard to the locality or section in
+which they live. It is a fact, therefore, that up to 1908 no candidate
+has ever been nominated by a Republican National Convention who did not
+finally receive a sufficient number of votes from all sections of the
+country to make his nomination practically the choice of the party
+without regard to sectional lines.
+
+If, then, it be a fact that in 1908, for instance, delegates to the
+National Republican Convention were elected and controlled through
+administration influences in the interest of any one candidate, such
+influences were no less potential in Republican than in Democratic
+States. Outside of the administration candidate there were at that
+Convention five very important States that presented candidates of their
+own. They were New York, Indiana, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
+That the delegation from each of said States were practically solid in
+the support of its "favorite son" was due largely to the wise decision
+of the managers of the administration candidate to concede to each of
+said "favorite sons" the delegation from his own State without a
+contest. But for this decision, which was wisely made in the interest of
+party harmony, no one of those "favorite sons" would have had the solid
+delegation from his own State. As it was, a large majority of the
+delegates from the five States named was not unfriendly to the
+Administration candidate. These delegates voted for their "favorite
+sons" simply because they knew that in doing so they were not
+antagonizing the administration. There never was a time, therefore, when
+they could have been united upon any one candidate in opposition to the
+one that had at his back the powerful support of the Administration. Our
+government has reached that point in its growth, where it is not only
+possible, but comparatively easy, for an administration to secure the
+nomination of the one by whom it desires to be succeeded,--especially
+under the present system of electing delegates. It was in anticipation
+of this, and to prevent any one man from perpetuating himself in power,
+that Washington established the precedent against a third successive
+term.
+
+If the advocates of this proposed change are to be believed, and if they
+wish to be consistent, they should include the National Committee. The
+composition of that body is somewhat similar to that of the United
+States Senate. In the Senate Nevada and Delaware have the same
+representation as New York and Pennsylvania. In the National Committee
+each State, territory, and the District of Columbia has one vote. If any
+change in the interest of reform is necessary, the National Republican
+Committee is the organization where it should first be made; for it
+often happens that that committee can not only shape the policy of the
+party but control the nomination as well,--especially when the result
+between opposing candidates is close and doubtful. In such a contest the
+candidate that has the support of a majority of the National Committee
+has a decided advantage over his rivals for the nomination. If the
+result should be close that advantage will be more than likely to secure
+him the nomination.
+
+The National Committee prepares the roll of the delegates to the
+Convention, and, in doing so, it decides primarily every contested
+seat. If the contests thus decided should give any one candidate a
+majority, that majority will be sure to retain the advantage thus
+secured. It will thus be seen that if any change is necessary this is
+the place where it should first be made. It occurs to me that instead of
+changing the basis of representation the most effective remedy for the
+evils now complained of is to have the delegates to National Conventions
+elected at popular primaries, instead of by State and district
+conventions.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXXI
+
+COMPARISON OF BRYAN AND CLEVELAND
+
+
+It was upon the territory which now comprises the States of Kansas and
+Nebraska that the preliminary battles in the interest of freedom were
+successfully fought. This is especially true of that part of the
+territory which now comprises the State of Kansas. But not only for that
+reason has that State occupied a prominent place before the public;
+other events of national importance have had their birth there. It was
+Kansas that furnished one of the Republican United State Senators who
+voted against the conviction, of Andrew Johnson,--who had been impeached
+by the House of Representatives for high crimes and misdemeanors in
+office,--and thus secured the President's acquittal. That State also
+furnished one of the most remarkable men that ever occupied a seat in
+the United States Senate, John J. Ingalls.
+
+I distinctly remember him as an able and brilliant young Senator
+when,--in 1875, under the leadership of Senator George F. Edmunds, of
+Vermont,--he took a prominent part in the successful fight that was made
+in that body to secure the passage of the Sumner Civil Rights Bill. It
+was this fight that demonstrated his fitness for the position he
+subsequently occupied as one of the distinguished leaders on the
+Republican side of the Senate. He was a natural born orator, having a
+wonderful command of the English language; and, while he was somewhat
+superficial and not always logical, he never failed to be interesting,
+though he was seldom instructive. For severe satire and irony he had few
+equals and no superiors. It was on this account that no Senator was
+anxious to get into a controversy with him. But for two unfortunate
+events in the career of John J. Ingalls he would have filled a much more
+important position in the history of his country than it is now possible
+for the impartial historian to give him.
+
+Kansas, unfortunately, proved to be a fertile field for the growth and
+development of that ephemeral organization known as the Populist
+party,--a party that had secured a majority in the Legislature that was
+to elect the successor to Mr. Ingalls. The Senator evidently had great
+confidence in his own oratorical ability. He appeared to have conceived
+the idea that it was possible for him to make a speech on the floor of
+the Senate that would insure his reëlection even by a Populist
+Legislature. In this,--as he soon found out, to his bitter
+disappointment,--he was mistaken. He no doubt came to the same
+conclusion that many of his friends and admirers had already come to,
+that in bidding for the support of the Populists of his State he had
+made the mistake of his life. The impression he made upon the public
+mind was that he was devoid of principle, and that he was willing to
+sacrifice his own party upon the altar of his ambition.
+
+But it was neither known nor suspected that he contemplated making a bid
+for the support of the Populist members of the Legislature until he
+delivered his speech. When, therefore, it was announced that Senator
+Ingalls would address the Senate on a certain day, he was greeted, as on
+previous occasions, with a large audience. But this was the first time
+that his hearers had been sadly disappointed. This was due more to what
+was said than how it was said. Then it was plain to those who heard him
+that his heart was not in what he was saying; hence the speech was
+devoid of that fiery eloquence which on previous occasions had charmed
+and electrified his hearers. But, after that speech, when one of his
+auditors would ask another what he thought of it, the reply invariably
+was a groan of disappointment. When the immense crowd dispersed at the
+conclusion of the speech instead of smiling faces and pleasing
+countenances as on previous occasions, one could not help noticing
+marked evidences of disappointment in every face. The impression that
+had been made was, that it was an appeal to the Populist members of the
+Legislature of his State to return him to the Senate, in exchange for
+which he was willing to turn his back upon the party which he was then
+serving. It was almost equivalent to an open declaration of his
+willingness to identify himself with the Populists, and champion their
+cause if they would reelect him to the seat he then occupied. From the
+effects of that fatal blunder the Senator never recovered.
+
+Another thing that lessened the distinguished orator and Senator in the
+estimation of the public was his radically changed attitude upon
+questions affecting the political, social and industrial status of the
+colored Americans. From a brilliant and eloquent champion and defender
+of their civil and political rights he became one of their most severe
+critics. From his latest utterances upon that subject it was clear to
+those who heard what he said that the colored Americans merited nothing
+that had been said and done in their behalf, but nearly everything that
+had been said and done against them. Why there had been such a radical
+change in his attitude upon that subject, has been an inexplicable
+mystery. The only explanation that I have heard from the lips of some of
+his former friends and admirers was that it was in the nature of an
+experiment,--the expectation being that it would give him a sensational
+fame throughout the country, which could be utilized to his financial
+advantage upon his retirement to private life. This explanation would
+have been rejected without serious consideration, but for the fact that
+some others have pursued the same course for the same reason, and their
+hopes have been, in a large measure, realized. In his bid for the
+support of the Populist members of the Legislature of his State the
+Senator had established the fact that he did not have very strong
+convictions upon any subject, and that those he had could be easily
+changed to suit the times and the occasion.
+
+Nebraska, though not very strong politically, is one of the most
+important States in the West. It has sent a number of men to the front
+who have made an impression upon the public mind. For many years no
+State in the Union was more reliably Republican than Nebraska. A large
+majority of its voters, I am sure, are not now in harmony with the
+Democratic party,--nor have they ever been so,--but it is true, at the
+same time, that thousands of those who for many years acted with the
+Republican party, and voted for its candidates, have become alienated,
+thus making Republican success at any election in the State close and
+doubtful, and that, too, regardless of the merits of opposing candidates
+or the platform declarations of opposing parties.
+
+For this remarkable change there must be a good and sufficient reason.
+The State in its early history was sparsely populated, and stood very
+much in need of railroads for the development of its resources. In
+those days, railroads were very popular, and the people were in a mood
+to offer liberal inducements to those who would raise the means to
+furnish them with the necessary transportation facilities.
+
+For the same reason the Federal Government made valuable concessions in
+the interest of railroad construction in the Western States. Since the
+railroads, thus aided, were in a large measure the creatures of the
+State and Nation they thereby acquired an interest in the administration
+of the National and State Governments,--especially those of the
+State,--that they otherwise would not have had.
+
+The construction of the roads went on at such a rapid rate that they
+soon acquired such a power and influence in the administration of the
+State Government that the people looked upon it as being dangerous to
+their liberties. In fact it was claimed,--a claim, no doubt, largely
+supported by the facts,--that the State Government was actually
+dominated by railroad influence. No one, it was said, could be elected
+or appointed to an important office who was not acceptable to the
+railroad interests. This state of affairs produced a revulsion among the
+common people; thousands of whom decided that they would vote against
+the Republican party, which was then,--as it had been for many
+years,--in control of the State Government because of its having
+allowed such a state of affairs to be brought about.
+
+Edward Rosewater, editor and proprietor of the Omaha _Bee_, the most
+influential Republican paper in the State, took sides against the
+railroad interests. The result was that Nebraska, for the first time,
+elected a Democratic governor.
+
+But many of the Republicans who acted with the Democrats on that
+occasion could not see their way clear to remain in that party, though
+some of them were not willing to return to the ranks of the Republicans.
+So they decided to cast their lot with the Populist party, which in the
+meantime had made its appearance upon the field of political activity.
+While the Democratic party remained the minority party in the State, it
+was seldom that the Republicans could poll more votes than the Democrats
+and Populists combined, and since, under the then leadership of the
+Democratic party in the State, that party and the Populist stood
+practically for the same things, it was not difficult to bring about
+fusion of the two parties against the Republicans. This gave the
+Fusionists control of the State Government for a number of years.
+
+In the meantime a brilliant, eloquent and talented young man had come
+upon the stage of political activity. This man was William J. Bryan. His
+first entry into public life was his election to Congress as a Democrat
+from a Republican district. While a member of the House he made a
+speech on the tariff question which gave him national fame. As a speaker
+William Jennings Bryan has always been plausible and captivating. He can
+clothe his thoughts in such beautiful and eloquent language that he
+seldom fails to make a favorable impression upon those who hear him. It
+was this wonderful faculty that secured him his first nomination for the
+Presidency. His name was hardly thought of in connection with the
+nomination by that convention. In fact his right to a seat as a member
+of the convention was disputed and contested. But, after he had
+delivered his cross of gold and crown of thorns speech before that body,
+he carried the Convention by storm. His nomination was then a foregone
+conclusion.
+
+It was under the leadership and chiefly through the influence of Mr.
+Bryan that the fusion between the Democrats and the Populists of his
+State was brought about. But for his advocacy of Free Silver and his
+affiliation with the Populists, he might have reached the goal of his
+ambition. The result of the election showed that while he commanded and
+received the support of not less than eighty per cent of his own party,
+the remaining twenty per cent proved to be strong enough to insure his
+defeat. In fact the business interests of the country were almost solid
+against him; and it is safe to say that no man can ever hope to become
+President of the United States who cannot at least divide the
+substantial and solid business interests. The business men were
+apprehensive that the election of Mr. Bryan would bring about financial
+and commercial disaster, hence they, almost regardless of previous party
+affiliations, practically united in an effort to defeat him.
+
+The State of Nebraska, therefore, will always occupy a prominent place
+in the history of the country, because,--though young, small, and
+politically weak,--it has produced the most remarkable man of whom the
+Democratic party can boast. It has also produced a number of very able
+men on the Republican side, such men, for instance, as C.F. Manderson,
+and John M. Thurston,--who both served the State in the United States
+Senate, and made brilliant records. But Mr. Bryan had an advantage over
+these two when he stood before a popular audience in Nebraska, because
+they had been identified with the railroad interests, while he had not.
+
+That Mr. Bryan is a strong man and has a wonderful hold upon his party
+is shown by the fact that he has been three times the party candidate
+for the Presidency. While it may be true that he can never be elected to
+the Presidency, it is no doubt equally true that while he lives no other
+Democrat can become President who is not acceptable to him and to his
+friends.
+
+In one respect at least, Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Bryan were very much
+alike. As already stated, Mr. Bryan is a Democrat. The same was true of
+Mr. Cleveland; and yet they were as radically different as it is
+possible for two men to be. They were not only different in temperament
+and disposition, but also in their views and convictions upon public
+questions,--at least, so far as the public is informed,--with the
+possible exception of the tariff. There was another question that came
+to the front after the Spanish American war,--the question of
+"Imperialism,"--upon which they may have been in accord; but this is not
+positively known to be a fact. Indeed, the tariff is such a complicated
+subject that they may not have been in perfect accord even on that. Mr.
+Cleveland was elected President in 1892 upon a platform pledged to a
+tariff for revenue only. The Democrats had a majority in both Houses of
+Congress; but when that majority passed a tariff bill, it fell so far
+short of Mr. Cleveland's idea of a tariff for revenue only that he not
+only denounced it in strong language, but refused to sign it. Whether or
+not Mr. Bryan was with the President or with the Democratic majority in
+Congress in that fight is not known; but, judging from his previous
+public utterances upon the subject, it is to be presumed that he was in
+accord with the President.
+
+It is claimed by the friends and admirers of both Mr. Cleveland and Mr.
+Bryan that each could be truly called a Jeffersonian Democrat; which
+means a strong advocate and defender of what is called States Rights, a
+doctrine on which is based one of the principal differences between the
+Republican and Democratic parties. Yet President Cleveland did not
+hesitate to use the military force of the government to suppress
+domestic violence within the boundaries of a State, and that too against
+the protest of the Governor of the State, for the alleged reason that
+such action was necessary to prevent the interruption of the carrying of
+the United States mail. Mr. Bryan's views upon the same subject appear
+to be sufficiently elastic to justify the National Government, in his
+opinion, in becoming the owner and operator of the principal railroads
+of the country. His views along those lines are so far in advance of
+those of his party that he was obliged, for reasons of political
+expediency and party exigency, to hold them in abeyance during the
+Presidential campaign of 1908. Jeffersonian democracy, therefore, seems
+now to be nothing more than a meaningless form of expression.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXXII
+
+THE SOLID SOUTH, PAST AND PRESENT. FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
+
+
+To turn again to the South. This section has been a fertile field for
+political experimental purposes by successive Republican
+administrations, ever since the second administration of President
+Grant. The Solid South, so-called, has been a serious menace to the
+peace and prosperity of the country. How to bring about such a condition
+of affairs as would do away with the supposed necessity for its
+continuance has been the problem, the solution of which has been the
+cause of political experiments. President Hayes was the first to try the
+experiment of appointing Democrats to many of the most important
+offices, hoping that the solution would thus be found. But he was not
+given credit for honest motives in doing so, for the reason that the
+public was impressed with the belief that such action on his part was
+one of the conditions upon which he was allowed to be peaceably
+inaugurated. At any rate the experiment was a complete failure, hence,
+so far as the more important offices were concerned, that policy was not
+continued by Republican administrations that came into power subsequent
+to the Hayes administration, and prior to that of Taft's.
+
+I do not mean to say that no Democrats were appointed to important
+offices at the South by the administrations referred to, but such
+appointments were not made with the belief or expectation that they
+would contribute to a solution of the problem that was involved in what
+was known as the Solid South. Political and social conditions in that
+section of the country are such that the appointment to some of the
+federal offices of men who are not identified with the Republican party
+is inevitable. The impression that the writer desires to make upon the
+mind of the reader is that, between the administration of Hayes and that
+of Taft no Republican administrations made such appointments with the
+expectation that they would contribute to a breaking up of the solid
+south. President Roosevelt tried the experiment of offering
+encouragement and inducements in that direction to what was known as the
+Gold-standard Democrats, but even that was barren of satisfactory
+results. President Taft seems to be the only Republican President since
+Mr. Hayes who has allowed himself to labor under the delusion that the
+desired result could be accomplished through the use and distribution of
+Federal patronage. The chief mistake on the part of those who thus
+believe, and who act in accordance with that belief, grows out of a
+serious lack of information about the actual situation. In the first
+place their action is based upon the assumption that the Solid
+South,--or what remains of it,--is an outgrowth of an honest expression
+of the wishes of the people of that section, whereas, in point of fact,
+the masses had very little to do with bringing about present conditions
+and know less about them. Those conditions are not due primarily to the
+fact that colored men are intimidated by white men, but that white men
+are intimidated by the Democratic party. They are not due primarily to
+the fact that colored men are disfranchised, but that white men are
+prevented from giving effective expression to their honest political
+opinions and convictions.
+
+The disfranchisement of the colored men is one of the results growing
+out of those conditions, which would not and could not exist if there
+were absolute freedom of thought and action in political matters among
+the white people. The only part that the so-called Race Question plays
+in this business is that it is used as a pretext to justify the coercive
+and proscriptive methods thus used. The fact that the colored man is
+disfranchised and has no voice in the creation and administration of the
+government under which he lives and by which he is taxed does not change
+the situation in this respect. His presence,--whether he can vote or
+not,--furnishes the occasion for the continuance of such methods, and,
+as long as intelligent persons, especially at the North and particularly
+in the Republican party, can be thus fooled and deceived they will not
+be discontinued.
+
+The announcement of President Taft's Southern policy, therefore, was
+received by the present leaders of the Democratic party at the South
+with satisfaction and delight, not on account of the official
+recognition that members of their party were to receive, for that was of
+secondary importance, but on account of the fact that they could clearly
+see that their contention about the so-called race question was thus
+given a national sanction, which would have the effect of making that
+question serve them for several more Presidential campaigns. It was
+giving a new market value to this "watered stock," from which they would
+derive political dividends for a much longer period than they otherwise
+would. They could thus see to their unbounded glee that if a man of
+President Taft's intelligence and experience could thus be deceived as
+to conditions at the South, they would not have very much difficulty in
+deceiving others who were not believed to be so well informed.
+
+To solve this problem, therefore, the disposition of the federal
+patronage will cut a very small figure. The patronage question is not
+half so important, in a political or party sense, as many have been led
+to believe. It really makes very little difference by whom the few
+offices are held, whether they be all Democrats, all Republicans, some
+white, some colored, provided they be honest, capable, and efficient For
+political, personal or party reasons some feeling may be created, and
+some prejudice may be aroused on account of the appointment of a certain
+person to an office; but if no attention should be paid to it, and the
+fact should be developed that the duties of the same are being
+discharged in a creditable and satisfactory manner the public will soon
+forget all about it. The fact remains, however, that the disposition of
+the federal patronage will not produce the slightest change in the
+political situation in such localities. If a national Republican
+administration should refuse to appoint a colored man, for instance, to
+any office in any one of the Southern States for the alleged reason that
+it might be objectionable to the white people of the community,--and
+therefore might have a tendency to prevent white men from coming into
+the Republican party,--at the very next election in that community the
+fact would be demonstrated that the Republican party had not gained and
+that the Democratic party had not lost a single vote as a result
+thereof. The reason for this result would be in the first place that the
+excuse given was insincere and untrue, and in the second place, because
+the incumbent of the office, whoever he might be, would produce no
+effect whatsoever in the local situation in consequence of his
+appointment to the office and his acceptance of it. If there should be
+any change at all in the situation it would doubtless be to the
+detriment of the Republican party; for there would, no doubt, be some
+who would be disposed to resent what would seem to them to be political
+or party ingratitude.
+
+So far as the colored Republicans are concerned they have been in the
+past, and must be in the future, nothing more than party allies. They
+have never dominated a State, nor have they controlled the Republican
+organization of any State to the exclusion of the white men thereof.
+They have simply been the allies of white men who could be induced to
+come forward and assume the leadership. This is all they have been in
+the past; it is all they desire to be in the future. They are perfectly
+willing to follow where others lead provided those others lead wisely
+and in the right direction. All they ask, desire and insist upon is to
+be recognized as political allies upon terms of equality and to have a
+voice in the councils of the party of their choice and in the creation
+and administration of the government under which they live, and by which
+they are taxed, and also a fair and reasonable recognition as a result
+of party success, based, all things else being equal, upon merit,
+fitness, ability and capacity. Even in States where it is possible for
+them to wield a sufficient influence to be potential in party
+conventions, and to help shape the policy and select the candidates of
+that party, they never fail to support the strongest and best men among
+the white members of the organization. If it be true that they were
+sometimes the victims of misplaced confidence, it cannot, and will not,
+be denied that the same is equally true of white men of far more
+experience in such matters.
+
+If there is ever to be again, as there once was, a strong and
+substantial Republican party at the South, or a party by any other name
+that will openly oppose the ruling oligarchy of that section,--as I have
+every reason to believe will eventually take place,--it will not be
+through the disposition of federal patronage, but in consequence of the
+acceptance by the people of that section of the principles and policies
+for which the National Organization stands. For the accomplishment of
+this purpose and for the attainment of this end time is the most
+important factor. Questionable methods that have been used to hold in
+abeyance the advancing civilization of the age will eventually be
+overcome and effectually destroyed. The wheels of progress, of
+intelligence, and of right cannot and will not move backwards, but will
+go forward in spite of all that can be said and done. In the mean time
+the exercise of patience, forbearance, and good judgment are all that
+will be required.
+
+Another fact which seems to be overlooked by many is that the so-called
+Solid South of to-day is not the menace to the country that it was
+between 1875 and 1888. During that period the Solid South included the
+States of Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri.
+Those States at that time were as reliably Democratic as Texas and
+Georgia. Such does not seem to be true of them now, and yet I venture
+the assertion that the disposition of the federal patronage in them had
+very little, if anything, to do with bringing about the change. What has
+been done and is being done in those States can be done in others that
+are located south of them. As strong as the Republican party is there is
+one thing it cannot afford to do, and that is to encourage or tolerate
+the drawing of the race or color line in any efforts that may be made to
+break up and dissolve what now remains of the Solid South. One of the
+cardinal principles and doctrines of the Republican party,--the
+principle that has, more than any other, secured for it the loyal and
+consistent support of those who represent the moral sentiment of the
+country,--is its bold and aggressive advocacy and defense of liberty,
+justice, and equal civil and political rights for all classes of
+American citizens. From that grand and noble position it cannot afford
+to descend in an effort to find new and doubtful allies. If it should in
+an evil moment allow itself to make such a grave blunder, such a
+criminal mistake, it will thereby forfeit the confidence and support of
+the major part of those upon whom in the past it has relied,--and never
+in vain,--for its continuance in power. There is nothing in the
+situation that would justify the experiment, even if it were thought
+that a little temporary and local advantage would be secured thereby.
+
+The Fifteenth Amendment to the National Constitution was not intended to
+confer suffrage upon any particular race or class of persons, but merely
+to place a limit upon the National Government and that of the several
+States in prescribing the qualifications of electors. Whatever power the
+national or any state government may have had in prescribing the
+qualification of electors prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth
+Amendment it still has, save that it cannot legally and constitutionally
+make race or color a ground of disqualification. In other words,
+whatever qualifications may be prescribed and fixed as a condition
+precedent to voting, must be applicable to white and colored alike. A
+few States, under the false plea of political necessity, have resorted
+to certain schemes of doubtful constitutionality, for the sole purpose
+of evading this plain provision of the National Constitution. They may
+stand for a while, but, even if they could stand indefinitely, that fact
+would furnish no excuse for the party,--a party that has stood so long,
+and fought so hard for liberty, justice, equal rights, and fair
+play,--to enter into a political alliance with any other party or
+faction which would involve a compromise or an abandonment of those
+grand and noble principles. The Republican party is still in the prime
+and glory of its usefulness. It is still strong in the confidence and
+affections of the masses of the people, at least such was the case in
+1908, because it had not up to that time allowed itself to compromise or
+abandon,--so far as its platform utterances were concerned,--the
+fundamental principles which called it into existence and which caused
+it to be placed in control of the National Government, and which have
+caused its continuance in power for so many years. Whether or not the
+unwise and unfortunate southern policy inaugurated by the Taft
+Administration will result in disaster to the party is not and cannot be
+known at this writing. We can only hope.
+
+
+THE END
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Facts of Reconstruction, by John R. Lynch
+
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Facts of Reconstruction, by John R. Lynch
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Facts of Reconstruction
+
+Author: John R. Lynch
+
+Release Date: July 1, 2005 [EBook #16158]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Suzanne Shell, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
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+</pre>
+
+
+
+<h1>THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION</h1>
+
+<h2>John R. Lynch</h2>
+
+<p class='center'>Copyright, 1913, by The Neale Publishing Company</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="center"><img src="images/gs0330.jpg" width='462' height='700' alt="John R. Lynch" /></p>
+
+<hr />
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<ul>
+<li> <a href="#PREFACE">PREFACE</a></li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE PART PLAYED BY MISSISSIPPI IN THE EARLY DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTS DURING GOVERNOR ALCORN'S ADMINISTRATION</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE REPUBLICAN COUNTY CONVENTION OF 1869</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL AND POLITICAL MEASURES OF THE NEW LEGISLATURE</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE STATE ELECTION 1873. REPUBLICAN VICTORY</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;MISSISSIPPI SENDS B.K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;IMPROVED FINANCIAL CONDITION OF MISSISSIPPI UNDER THE AMES ADMINISTRATION</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;WHAT CONSTITUTES "NEGRO DOMINATION"</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE GOVERNMENT IN MISSISSIPPI</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;RISE OF DEMOCRATIC RADICALISM IN THE SOUTH</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;EVENTFUL DAYS OF THE FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1875. REPUBLICAN VICTORY</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND THE PRESIDENT REGARDING STATE APPOINTMENTS</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876 AND ITS RESULTS</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;EFFECTS OF THE REFORM ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;ATTITUDE OF THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION TOWARD THE SOUTH</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;QUESTION OF THE VALIDITY OF SENATOR LAMAR'S ELECTION</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880. NOMINATION OF THE COMPROMISE CANDIDATE, GARFIELD</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;STORY OF THE MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN GARFIELD AND CONKLING</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">CHAPTER XXII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">CHAPTER XXIII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE ELECTION OF GROVER CLEVELAND</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXIV">CHAPTER XXIV</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY LAMAR ON THE RETAINING OF COLORED MEN IN OFFICE</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXV">CHAPTER XXV</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS BILL</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXVI">CHAPTER XXVI</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;MISSISSIPPI AND THE NULLIFICATION OF THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXVII">CHAPTER XXVII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;EFFECT OF THE MCKINLEY TARIFF BILL ON BOTH POLITICAL PARTIES</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXVIII">CHAPTER XXVIII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND SECRETARY GRESHAM</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXIX">CHAPTER XXIX</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1900</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXX">CHAPTER XXX</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;ARGUMENT ON PROPOSED CHANGE OF REPRESENTATION IN CONVENTION</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXXI">CHAPTER XXXI</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;COMPARISON OF BRYAN AND CLEVELAND</li>
+<li> <a href="#CHAPTER_XXXII">CHAPTER XXXII</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;THE SOLID SOUTH. FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY</li>
+</ul>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2>
+
+<p>The author of this book is one of the few remaining links in the chain
+by which the present generation is connected with the reconstruction
+period,&mdash;the most important and eventful period in our country's
+history.</p>
+
+<p>What is herein recorded is based upon the author's own knowledge,
+contact and experience. Very much, of course, has been written and
+published about reconstruction, but most of it is superficial and
+unreliable; and, besides, nearly all of it has been written in such a
+style and tone as to make the alleged facts related harmonize with what
+was believed to be demanded by public sentiment. The author of this work
+has endeavored to present <i>facts</i> as they were and are, rather than as
+he would like to have them, and to set them down without the slightest
+regard to their effect upon the public mind, except so far as that mind
+may be influenced by the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the
+truth. In his efforts along these lines he has endeavored to give
+expression to his ideas, opinions and convictions in language that is
+moderate and devoid of bitterness, and entirely free from race
+prejudice, sectional animosity, or partisan bias. Whether or not he has
+succeeded in doing so he is willing to leave to the considerate
+judgment and impartial decision of those who may take the time to read
+what is here recorded. In writing what is to be found in these pages,
+the author has made no effort to draw upon the imagination, nor to
+gratify the wishes of those whose chief ambition is to magnify the
+faults and deficiencies in some and to extol the good and commendable
+traits and qualities in others. In other words, his chief purpose has
+been to furnish the readers and students of the present generation with
+a true, candid and impartial statement of material and important facts
+based upon his own personal knowledge and experience, with such comments
+as in his judgment the occasion and circumstances warranted.</p>
+
+<p>Was the enfranchisement of the black men at the South by act of Congress
+a grave mistake?</p>
+
+<p>Were the reconstructed State Governments that were organized as a result
+thereof a disappointment and a failure?</p>
+
+<p>Was the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution premature and
+unwise?</p>
+
+<p>An affirmative answer to the above questions will be found in nearly
+everything that has been written about Reconstruction during the last
+quarter of a century. The main purpose of this work is to present the
+other side; but, in doing so, the author indulges the hope that those
+who may read these chapters will find that no extravagant and
+exaggerated statements have been made, and that there has been no
+effort to conceal, excuse, or justify any act that was questionable or
+wrong. It will be seen that the primary object the author has sought to
+accomplish, is to bring to public notice those things that were
+commendable and meritorious, to prevent the publication of which seems
+to have been the primary purpose of nearly all who have thus far written
+upon that important subject.</p>
+
+<p>But again, the question may be asked, if the reconstructed State
+Governments that were organized and brought into existence under the
+Congressional Plan of Reconstruction were not a disappointment and a
+failure, why is it that they could not and did not stand the test of
+time? The author hopes and believes that the reader will find in one of
+the chapters of this book a complete and satisfactory answer to that
+question.</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that the State of Mississippi is made the pivotal one in
+the presentation of the facts and historical points touched upon in this
+work; but that is because Mississippi was the field of the author's
+political activities. That State, however, was largely typical, hence
+what was true of that one was, in the main, true of all the other
+reconstructed States.</p>
+
+<p>The author was a member of Congress during the settlement of the
+controversy between Hayes and Tilden for the Presidency of the United
+States, resulting from the close and doubtful election of 1876,&mdash;a
+controversy that was finally decided through the medium of the
+Electoral Commission. The reader will find in the chapter on that
+subject many important facts and incidents not heretofore published.</p>
+
+<p>Why was it that the able and brilliant statesman from Maine, James G.
+Blaine, died, as did Henry Clay, without having reached the acme of his
+ambition,&mdash;the Presidency of the United States? Why was he defeated for
+the Republican Presidential nomination in 1876,&mdash;the only time when it
+was possible for him to be elected, and defeated for the election in
+1884,&mdash;the only time when it was possible for him to be nominated? The
+answer to these questions will be found in this book.</p>
+
+<p>Then the interviews between the author and Presidents Grant and
+Cleveland, and Secretaries Blaine, Lamar, and Gresham will no doubt be
+interesting, if not instructive.</p>
+
+<p>If, in writing this book, the author shall have succeeded in placing
+before the public accurate and trustworthy information relative to
+Reconstruction, his highest ambition will have been fully gratified, his
+sense of justice entirely satisfied.</p>
+
+<p class='right'>JOHN R. LYNCH.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<h2>THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION</h2>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2>
+
+<h3>THE PART PLAYED BY MISSISSIPPI IN THE EARLY DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION</h3>
+
+<p>The year 1866 was an eventful one in the history of this country. A
+bitter war was in progress between Congress and President Andrew Johnson
+over the question of the reconstruction of the States lately in
+rebellion against the National Government. The President had inaugurated
+a policy of his own that proved to be very unpopular at the North. He
+had pardoned nearly all the leaders in the rebellion through the medium
+of amnesty proclamations. In each rebel State he had appointed a
+provisional governor under whose direction Legislatures, State officers,
+and members of Congress had been chosen, and the Legislatures thus
+chosen elected the United States Senators for the Southern States in
+accordance with the President's plan of reconstruction. To make
+restoration to the Union full and complete nothing remained to be done
+but to admit to their seats the Senators and Representatives that had
+been chosen. In the mean time these different Legislatures had enacted
+laws which virtually re-enslaved those that had been emancipated in
+their respective States. For this the North would not stand. Sentiment
+in that section demanded not only justice and fair treatment for the
+newly emancipated race but also an emancipation that should be thorough
+and complete, not merely theoretical and nominal.</p>
+
+<p>The fact was recognized and appreciated that the colored people had been
+loyal to the Union and faithful to the flag of their country and that
+they had rendered valuable assistance in putting down the rebellion.
+From a standpoint of gratitude, if not of justice, the sentiment of the
+North at that time was in favor of fair play for the colored people of
+the South. But the President would not yield to what was generally
+believed to be the dominant sentiment of the North on the question of
+reconstruction. He insisted that the leaders of the Republican party in
+Congress did not represent the true sentiment of the country, so he
+boldly determined to antagonize the leaders in Congress, and to present
+their differences to the court of public opinion at the approaching
+Congressional elections. The issue was thus joined and the people were
+called upon to render judgment in the election of members of Congress
+in the fall of 1866. The President, with the solid support of the
+Democrats and a small minority of the Republicans, made a brave and
+gallant fight. The result, however, was a crushing defeat for him and a
+national repudiation of his plan of reconstruction.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding this defeat the President refused to yield, continuing
+the fight with Congress which finally resulted in his impeachment by the
+House of Representatives for high Crimes and Misdemeanors in office and
+in his trial by the Senate sitting as a High Court for that purpose.
+When the vote of the court was taken the President was saved from
+conviction and from removal from office by the narrow margin of one
+vote,&mdash;a sufficient number of Republican Senators having voted with the
+Democrats to prevent conviction. It was believed by many at the time
+that some of the Republican Senators that voted for acquittal did so
+chiefly on account of their antipathy to the man who would succeed to
+the Presidency in the event of the conviction of the President. This man
+was Senator Benjamin Wade, of Ohio,&mdash;President <i>pro tem.</i> of the
+Senate,&mdash;who, as the law then stood, would have succeeded to the
+Presidency in the event of a vacancy in that office from any cause.</p>
+
+<p>Senator Wade was an able man, but there were others who were much more
+brilliant. He was a strong party man. He had no patience with those who
+claimed to be Republicans and yet refused to abide by the decision of
+the majority of the party organization unless that decision should be
+what they wanted. In short, he was an organization Republican,&mdash;what has
+since been characterized by some as a machine man,&mdash;the sort of active
+and aggressive man that would be likely to make for himself enemies of
+men in his own organization who were afraid of his great power and
+influence, and jealous of him as a political rival. That some of his
+senatorial Republican associates should feel that the best service they
+could render their country would be to do all in their power to prevent
+such a man from being elevated to the Presidency was, perhaps, perfectly
+natural: for while they knew that he was a strong and able man, they
+also knew that, according to his convictions of party duty and party
+obligations, he firmly believed that he who served his party best served
+his country best. In giving expression to his views and convictions, as
+he usually did with force and vigor, he was not always considerate of
+the wishes and feelings of those with whom he did not agree. That he
+would have given the country an able administration is the concurrent
+opinion of those who knew him best.</p>
+
+<p>While President Johnson was retained in office he was practically shorn
+of the greater part of the power and patronage that attaches to the
+office. This was done through the passage of a bill, over the
+president's veto, known as the Tenure of Office Act. The
+constitutionality of this act, which greatly curtailed the power of the
+President to make removals from office, was seriously questioned at the
+time, but it was passed as a political necessity,&mdash;to meet an unusual
+and unexpected emergency that seemed to threaten the peace and
+tranquillity of the country and practically to nullify the fruits of the
+victory which had been won on the field of battle. The law was repealed
+or materially modified as soon as President Johnson retired from office.
+The President also vetoed all the reconstruction bills,&mdash;bills
+conferring suffrage on the colored men in the States that were to be
+reconstructed,&mdash;that passed Congress; but they were promptly passed over
+the veto.</p>
+
+<p>The rejection by the country of the Johnson plan of reconstruction, had
+clearly demonstrated that no halfway measures were possible. If the
+colored men were not enfranchised then the Johnson plan might as well be
+accepted. The Republican or Union white men at the South were not
+sufficient in numbers to make their power or influence felt. The
+necessities of the situation, therefore, left no alternative but the
+enfranchisement of the blacks. It was ascertained and acknowledged that
+to make possible the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion,
+in accordance with the plan which had met with the emphatic approval of
+the North, the enfranchisement of the blacks in the States to be
+reconstructed was an absolute necessity.</p>
+
+<p>The first election held in Mississippi under the Reconstruction Acts
+took place in 1867, when delegates to a Constitutional Convention were
+elected to frame a new Constitution. The Democrats decided to adopt what
+they declared to be a policy of "Masterly Inactivity," that is, to
+refrain from taking any part in the election and to allow it to go by
+default. The result was that the Republicans had a large majority of the
+delegates, only a few counties having elected Democratic delegates. The
+only reason that there were any Democrats in the Convention at all was
+that the party was not unanimous in the adoption of the policy of
+"Masterly Inactivity," and consequently did not adhere to it. The
+Democrats in a few counties in the State rejected the advice and
+repudiated the action of the State Convention of their party on this
+point. The result was that a few very able men were elected to the
+convention as Democrats,&mdash;such men, for instance, as John W.C. Watson,
+and William M. Compton, of Marshall County, and William L. Hemingway, of
+Carroll, who was elected State Treasurer by the Democrats in 1875, and
+to whom a more extended reference will be made in a subsequent chapter.</p>
+
+<p>The result of the election made it clear that if the Democratic
+organization in the State had adopted the course that was pursued by
+the members of that party in the counties by which the action of their
+State Convention was repudiated, the Democrats would have had at least a
+large and influential minority of the delegates, which would have
+resulted in the framing of a constitution that would have been much more
+acceptable to the members of that party than the one that was finally
+agreed upon by the majority of the members of that body. But the
+Democratic party in the State was governed and controlled by the radical
+element of that organization,&mdash;an element which took the position that
+no respectable white Democrat could afford to participate in an election
+in which colored men were allowed to vote. To do so, they held, would
+not only be humiliating to the pride of the white men, but the
+contamination would be unwise if not dangerous. Besides, they were firm
+in the belief and honest in the conviction that the country would
+ultimately repudiate the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction, and that
+in the mean time it would be both safe and wise for them to give
+expression to their objections to it and abhorrence of it by pursuing a
+course of masterly inactivity. The liberal and conservative element in
+the party was so bitterly opposed to this course that in spite of the
+action of the State Convention several counties, as has been already
+stated, bolted the action of the convention and took part in the
+election.</p>
+
+<p>Of the Republican membership of the Constitutional Convention a large
+majority were white men,&mdash;many of them natives of the State and a number
+of others, though born elsewhere, residents in the State for many years
+preceding the war of the Rebellion. My own county, Adams (Natchez), in
+which the colored voters were largely in the majority, and which was
+entitled to three delegates in the convention, elected two white
+men,&mdash;E.J. Castello, and Fred Parsons,&mdash;and one colored man, H.P.
+Jacobs, a Baptist preacher. Throughout the State the proportion was
+about the same. This was a great disappointment to the dominating
+element in the Democratic party, who had hoped and expected, through
+their policy of "Masterly Inactivity" and intimidation of white men,
+that the convention would be composed almost exclusively of illiterate
+and inexperienced colored men. Although a minor at that time, I took an
+active part in the local politics of my county, and, being a member of a
+Republican club that had been organized at Natchez, I was frequently
+called upon to address the members at its weekly meetings.</p>
+
+<p>When the State Constitution was submitted to a popular vote for
+ratification or rejection I took an active part in the county campaign
+in advocacy of its ratification. In this election the Democrats pursued
+a course that was just the opposite of that pursued by them in the
+election of delegates to the Constitutional Convention. They decided
+that it was no longer unwise and dangerous for white men to take part in
+an election in which colored men were allowed to participate. This was
+due largely to the fact that the work of the convention had been far
+different from what they had anticipated. The newly framed Constitution
+was, taken as a whole, such an excellent document that in all
+probability it would have been ratified without serious opposition but
+for the fact that there was an unfortunate, unwise and unnecessary
+clause in it which practically disfranchised those who had held an
+office under the Constitution of the United States and who, having taken
+an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States, had
+afterwards supported the cause of the Confederacy. This clause caused
+very bitter and intense opposition to the ratification of the
+Constitution. When the election was over it was found that the
+Constitution had been rejected by a small majority. This result could
+not be fairly accepted as an indication of the strength of the two
+parties in the State, for it was a well-known fact that the Republican
+party had a clear majority of about 30,000.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the large Republican majority in the State, which was
+believed to be safe, sure and reliable, there were several causes that
+contributed to the rejection of the newly framed Constitution. Among the
+causes were:</p>
+
+<p>First. In consequence of the bitterness with which the ratification of
+the Constitution had been fought, on account of the objectionable clause
+referred to, intimidating methods had been adopted in several counties
+in which there was a large colored vote, resulting in a loss of several
+thousand votes for the Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Second. There were several thousand Republicans both white and
+colored,&mdash;but chiefly colored,&mdash;who were opposed to that offensive and
+objectionable clause, believing the same to be unjust, unnecessary, and
+unwise; hence, many of that class refused to vote either way.</p>
+
+<p>Third. There were thousands of voters, the writer being one of that
+number, who favored ratification because the Constitution as a whole was
+a most excellent document, and because its ratification would facilitate
+the readmittance of Mississippi into the Union; after which the one
+objectionable clause could be stricken out by means of an amendment.
+While all of this class favored and advocated ratification for the
+reasons stated, yet their known attitude towards the clause proved to be
+a contributary cause of the rejection of the Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>The reader may not understand why there were any colored men, especially
+at that time and in that section, that would have any sympathy for the
+white men who would have been victims of this clause had the new
+Constitution been ratified. But if the reader will closely follow what
+this writer will set down in subsequent chapters of this work, he will
+find the reasons why there was and still is a bond of sympathy between
+the two races at the South,&mdash;a bond that the institution of slavery with
+all its horrors could not destroy, the Rebellion could not wipe out,
+Reconstruction could not efface, and subsequent events have not been
+able to change. The writer is aware of the fact that thousands of
+intelligent people are now laboring under the impression that there
+exists at the South a bitter feeling of antagonism between the two races
+and that this has produced dangerous and difficult problems for the
+country to solve. That some things have occurred that would justify such
+a conclusion, especially on the part of those who are not students of
+this subject, will not be denied.</p>
+
+<p>After the rejection of the Constitution no further effort was made to
+have Mississippi readmitted into the Union until after the Presidential
+and Congressional elections of 1868. The Democratic party throughout the
+country was solid in its support of President Andrew Johnson, and was
+bitter in its opposition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction.
+Upon a platform that declared the Reconstruction Acts of Congress to be
+unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void, the Democrats nominated for
+President and Vice-President, Ex-Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York,
+and General Frank P. Blair, of Missouri. The Republicans nominated for
+President General U.S. Grant, of Illinois, and for Vice-President
+Speaker Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. These candidates were nominated
+upon a platform which strongly supported and indorsed the Congressional
+Plan of Reconstruction.</p>
+
+<p>On this issue the two parties went before the people for a decision. The
+Republicans were successful, but not by such a decisive majority as in
+the Congressional election of 1866. In fact, if all the Southern States
+that took part in that election had gone Democratic, the hero of
+Appomattox would have been defeated. It was the Southern States, giving
+Republican majorities through the votes of their colored men, that saved
+that important national election to the Republican party. To the very
+great surprise of the Republican leaders the party lost the important
+and pivotal State of New York. It had been confidently believed that the
+immense popularity of General Grant and his prestige as a brilliant and
+successful Union general would save every doubtful State to the
+Republicans, New York, of course, included. But this expectation was not
+realized. The result, it is needless to say, was a keen and bitter
+disappointment, for no effort had been spared to bring to the attention
+of the voters the strong points in General Grant. A vote against Grant,
+it was strongly contended, was virtually a vote against the Union.
+Frederick Douglass, who electrified many audiences in that campaign,
+made the notable declaration that "While Washington had given us a
+country, it was Grant who had saved us a country." And yet the savior of
+our country failed in that election to save to the Republican party the
+most important State in the Union. But, notwithstanding the loss of New
+York, the Republicans not only elected the President and Vice-President,
+but also had a safe majority in both branches of Congress.</p>
+
+<p>One of the first acts of Congress after the Presidential election of
+1868 was one authorizing the President to submit Mississippi's rejected
+Constitution once again to a popular vote. The same act authorized the
+President to submit to a separate vote such clause or clauses of said
+Constitution as in his judgment might be particularly obnoxious to any
+considerable number of the people of the State. It was not and could not
+be denied that the Constitution as a whole was a most admirable
+document. The Democrats had no serious objection to its ratification if
+the clause disfranchising most of their leaders were eliminated. When it
+became known that this clause would be submitted to a separate vote, and
+that the Republican organization would not insist upon its retention, no
+serious opposition to the ratification of the Constitution was
+anticipated. And, indeed, none was made.</p>
+
+<p>The time fixed for holding the election was November, 1869. In the mean
+time the State was to be under military control. General Adelbert Ames
+was made Military Governor, with power to fill by appointment every
+civil office in the State. Shortly after General Ames took charge as
+Military Governor the Republican club at Natchez agreed upon a slate to
+be submitted to the Military Governor for his favorable consideration,
+the names upon said slate being the choice of the Republican
+organization of the county for county and city officials. Among the
+names thus agreed upon was that of the Rev. H.P. Jacobs for Justice of
+the Peace. It was then decided to send a member of the club to Jackson,
+the State capital, to present the slate to the Governor in person in
+order to answer questions that might be asked or to give any information
+that might be desired about any of the persons whose names appeared on
+the slate. It fell to my lot to be chosen for that purpose; the
+necessary funds being raised by the club to pay my expenses. I accepted
+the mission, contingent upon my employer's granting me leave of absence.</p>
+
+<p>Natchez at that time was not connected with Jackson by railroad, so that
+the only way for me to reach the capital was to go by steamer from
+Natchez to Vicksburg or to New Orleans, and from there by rail to
+Jackson. The trip, therefore, would necessarily consume the greater part
+of a week. My employer,&mdash;who was what was known as a Northern man,
+having come there after the occupation of the place by the Federal
+troops,&mdash;not only granted me leave of absence but agreed to remain in
+the city and carry on the business during my absence.</p>
+
+<p>When I arrived at the building occupied by the Governor and sent up my
+card, I had to wait only a few minutes before I was admitted to his
+office. The Governor received me cordially and treated me with marked
+courtesy, giving close attention while I presented as forcibly as I
+could the merits and qualifications of the different persons whose names
+were on the slate. When I had concluded my remarks the Governor's only
+reply was that he would give the matter his early and careful
+consideration. A few weeks later the appointments were announced; but
+not many of the appointees were persons whose names I had presented.
+However, to my great embarrassment I found that my own name had been
+substituted for that of Jacobs for the office of Justice of the Peace. I
+not only had no ambition in that direction but was not aware that my
+name was under consideration for that or for any other office. Besides,
+I was apprehensive that Jacobs and some of his friends might suspect me
+of having been false to the trust that had been reposed in me, at least
+so far as the office of Justice of the Peace was concerned. At first I
+was of the opinion that the only way in which I could disabuse their
+minds of that erroneous impression was to decline the appointment. But I
+found out upon inquiry that in no event would Jacobs receive the
+appointment. I was also reliably informed that I had not been
+recommended nor suggested by any one, but that the Governor's action was
+the result of the favorable impression I had made upon him when I
+presented the slate. For this, of course, I was in no way responsible.
+In fact the impression of my fitness for the office that my brief talk
+had made upon the Governor was just what the club had hoped I would be
+able to accomplish in the interest of the whole slate. That it so
+happened that I was the beneficiary of the favorable impression that my
+brief talk had made upon the Governor may have been unfortunate in one
+respect, but it was an unconscious act for which I could not be
+censured. After consulting, therefore, with a few personal friends and
+local party leaders, I decided to accept the appointment although, in
+consequence of my youth and inexperience, I had serious doubts as to my
+ability to discharge the duties of the office which at that time was one
+of considerable importance.</p>
+
+<p>Then the bond question loomed up, which was one of the greatest
+obstacles in my way, although the amount was only two thousand dollars.
+How to give that bond was the important problem I had to solve, for, of
+course, no one was eligible as a bondsman who did not own real estate.
+There were very few colored men who were thus eligible, and it was out
+of the question at that time to expect any white property owner to sign
+the bond of a colored man. But there were two colored men willing to
+sign the bond for one thousand dollars each who were considered eligible
+by the authorities. These men were William McCary and David Singleton.
+The law, having been duly satisfied in the matter of my bond, I was
+permitted to take the oath of office in April, 1869, and to enter upon
+the discharge of my duties as a Justice of the Peace, which office I
+held until the 31st of December of the same year when I resigned to
+accept a seat in the lower branch of the State Legislature to which I
+had been elected the preceding November.</p>
+
+<p>When I entered upon the discharge of my duties as a Justice of the Peace
+the only comment that was made by the local Democratic paper of the town
+was in these words: "We are now beginning to reap the ravishing fruits
+of Reconstruction."</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2>
+
+<h3>REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTS DURING GOVERNOR ALCORN'S ADMINISTRATION</h3>
+
+<p>The new Constitution of Mississippi, which had been rejected in 1868,
+was to be submitted to a popular vote once more in November, 1869. At
+the same time State officers, members of the Legislature, Congressmen,
+and district and county officers were to be elected. Since the
+objectionable clauses in the Constitution were to be put to a separate
+vote, and since it was understood that both parties would favor the
+rejection of these clauses, there was no serious opposition to the
+ratification of the Constitution thus amended. A hard and stubborn fight
+was, however, to be made for control of the State Government.</p>
+
+<p>General James L. Alcorn, who had been a general in the Confederate Army
+and who had recently openly identified himself with the Republican
+party, was nominated by the Republicans for the office of Governor of
+the State. Of the other six men who were associated with him on the
+state ticket, only the candidate for Secretary of the State, the
+Reverend James Lynch,&mdash;an able and eloquent minister of the Methodist
+Church,&mdash;was a colored man. Lynch was a man of fine ability, of splendid
+education, and one of the most powerful and convincing orators that the
+Republicans had upon the stump in that campaign. He was known and
+recognized as such an able and brilliant speaker that his services were
+in great demand from the beginning to the end of the campaign. No
+Democratic orator, however able, was anxious to meet him in joint
+debate. He died suddenly the latter part of 1872. His death was a great
+loss to the State and to the Republican party and especially to the
+colored race.</p>
+
+<p>Of the other five candidates on the ticket two,&mdash;the candidates for
+State Treasurer and Attorney General,&mdash;were, like General Alcorn,
+Southern white men. The candidate for State Treasurer, Hon. W.H. Vasser,
+was a successful business man who lived in the northern part of the
+State, while the candidate for Attorney General, Hon. Joshua S. Morris,
+was a brilliant member of the bar who lived in the southern part of the
+State. The other three, the candidates for Lieutenant-Governor, State
+Auditor and Superintendent of Education, were Northern men who had
+settled in the State after the War, called by the Democrats, "Carpet
+Baggers," but they were admitted to be clean and good men who had lived
+in the State long enough to become fully identified with its industrial
+and business interests. H.C. Powers, the candidate for
+Lieutenant-Governor, and H. Musgrove, the candidate for Auditor of
+Public Accounts, were successful cotton planters from Noxubee and Clarke
+counties respectively; while H.R. Pease, the candidate for State
+Superintendent of Education, had been identified with educational work
+ever since he came to the State. It could not be denied that it was a
+strong and able ticket,&mdash;one that the Democrats would find it very
+difficult to defeat. In desperation the Democratic party had nominated
+as their candidate for Governor a brother-in-law of President Grant's,
+Judge Lewis Dent, in the hope that the President would throw the weight
+of his influence and the active support of his administration on the
+side of his relative, as against the candidate of his own party,
+especially in view of the fact that Dent had been nominated not as a
+Democrat but as an Independent Republican,&mdash;his candidacy simply having
+been indorsed by the Democratic organization. But in this they were
+disappointed, for if the President gave any indication of preference it
+was in favor of the Republican ticket. General Ames, for instance, was
+the Military Governor of the State, holding that position at the
+pleasure of the President; and Ames was so outspoken in his support of
+the Republican ticket, that in an address before the State Republican
+Convention that nominated General Alcorn for the Governorship he
+announced, "You have my sympathy and shall have my support." This
+declaration was received by the convention with great applause, for it
+was known that those words from that source carried great weight. They
+meant not only that the Republican party would have the active and
+aggressive support of the Military Governor,&mdash;which was very important
+and would be worth thousands of votes to the party,&mdash;but they also
+indicated the attitude of the National Administration. The campaign was
+aggressive from beginning to end. Judge Dent was at a disadvantage,
+since his candidacy had failed to bring to his support the influence of
+the National Administration, which had been the sole purpose of his
+nomination. In spite of that fact Dent made a game and gallant fight;
+but the election resulted in an overwhelming Republican victory. That
+party not only elected the State ticket by a majority of about 30,000
+but it also had a large majority in both branches of the State
+Legislature.</p>
+
+<p>The new administration had an important and difficult task before it. A
+State Government had to be organized from top to bottom; a new judiciary
+had to be inaugurated,&mdash;consisting of three Justices of the State
+Supreme Court, fifteen Judges of the Circuit Court and twenty Chancery
+Court Judges,&mdash;who had all to be appointed by the Governor with the
+consent of the Senate, and, in addition, a new public school system had
+to be established. There was not a public school building anywhere in
+the State except in a few of the larger towns, and they, with possibly
+a few exceptions, were greatly in need of repairs. To erect the
+necessary school houses and to reconstruct and repair those already in
+existence so as to afford educational facilities for both races was by
+no means an easy task. It necessitated a very large outlay of cash in
+the beginning, which resulted in a material increase in the rate of
+taxation for the time being, but the Constitution called for the
+establishment of the system, and of course the work had to be done. It
+was not only done, but it was done creditably and as economically as
+possible, considering the conditions at that time.</p>
+
+<p>That system, though slightly changed, still stands,&mdash;a creditable
+monument to the first Republican State administration that was organized
+in the State of Mississippi under the Reconstruction Acts of Congress.</p>
+
+<p>It was also necessary to reorganize, reconstruct and, in many instances,
+rebuild some of the penal and charitable institutions of the State. A
+new code of laws also had to be adopted to take the place of the old
+code and thus wipe out the black laws that had been passed by what was
+known as the Johnson Legislature and in addition bring about other
+changes so as to make the laws and statutes of the State conform with
+the new order of things. This was no easy task, in view of the fact that
+a heavy increase in the rate of taxation was thus made necessary, for
+the time being at least. That this important work was splendidly,
+creditably, and economically done no fair-minded person who is familiar
+with the facts will question or dispute.</p>
+
+<p>That the State never had before, and has never had since, a finer
+Judiciary than that which was organized under the administration of
+Governor Alcorn and which continued under the administration of Governor
+Ames is an indisputable and incontrovertible fact. The Judges of the
+Supreme Court were E.G. Peyton, H.F. Simrall and J. Tarbell, who in
+Mississippi had no superiors in their profession, and who had the
+respect and confidence of the bar and of the people without regard to
+race or politics. Judge Peyton was the Chief Justice, Simrall and
+Tarbell being the Associate Justices. The first two were old residents
+of the State, while Mr. Justice Tarbell was what the Democrats would
+call a "Carpet Bagger." But that he was an able lawyer and a man of
+unimpeachable integrity no one doubted or questioned. During the second
+administration of President Grant he held the important position of
+Second Comptroller of the United States Treasury. The Circuit Court
+bench was graced with such able and brilliant lawyers as Jason Niles,
+G.C. Chandler, George F. Brown, J.A. Orr, John W. Vance, Robert
+Leachman, B.B. Boone, Orlando Davis, James M. Smiley, Uriah Millsaps,
+William M. Hancock, E.S. Fisher, C.C. Shackleford, W.B. Cunningham,
+W.D. Bradford and A. Alderson. Judges Brown and Cunningham were the only
+ones in the above list who were not old residents of the State. After
+leaving the bench, Judge Chandler served for several years as United
+States Attorney. Judge Niles served one term as a member of Congress,
+having been elected as a Republican in 1875. His son Henry Clay Niles is
+now United States District Judge for the State, having been appointed to
+that important position by President Harrison. He was strongly
+recommended by many members of the bench and bar of the State; and the
+very able and creditable way in which he has discharged the duties of
+the position has more than demonstrated the wisdom of the selection.</p>
+
+<p>The Chancery Courts as organized by Governor Alcorn and continued by
+Governor Ames were composed of men no less able and brilliant than those
+who composed the Bench of the Circuit Courts. They were: J.C. Lyon, E.P.
+Harmon, E.G. Peyton, Jr., J.M. Ellis, G.S. McMillan, Samuel Young, W.G.
+Henderson, Edwin Hill, T.R. Gowan, J.F. Simmons, Wesley Drane, D.W.
+Walker, DeWitte Stearns, D.P. Coffee, E.W. Cabiness, A.E. Reynolds,
+Thomas Christian, Austin Pollard, J.J. Hooker, O.H. Whitfield, E.
+Stafford, W.A. Drennan, Thomas Walton, E.H. Osgood, C.A. Sullivan, Hiram
+Cassedy, Jr., W.B. Peyton, J.D. Barton, J.J. Dennis, W.D. Frazee, P.P.
+Bailey, L.C. Abbott, H.W. Warren, R. Boyd, R.B. Stone, William Breck,
+J.N. Campbell, H.R. Ware and J.B. Deason. The above names composed those
+who were appointed both by Governors Alcorn and Ames. A majority of
+those originally appointed by Governor Alcorn were reappointed by
+Governor Ames. Of the forty appointments of Judges of the Chancery
+Courts made under the administrations of Alcorn and Ames, not more than
+about seven were not to the "manner born." The administration of James
+L. Alcorn as Governor of the State of Mississippi is one of the best
+with which that unfortunate State has been blessed. A more extended
+reference to the subsequent administration of Governor Ames will be made
+in a later chapter.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2>
+
+<h3>THE REPUBLICAN COUNTY CONVENTION OF 1869</h3>
+
+
+<p>Although it was not charged nor even intimated that my acceptance of the
+office of Justice of the Peace was the result of bad faith on my part,
+still the appointment resulted in the creation for the time being of two
+factions in the Republican party in the county. One was known as the
+Lynch faction, the other as the Jacobs faction.</p>
+
+<p>When the Constitution was submitted to a popular vote in November, 1869,
+it was provided that officers should be elected at the same time to all
+offices created by the Constitution and that they, including members of
+the Legislature, were to be chosen by popular vote. The county of Adams
+(Natchez) was entitled to one member of the State Senate and three
+members of the House of Representatives. Jacobs was a candidate for the
+Republican nomination for State Senator. The Lynch faction, however,
+refused to support him for that position although it had no objection to
+his nomination for member of the House. Since Jacobs persisted in his
+candidacy for State Senator the Lynch faction brought out an opposing
+candidate in the person of a Baptist minister by the name of J.M.P.
+Williams. The contest between the two Republican candidates was
+interesting and exciting, though not bitter, and turned out to be very
+close.</p>
+
+<p>The convention was to be composed of thirty-three delegates, seventeen
+being necessary to nominate. The result at the primary election of
+delegates to the convention was so close that it was impossible to tell
+which one had a majority, since there were several delegates,&mdash;about
+whose attitude and preference there had been some doubt,&mdash;who refused to
+commit themselves either way. In the organization of the convention the
+Williams men gained the first advantage, one of their number having been
+made permanent chairman. But this was not important since there were no
+contests for seats, consequently the presiding officer would have no
+occasion to render a decision that could have any bearing upon the
+composition of the body over which he presided.</p>
+
+<p>Both sides agreed that the nomination for State Senator should be made
+first and that the vote should be by ballot, the ballots to be received
+and counted by two tellers, one to be selected by each faction. When the
+result of the first ballot was announced, Jacobs had sixteen votes,
+Williams, sixteen, and a third man had one. Several ballots were taken
+with the same result, when, with the consent of both sides, a recess was
+taken until 3 o'clock in the afternoon. The one delegate that refused
+to vote for either Jacobs or Williams made no effort to conceal his
+identity. To the contrary, he was outspoken in his determination and
+decision that he would not at any time or under any circumstances vote
+for either. Strange to say, this man was also a colored Baptist
+preacher, the Rev. Noah Buchanan, from the Washington district. Members
+of both factions approached him during the recess and pleaded with him,
+but their efforts and pleadings were all in vain. Nothing could move him
+or change him. He stated that he had given the matter his careful and
+serious consideration, and that he had come to the conclusion that
+neither Jacobs nor Williams was a fit man to represent the important
+county of Adams in the State Senate, hence neither could get his vote.
+At the afternoon session, after several ballots had been taken with the
+same result, an adjournment was ordered until 9 o'clock next morning.</p>
+
+<p>Soon after adjournment each side went into caucus. At the Jacobs meeting
+it was decided to stick to their man to the very last. At the Williams
+meeting Hon. H.C. Griffin, white leader of the Williams men, suggested
+the name of the Rev. H.R. Revels as a compromise candidate. Revels was
+comparatively a new man in the community. He had recently been stationed
+at Natchez as pastor in charge of the A.M.E. Church, and so far as
+known he had never voted, had never attended a political meeting, and of
+course, had never made a political speech. But he was a colored man, and
+presumed to be a Republican, and believed to be a man of ability and
+considerably above the average in point of intelligence; just the man,
+it was thought, the Rev. Noah Buchanan would be willing to vote for.</p>
+
+<p>After considerable discussion it was agreed that a committee should be
+appointed to wait on Mr. Williams in order to find out if he would be
+willing to withdraw in favor of Revels should his friends and supporters
+deem such a step necessary and wise. In the event of Williams'
+withdrawal, the committee was next to call on Revels to find out if he
+would consent to the use of his name. If Revels consented, the committee
+was next to call on Rev. Buchanan to find out whether or not he would
+vote for Revels. This committee was to report to the caucus at 8 o'clock
+next morning.</p>
+
+<p>At the appointed time the committee reported that Williams had stated
+that he was in the hands of his friends and that he would abide by any
+decision they might make. Revels, the report stated, who had been taken
+very much by surprise,&mdash;having had no idea that his name would ever be
+mentioned in connection with any office,&mdash;had asked to be allowed until
+7 o'clock in the morning to consider the matter and to talk it over with
+his wife. At 7 o'clock he notified the chairman of the committee that
+he would accept the nomination if tendered.</p>
+
+<p>Buchanan had informed the committee that he had heard of Revels but did
+not know him personally. He too had asked to be allowed until 7 o'clock
+in the morning before giving a positive answer, so as to enable him to
+make the necessary inquiries to find out whether or not Revels was a
+suitable man for the position. At 7 o'clock he informed the chairman of
+the committee that if the name of Williams should be withdrawn in favor
+of Revels he would cast his vote for Revels. The caucus then decided by
+a unanimous vote that upon the assembling of the convention at 9 o'clock
+that morning Mr. Griffin should withdraw the name of Williams from
+before the convention as a candidate for State Senator, but that no
+other name should be placed in nomination. Every member of the caucus,
+however, was committed to vote for Revels. This decision was to be
+communicated to no one outside of the caucus except to Mr. Buchanan, who
+was to be privately informed of it by the chairman of the committee to
+whom he had communicated his own decision.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the convention was called to order Mr. Griffin was recognized
+by the chair. He stated that he had been authorized to withdraw the name
+of Rev. J.M.P. Williams from before the convention as candidate for
+State Senator. This announcement was received by the Jacobs men with
+great applause. The withdrawal of the name of Williams without placing
+any other in nomination they accepted as evidence that further
+opposition to the nomination of their candidate had been abandoned and
+that his nomination was a foregone conclusion. But they were not allowed
+to labor under that impression very long. The roll-call was immediately
+ordered by the chair and the tellers took their places. When the ballots
+had been counted and tabulated, the result was seventeen votes for
+Revels and sixteen votes for Jacobs. The announcement was received by
+the Williams men with great applause. The result was a victory for them
+because it was their sixteen votes together with the vote of Rev. Noah
+Buchanan that had nominated Revels. The Jacobs men accepted their defeat
+gracefully. A motion was offered by their leader to make the nomination
+unanimous and it was adopted without a dissenting vote. In anticipation
+of his nomination Revels was present as one of the interested spectators
+and upon being called upon for a brief address he delivered it with
+telling effect, thereby making a most favorable impression. This address
+convinced Rev. Noah Buchanan that he had made no mistake in voting for
+Revels. Jacobs was then nominated for member of the House of
+Representatives without opposition, his associates being John R. Lynch
+and Capt. O.C. French, a white Republican. The ticket as completed was
+elected by a majority of from fifteen hundred to two thousand, a
+Republican nomination in Adams County at that time being equivalent to
+an election.</p>
+
+<p>When the Legislature convened at Jackson the first Monday in January,
+1870, it was suggested to Lieutenant-Governor Powers, presiding officer
+of the Senate, that he invite the Rev. Dr. Revels to open the Senate
+with prayer. The suggestion was favorably acted upon. That prayer,&mdash;one
+of the most impressive and eloquent prayers that had ever been delivered
+in the Senate Chamber,&mdash;made Revels a United States Senator. He made a
+profound impression upon all who heard him. It impressed those who heard
+it that Revels was not only a man of great natural ability but that he
+was also a man of superior attainments.</p>
+
+<p>The duty devolved upon that Legislature to fill three vacancies in the
+United States Senate: one, a fractional term of about one year,&mdash;the
+remainder of the six year term to which Jefferson Davis had been elected
+before the breaking out of the Rebellion,&mdash;another fractional term of
+about five years, and the third, the full term of six years, beginning
+with the expiration of the fractional term of one year. The colored
+members of the Legislature constituted a very small minority not only of
+the total membership of that body but also of the Republican members. Of
+the thirty-three members of which the Senate was composed four of them
+were colored men: H.R. Revels, of Adams; Charles Caldwell, of Hinds;
+Robert Gleed, of Lowndes, and T.W. Stringer, of Warren. Of the one
+hundred and seven members of which the House was composed about thirty
+of them were colored men. It will thus be seen that out of the one
+hundred forty members of which the two Houses were composed only about
+thirty-four of them were colored men. But the colored members insisted
+that one of the three United States Senators to be elected should be a
+colored man. The white Republicans were willing that the colored men be
+given the fractional term of one year, since it was understood that
+Governor Alcorn was to be elected to the full term of six years and that
+Governor Ames was to be elected to the fractional term of five years.</p>
+
+<p>In this connection it may not be out of place to say that, ever since
+the organization of the Republican party in Mississippi, the white
+Republicans of that State, unlike some in a few of the other Southern
+States, have never attempted to draw the color line against their
+colored allies. In this they have proved themselves to be genuine and
+not sham Republicans,&mdash;that is to say, Republicans from principle and
+conviction and not for plunder and spoils. They have never failed to
+recognize the fact that the fundamental principle of the Republican
+party,&mdash;the one that gave the party its strongest claim upon the
+confidence and support of the public,&mdash;is its advocacy of equal civil
+and political rights. If that party should ever come to the conclusion
+that this principle should be abandoned, that moment it will merit, and
+I am sure it will receive, the condemnation and repudiation of the
+public.</p>
+
+<p>It was not, therefore, a surprise to any one when the white Republican
+members of the Mississippi Legislature gave expression to their entire
+willingness to vote for a suitable colored man to represent the state of
+Mississippi in the highest and most dignified legislative tribunal in
+the world. The next step was to find the man. The name of the Rev. James
+Lynch was first suggested. That he was a suitable and fit man for the
+position could not be denied. But he had just been elected Secretary of
+State for a term of four years, and his election to the Senate would
+have created a vacancy in the former office which would have
+necessitated the holding of another State election and another election
+was what all wanted to avoid. For that reason his name was not seriously
+considered for the Senatorship.</p>
+
+<p class="center"><img src="images/gs0331.jpg" width='497' height='700' alt="HON. HIRAM R. REVELS. The first colored man that occupied
+a seat in the U.S. Senate. From a photograph taken by Maj. Lynch at
+Natchez, Miss., in 1868." /></p>
+
+<p>The next name suggested was that of the Rev. H.R. Revels and those who
+had been so fortunate as to hear the impressive prayer that he had
+delivered on the opening of the Senate were outspoken in their advocacy
+of his selection. The white Republicans assured the colored members
+that if they would unite upon Revels, they were satisfied he would
+receive the vote of every white Republican member of the Legislature.
+Governor Alcorn also gave the movement his cordial and active support,
+thus insuring for Revels the support of the State administration. The
+colored members then held an informal conference, at which it was
+unanimously decided to present the name of Rev. H.R. Revels to the
+Republican Legislative Caucus as a candidate for United States Senator
+to fill the fractional term of one year. The choice was ratified by the
+caucus without serious opposition. In the joint Legislative session,
+every Republican member, white and colored, voted for the three
+Republican caucus nominees for United States Senators,&mdash;Alcorn, Ames and
+Revels,&mdash;with one exception, Senator William M. Hancock, of Lauderdale,
+who stated in explanation of his vote against Revels that as a lawyer he
+did not believe that a colored man was eligible to a seat in the United
+States Senate. But Judge Hancock seems to have been the only lawyer in
+the Legislature,&mdash;or outside of it, as far as could be learned,&mdash;who
+entertained that opinion.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2>
+
+<h3>IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL AND POLITICAL MEASURES OF THE NEW LEGISLATURE</h3>
+
+<p>In addition to the election of three United States Senators this
+Legislature had some very important work before it, as has already been
+stated in a previous chapter. A new public school system had to be
+inaugurated and put in operation, thus necessitating the construction of
+schoolhouses throughout the State, some of them, especially in the towns
+and villages, to be quite large and of course expensive. All of the
+other public buildings and institutions in the State had to be repaired,
+some of them rebuilt, all of them having been neglected and some of them
+destroyed during the progress of the late War. In addition to this the
+entire State Government in all of its branches had to be reconstructed
+and so organized as to place the same in perfect harmony with the new
+order of things.</p>
+
+<p>To accomplish these things money was required. There was none in the
+treasury. There was no cash available even to pay the ordinary expenses
+of the State government. Because of this lack of funds the government
+had to be carried on on a credit basis,&mdash;that is, by the issuing of
+notes or warrants based upon the credit of the State. These notes were
+issued at par to the creditors of the State in satisfaction of the
+obligations. In turn they were disposed of at a discount to bankers and
+brokers by whom they were held until there should be sufficient cash in
+the treasury to redeem them,&mdash;such redemption usually occurring in from
+three to six months, though sometimes the period was longer. To raise
+the necessary money to put the new machinery in successful operation one
+of two things had to be done: either the rate of taxation must be
+materially increased or interest bearing bonds must be issued and placed
+upon the market, thus increasing the bonded debt of the State. Although
+the fact was subsequently developed that a small increase in the bonded
+debt of the State could not very well be avoided, yet, after careful
+deliberation, the plan agreed upon was to materially increase the rate
+of taxation.</p>
+
+<p>This proved to be so unpopular that it came near losing the Legislature
+to the Republicans at the elections of 1871. Although it was explained
+to the people that this increase was only temporary and that the rate of
+taxation would be reduced as soon as some of the schoolhouses had been
+built, and some of the public institutions had been repaired, still this
+was not satisfactory to those by whom these taxes had to be paid. They
+insisted that some other plan ought to have been adopted, especially at
+that time. The War had just come to a close, leaving most of the people
+in an impoverished condition. What was true of the public institutions
+of the State was equally true of the private property of those who were
+property owners at that time. Their property during the War had been
+neglected, and what had not been destroyed was in a state of decay. This
+was especially true of those who had been the owners of large landed
+estates and of many slaves. Many of these people had been the
+acknowledged representatives of the wealth, the intelligence, the
+culture, the refinement and the aristocracy of the South,&mdash;the ruling
+class in the church, in society and in State affairs. These were the men
+who had made and molded public opinion, who had controlled the pulpit
+and the press, who had shaped the destiny of the State; who had made and
+enforced the laws,&mdash;or at least such laws as they desired to have
+enforced,&mdash;and who had represented the State not only in the State
+Legislature but in both branches of the National Legislature at
+Washington. Many of these proud sons, gallant fathers, cultured mothers
+and wives and refined and polished daughters found themselves in a
+situation and in a condition that was pitiable in the extreme. It was
+not only a difficult matter for them to adjust themselves to the new
+order of things and to the radically changed conditions, but no longer
+having slaves upon whom they could depend for everything, to raise the
+necessary money to prevent the decay, the dissipation and the ultimate
+loss or destruction of their large landed estates was the serious and
+difficult problem they had before them. To have the rate of taxation
+increased upon this property, especially at that particular time, was to
+them a very serious matter,&mdash;a matter which could not have any other
+effect than to intensify their bitterness and hostility towards the
+party in control of the State Government. But since Governor Alcorn,
+under whose administration, and in accordance with whose recommendation
+this increase had been made, was a typical representative of this
+particular class, it was believed and hoped that he would have
+sufficient influence with the people of his own class to stem the tide
+of resentment, and to calm their fears and apprehensions. That the
+Republicans retained control of the Legislature as a result of the
+elections of 1871,&mdash;though by only a small majority in the lower
+house,&mdash;is conclusive evidence that the Governor's efforts in that
+direction were not wholly in vain. The argument made by the taxpayers,
+however, was plausible and it may be conceded that, upon the whole, they
+were about right; for no doubt it would have been much easier upon the
+taxpayers to have increased at that time the interest-bearing debt of
+the State than to have increased the tax rate. The latter course,
+however, had been adopted and could not then be changed.</p>
+
+<p>Governor Alcorn also recommended,&mdash;a recommendation that was favorably
+considered by the Legislature,&mdash;that there be created and supported by
+the State a college for the higher education of the colored boys and
+young men of the State. This bill was promptly passed by the
+Legislature, and, in honor of the one by whom its creation was
+recommended the institution was named "Alcorn College." The presidency
+of this much-needed college was an honorable and dignified position to
+which a fair and reasonable salary was attached, so the Governor, who
+had the appointing power, decided to tender the office to Senator H.R.
+Revels upon the expiration of his term in the Senate. I had the honor of
+being named as one of the first trustees of this important institution.
+After the Governor, the trustees and Senator Revels had carefully
+inspected many different places that had been suggested for the location
+of the institution, Oakland College near the town of Rodney in Claiborne
+County, was finally purchased, and Alcorn College was established, with
+Senator Revels as its first president.</p>
+
+<p>As an evidence of the necessity for such an institution it will not be
+out of place to call attention to the fact that when the writer was
+first elected to Congress in 1872, there was not one young colored man
+in the State that could pass the necessary examination for a clerkship
+in any of the Departments at Washington. Four years later the supply was
+greater than the demand, nearly all of the applicants being graduates of
+Alcorn College. At this writing the institution is still being
+maintained by the State, although on a reduced appropriation and on a
+plan that is somewhat different from that which was inaugurated at its
+beginning and while the Republicans were in control of the State
+government. One of the reasons, no doubt, why it is supported by a
+Democratic administration, is that the State might otherwise forfeit and
+lose the aid it now receives from the National Government for the
+support of agricultural institutions. But, aside from this, there are
+very many liberal, fair-minded and influential Democrats in the State
+who are strongly in favor of having the State provide for the liberal
+education of both races.</p>
+
+<p>The knowledge I had acquired of parliamentary law not only enabled me to
+take a leading part in the deliberations of the Legislature, but it
+resulted in my being made Speaker of the House of Representatives that
+was elected in 1871. Shortly after the adjournment of the first session
+of the Legislature, the Speaker of the House, Hon. F.E. Franklin, of
+Yazoo County, died. When the Legislature reassembled the first Monday in
+January, 1871, Hon. H.W. Warren, of Leake County, was made Speaker of
+the House. In addition to the vacancy from Yazoo, created by the death
+of Speaker Franklin, one had also occurred from Lowndes County, which
+was one of the safe and sure Republican counties. Through apathy,
+indifference and overconfidence, the Democratic candidate, Dr. Landrum,
+was elected to fill this vacancy. It was a strange and novel sight to
+see a Democratic member of the Legislature from the rock-ribbed
+Republican county of Lowndes. It was no doubt a source of considerable
+embarrassment even to Dr. Landrum himself, for he was looked upon by all
+as a marvel and a curiosity. When he got up to deliver his maiden speech
+a few days after he was sworn in, he was visibly and perceptibly
+affected, for every eye was firmly and intently fixed upon him. Every
+one seemed to think that the man that could be elected to a seat in the
+Legislature from Lowndes County as a Democrat, must be endowed with some
+strange and hidden power through the exercise of which he could direct
+the movements and control the actions of those who might be brought in
+contact with him or subjected to his hypnotic influence; hence the
+anxiety and curiosity to hear the maiden speech of this strange and
+remarkable man. The voice in the House of a Democrat from the county of
+Lowndes was of so strange, so sudden, so unexpected and so remarkable
+that it was difficult for many to bring themselves to a realization of
+the fact that such a thing had actually happened and that it was a
+living reality. To the curious, the speech was a disappointment,
+although it was a plain, calm, conservative and convincing statement of
+the new member's position upon public questions. To the great amusement
+of those who heard him he related some of his experiences while he was
+engaged in canvassing the county. But the speech revealed the fact that,
+after all, he was nothing more than an ordinary man. No one was
+impressed by any word or sentence that had fallen from his lips that
+there was anything about him that was strange, impressive or unusual,
+and all decided that his election was purely accidental; for it was no
+more surprising than was the election of a colored Republican, Hon. J.M.
+Wilson, to the same Legislature the year before, from the reliable
+Democratic county of Marion.</p>
+
+<p>There was not much to be done at the second session of the Legislature
+outside of passing the annual appropriation bills; hence the session was
+a short one. Although Governor Alcorn's term as a United States Senator
+commenced March 4, 1871, he did not vacate the office of Governor until
+the meeting of Congress, the first Monday in the following December. A
+new Legislature and all county officers were to be elected in November
+of that year. It was to be the first important election since the
+inauguration of the Alcorn administration. The Governor decided to
+remain where he could assume entire responsibility for what had been
+done and where he could answer, officially and otherwise, all charges
+and accusations and criticisms that might be made against his
+administration and his official acts. The Republican majority in the
+State Senate was so large that the holdover Senators made it well nigh
+impossible for the Democrats to secure a majority of that body, but the
+principal fight was to be made for control of the House. As already
+stated the heavy increase in taxation proved to be very unpopular and
+this gave the Democrats a decided advantage. They made a strong and
+bitter fight to gain control of the House, and nearly succeeded.</p>
+
+<p>When every county had been heard from it was found that out of the one
+hundred fifteen members of which the House was composed, the Republicans
+had elected sixty-six members and the Democrats, forty-nine. Of the
+sixty-six that had been elected as Republicans, two,&mdash;Messrs. Armstead
+and Streeter,&mdash;had been elected from Carroll County on an independent
+ticket. They classed themselves politically as Independent or Alcorn
+Republicans. Carroll was the only doubtful county in the State that the
+Democrats failed to carry. The Independent ticket in that county, which
+was supported by an influential faction of Democrats, was brought out
+with the understanding and agreement that it would receive the support
+of the Republican organization. This support was given, but upon a
+pledge that the candidates for the Legislature, if elected, should not
+enter the Democratic caucus, nor vote for the candidates thereof in the
+organization of the House. These conditions were accepted, which
+resulted in the ticket being supported by the Republicans and,
+consequently elected. All the other doubtful and close counties went
+Democratic, which resulted in the defeat of some of the strongest and
+most influential men in the Republican party, including Speaker Warren
+of Leake County, Lucas and Boyd of Altala, Underwood of Chickasaw, Avery
+of Tallahatchie, and many others. Notwithstanding these reverses, the
+Republicans sent a number of able men to the House, among whom may be
+mentioned French of Adams, Howe and Pyles of Panola, Fisher of Hinds,
+Chandler and Davis of Noxubee, Huggins of Monroe, Stone and Spelman of
+Madison, Barrett of Amite, Sullivan and Gayles of Bolivar, Everett and
+Dixon of Yazoo, Griggs and Houston of Issaquina, and many others. In
+point of experience and ability this Legislature was the equal of its
+immediate predecessor.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2>
+
+<h3>THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES</h3>
+
+<p>The elections being over, and a Republican majority in both branches of
+the Legislature being assured, Governor Alcorn was then prepared to
+vacate the office of Governor, to turn over the administration of State
+affairs to Lieutenant-Governor Powers and to proceed to Washington so as
+to be present at the opening session of Congress on the first Monday in
+December when he would assume his duties as a United States Senator.</p>
+
+<p>The Legislature was to meet the first Monday in the following
+January,&mdash;1872. As soon as the fact was made known that the Republicans
+would control the organization of the House, the Speakership of that
+body began to be agitated. If Speaker Warren had been re&euml;lected he would
+have received the Republican caucus nomination without opposition, but
+his defeat made it necessary for a new man to be brought forward for
+that position. A movement was immediately put on foot to make me the
+Speaker of the House.</p>
+
+<p>Upon a careful examination of the returns it was found that of the one
+hundred fifteen members of which the House was composed there were
+seventy-seven whites and thirty-eight colored. Of the seventy-seven
+whites, forty-nine had been elected as Democrats and twenty-eight as
+Republicans. The thirty-eight colored men were all Republicans. It will
+thus be seen that, while in the composition of the Republican caucus
+there were ten more colored than white members, yet of the total
+membership of the House there were thirty-nine more white than colored
+members. But in the organization of the House, the contest was not
+between white and colored, but between Democrats and Republicans. No one
+had been elected,&mdash;at least on the Republican side,&mdash;because he was a
+white man or because he was a colored man, but because he was a
+Republican. After a preliminary canvass the fact was developed that the
+writer was not only the choice of the colored members for Speaker of the
+House, but of a large majority of the white Republican members as well.
+They believed,&mdash;and voted in accordance with that belief both in the
+party caucus and in the House,&mdash;that the writer was the best-equipped
+man for that responsible position. This fact had been demonstrated to
+their satisfaction during the two sessions of the preceding Legislature.</p>
+
+<p>The nomination of the writer by the House Republican caucus for Speaker
+was a foregone conclusion several weeks before the convening of the
+Legislature. With a full membership in attendance fifty-eight votes
+would be necessary to perfect the organization. When the Republican
+caucus convened sixty members were present and took part in the
+deliberations thereof. Four of the Republicans-elect had not at that
+time arrived at the seat of government. The two Independents from
+Carroll refused to attend the caucus, but this did not necessarily mean
+that they would not vote for the candidates thereof in the organization
+of the House. But since we had sixty votes,&mdash;two more than were
+necessary to elect our candidate,&mdash;we believed that the organization
+would be easily perfected the next day, regardless of the action of the
+members from Carroll County.</p>
+
+<p>In this, however, we were sadly disappointed. The result of the first
+vote for Speaker of the House was as follows:</p>
+
+<table border='0' cellspacing='0' cellpadding='4' summary='first vote for speaker'>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Lynch, Republican caucus nominee</td>
+    <td>55</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Streeter, Democratic nominee</td>
+    <td>47</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Chandler, Independent Republican</td>
+    <td align='right'>7</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Armstead, Independent Republican</td>
+    <td align='right'>1</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Howe, Regular Republican</td>
+    <td align='right'>1</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Necessary to elect</td>
+    <td>56</td>
+  </tr>
+
+</table>
+
+<p>Judge Chandler of Noxubee, who had been elected as a regular Republican
+with four other white Republicans,&mdash;all of whom attended and took part
+in the caucus the night before,&mdash;refused to vote for the nominee of the
+caucus for Speaker but voted instead for Chandler. It will be seen that
+the vote for Streeter, the Democratic caucus nominee, was two less than
+that party's strength; thus showing that two Democrats must have also
+voted for Chandler. It will also be seen that if every vote that was not
+received by Lynch had been given to Chandler or to any other man, that
+man would have received the required number of votes and would have been
+elected. The Democrats stood ready to give their solid vote to any one
+of the Independents whenever it could be shown that their votes would
+result in an election. But it so happened that Chandler and Armstead
+were both ambitious to be Speaker and neither would give way for the
+other, which, of course, made the election of either impossible. The one
+vote cast for Howe was no doubt Mr. Armstead's vote, while the one vote
+for Armstead was no doubt cast by his colleague. In the nomination of
+Hon. H.M. Streeter, the Democrats selected their strongest man, and the
+best parliamentarian on their side of the House. The refusal of the
+so-called Independents to vote for the Republican caucus nominee for
+Speaker produced a deadlock which continued for a period of several
+days. At no time could any one of the regular Republicans be induced
+under any circumstances to vote for any one of the Independents. They
+would much rather have the House organized by the Democrats than allow
+party treachery to be thus rewarded.</p>
+
+<p>While the deadlock was in progress, Senators Alcorn and Ames suddenly
+made their appearance upon the scene of action. They had made the trip
+from Washington to use their influence to break the deadlock, and to
+bring about an organization of the House by the Republican party. But
+Senator Alcorn was the one that could render the most effective service
+in that direction, since the bolters were men who professed to be
+followers of his and loyal to his political interests and leadership.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the Senator arrived he held a conference with the bolters,
+including Messrs. Armstead and Streeter,&mdash;the two independents from
+Carroll. In addressing those who had been elected as Republicans and who
+had attended and participated in the caucus of that party, the Senator
+did not mince his words. He told them in plain language that they were
+in honor bound to support the caucus nominees of their party, or that
+they must resign their seats and allow their constituents to elect
+others that would do so. With reference to the Independents from
+Carroll, he said the situation was slightly different. They had been
+elected as Independents under conditions which did not obligate them to
+enter the Republican caucus or support the candidates thereof. They had
+pledged themselves not to support the Democratic caucus nominees, nor to
+aid that party in the organization of the House. Up to that time they
+had not made a move, nor given a vote that could be construed into a
+violation of the pledge under which they had been elected, but they had
+publicly declared on several occasions that they had been elected as
+Independents or Alcorn Republicans. In other words, they had been
+elected as friends and supporters of the Alcorn administration, and of
+that type of Republicanism for which he stood and of which he was the
+representative. If this were true then they should not hesitate to take
+the advice of the man to support whose administration they had been
+elected. He informed them that if they meant what they said the best way
+for them to prove it was to vote for the Republican caucus nominees for
+officers of the House, because he was the recognized leader of the party
+in the State and that the issue involved in the elections was either an
+endorsement or repudiation of his administration as Governor. Republican
+success under such circumstances meant an endorsement of his
+administration, while Republican defeat would mean its repudiation. The
+most effective way, then, in which they could make good their
+ante-election pledges and promises was to vote for the candidates of
+the Republican caucus for officers of the House.</p>
+
+<p>The two Carroll County Independents informed the Senator that he had
+correctly outlined their position and their attitude, and that it was
+their purpose and their determination to give a loyal and effective
+support, so far as the same was in their power, to the policies and
+principles for which he stood and of which he was the accredited
+representative; but that they were apprehensive that they could not
+successfully defend their action and explain their votes to the
+satisfaction of their constituents if they were to vote for a colored
+man for Speaker of the House.</p>
+
+<p>"But," said the Senator, "could you have been elected without the votes
+of colored men? If you now vote against a colored man,&mdash;who is in every
+way a fit and capable man for the position,&mdash;simply because he is a
+colored man, would you expect those men to support you in the future?"</p>
+
+<p>The Senator also reminded them that they had received very many more
+colored than white votes; and that, in his opinion, very few of the
+white men who had supported them would find fault with them for voting
+for a capable and intelligent colored man to preside over the
+deliberations of the House.</p>
+
+<p>"Can you then," the Senator asked, "afford to offend the great mass of
+colored men that supported you in order to please an insignificantly
+small number of narrow-minded whites?"</p>
+
+<p>The Senator assured them that he was satisfied they had nothing to fear
+as a result of their action in voting for Mr. Lynch as Speaker of the
+House. He knew the candidate favorably and well and therefore did not
+hesitate to assure them that if they contributed to his election they
+would have no occasion to regret having done so. The conference then
+came to a close with the understanding that all present would vote the
+next day for the Republican caucus nominees for officers of the House.
+This was done. The result of the ballot the following day was as
+follows:</p>
+
+<table border='0' cellspacing='0' cellpadding='4' summary='result of ballot on following day'>
+    <tr>
+    <td>Lynch, Republican caucus nominee,</td>
+    <td>63</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Chandler, Independent Republican,</td>
+    <td>49</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Necessary to elect</td>
+    <td>57</td>
+  </tr>
+
+</table>
+
+<p>It will be seen that Judge Chandler received the solid Democratic vote
+while Lynch received the vote of every voting Republican present,
+including Chandler and the two Independents from Carroll,&mdash;three
+Republicans still being absent and not paired. By substantially the same
+vote ex-Speaker Warren, of Leake County, was elected Chief Clerk, and
+Ex-Representative Hill, of Marshall County, was elected
+Sergeant-at-arms. The Legislature was then organized and was ready to
+proceed to business.</p>
+
+<p>At the conclusion of the session, the House not only adopted a
+resolution complimenting the Speaker and thanking him for the able and
+impartial manner in which he had presided over its deliberations, but
+presented him with a fine gold watch and chain,&mdash;purchased with money
+that had been contributed by members of both parties and by a few
+outside friends,&mdash;as a token of their esteem and appreciation of him as
+a presiding officer. On the outside case of the watch these words were
+engraved: "Presented to Hon. J.R. Lynch, Speaker of the House of
+Representatives, by the Members of the Legislature, April 19, 1873."
+That watch the writer still has and will keep as a sacred family
+heirloom.</p>
+
+<p>A good deal of work was to be done by this Legislature. The seats of a
+number of Democrats were contested. But the decision in many cases was
+in favor of the sitting members. The changes, however, were sufficient
+to materially increase the Republican majority.</p>
+
+<p>Among the important bills to be passed was one to divide the State into
+six Congressional Districts. The apportionment of Representatives in
+Congress, under the Apportionment Act which had recently passed
+Congress, increased the number of Representatives from Mississippi,
+which had formerly been five, to six. Republican leaders in both
+branches of the Legislature decided that the duty of drawing up a bill
+apportioning the State into Congressional Districts should devolve upon
+the Speaker of the House, with the understanding that the party
+organization would support the bill drawn by him.</p>
+
+<p>I accepted the responsibility, and immediately proceeded with the work
+of drafting a bill for that purpose. Two plans had been discussed, each
+of which had strong supporters and advocates. One plan was so to
+apportion the State as to make all of the districts Republican; but in
+doing so the majority in at least two of the districts would be quite
+small. The other was so to apportion the State as to make five districts
+safely and reliably Republican and the remaining one Democratic. I had
+not taken a decided stand for or against either plan. Perhaps that was
+one reason why the advocates of both plans agreed to refer the matter to
+me for a final decision.</p>
+
+<p>The Democrats heard what had been done. One of them, Hon. F.M. Goar, of
+Lee County, called to see me so as to talk over the matter. He expressed
+the hope that in drawing up the bill, one district would be conceded to
+the Democrats.</p>
+
+<p>"If this is done," he said, "I assume that the group of counties located
+in the northeastern part of the State will be the Democratic district.
+In that event we will send a very strong and able man to Congress in the
+person of Hon. L.Q.C. Lamar."</p>
+
+<p>I had every reason to believe that if Mr. Lamar were sent to Congress
+he would reflect credit upon himself, his party, and his State. I
+promised to give the suggestion earnest and perhaps favorable
+consideration. After going over the matter carefully I came to the
+conclusion that the better and safer plan would be to make five safe and
+sure Republican districts and concede one to the Democrats. Another
+reason for this decision was that in so doing, the State could be more
+fairly apportioned. The Republican counties could be easily made
+contiguous and the population in each district could be made as nearly
+equal as possible. The apportionment could not have been so fairly and
+equitably made if the other plan had been adopted.</p>
+
+<p>After the bill had been completed, it was submitted to a joint caucus of
+the Republican members of the two Houses, and after a brief explanation
+by me of its provisions it was accepted and approved by the unanimous
+vote of the caucus.</p>
+
+<p>When it was brought before the house, a majority of the Democratic
+members,&mdash;under the leadership of Messrs. Streeter, Roane and
+McIntosh,&mdash;fought it very bitterly. They contended that the Democrats
+should have at least two of the six Congressmen and that an
+apportionment could have been made and should have been made with that
+end in view. The truth was that several of those who made such a
+stubborn fight against the bill had Congressional aspirations themselves
+and, of course, they did not fail to see that as drawn the bill did not
+hold out flattering hopes for the gratification of that ambition. But it
+was all that Mr. Goar and a few others that he had taken into his
+confidence expected, or had any right to expect. In fact, the one
+Democratic district, constructed in accordance with their wishes, was
+just about what they wanted. While they voted against the bill,&mdash;merely
+to be in accord with their party associates,&mdash;they insisted that there
+should be no filibustering or other dilatory methods adopted to defeat
+it. After a hard and stubborn fight, and after several days of exciting
+debate, the bill was finally passed by a strict party vote. A few days
+later it passed the Senate without amendment, was signed by the
+Governor, and became a law.</p>
+
+<p>As had been predicted by Mr. Goar, Hon. L.Q.C. Lamar was nominated by
+the Democrats for Congress in the first district, which was the
+Democratic district. The Republicans nominated against him a very strong
+and able man, the Hon. R.W. Flournoy, who had served with Mr. Lamar as a
+member of the Secession Convention of 1861. He made an aggressive and
+brilliant canvass of the district, but the election of Mr. Lamar was a
+foregone conclusion, since the Democratic majority in the district was
+very large.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI</h2>
+
+<h3>FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE STATE ELECTION OF 1873. REPUBLICAN VICTORY</h3>
+
+<p>An important election was to be held in Mississippi in 1873, at which
+State, district, and county officers, as well as members of the
+Legislature, were to be elected. The tenure of office for the State and
+county officers was four years. 1873, therefore, was the year in which
+the successors of those that had held office since 1869 had to be
+elected.</p>
+
+<p>The legislature to be elected that year would elect the successor of
+Senator Ames as United States Senator. Senator Ames was the candidate
+named to succeed himself. For some unaccountable reason there had been a
+falling out between Senator Alcorn and himself, for which reason Senator
+Alcorn decided to use his influence to prevent the re&euml;lection of Senator
+Ames. This meant that there would be a bitter factional fight in the
+party, because both Senators were popular with the rank and file of the
+party.</p>
+
+<p>The fact was soon developed, however, that the people favored the return
+of Senator Ames to the Senate. This did not necessarily mean opposition
+or unfriendliness to Senator Alcorn. It simply meant that both were to
+be treated fairly and justly, and that each was to stand upon his own
+record and merits, regardless of their personal differences.</p>
+
+<p>If Senator Alcorn had been in Senator Ames' place the probabilities are
+that the sentiment of the party would have been just as strongly in his
+favor as it was at that time in favor of Ames. But on this occasion
+Senator Alcorn made the mistake of making opposition to Senator Ames the
+test of loyalty to himself. In this he was not supported even by many of
+his warmest personal and political friends. In consequence of the bitter
+fight that was to be made by Senator Alcorn to prevent the return of
+Senator Ames to the Senate, many of Senator Ames' friends advised him to
+become a candidate for the office of Governor. In that way, it was
+believed, he could command the situation, and thus make sure his
+election to succeed himself as Senator; otherwise it might be doubtful.</p>
+
+<p>But this involved two important points which had to be carefully
+considered. First, it involved the retirement of Governor Powers, who
+was a candidate to succeed himself. Second, the candidate for
+Lieutenant-Governor would have to be selected with great care, since if
+that program were carried out he would be, in point of fact, the
+Governor of the State for practically the whole term.</p>
+
+<p>After going over the situation very carefully with his friends and
+supporters Senator Ames decided to become a candidate for Governor,
+public announcement of which decision was duly made. This announcement
+seemed to have increased the intensity of Senator Alcorn's opposition to
+Senator Ames, for the former did not hesitate to declare that in the
+event of Ames' nomination for Governor by the regular party convention
+he would bolt the action of the convention, and make the race for
+Governor as an independent candidate. This declaration, however, made no
+impression upon the friends and supporters of Ames, and evidently had
+very little effect upon the rank and file of the party; for the fact
+became apparent shortly after the announcement of the candidacy of Ames
+that his nomination was a foregone conclusion. In fact, Senator Ames had
+such a strong hold upon the rank and file of the party throughout the
+State that when the convention met there was practically no opposition
+to his nomination. The friends and supporters of Governor Powers
+realized early in the campaign the hopelessness of the situation, so far
+as he was concerned, and therefore made no serious effort in his behalf.</p>
+
+<p>What gave the Ames managers more concern than anything else was the
+selection of a suitable man for Lieutenant-Governor. Many of the colored
+delegates insisted that three of the seven men to be nominated should
+be of that race. The offices they insisted on filling were those of
+Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and Superintendent of
+Education. Since the colored men had been particularly loyal and
+faithful to Senator Ames it was not deemed wise to ignore their demands.
+But the question was, Where is there a colored man possessing the
+qualifications necessary to one in charge of the executive department of
+the state?</p>
+
+<p>After going over the field very carefully it was decided that there was
+just one man possessing the necessary qualifications,&mdash;B.K. Bruce, of
+Bolivar County. He, it was decided, was just the man for the place, and
+to him the nomination was to be tendered. A committee was appointed to
+wait on Mr. Bruce and inform him of the action of the conference, and
+urge him to consent to the use of his name. But Mr. Bruce positively
+declined. He could not be induced under any circumstances to change his
+mind. He was fixed in his determination not to allow his name to be used
+for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, and from that determination he
+could not be moved.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Bruce's unexpected attitude necessitated a radical change in the
+entire program. It had been agreed that the Lieutenant-Governorship
+should go to a colored man, but after Brace's declination the Ames
+managers were obliged to take one of two men,&mdash;H.C. Carter, or A.K.
+Davis. Davis was the more acceptable of the two; but neither, it was
+thought, was a fit and suitable man to be placed at the head of the
+executive department of the State. After again going over the field, and
+after canvassing the situation very carefully, it was decided that Ames
+would not be a candidate to succeed himself as United States Senator,
+but that he would be a candidate to succeed Senator Alcorn. This
+decision, in all probability, would not have been made if Alcorn had
+been willing to abide by the decision of the convention. But, since he
+announced his determination to bolt the nomination of his party for
+Governor and run as an Independent candidate, it was decided that he had
+forfeited any claim he otherwise would have had upon the party to
+succeed himself in the Senate. Senator Alcorn's term would expire March
+4, 1877. His successor would be elected by the Legislature that would be
+chosen in November, 1875. If Ames should be elected to the Governorship
+his successor in that office would be elected in November, 1877. In the
+event of his election to the Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn, his term
+as Senator would commence March 4, 1877, yet he could remain in the
+office of Governor until the meeting of Congress the following December,
+thus practically serving out the full term as Governor.</p>
+
+<p>With that plan mapped out and agreed upon, and the party leaders
+committed to its support, Davis was allowed to be nominated for the
+office of Lieutenant-Governor. Two other colored men were also placed
+upon the State ticket,&mdash;James Hill, for Secretary of State, and T.W.
+Cardozo, for State Superintendent of Education. While Davis had made
+quite a creditable record as a member of the Legislature, it could not
+be said that his name added strength to the ticket. Hill, on the other
+hand, was young, active, and aggressive, and considerably above the
+average colored man in point of intelligence at that time. His
+nomination was favorably received, because it was generally believed
+that, if elected, he would discharge the duties of the office in a way
+that would reflect credit upon himself and give satisfaction to the
+public. In point of education and experience Cardozo was admitted to be
+entirely capable of filling the office of Superintendent of Education;
+but he was not well known outside of his own county, Warren. In fact his
+nomination was largely a concession to that strong Republican county.</p>
+
+<p>The three white men nominated,&mdash;besides the candidate for
+Governor,&mdash;were, W.H. Gibbs, for Auditor of Public Accounts; Geo. E.
+Harris, for Attorney-General, and Geo. H. Holland, for State Treasurer.
+Gibbs had been a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1868, and
+subsequently a member of the State Senate. Holland had served as a
+member of the Legislature from Oktibbeha County. Harris had been a
+member of Congress from the Second (Holly Springs) District, having been
+defeated for the nomination in 1872 by A.R. Howe, of Panola County.
+While the ticket, as a whole, was not a weak one, its principal strength
+was in its head,&mdash;the candidate for Governor.</p>
+
+<p>Shortly after the adjournment of the convention Senator Alcorn had
+another convention called which nominated a ticket, composed exclusively
+of Republicans, with himself at its head for Governor. The Democrats at
+their convention endorsed the Alcorn ticket. While it would seem that
+this action on the part of the Democrats ought to have increased
+Alcorn's chances of success, it appears to have been a contributory
+cause of his defeat. Thousands of Republicans who were in sympathy with
+the movement, and who would have otherwise voted the Alcorn ticket,
+refused to do so for the reason that if it had been elected the
+Democrats could have claimed a victory for their party. On the other
+hand, both tickets being composed exclusively of Republicans, thousands
+of Democrats refused to vote for either, while some of them voted the
+Ames ticket. At any rate the election resulted in the success of the
+Ames ticket by a majority of more than twenty thousand. The regular
+Republicans also had a large majority in both branches of the
+Legislature.</p>
+
+<p class="center"><img src="images/gs0332.jpg" width='561' height='700' alt="HON. B.K. BRUCE United States Senator, 1875-1881" /></p>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII</h2>
+
+<h3>MISSISSIPPI SENDS B.K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE</h3>
+
+<p>As soon as the result of the election was known, the candidacy of B.K.
+Bruce, for United States Senator to succeed Senator Ames, was announced.
+Ames' term as Governor was to commence the first Monday in January,
+1874. His term as Senator would expire March 4, 1875. Upon assuming the
+duties of Governor he had been obliged to tender his resignation as
+Senator; thus it devolved upon the incoming legislature to elect a
+Senator to serve out the unexpired term, as well as for the full term of
+six years. Bruce's candidacy was for the full term.</p>
+
+<p>The secret of Mr. Bruce's positive refusal to allow his name to be used
+for the Lieutenant-Governorship, which would have resulted in making him
+Governor, was now revealed. He had had the Senatorship in mind at the
+time, but, of course, no allusion was made to that fact. As between the
+Senatorship and the Governorship he chose the former, which proved to be
+a wise decision, in view of subsequent events. It was soon developed
+that he was the choice of a large majority of the Republican members of
+the Legislature, white as well as colored. His nomination by the party
+caucus, therefore, was a foregone conclusion. Before the legislature
+met, it had been practically settled that Mr. Bruce should be sent to
+the Senate for the long term and Ex-Superintendant of Education, H.R.
+Pease, should be elected to serve out the unexpired term of
+Governor-elect Ames.</p>
+
+<p>This slate was approved by the joint legislative caucus without a hitch
+and the candidates thus nominated were duly elected by the
+Legislature,&mdash;not only by the solid Republican vote of that body, but
+the additional vote of State Senator Hiram Cassidy, Jr., who had been
+elected as a Democrat.</p>
+
+<p>Senator Alcorn's keen disappointment and chagrin at the outcome of his
+fight with Governor Ames was manifested when Senator Bruce made his
+appearance to be sworn in as a Senator. It was presumed that Senator
+Alcorn, in accordance with the uniform custom on such occasions, would
+escort his colleague to the desk of the President of the Senate to be
+sworn in. This Senator Alcorn refused to do. When Mr. Bruce's name was
+called Senator Alcorn did not move; he remained in his seat, apparently
+giving his attention to his private correspondence. Mr. Bruce, somewhat
+nervous and slightly excited, started to the President's desk
+unattended. Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, who was sitting near
+by, immediately rose and extended his arm to Mr. Bruce and escorted him
+to the President's desk, standing by the new Senator's side until the
+oath had been administered, and then tendering him his hearty
+congratulations, in which all the other Republican Senators, except
+Senator Alcorn, subsequently joined.</p>
+
+<p>This gracious act on the part of the New York Senator made for him a
+lifelong friend and admirer in the person of Senator Bruce. This
+friendship was so strong that Senator Bruce named his first and only son
+Roscoe Conkling, in honor of the able, distinguished, and gallant
+Senator from New York.</p>
+
+<p>Senator Alcorn's action in this matter was the occasion of considerable
+unfavorable criticism and comment, some of his critics going so far as
+to intimate that his action was due to the fact that Mr. Bruce was a
+colored man. But, from my knowledge of the man and of the circumstances
+connected with the case, I am satisfied this was not true. His antipathy
+to Mr. Bruce grew out of the fact that Mr. Bruce had opposed him and had
+supported Ames in the fight for Governor in 1873.</p>
+
+<p>So far as I have been able to learn, I am the only one of the Senator's
+friends and admirers who opposed his course in that contest that he ever
+forgave. He, no doubt, felt that I was under less personal obligations
+to him than many others who pursued the same course that I did, since
+he had never rendered me any effective personal or political service,
+except when he brought the Independent members of the House in line for
+me in the contest for Speaker of that body in 1872; and even then his
+action was not so much a matter of personal friendship for me as it was
+in the interest of securing an endorsement of his own administration as
+Governor.</p>
+
+<p>In Mr. Bruce's case he took an entirely different view of the matter. He
+believed that he had been the making of Mr. Bruce. Mr. Bruce had come to
+the State in 1869 and had taken an active part in the campaign of that
+year. When the Legislature was organized it was largely through the
+influence of Governor Alcorn that he was elected Sergeant-at-arms of the
+State Senate. When the Legislature adjourned Governor Alcorn sent Bruce
+to Bolivar county as County Assessor. Bruce discharged the duties of
+that office in such a creditable and satisfactory manner that he was
+elected in 1871 Sheriff and Tax Collector of that important and wealthy
+county, the most responsible and lucrative office in the gift of the
+people of the county. He was holding that office when elected to the
+United States Senate. Senator Alcorn felt, therefore, that in taking
+sides against him and in favor of Ames in 1873 Mr. Bruce was guilty of
+gross ingratitude. This accounted for his action in refusing to escort
+Mr. Bruce to the President's desk to be sworn in as Senator. In this
+belief, however, he did Mr. Bruce a grave injustice, for I know that
+gratitude was one of Mr. Brace's principal characteristics. If Senator
+Alcorn had been a candidate from the start for the Republican nomination
+for Governor, Mr. Bruce, I am sure, would have supported him even as
+against Senator Ames. But it was known that the Senator had no ambition
+to be Governor. His sole purpose was to defeat Senator Ames at any cost,
+and that, too, on account of matters that were purely personal and that
+had no connection with party or political affairs. Mr. Bruce, like very
+many other friends and admirers of the Senator, simply refused to follow
+him in open rebellion against his own party. I am satisfied, however,
+that Mr. Bruce's race identity did not influence the action of Senator
+Alcorn in the slightest degree. As further evidence of that fact, his
+position and action in the Pinchback case may be mentioned. He spoke and
+voted for the admission of Mr. Pinchback to a seat in the Senate when
+such a staunch Republican as Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, opposed and
+voted against admission. In spite of Senator Alcorn's political defeat
+and humiliation in his own State, he remained true and loyal to the
+National Republican party to the end of his Senatorial term, which
+terminated with the beginning of the Hayes Administration. Up to that
+time he had strong hopes of the future of the Republican party at the
+South.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII</h2>
+
+<h3>IMPROVED FINANCIAL CONDITION OF MISSISSIPPI UNDER THE AMES ADMINISTRATION</h3>
+
+<p>The administrations of Governor Alcorn and of Governor Ames, the two
+Republican Governors, who were products of Reconstruction,&mdash;both having
+been elected chiefly by the votes of colored men,&mdash;were among the best
+with which that State was ever blessed, the generally accepted
+impression to the contrary notwithstanding. In 1869 Alcorn was elected
+to serve for a term of four years. Ames was elected to serve the
+succeeding term. Alcorn was one of the old citizens of the State, and
+was therefore thoroughly identified with its business, industrial, and
+social interests. He had been one of the large and wealthy landowners
+and slave-owners, and therefore belonged to that small but select and
+influential class known as Southern aristocrats.</p>
+
+<p>Alcorn had taken an active and prominent part in public matters since
+his early manhood. Before the War of the Rebellion he had served several
+terms as a member of the Legislature. He represented his county,
+Coahoma, in the Secession Convention of 1861. He was bitterly opposed
+to Secession and fought it bravely; but when he found himself in a
+hopeless minority he gracefully acquiesced in the decision of the
+majority and signed the ordinance of Secession. He also joined the
+Confederate Army and took an active part in raising troops for the same.
+He was made brigadier-general, and had command of the Confederate forces
+in Mississippi for a good while. But, since the President of the
+Confederacy did not seem to be particularly partial to him, he was not
+allowed to see very much field service.</p>
+
+<p>When the war was over he took an active part in the work of
+rehabilitation and Reconstruction. He strongly supported the Andrew
+Johnson plan of Reconstruction, and by the Legislature that was elected
+under that plan he was chosen one of the United States Senators, but was
+not admitted to the seat to which he had been elected. When the Johnson
+plan of Reconstruction was repudiated and rejected by the voters of the
+Northern States, and when what was known as the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was endorsed and approved, Alcorn decided that further
+opposition to that plan was useless and unwise, and he publicly advised
+acceptance of it. His advice having been rejected by the Democrats,
+nothing remained for him to do but to join the Republican party, which
+he did in the early part of 1869.</p>
+
+<p>Since he was known to be a strong, able and influential man,&mdash;one who
+possessed the respect and confidence of the white people of the State
+regardless of party differences,&mdash;he was tendered the Republican
+nomination for the Governorship at the election that was to be held the
+latter part of that year. He accepted the nomination and was duly
+elected. He discharged the duties of the office in an able, creditable
+and satisfactory manner. The only point upon which the administration
+was at all subject to unfavorable criticism was the high rate of
+taxation to which the people were subjected for the support of the State
+Government; but the reader will see that this could hardly have been
+avoided at that particular time. In his message to the Legislature in
+January, 1910, Governor E.F. Noel accurately stated the principle by
+which an administration is necessarily governed in raising revenue to
+carry on the government. This is the same principle that governed the
+Alcorn administration when it took charge of the State Government in
+1870. In that message Governor Noel said: "The amount of assessment
+determines the tax burden of each individual, corporation, town, and
+county. The Legislature or local authorities settle the amount necessary
+to be provided for their respective treasuries. If all property be
+assessed at the same rate,&mdash;whether for the full value or for ten per
+cent, of the value of the property,&mdash;the payment of each owner would be
+unaffected; for the higher the assessment, the lower the levy; the lower
+the assessment, the higher the levy. Our State revenue is mainly derived
+from a six mill ad valorem tax."</p>
+
+<p>When the Alcorn administration took charge of the State Government the
+War had just come to a close. Everything was in a prostrate condition.
+There had been great depreciation in the value of real and personal
+property. The credit of the State was not very good. The rate of
+interest for borrowed money was high. To materially increase the bonded
+debt of the State was not deemed wise, yet some had to be raised in that
+way. To raise the balance a higher rate of taxation had to be imposed
+since the assessed valuation of the taxable property was so low.</p>
+
+<p>The figures showing the assessed valuation of taxable property in the
+State and the receipts and disbursements prior to 1875 are not
+available, but, taking the figures for that year, the reader can form a
+pretty accurate idea of what the situation must have been prior to that
+time. In 1875 the assessed valuation of real and personal property,
+subject to taxation in the State, was $119,313,834. The receipts from
+all sources that year amounted to $1,801,129.12. The disbursements for
+the same year were, $1,430,192.83.</p>
+
+<p>Now let us see what the situation was after the Ames administration had
+been in power about two years,&mdash;or half of the term for which it had
+been elected. According to a very carefully prepared statement that was
+made and published by an expert accountant in the State Treasurer's
+office in the latter part of 1875 the ad valorem rate of taxes for
+general purposes had been reduced from seven to four mills, and yet the
+amount paid into the Treasury was not only enough to meet all demands
+upon the State, but to make a material reduction in the bonded debt. The
+following is taken from that statement:</p>
+
+<p>"An examination of the report of the State Treasurer, of the first of
+January, 1874, at which time the administration of Governor Ames
+commenced, exhibits the fact that the indebtedness of the State at that
+date, exclusive of the amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and common
+school funds, balance of current funds on hand, and warrants in the
+Treasury belonging to the State, was $1,765,554.33 The amount of the tax
+of the previous year remaining uncollected on January first, 1874, and
+afterward collected, $944,261.51, should be deducted from the above
+amount, which will show the actual indebtedness of the State at that
+date to be $821,292.82. A further examination of the report of the same
+officer, for January first, 1875, shows the indebtedness, after
+deducting amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and common school
+funds, balance of current funds on hand and warrants in the Treasury
+belonging to the State, to be, $1,707,056.24. Then by deducting the
+amount of the tax of the previous year remaining uncollected January
+first, 1875, and afterwards collected, $998,628.11, the result shows the
+actual indebtedness on January first, 1875, to be $708,428.13. The
+forthcoming annual report of the State Treasurer, for January first,
+1876, will show the indebtedness of the State, exclusive of the amounts
+to the credit of the Chickasaw and common school funds, the balance of
+current funds on hand, and warrants in the Treasury belonging to the
+State, to be $980,138.33. Then, by proceeding again as above, and
+deducting the amount of the tax of the previous year, uncollected on
+January first, 1876, and now being rapidly paid into the Treasury, at a
+low estimate, $460,000.00, we have as an actual indebtedness of the
+State on January first, 1876, $520,138.33. Thus it will be seen that the
+actual indebtedness of the State is but little over a half million
+dollars, and that during the two years of Governor Ames' administration
+the State debt has been reduced from $821,292.82, on January first,
+1874, to $520,138.33, on January first, 1876, or a reduction of more
+than three hundred thousand dollars in two years&mdash;upwards of one third
+of the State debt wiped out in that time. Not only has the debt been
+reduced as above, but the rate of taxation for general purposes has
+been reduced from seven mills in 1873 to four mills in 1875."</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the fact that the rate of taxation under the
+administration of Governor Ames had been reduced as shown above from
+seven mills in 1873 to four mills in 1875 the amount paid into the State
+Treasury was substantially the same as that paid in prior years. This
+was due to the great appreciation in the value of taxable property. Then
+again, a material reduction in the rate of taxation was made possible
+because the public institutions had all been rebuilt and repaired and a
+sufficient number of school buildings had been erected, thus doing away
+with the necessity for a special levy for such purposes. From this
+showing it would seem as if it were reasonable to assume that if such an
+administration as the one then in power could have been retained a few
+years longer there would not only have been a still further reduction in
+the rate of taxation, but the payable debt of the State would have been
+entirely wiped out. Instead of this we find the conditions to be about
+as follows:</p>
+
+<p>First. Shortly after the first reform State Treasurer had been in charge
+of that office it was developed that he was a defaulter to the amount of
+$315,612.19.</p>
+
+<p>Second. Notwithstanding the immense increase in the value of taxable
+property from year to year, it appears from the official records that
+the rate of ad valorem tax for general purposes has been increased from
+four to six mills.</p>
+
+<p>Third. There has been a very heavy increase in what is known as the
+specific or privilege taxes,&mdash;that is, a specific sum that business and
+professional persons must pay for the privilege of doing business or of
+practicing their professions in the State.</p>
+
+<p>Fourth. The amounts now collected and paid out for the support of the
+State Government are more than double what they were a few years ago,
+thus showing extravagance, if not recklessness, in the administration of
+the affairs of the State,&mdash;the natural result of a condition by which
+the existence of but one political party is tolerated.</p>
+
+<p>Fifth. Notwithstanding the immense increase in the value of taxable
+property, and in spite of the enormous sums paid into the State Treasury
+each year, there has been a material increase in the bonded debt of the
+State. In fact it has been necessary at different times to borrow money
+with which to pay the current expenses of the State Government.</p>
+
+<p>The following statistics for three years, 1907, 1908 and 1909, would
+seem to substantiate the above statement:</p>
+
+<p>The value of the taxable property of the State in 1907 was $373,584.960.
+Receipts from all sources that year were $3,391,127.15. Disbursements
+for the same period were $3,730,343.29. Excess of disbursements over
+receipts, $339,216.14.</p>
+
+<p>In 1908 the value of taxable property was $383,823,739. Receipts from
+all sources that year were $3,338,398.98. Disbursements, same period,
+$3,351,119.46. Excess of disbursements over receipts, $12,720.48.</p>
+
+<p>In 1909 the value of taxable property was $393,297,173. Receipts from
+all sources were $3,303,963.65. Disbursements, same period,
+$3,315,201.48. Excess of disbursements over receipts, $11,237.83.</p>
+
+<p>On the first day of January, 1907, what is called the payable debt of
+the State was reported to be $1,253,029.07. On the first day of January,
+1876, it was $520,138.33. Increase, $732,890.74.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX</h2>
+
+<h3>WHAT CONSTITUTES "NEGRO DOMINATION"</h3>
+
+<p>It is claimed that in States, districts, and counties, in which the
+colored people are in the majority, the suppression of the colored vote
+is necessary to prevent "Negro Domination,"&mdash;to prevent the ascendency
+of the blacks over the whites in the administration of the State and
+local governments.</p>
+
+<p>This claim is based upon the assumption that if the black vote were not
+suppressed in all such States, districts, and counties, black men would
+be supported and elected to office because they were black, and white
+men would be opposed and defeated because they were white.</p>
+
+<p>Taking Mississippi for purposes of illustration, it will be seen that
+there has never been the slightest ground for such an apprehension. No
+colored man in that State ever occupied a judicial position above that
+of Justice of the Peace and very few aspired to that position. Of seven
+State officers only one, that of Secretary of State, was filled by a
+colored man, until 1873, when colored men were elected to three of the
+seven offices,&mdash;Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and State
+Superintendent of Education. Of the two United States Senators and the
+seven members of the lower house of Congress not more than one colored
+man occupied a seat in each house at the same time. Of the thirty-five
+members of the State Senate, and of the one hundred and fifteen members
+of the House,&mdash;which composed the total membership of the State
+Legislature prior to 1874,&mdash;there were never more than about seven
+colored men in the Senate and forty in the lower house. Of the
+ninety-seven members that composed the Constitutional Convention of 1868
+but seventeen were colored men. The composition of the lower house of
+the State Legislature that was elected in 1871 was as follows:</p>
+
+<p>Total membership, one hundred and fifteen. Republicans, sixty-six;
+Democrats, forty-nine. Colored members, thirty-eight. White members,
+seventy-seven. White majority, thirty-nine.</p>
+
+<p>Of the sixty-six Republicans thirty-eight were colored and twenty-eight,
+white. There was a slight increase in the colored membership as a result
+of the election of 1873, but the colored men never at any time had
+control of the State Government nor of any branch or department thereof,
+nor even that of any county or municipality. Out of seventy-two counties
+in the State at that time, electing on an average twenty-eight officers
+to a county, it is safe to assert that not over five out of one hundred
+of such officers were colored men. The State; district, county, and
+municipal governments were not only in control of white men, but white
+men who were to the manor born, or who were known as old citizens of the
+State&mdash;those who had lived in the State many years before the War of the
+Rebellion. There was, therefore, never a time when that class of white
+men known as Carpet-baggers had absolute control of the State
+Government, or that of any district, county or municipality, or any
+branch or department thereof. There was never, therefore, any ground for
+the alleged apprehension of negro domination as a result of a free,
+fair, and honest election in any one of the Southern or Reconstructed
+States.</p>
+
+<p>And this brings us to a consideration of the question, What is meant by
+"Negro Domination?" The answer that the average reader would give to
+that question would be that it means the actual, physical domination of
+the blacks over the whites. But, according to a high Democratic
+authority, that would be an incorrect answer. The definition given by
+that authority I have every reason to believe is the correct one, the
+generally accepted one. The authority referred to is the late Associate
+Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of Mississippi, H.H. Chalmers,
+who, in an article in the <i>North American Review</i> about March, 1881,
+explained and defined what is meant or understood by the term "Negro
+Domination."</p>
+
+<p>According to Judge Chalmers' definition, in order to constitute "Negro
+Domination" it does not necessarily follow that negroes must be elected
+to office, but that in all elections in which white men may be divided,
+if the negro vote should be sufficiently decisive to be potential in
+determining the result, the white man or men that would be elected
+through the aid of negro votes would represent "Negro Domination." In
+other words, we would have "Negro Domination" whenever the will of a
+majority of the whites would be defeated through the votes of colored
+men. If this is the correct definition of that term,&mdash;and it is, no
+doubt, the generally accepted one,&mdash;then the friends and advocates of
+manhood suffrage will not deny that we have had in the past "Negro
+Domination," nationally as well as locally, and that we may have it in
+the future.</p>
+
+<p>If that is the correct definition then we are liable to have "Negro
+Domination" not only in States, districts, and counties where the blacks
+are in the majority, but in States, districts and counties where they
+are few in numbers. If that is the correct definition of "Negro
+Domination,"&mdash;to prevent which the negro vote should be
+suppressed,&mdash;then the suppression of that vote is not only necessary in
+States, districts, and counties in which the blacks are in the majority,
+but in every State, district, and county in the Union; for it will not
+be denied that the primary purpose of the ballot,&mdash;whether the voters be
+white or colored, male or female,&mdash;is to make each vote decisive and
+potential. If the vote of a colored man, or the vote of a white man,
+determines the result of an election in which he participates, then the
+very purpose for which he was given the right and privilege will have
+been accomplished, whether the result, as we understand it, be wise or
+unwise.</p>
+
+<p>In this connection it cannot and will not be denied that the colored
+vote has been decisive and potential in very many important National as
+well as local and State elections. For instance, in the Presidential
+election of 1868, General Grant, the Republican candidate, lost the
+important and pivotal State of New York, a loss which would have
+resulted in his defeat if the Southern States that took part in that
+election had all voted against him. That they did not do so was due to
+the votes of the colored men in those States. Therefore Grant's first
+administration represented "Negro Domination."</p>
+
+<p>Again, in 1876, Hayes was declared elected President by a majority of
+one vote in the electoral college. This was made possible by the result
+of the election in the States of Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida,
+about which there was much doubt and considerable dispute, and over
+which there was a bitter controversy. But for the colored vote in those
+States there would have been no doubt, no dispute, no controversy. The
+defeat of Mr. Hayes and the election of Mr. Tilden would have been an
+undisputed and an uncontested fact. Therefore, the Hayes administration
+represented "Negro Domination."</p>
+
+<p>Again, in 1880, General Garfield, the Republican candidate for
+President, carried the State of New York by a plurality of about 20,000,
+without which he could not have been elected. It will not be denied by
+those who are well informed that if the colored men that voted for him
+in that State at that time had voted against him, he would have lost the
+State and, with it, the Presidency. Therefore, the Garfield-Arthur
+administration represented "Negro Domination."</p>
+
+<p>Again, in 1884, Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic candidate, carried the
+doubtful but very important State of New York by the narrow margin of
+1,147 plurality, which resulted in his election. It cannot and will not
+be denied that even at that early date the number of colored men that
+voted for Mr. Cleveland was far in excess of the plurality by which he
+carried the State. Mr. Cleveland's first administration, therefore,
+represented "Negro Domination." Mr. Cleveland did not hesitate to admit
+and appreciate the fact that colored men contributed largely to his
+success, hence he did not fail to give that element of his party
+appropriate and satisfactory official recognition.</p>
+
+<p>Again, in 1888, General Harrison, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+carried the State of New York by a plurality of about 20,000, which
+resulted in his election, which he would have lost but for the votes of
+the colored men in that State. Therefore, Harrison's administration
+represented "Negro Domination."</p>
+
+<p>The same is true of important elections in a number of States, districts
+and counties in which the colored vote proved to be potential and
+decisive. But enough has been written to show the absurdity of the claim
+that the suppression of the colored vote is necessary to prevent "Negro
+Domination." So far as the State of Mississippi is concerned, in spite
+of the favorable conditions, as shown above, the legitimate State
+Government,&mdash;the one that represented the honestly expressed will of a
+majority of the voters of the State,&mdash;was in the fall of 1875 overthrown
+through the medium of a sanguinary revolution. The State Government was
+virtually seized and taken possession of <i>vi et armis</i>. Why was this?
+What was the excuse for it? What was the motive, the incentive that
+caused it? It was not in the interest of good, efficient, and capable
+government; for that we already had. It was not on account of
+dishonesty, maladministration, misappropriation of public funds; for
+every dollar of the public funds had been faithfully accounted for. It
+was not on account of high taxes; for it had been shown that, while the
+tax rate was quite high during the Alcorn administration, it had been
+reduced under the Ames administration to a point considerably less than
+it is now or than it has been for a number of years. It was not to
+prevent "Negro Domination" and to make sure the ascendency of the whites
+in the administration of the State and local governments; for that was
+then the recognized and established order of things, from which there
+was no apprehension of departure. Then, what was the cause of this
+sudden and unexpected uprising? There must have been a strong, if not a
+justifiable, reason for it. What was it? That question will be answered
+in a subsequent chapter.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X</h2>
+
+<h3>OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE GOVERNMENT IN MISSISSIPPI</h3>
+
+<p>In the last preceding chapter it was stated that the reason for the
+sanguinary revolution, which resulted in the overthrow of the Republican
+state government in the State of Mississippi in 1875, would be given in
+a subsequent chapter. What was true of Mississippi at that time was
+largely true of the other Reconstructed States where similar results
+subsequently followed. When the War of the Rebellion came to an end it
+was believed by some, and apprehended by others, that serious and
+radical changes in the previous order of things would necessarily
+follow.</p>
+
+<p>But when what was known as the Johnson Plan of Reconstruction was
+disclosed it was soon made plain that if that plan should be accepted by
+the country no material change would follow, for the reason, chiefly,
+that the abolition of slavery would have been abolition only in name.
+While physical slavery would have been abolished, yet a sort of feudal
+or peonage system would have been established in its place, the effect
+of which would have been practically the same as the system which had
+been abolished. The former slaves would have been held in a state of
+servitude through the medium of labor-contracts which they would have
+been obliged to sign,&mdash;or to have signed for them,&mdash;from which they, and
+their children, and, perhaps, their children's children could never have
+been released. This would have left the old order of things practically
+unchanged. The large landowners would still be the masters of the
+situation, the power being still possessed by them to perpetuate their
+own potential influence and to maintain their own political supremacy.</p>
+
+<p>But it was the rejection of the Johnson Plan of Reconstruction that
+upset these plans and destroyed these calculations. The Johnson plan was
+not only rejected, but what was known as the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction,&mdash;by which suffrage was conferred upon the colored men in
+all the States that were to be reconstructed,&mdash;was accepted by the
+people of the North as the permanent policy of the government, and was
+thus made the basis of Reconstruction and readmission of those States
+into the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Of course this meant a change in the established order of things that
+was both serious and radical. It meant the destruction of the power and
+influence of the Southern aristocracy. It meant not only the physical
+emancipation of the blacks but the political emancipation of the poor
+whites, as well. It meant the destruction in a large measure of the
+social, political, and industrial distinctions that had been maintained
+among the whites under the old order of things. But was this to be the
+settled policy of the government? Was it a fact that the incorporation
+of the blacks into the body politic of the country was to be the settled
+policy of the government; or was it an experiment,&mdash;a temporary
+expedient?</p>
+
+<p>These were doubtful and debatable questions, pending the settlement of
+which matters could not be expected to take a definite shape. With the
+incorporation of the blacks into the body politic of the country,&mdash;which
+would have the effect of destroying the ability of the aristocracy to
+maintain their political supremacy, and which would also have the effect
+of bringing about the political emancipation of the whites of the middle
+and lower classes,&mdash;a desperate struggle for political supremacy between
+the antagonistic elements of the whites was inevitable and unavoidable.
+But the uncertainty growing out of the possibility of the rejection by
+the country of the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was what held
+matters in temporary abeyance. President Johnson was confident,&mdash;or
+pretended to be,&mdash;that as soon as the people of the North had an
+opportunity to pass judgment upon the issues involved, the result would
+be the acceptance of his plan and the rejection of the one proposed by
+Congress.</p>
+
+<p>While the Republicans were successful in 1868 in not only electing the
+President and Vice-President and a safe majority in both branches of
+Congress, yet the closeness of the result had the effect of preventing
+the abandonment of the hope on the part of the supporters of the Johnson
+administration that the administration Plan of Reconstruction would
+ultimately be adopted and accepted as the basis of Reconstruction. Hence
+bitter and continued opposition to the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was declared by the ruling class of the South to be the
+policy of that section. While the Republicans were again successful in
+the Congressional elections of 1870 yet the advocates of the Johnson
+plan did not abandon hope of the ultimate success and acceptance by the
+country of that plan until after the Presidential and Congressional
+elections of 1872. In the meantime a serious split had taken place in
+the Republican party which resulted in the nomination of two sets of
+candidates for President and Vice-President. The Independent or Liberal
+Republicans nominated Horace Greeley of New York, for President, and B.
+Gratz Brown, of Missouri, for Vice-President. The regular Republicans
+renominated President Grant to succeed himself, and for Vice-President,
+Senator Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, was selected.</p>
+
+<p>The Democratic National Convention endorsed the ticket that had been
+nominated by the Liberal Republicans. The Republicans carried the
+election by an immense majority. With two or three exceptions the
+electoral vote of every state in the Union was carried for Grant and
+Wilson. The Republicans also had a very large majority in both branches
+of Congress.</p>
+
+<p>Since the result of the election was so decisive, and since every branch
+of the government was then in the hands of the Republicans, further
+opposition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was for the first
+time completely abandoned. The fact was then recognized that this was
+the settled and accepted policy of the Government and that further
+opposition to it was useless. A few of the southern whites, General
+Alcorn being one of the number, had accepted the result of the
+Presidential and Congressional elections of 1868 as conclusive as to the
+policy of the country with reference to Reconstruction; but those who
+thought and acted along those lines at that time were exceptions to the
+general rule. But after the Presidential and Congressional elections of
+1872 all doubt upon that subject was entirely removed.</p>
+
+<p>The Southern whites were now confronted with a problem that was both
+grave and momentous. But the gravity of the situation was chiefly based
+upon the possibility,&mdash;if not upon a probability,&mdash;of a reversal of
+what had been the established order of things, especially those of a
+political nature.</p>
+
+<p>The inevitable conflict between the antagonistic elements of which
+Southern society was composed could no longer be postponed. But the
+colored vote was the important factor which now had to be considered and
+taken into account. It was conceded that whatever element or faction
+could secure the favor and win the support of the colored vote would be
+the dominant and controlling one in the State. It is true that between
+1868 and 1872, when the great majority of Southern whites maintained a
+policy of "masterly inactivity," the colored voters were obliged to
+utilize such material among the whites as was available; but it is a
+well-known fact that much of the material thus utilized was from
+necessity and not from choice, and that whenever and wherever an
+acceptable and reputable white man would place himself in a position
+where his services could be utilized he was gladly taken up and loyally
+supported by the colored voters.</p>
+
+<p>After 1872 the necessity for supporting undesirable material no longer
+existed; and colored voters had the opportunity not only of supporting
+Southern whites for all the important positions in the State, but also
+of selecting the best and most desirable among them. Whether the poor
+whites or the aristocrats of former days were to be placed in control of
+the affairs of the State was a question which the colored voters alone
+could settle and determine. That the colored man's preference should be
+the aristocrat of the past was perfectly natural, since the relations
+between them had been friendly, cordial and amicable even during the
+days of slavery. Between the blacks and the poor whites the feeling had
+been just the other way; which was due not so much to race antipathy as
+to jealousy and envy on the part of the poor whites, growing out of the
+cordial and friendly relations between the aristocrats and their slaves;
+and because the slaves were, in a large measure, their competitors in
+the industrial market. When the partiality of the colored man for the
+former aristocrats became generally known, they&mdash;the former
+aristocrats,&mdash;began to come into the Republican party in large numbers.
+In Mississippi they were led by such men as Alcorn, in Georgia by
+Longstreet, in Virginia by Moseby, and also had as leaders such
+ex-governors as Orr, of South Carolina; Brown, of Georgia, and Parsons,
+of Alabama.</p>
+
+<p>Between 1872 and 1875 the accessions to the Republican ranks were so
+large that it is safe to assert that from twenty-five to thirty per cent
+of the white men of the Southern States were identified with the
+Republican party; and those who thus acted were among the best and most
+substantial men of that section. Among that number in the State of
+Mississippi was J.L. Alcorn, J.A. Orr, J.B. Deason, R.W. Flournoy, and
+Orlando Davis. In addition to these there were thousands of others, many
+of them among the most prominent men of the State. Among the number was
+Judge Hiram Cassidy, who was the candidate of the Democratic party for
+Congress from the Sixth District in 1872, running against the writer of
+these lines. He was one of the most brilliant and successful members of
+the bar in southern Mississippi. Captain Thomas W. Hunt, of Jefferson
+County, was a member of one of the oldest, best, and most influential
+families of the South. The family connections were not, however,
+confined to the South; George Hunt Pendelton of Ohio, for instance, who
+was the Democratic candidate for Vice-President of the United States on
+the ticket with McClellan, in 1864, and who was later one of the United
+States Senators from Ohio, was a member of the same family.</p>
+
+<p>While the colored men held the key to the situation, the white men knew
+that the colored men had no desire to rule or dominate even the
+Republican party. All the colored men wanted and demanded was a voice in
+the government under which they lived, and to the support of which they
+contributed, and to have a small, but fair, and reasonable proportion of
+the positions that were at the disposal of the voters of the State and
+of the administration.</p>
+
+<p>While the colored men did not look with favor upon a political alliance
+with the poor whites, it must be admitted that, with very few
+exceptions, that class of whites did not seek, and did not seem to
+desire such an alliance. For this there were several well-defined
+reasons.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, while the primary object of importing slaves into
+that section was to secure labor for the cultivation of cotton, the
+slave was soon found to be an apt pupil in other lines of industry. In
+addition to having his immense cotton plantations cultivated by slave
+labor, the slave-owner soon learned that he could utilize these slaves
+as carpenters, painters, plasterers, bricklayers, blacksmiths and in all
+other fields of industrial occupations and usefulness. Thus the whites
+who depended upon their labor for a living along those lines had their
+field of opportunity very much curtailed. Although the slaves were not
+responsible for this condition, the fact that they were there and were
+thus utilized, created a feeling of bitterness and antipathy on the part
+of the laboring whites which could not be easily wiped out.</p>
+
+<p>In the second place, the whites of that class were not at that time as
+ambitious, politically, as were the aristocrats. They had been held in
+political subjection so long that it required some time for them to
+realize that there had been a change. At that time they, with a few
+exceptions, were less efficient, less capable, and knew less about
+matters of state and governmental administration than many of the
+ex-slaves. It was a rare thing, therefore, to find one of that class at
+that time that had any political ambition or manifested any desire for
+political distinction or official recognition. As a rule, therefore, the
+whites that came into the leadership of the Republican party between
+1872 and 1875 were representatives of the most substantial families of
+the land.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI</h2>
+
+<h3>RISE OF DEMOCRATIC RADICALISM IN THE SOUTH</h3>
+
+<p>After the Presidential election of 1872 no one could be found who
+questioned the wisdom or practicability of the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction, or who looked for its overthrow, change or modification.
+After that election the situation was accepted by everyone in perfect
+good faith. No one could be found in any party or either race who was
+bold enough to express the opinion that the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was a mistake, or that negro suffrage was a failure. To
+the contrary it was admitted by all that the wisdom of both had been
+fully tested and clearly vindicated. It will not be denied even now by
+those who will take the time to make a careful examination of the
+situation, that no other plan could have been devised or adopted that
+could have saved to the country the fruits of the victory that had been
+won on the field of battle. The adoption of any other plan would have
+resulted in the accomplishment of nothing but the mere physical
+abolition of slavery and a denial of the right of a State to withdraw
+from the Union. These would have been mere abstract propositions, with
+no authority vested in the National Government for their enforcement.
+The war for the Union would have been practically a failure. The South
+would have gained and secured substantially everything for which it
+contended except the establishment of an independent government. The
+black man, therefore, was the savior of his country, not only on the
+field of battle, but after the smoke of battle had cleared away.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the general acceptance of this plan after the
+Presidential election of 1872, we find that in the fall of 1874 there
+was a complete and radical change in the situation,&mdash;a change both
+sudden and unexpected. It came, as it were, in the twinkling of an eye.
+It was like a clap of thunder from a clear sky. It was the State and
+Congressional elections of that year.</p>
+
+<p>In the elections of 1872 nearly every State in the Union went
+Republican. In the State and Congressional elections of 1874 the result
+was the reverse of what it was two years before,&mdash;nearly every State
+going Democratic. Democrats were surprised, Republicans were
+dumbfounded. Such a result had not been anticipated by anyone. Even the
+State of Massachusetts, the birthplace of abolitionism, the cradle of
+American liberty, elected a Democratic Governor. The Democrats had a
+majority in the National House of Representatives that was about equal
+to that which the Republicans had elected two years before. Such veteran
+Republican leaders in the United States Senate as Chandler, of Michigan,
+Windom, of Minnesota, and Carpenter, of Wisconsin, were retired from the
+Senate. When the returns were all in it was developed that the Democrats
+did not have a clear majority on joint ballot in the Michigan
+Legislature, but the margin between the two parties was so close that a
+few men who had been elected as independent Republicans had the balance
+of power. These Independents were opposed to the re&euml;lection of Senator
+Chandler. That the Democrats should be anxious for the retirement of
+such an able, active, aggressive, and influential Republican leader as
+Chandler was to be expected. That party, therefore, joined with the
+Independents in the vote for Senator which resulted in the election of a
+harmless old gentleman by the name of Christiancy. The Michigan
+situation was found to exist also in Minnesota, and the result was the
+retirement of that strong and able leader, Senator William Windom, and
+the election of a new and unknown man, McMillan.</p>
+
+<p>What was true of Michigan and Minnesota was also found to be true of
+Wisconsin. The same sort of combination was made, which resulted in the
+retirement of the able and brilliant Matt Carpenter, and the election of
+a new man, Cameron, who was not then known outside of the boundaries of
+his State. Cameron proved to be an able man, a useful Senator, a good
+Republican and an improvement, in some respects, upon his predecessor;
+but his election was a defeat of the Republican organization in his
+State, which, of course, was the objective point with the Democrats.</p>
+
+<p>It was the State and Congressional elections of 1874 that proved to be
+the death of the Republican party at the South. The party in that
+section might have survived even such a crushing blow as this, but for
+subsequent unfortunate events to which allusion has been made in a
+previous chapter, and which will be touched upon in some that are to
+follow. But, under these conditions, its survival was impossible. If the
+State and Congressional elections of 1874 had been a repetition of those
+of 1872 or if they had resulted in a Republican victory, Republican
+success in the Presidential election of 1876 would have been a
+reasonably assured fact. By that time the party at the South would have
+included in its membership from forty to fifty per cent of the white men
+of their respective States and as a result thereof it would have been
+strong enough to stand on its own feet and maintain its own independent
+existence, regardless of reverses which the parent organization might
+have sustained in other sections. But at that time the party in that
+section was in its infancy. It was young, weak, and comparatively
+helpless. It still needed the fostering care and the protecting hand of
+the paternal source of its existence.</p>
+
+<p>When the smoke of the political battle that was fought in the early part
+of November, 1874, had cleared away, it was found that this strong,
+vigorous and healthy parent had been carried from the battle-field
+seriously wounded and unable to administer to the wants of its Southern
+offspring. The offspring was not strong enough to stand alone. The
+result was that its demise soon followed because it had been deprived of
+that nourishment, that sustenance and that support which were essential
+to its existence and which could come only from the parent which had
+been seriously if not fatally wounded upon the field of battle. After
+the Presidential election of 1872 Southern white men were not only
+coming into the Republican party in large numbers, but the liberal and
+progressive element of the Democracy was in the ascendency in that
+organization. That element, therefore, shaped the policy and declared
+the principles for which that organization stood. This meant the
+acceptance by all political parties of what was regarded as the settled
+policy of the National Government. In proof of this assertion a
+quotation from a political editorial which appeared about that time in
+the Jackson, Mississippi, <i>Clarion</i>,&mdash;the organ of the Democratic
+party,&mdash;will not be out of place. In speaking of the colored people and
+their attitude towards the whites, that able and influential paper said:</p>
+
+<p>"While they [the colored people] have been naturally tenacious of their
+newly-acquired privileges, their general conduct will bear them witness
+that they have shown consideration for the feelings of the whites. The
+race line in politics would never have been drawn if opposition had not
+been made to their enjoyment of equal privileges in the government and
+under the laws after they were emancipated."</p>
+
+<p>In other words, the colored people had manifested no disposition to rule
+or dominate the whites, and the only color line which had existed grew
+out of the unwise policy which had previously been pursued by the
+Democratic party in its efforts to prevent the enjoyment by the
+newly-emancipated race of the rights and privileges to which they were
+entitled under the Constitution and laws of the country. But after the
+State and Congressional elections of 1874 the situation was materially
+changed. The liberal and conservative element of the Democracy was
+relegated to the rear and the radical element came to the front and
+assumed charge.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequent to 1872 and prior to 1875 race proscription and social
+ostracism had been completely abandoned. A Southern white man could
+become a Republican without being socially ostracized. Such a man was no
+longer looked upon as a traitor to his people, or false to his race. He
+no longer forfeited the respect, confidence, good-will, and favorable
+opinion of his friends and neighbors. Bulldozing, criminal assaults and
+lynchings were seldom heard of. To the contrary, cordial, friendly and
+amicable relations between all classes, all parties, and both races
+prevailed everywhere. Fraud, violence, and intimidation at elections
+were neither suspected nor charged by anyone, for everyone knew that no
+occasion existed for such things. But after the State and Congressional
+elections of 1874 there was a complete change of front. The new order of
+things was then set aside and the abandoned methods of a few years back
+were revived and readopted.</p>
+
+<p>It is no doubt true that very few men at the North who voted the
+Republican ticket in 1872 and the Democratic ticket in 1874 were
+influenced in changing their votes by anything connected with
+Reconstruction. There were other questions at issue, no doubt, that
+influenced their action. There had been in 1873, for instance, a
+disastrous financial panic. Then there were other things connected with
+the National Administration which met with popular disfavor. These were
+the reasons, no doubt, that influenced thousands of Republicans to vote
+the Democratic ticket merely as an indication of their dissatisfaction
+with the National Administration.</p>
+
+<p>But, let their motives and reasons be what they may, the effect was the
+same as if they had intended their votes to be accepted and construed as
+an endorsement of the platform declarations of the National Democratic
+Convention of 1868, at least so far as Reconstruction was concerned.
+Democrats claimed, and Republicans could not deny, that so far as the
+South was concerned this was the effect of the Congressional elections
+of 1874. Desertions from the Republican ranks at the South, in
+consequence thereof, became more rapid than had been the accessions
+between 1872 and 1875. Thousands who had not taken an open stand, but
+who were suspected of being inclined to the Republican party, denied
+that there had ever been any justifiable grounds for such suspicions.
+Many who had taken an open stand on that side returned to the fold of
+the Democracy in sackcloth and ashes,&mdash;upon bended knees, pleading for
+mercy, forgiveness and for charitable forbearance. They had seen a new
+light; and they were ready to confess that they had made a grave
+mistake, but, since their motives were good and their intentions were
+honest, they hoped that they would not be rashly treated nor harshly
+judged.</p>
+
+<p>The prospects for the gratification and realization of the ambition of
+white men in that section had been completely reversed. The conviction
+became a settled fact that the Democratic party was the only channel
+through which it would be possible in the future for anyone to secure
+political distinction or receive official recognition,&mdash;hence the return
+to the ranks of that party of thousands of white men who had left it.
+All of them were eventually received, though some were kept on the
+anxious seat and held as probationers for a long time.</p>
+
+<p>It soon developed that all that was left of the once promising and
+flourishing Republican party at the South was the true, faithful, loyal,
+and sincere colored men,&mdash;who remained Republican from necessity as well
+as from choice,&mdash;and a few white men, who were Republicans from
+principle and conviction, and who were willing to incur the odium, run
+the risks, take the chances, and pay the penalty that every white
+Republican who had the courage of his convictions must then pay. This
+was a sad and serious disappointment to the colored men who were just
+about to realize the hope and expectation of a permanent political
+combination and union between themselves and the better element of the
+whites, which would have resulted in good, honest, capable, and
+efficient local government and in the establishment and maintenance of
+peace, good-will, friendly, cordial, and amicable relations between the
+two races. But this hope, politically at least, had now been destroyed,
+and these expectations had been shattered and scattered to the four
+winds. The outlook for the colored man was dark and anything but
+encouraging. Many of the parting scenes that took place between the
+colored men and the whites who decided to return to the fold of the
+Democracy were both affecting and pathetic in the extreme.</p>
+
+<p>The writer cannot resist the temptation to bring to the notice of the
+reader one of those scenes of which he had personal knowledge. Colonel
+James Lusk had been a prominent, conspicuous and influential
+representative of the Southern aristocracy of ante-bellum days. He
+enjoyed the respect and confidence of the community in which he
+lived,&mdash;especially of the colored people. He, like thousands of others
+of his class, had identified himself with the Republican party. There
+was in that community a Republican club of which Sam Henry, a well-known
+colored man, was president. When it was rumored,&mdash;and before it could be
+verified,&mdash;that Colonel Lusk had decided to cast his fortunes with the
+Republican party Henry appointed a committee of three to call on him and
+extend to him a cordial invitation to appear before the club at its next
+meeting and deliver an address. The invitation was accepted. As soon as
+the Colonel entered the door of the club, escorted by the committee,
+every man in the house immediately arose and all joined in giving three
+cheers and a hearty welcome to the gallant statesman and brave
+ex-Confederate soldier who had honored them with his distinguished
+presence on that occasion. He delivered a splendid speech, in which he
+informed his hearers that he had decided to cast his lot with the
+Republican party. It was the first public announcement of that fact that
+had been made. Of course he was honored, idolized and lionized by the
+colored people wherever he was known.</p>
+
+<p>After the Congressional elections of 1874 Colonel Lusk decided that he
+would return to the ranks of the Democracy. Before making public
+announcement of that fact he decided to send for his faithful and loyal
+friend, Sam Henry, to come to see him at his residence, as he had
+something of importance to communicate to him. Promptly at the appointed
+time Henry made his appearance. He did not know for what he was wanted,
+but he had a well-founded suspicion, based upon the changed conditions
+which were apparent in every direction; hence, apprehension could be
+easily detected in his countenance. Colonel Lusk commenced by reminding
+Henry of the fact that it was before the club of which he was president
+and upon his invitation that he, Lusk, had made public announcement of
+his intention to act in the future with the Republican party. Now that
+he had decided to renounce any further allegiance to that party he
+thought that his faithful friend and loyal supporter, Sam Henry, should
+be the first to whom that announcement should be made. When he had
+finished Henry was visibly affected.</p>
+
+<p>"Oh! no, Colonel," he cried, breaking down completely, "I beg of you do
+not leave us. You are our chief, if not sole dependence. You are our
+Moses. If you leave us, hundreds of others in our immediate neighborhood
+will be sure to follow your lead. We will thus be left without solid and
+substantial friends. I admit that with you party affiliation is
+optional. With me it is not. You can be either a Republican or a
+Democrat, and be honored and supported by the party to which you may
+belong. With me it is different. I must remain a Republican whether I
+want to or not. While it is impossible for me to be a Democrat it is not
+impossible for you to be a Republican. We need you. We need your
+prestige, your power, your influence, and your name. I pray you,
+therefore, not to leave us; for if you and those who will follow your
+lead leave us now we will be made to feel that we are without a country,
+without a home, without friends, and without a hope for the future. Oh,
+no, Colonel, I beg of you, I plead with you, don't go! Stay with us;
+lead and guide us, as you have so faithfully done during the last few
+years!"</p>
+
+<p>Henry's remarks made a deep and profound impression upon Colonel Lusk.
+He informed Henry that no step he could take was more painful to him
+than this. He assured Henry that this act on his part was from necessity
+and not from choice.</p>
+
+<p>"The statement you have made, Henry, that party affiliations with me is
+optional," he answered, "is presumed to be true; but, in point of fact,
+it is not. No white man can live in the South in the future and act with
+any other than the Democratic party unless he is willing and prepared to
+live a life of social isolation and remain in political oblivion. While
+I am somewhat advanced in years, I am not so old as to be devoid of
+political ambition. Besides I have two grown sons. There is, no doubt, a
+bright, brilliant and successful future before them if they are
+Democrats; otherwise, not. If I remain in the Republican party,&mdash;which
+can hereafter exist at the South only in name,&mdash;I will thereby retard,
+if not mar and possibly destroy, their future prospects. Then, you must
+remember that a man's first duty is to his family. My daughters are the
+pride of my home. I cannot afford to have them suffer the humiliating
+consequences of the social ostracism to which they may be subjected if I
+remain in the Republican party.</p>
+
+<p>"The die is cast. I must yield to the inevitable and surrender my
+convictions upon the altar of my family's good,&mdash;the outgrowth of
+circumstances and conditions which I am powerless to prevent and cannot
+control. Henceforth I must act with the Democratic party or make myself
+a martyr; and I do not feel that there is enough at stake to justify me
+in making such a fearful sacrifice as that. It is, therefore, with deep
+sorrow and sincere regret, Henry, that I am constrained to leave you
+politically, but I find that I am confronted with a condition, not a
+theory. I am compelled to choose between you, on one side, and my family
+and personal interests, on the other. That I have decided to sacrifice
+you and yours upon the altar of my family's good is a decision for which
+you should neither blame nor censure me. If I could see my way clear to
+pursue a different course it would be done; but my decision is based
+upon careful and thoughtful consideration and it must stand."</p>
+
+<p>Of course a stubborn and bitter fight for control of the Democratic
+organization was now on between the antagonistic and conflicting
+elements among the whites. It was to be a desperate struggle between the
+former aristocrats, on one side, and what was known as the "poor
+whites," on the other. While the aristocrats had always been the weaker
+in point of numbers, they had been the stronger in point of wealth,
+intelligence, ability, skill and experience. As a result of their wide
+experience, and able and skillful management, the aristocrats were
+successful in the preliminary struggles, as illustrated in the persons
+of Stephens, Gordon, Brown and Hill, of Georgia; Daniels and Lee, of
+Virginia; Hampton and Butler, of South Carolina; Lamar and Walthall, of
+Mississippi, and Garland, of Arkansas. But in the course of time and in
+the natural order of things the poor whites were bound to win. All that
+was needed was a few years' tutelage and a few daring and unscrupulous
+leaders to prey upon their ignorance and magnify their vanity in order
+to bring them to a realization of the fact that their former political
+masters were now completely at their mercy, and subject to their will.</p>
+
+<p>That the poor whites of the ante-bellum period in most of the late
+slaveholding or reconstructed States are now the masters of the
+political situation in those States, is a fact that will not be
+questioned, disputed or denied by anyone who is well informed, or who is
+familiar with the facts. The aristocrats of ante-bellum days and their
+descendants in the old slave States are as completely under the
+political control and domination of the poor whites of the ante-bellum
+period as those whites were under them at that time. Yet the reader must
+not assume that the election returns from such States indicate the
+actual, or even the relative, strength of the opposing and antagonistic
+elements and factions. They simply indicate that the poor whites of the
+past and their descendants are now the masters and the leaders, and
+that the masters and the leaders of the past are now the submissive
+followers.</p>
+
+<p>In the ranks of those who are now the recognized leaders is to be found
+some of the very best blood of the land,&mdash;the descendants of the finest,
+best, most cultivated, and most refined families of their respective
+States. But as a rule they are there, not from choice, but from
+necessity,&mdash;not because they are in harmony with what is being done, or
+because they approve of the methods that are being employed and pursued,
+but on account of circumstances and conditions which they can neither
+control nor prevent. They would not hesitate to raise the arm of revolt
+if they had any hope, or if they believed that ultimate success would be
+the result thereof. But as matters now stand they can detect no ray of
+hope, and can see no avenue of escape. Hence nothing remains for them to
+do but to hold the chain of political oppression and subjugation, while
+their former political subordinates rivet and fasten the same around
+their unwilling necks. They find they can do nothing but sacrifice their
+pride, their manhood, and their self-respect upon the altar of political
+necessity. They see, they feel, they fully realize the hopelessness of
+their condition and the helplessness of their situation. They see, they
+know, they acknowledge that in the line of political distinction and
+official recognition they can get nothing that their former political
+subordinates are not willing for them to have. With a hope of getting a
+few crumbs that may fall from the official table they make wry faces and
+pretend to be satisfied with what is being done, and with the way in
+which it is done. They are looked upon with suspicion and their loyalty
+to the new order of things is a constant source of speculation,
+conjecture, and doubt. But, for reasons of political expediency, a few
+crumbs are allowed occasionally to go to some one of that class,&mdash;crumbs
+that are gratefully acknowledged and thankfully received, upon the
+theory that some little consideration is better than none at all,
+especially in their present helpless and dependent condition. But even
+these small crumbs are confined to those who are most pronounced and
+outspoken in their declarations and protestations of loyalty, devotion,
+and subservient submission to the new order of things.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII</h2>
+
+<h3>EVENTFUL DAYS OF THE FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS</h3>
+
+<p>The Mississippi Constitution having been ratified in 1869,&mdash;an odd year
+of the calendar,&mdash;caused the regular elections for State, district and
+county officers to occur on the odd year of the calendar, while the
+National elections occurred on the even years of the calendar, thus
+necessitating the holding of an election in the State every year.
+Therefore, no election was to be held in 1874, except for Congressmen,
+and to fill a few vacancies, while the regular election for county
+officers and members of the Legislature would be held in 1875.</p>
+
+<p>Since the regular session of the 44th Congress would not convene before
+December, 1875, in order to avoid the trouble and expense incident to
+holding an election in 1874, the Legislature passed a bill postponing
+the election of members of Congress until November, 1875. There being
+some doubt about the legality of this legislation, Congress passed a
+bill legalizing the act of the Legislature. Consequently no election was
+held in the State in 1874 except to fill a few vacancies that had
+occurred in the Legislature and in some of the districts and counties.</p>
+
+<p>One of the vacancies to be filled was that of State Senator, created by
+the resignation of Senator Hiram Cassidy, Jr. Senator Cassidy, who was
+elected as a Democrat in 1873, and who had voted for Mr. Bruce, the
+Republican caucus nominee, for United States Senator, had in the mean
+time publicly identified himself with the Republican party, thus
+following in the footsteps of his able and illustrious father, Judge
+Hiram Cassidy, Sr., who had given his active support to the Republican
+candidate for Governor in 1873.</p>
+
+<p>Governor Ames had appointed Senator Cassidy a Judge of the Chancery
+Court, to accept which office it was necessary for him to resign his
+seat as a member of the State Senate. A special election was held in
+November, 1874, to fill that vacancy. The Democrats nominated a strong
+and able man, Judge R.H. Thompson, of Brookhaven, Lincoln County. The
+Republicans nominated a still stronger and abler man, Hon. J.F.
+Sessions, of the same town and county,&mdash;a Democrat who had represented
+Franklin County for several terms, but who had that year identified
+himself with the Republican party. Sessions was Chancellor Cassidy's law
+partner.</p>
+
+<p>Since the counties comprising that senatorial district constituted a
+part of the district that I then represented in Congress, I took an
+active part in the support of the candidacy of Sessions. Although a
+Democrat, Hiram Cassidy, Jr., had been elected from that district in
+1873, Sessions, a Republican, was elected by a handsome majority in
+1874. A vacancy had also occurred in the Legislature from Franklin
+County, to fill which the Republicans nominated Hon. William P. Cassidy,
+brother of Chancellor Cassidy; but the Democratic majority in the county
+was too large for one even so popular as Wm. P. Cassidy to overcome;
+hence he was defeated by a small majority.</p>
+
+<p>From a Republican point of view Mississippi, as was true of the other
+reconstructed States, up to 1875 was all that could be expected and
+desired and, no doubt, would have remained so for many years, but for
+the unexpected results of the State and Congressional elections of 1874.
+While it is true, as stated and explained in a previous chapter, that
+Grant carried nearly every state in the Union at the Presidential
+election in 1872, the State and Congressional elections throughout the
+country two years later went just the other way, and by majorities just
+as decisive as those given the Republicans two years before.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the severe and crushing defeat sustained by the
+Republicans at that time, it was claimed by some, believed by others,
+and predicted by many that by the time the election for President in
+1876 would roll around it would be found that the Republicans had
+regained substantially all they had lost in 1874; but these hopes,
+predictions, and expectations were not realized. The Presidential
+election of 1876 turned out to be so close and doubtful that neither
+party could claim a substantial victory. While it is true that Hayes,
+the Republican candidate for President, was finally declared elected
+according to the forms of law, yet the terms and conditions upon which
+he was allowed to be peaceably inaugurated were such as to complete the
+extinction and annihilation of the Republican party at the South. The
+price that the Hayes managers stipulated to pay,&mdash;and did pay,&mdash;for the
+peaceable inauguration of Hayes was that the South was to be turned over
+to the Democrats and that the administration was not to enforce the
+Constitution and the laws of the land in that section against the
+expressed will of the Democrats thereof. In other words, so far as the
+South was concerned, the Constitution was not to follow the flag.</p>
+
+<p>In the 43rd Congress which was elected in 1872 and which would expire by
+limitation March 4, 1875, the Republicans had a large majority in both
+Houses. In the House of Representatives of the 44th Congress, which was
+elected in 1874, the Democratic majority was about as large as was the
+Republican majority in the House of the 43rd Congress. The Republicans
+still retained control of the Senate, but by a greatly reduced majority.</p>
+
+<p>During the short session of the 43rd Congress, important legislation was
+contemplated by the Republican leaders. Alabama was one of the States
+which the Democrats were charged with having carried in 1874 by
+resorting to methods which were believed to be questionable and illegal.
+An investigation was ordered by the House. A committee was appointed to
+make the investigation, of which General Albright, of Pennsylvania, was
+chairman. This committee was authorized to report by bill or otherwise.
+After a thorough investigation, the chairman was directed, and
+instructed by the vote of every Republican member of the committee,
+which constituted a majority thereof, to report and recommend the
+passage of what was called the Federal Elections Bill. This bill was
+carefully drawn; following substantially the same lines as a previous
+temporary measure, under the provisions of which what was known as the
+Ku Klux Klan had been crushed out, and order had been restored in North
+Carolina.</p>
+
+<p>It is safe to say that this bill would have passed both Houses and
+become a law, but for the unexpected opposition of Speaker Blaine. Mr.
+Blaine was not only opposed to the bill, but his opposition was so
+intense that he felt it his duty to leave the Speaker's chair and come
+on the floor for the purpose of leading the opposition to its passage.
+This, of course, was fatal to the passage of the measure. After a
+desperate struggle of a few days, in which the Speaker was found to be
+in opposition to a large majority of his party associates, and which
+revealed the fact that the party was hopelessly divided, the leaders in
+the House abandoned the effort to bring the measure to a vote.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Blame's motives in taking this unexpected position, in open
+opposition to the great majority of his party associates, has always
+been open to speculation and conjecture. His personal and political
+enemies charged that it was due to jealousy of President Grant. Mr.
+Blaine was a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination the
+following year. It was a well-known fact that President Grant was not
+favorable to Mr. Blaine's nomination, but was in sympathy with the
+movement to have Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, Mr. Blaine's
+bitterest political enemy, nominated. Mr. Blaine was afraid, his enemies
+asserted, that, if the Federal Elections Bill,&mdash;under the provisions of
+which great additional power would have been conferred upon the
+President,&mdash;had become a law, that power would be used to defeat his
+nomination for the Presidency in 1876; hence his opposition to the Bill.
+But, whatever his motives were, his successful opposition to that
+measure no doubt resulted in his failure to realize the ambition of his
+life,&mdash;the Presidency of the United States. But for the stand he took
+on that occasion, he would probably have received sufficient support
+from Southern delegates in the National Convention to secure him the
+nomination, and, had he been nominated at that time, the probabilities
+are that he would have been elected. But his opposition to that bill
+practically solidified the Southern delegates in that convention against
+him, and as a result he was defeated for the nomination, although he was
+the choice of a majority of the Northern delegates.</p>
+
+<p>Even when Blaine received the nomination in 1884 it was developed that
+it could not have happened had the Southern delegates been as solidly
+against him at that time as they were in 1876. But by 1884 the Southern
+Republicans had somewhat relented in their opposition to him, and, as a
+result thereof, he received sufficient support from that section to give
+him the nomination. But he was defeated at the polls because the South
+was solid against him,&mdash;a condition which was made possible by his own
+action in defeating the Federal Elections Bill in 1875. In consequence
+of his action in that matter he was severely criticised and censured by
+Republicans generally, and by Southern Republicans especially.</p>
+
+<p>Although I was not favorable to his nomination for the Presidency at any
+time, my relations with Mr. Blaine had been so cordial that I felt at
+liberty to seek him and ask him, for my own satisfaction and
+information, an explanation of his action in opposing and defeating the
+Federal Elections Bill. I therefore went to him just before the final
+adjournment of the 43rd Congress and informed him that I desired to have
+a few minutes' private audience with him whenever it would be convenient
+for him to see me. He requested me to come to the Speaker's room
+immediately after the adjournment of the House that afternoon.</p>
+
+<p>When I entered the room Mr. Blaine was alone. I took a seat only a few
+feet from him. I informed him of the great disappointment and intense
+dissatisfaction which his action had caused in defeating what was not
+only regarded as a party measure, but which was believed by the
+Republicans to be of vital importance from a party point of view, to say
+nothing of its equity and justice. I remarked that for him to array
+himself in opposition to the great majority of his own party
+associates,&mdash;and to throw the weight of his great influence against such
+an important party measure as the Federal Elections Bill was believed to
+be,&mdash;he must have had some motive, some justifiable grounds of which the
+public was ignorant, but about which I believed it was fair to himself
+and just to his own friends and party associates, that he give some
+explanation.</p>
+
+<p>"As a southern Republican member of the House, and as one that is not
+hostile or particularly unfriendly to you," I said, "I feel that I have
+a right to make this request of you."</p>
+
+<p>At first he gave me a look of surprise, and for several seconds he
+remained silent. Then, straightening himself up in his chair, he
+answered:</p>
+
+<p>"I am glad, Mr. Lynch, that you have made this request of me, since I am
+satisfied you are not actuated by any unfriendly motive in doing so. I
+shall, therefore, give a frank answer to your question. In my judgment,
+if that bill had become a law the defeat of the Republican party
+throughout the country would have been a foregone conclusion. We could
+not have saved the South even if the bill had passed, but its passage
+would have lost us the North; indeed, I could not have carried even my
+own State of Maine, if that bill had passed. In my opinion, it was
+better to lose the South and save the North, than to try through such
+legislation to save the South, and thus lose both North and South. I
+believed that if we saved the North we could then look after the South.
+If the Southern Democrats are foolish enough to bring about a Solid
+South the result will be a Solid North against a Solid South; and in
+that case the Republicans would have nothing to fear. You now have my
+reasons, frankly and candidly given, for the action taken by me on the
+occasion referred to. I hope you are satisfied with them."</p>
+
+<p>I thanked Mr. Blaine cordially for giving me the desired explanation.
+"I now feel better satisfied with reference to your action upon that
+occasion," I assured him. "While I do not agree with you in your
+conclusions, and while I believe your reasoning to be unsound and
+fallacious, still I cannot help giving you credit for having been
+actuated by no other motive than to do what you honestly believed was
+for the best interest of the country and the Republican party."</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII</h2>
+
+<h3>STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1875. REPUBLICAN VICTORY</h3>
+
+<p>When I returned to my home after the adjournment of Congress in March,
+1875, the political clouds were dark. The political outlook was
+discouraging. The prospect of Republican success was not at all bright.
+There had been a marked change in the situation from every point of
+view. Democrats were bold, outspoken, defiant, and determined. In
+addition to these unfavorable indications I noticed that I was not
+received by them with the same warmth and cordiality as on previous
+occasions. With a few notable exceptions they were cold, indifferent,
+even forbidding in their attitude and manner. This treatment was so
+radically different from that to which I had been accustomed that I
+could not help feeling it keenly. I knew it was indicative of a change
+in the political situation which meant that I had before me the fight of
+my life.</p>
+
+<p>My advocacy and support of the Federal Elections Bill, commonly called
+the "Force Bill," was occasionally given as the reason for this change;
+but I knew this was not the true reason. In fact, that bill would hardly
+have been thought of but for the fact that Mr. Blaine, the Republican
+Speaker of the House, had attracted national attention to it through his
+action in vacating the chair and coming on the floor of the House to
+lead the opposition to its passage. This act on the part of the
+statesman from Maine made him, in the opinion of many Southern
+Democrats, the greatest man that our country had ever produced,&mdash;George
+Washington, the Father of the Republic, not excepted. They were loud in
+their thanks for the valuable service he had thus rendered them and, as
+evidence of their gratitude to him, they declared their determination to
+show their appreciation of this valuable service in a substantial manner
+whenever the opportunity presented itself for it to be done.</p>
+
+<p>No man in the country was stronger, better or more popular than the
+statesman from Maine, until his name came before them as a candidate for
+President of the United States on a Republican ticket. A sudden
+transformation then took place. It was then discovered, to their great
+surprise and disappointment, that he was such an unsafe and dangerous
+man that no greater calamity could happen to the country than his
+elevation to the Presidency. Nothing, therefore, must be left undone to
+bring about his defeat.</p>
+
+<p>I was well aware of the fact at the time that it was the result of the
+State and Congressional elections at the north in 1874 that had
+convinced Southern Democrats that Republican ascendency in the National
+Government would soon be a thing of the past&mdash;that the Democrats would
+be successful in the Presidential and Congressional elections of 1876
+and that that party would, no doubt, remain in power for at least a
+quarter of a century. It was this, and not the unsuccessful effort to
+pass a Federal Elections Bill, that had produced the marked change that
+was noticeable on every hand. Every indication seemed to point to a
+confirmation of the impression that Democratic success at the
+Presidential election was practically an assured fact.</p>
+
+<p>There had been a disastrous financial panic in 1873 which was no doubt
+largely responsible for the political upheaval in 1874; but that was
+lost sight of in accounting for that result. In fact they made no effort
+to explain it except in their own way. The Democrats had carried the
+country; the reasons for this they construed to suit themselves. The
+construction they placed upon it was that it was a national condemnation
+and repudiation of the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction, and they
+intended to govern themselves accordingly.</p>
+
+<p>The election in Mississippi in 1875 was for members of Congress, members
+of the Legislature, and county officers, and also a State Treasurer to
+serve out the unexpired term of Treasurer Holland, deceased. My own
+renomination for Congress from the Sixth (Natchez) District was a
+foregone conclusion, since I had no opposition in my own party; but I
+realized the painful fact that a nomination this time was not equivalent
+to an election. Still, I felt that it was my duty to make the fight, let
+the result be what it might.</p>
+
+<p>If Congressmen had been elected in 1874 the State would have returned
+five Republicans and one Democrat as was done in 1872; but in 1875 the
+prospect was not so bright, the indications were not so favorable. The
+Democrats nominated for State Treasurer Hon. Wm. L. Hemmingway, of
+Carroll County. He was an able man, and had been quite prominent as a
+party leader in his section of the State. The defiant attitude assumed,
+and the bold declarations contained in the platform upon which he was
+nominated were accepted by the Republicans as notice that the Democrats
+intended to carry the election&mdash;"peaceably and fairly."</p>
+
+<p>The Republicans nominated Hon. George M. Buchanan, of Marshall County,
+upon a platform which strongly endorsed the National and State
+administrations. Mr. Buchanan was a strong and popular man. He had been
+a brave and gallant Confederate soldier. He had been for several years
+Sheriff and Tax Collector of his county, and was known to be especially
+fitted for the office of State Treasurer. As Sheriff and Tax Collector
+of Marshall County,&mdash;one of the wealthiest counties in the State,&mdash;he
+had handled and disbursed many thousands of dollars, every dollar of
+which had been faithfully accounted for. His honesty, integrity,
+ability, fitness, and capacity, everyone, regardless of race or party,
+unhesitatingly admitted.</p>
+
+<p>The administration of Governor Ames was one of the best the State had
+ever had. The judiciary was quite equal to that which had been appointed
+by Governor Alcorn. The public revenues had been promptly collected, and
+honestly accounted for. There had not only been no increase in the rate
+of taxation, but, to the contrary, there had been a material reduction.
+Notwithstanding these things the Democrats, together with the radical
+element in charge of the party machinery, determined to seize the State
+Government <i>vi et armis</i>; not because it was at all necessary for any
+special reason, but simply because conditions at that time seemed to
+indicate that it could be safely done.</p>
+
+<p>After the nominations had all been made, the campaign was opened in dead
+earnest. Nearly all Democratic clubs in the State were converted into
+armed military companies. Funds with which to purchase arms were
+believed to have been contributed by the National Democratic
+organization. Nearly every Republican meeting was attended by one or
+more of those clubs or companies,&mdash;the members of which were
+distinguished by red shirts, indicative of blood,&mdash;the attendance being
+for the purpose, of course, of "keeping the peace and preserving
+order." To enable the Democrats to carry the State a Republican majority
+of between twenty and thirty thousand had to be overcome. This could be
+done only by the adoption and enforcement of questionable methods. It
+was a case in which the end justified the means, and the means had to be
+supplied.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican vote consisted of about ninety-five per cent of the
+colored men, and of about twenty-five per cent of the white men. The
+other seventy-five per cent of the whites formerly constituted a part of
+the flower of the Confederate Army. They were not only tried and
+experienced soldiers, but they were fully armed and equipped for the
+work before them. Some of the colored Republicans had been Union
+soldiers, but they were neither organized nor armed. In such a contest,
+therefore, they and their white allies were entirely at the mercy of
+their political adversaries.</p>
+
+<p>Governor Ames soon took in the situation. He saw that he could not
+depend upon the white members of the State militia to obey his orders,
+to support him in his efforts to uphold the majesty of the law, and to
+protect the law-abiding citizens in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and
+property. To use the colored members of the militia for such a purpose
+would be adding fuel to the flames. Nothing, therefore, remained for him
+to do but to call on the National administration for military aid in
+his efforts to crush out domestic violence and enforce the laws of the
+State. He did call for such aid, but for reasons that will be given
+later it was not granted.</p>
+
+<p>When the polls closed on the day of the election, the Democrats, of
+course, had carried the State by a large majority,&mdash;thus securing a
+heavy majority in both branches of the Legislature. Of the six members
+of Congress the writer was the only one of the regular Republican
+candidates that pulled through, and that, by a greatly reduced majority.
+In the Second (Holly Springs) District, G. Wiley Wells ran as an
+Independent Republican against A.R. Howe, the sitting member, and the
+regular Republican candidate for re&euml;lection. The Democrats supported
+Wells, who was elected.</p>
+
+<p>The delegation, therefore, consisted of four Democrats, one Republican,
+and one Independent Republican. While the delegation would have
+consisted of five straight Republicans and one Democrat had the election
+been held in 1874, still, since the Democrats had such a large majority
+in the House, the political complexion of the Mississippi delegation was
+not important. The election of the writer, it was afterwards developed,
+was due in all probability to a miscalculation on the part of some of
+the Democratic managers. Their purpose was to have a solid delegation,
+counting Wells as one of that number, since his election would be due
+to the support of the Democratic party.</p>
+
+<p>But in my district the plan miscarried. In one of the counties there
+were two conflicting reports as to what the Democratic majority was;
+according to one, it was two hundred and fifty, according to the other,
+it was five hundred. The report giving two hundred and fifty was, no
+doubt, the correct one, but the other would probably have been accepted
+had it been believed at the time that it was necessary to insure the
+election of the Democratic candidate. To overcome the majority in that
+district was more difficult than to overcome it in any of the other
+districts. While their candidate, Colonel Roderick Seal, was quite a
+popular man, it was well known that I would poll a solid Republican vote
+and some Democratic votes in addition. Fortunately for me there was a
+split in the party in my own county (Adams) for county officers, which
+resulted in bringing out a very heavy vote. This split also made the
+count of the ballots very slow,&mdash;covering a period of several days. My
+name was on both tickets. The election took place on Tuesday, but the
+count was not finished until the following Friday evening. Hence, the
+result for member of Congress in that county could not be definitely
+ascertained until Friday night.</p>
+
+<p>The Democratic managers at the State Capital were eager to know as soon
+as possible what the Republican majority in Adams County would be for
+Congressman, hence, on Wednesday evening, the editor of the local
+Democratic paper received a telegram from the Secretary of the
+Democratic State Committee, requesting to be informed immediately what
+the Republican majority for Congressman would be in Adams County. The
+editor read the telegram to me and asked what, in my opinion, would be
+my majority in the county. My reply was that I did not think it would
+exceed twelve hundred; whereupon he sent in the following report:
+"Lynch's majority in Adams will not exceed twelve hundred."</p>
+
+<p>Upon receipt of this telegram the majority of two hundred and fifty
+instead of five hundred was deemed sufficient from the county heretofore
+referred to. If the Republican majority in Adams would not exceed twelve
+hundred, the success of the Democratic Congressional candidate by a
+small but safe majority was assured on the face of the returns. Since
+Adams was the last county to be reported, no change could thereafter be
+made. When the count was finally finished in Adams it was found I had a
+majority of over eighteen hundred. This gave me a majority in the
+district of a little over two hundred on the face of the returns.</p>
+
+<p>The disappointment and chagrin on the part of the Democratic managers
+can better be imagined than described. But the agreeable surprise to the
+Republicans was at least equal to the Democrats' disappointment. The
+defeated Democratic candidate threatened to make a contest for the seat
+on the ground of violence and fraud; but this was so ridiculous that the
+managers of his own party would not allow him to carry the threat into
+execution.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV</h2>
+
+<h3>INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND THE PRESIDENT REGARDING STATE APPOINTMENTS</h3>
+
+<p>Shortly after I reached Washington in the latter part of November, 1875,
+I called on the President to pay my respects, and to see him on business
+relating to a Civil Service order that he had recently issued, and that
+some of the Federal office-holders had evidently misunderstood.
+Postmaster Pursell, of Summit, an important town in my district, was one
+of that number. He was supposed to be a Republican, having been
+appointed as such. But he not only refused to take any part in the
+campaign of 1875, but he also declined to contribute a dollar to meet
+the legitimate expenses of that campaign. The President's Civil Service
+order was his excuse. According to Pursell's construction of that order,
+Federal office-holders must not only take no part in political or party
+campaigns, but they must make no contributions for political purposes.
+He not only said nothing and did nothing in the interest of his party in
+that campaign, but it was believed by some that he did not even vote the
+Republican ticket.</p>
+
+<p>After paying my respects to the President I brought this case to his
+attention. I informed him that I very much desired to have Postmaster
+Pursell removed, and a good Republican appointed in his stead.</p>
+
+<p>"What is the matter with him?" the President asked. "Is he not a good
+postmaster?"</p>
+
+<p>"Yes," I replied, "there is nothing to be said against him, so far as I
+know, with reference to his administration of the office. I only object
+to him on account of politics. He may be,&mdash;and no doubt is,&mdash;a good,
+capable, and efficient postmaster; but politically he is worthless. From
+a party point of view he is no good. In my opinion, there ought to be a
+man in that office who will not only discharge his duties in a
+creditable manner, but who will also be of some service to the party and
+to the administration under which he serves. In the present postmaster
+of the town of Summit we have not such a man, but we can and will have
+one if you will appoint the one whose name I now present and for whom I
+ask your favorable consideration. We had, as you know, a bitter and
+desperate struggle. It was the very time that we stood sadly in need of
+every man and of every vote. We lost the county that Summit is in by a
+small majority. If an active and aggressive man, such as the one whose
+name I now place before you, had been postmaster at Summit, the result
+in that County might have been different. I therefore earnestly
+recommend that Pursell be removed, and that Mr. Garland be appointed to
+succeed him."</p>
+
+<p>The President replied: "You have given good and sufficient reasons for a
+change. Leave with me the name of the man you desire to have appointed,
+and his name will be sent to the Senate as soon as Congress meets." I
+cordially thanked the President, and assured him that he would have no
+occasion to regret making the change. In explanation of his Civil
+Service order the President remarked that quite a number of
+office-holders had seemed to misunderstand it, although it was plainly
+worded, and, as he thought, not difficult to understand. There had never
+been any serious complaints growing out of active participation in
+political campaigns on the part of office-holders, and that it was not,
+and never had been, the purpose of the administration, by executive
+order or otherwise, to limit or restrict any American citizen in the
+discharge of his duties as a citizen, simply because he happened to be
+an office-holder, provided that in so doing he did not neglect his
+official duties. There had, however, been serious complaints from many
+parts of the country about the use and abuse of Federal patronage in
+efforts to manipulate party conventions, and to dictate and control
+party nominations. To destroy this evil was the primary purpose of the
+civil service order referred to.</p>
+
+<p>I told the President that his explanation of the order was in harmony
+with my own construction and interpretation of it. That is why I made
+the recommendation for a change in the postmastership at Summit. The
+change was promptly made. I then informed the President that there was
+another matter about which I desired to have a short talk with him, that
+was the recent election in Mississippi. After calling his attention to
+the sanguinary struggle through which we had passed, and the great
+disadvantages under which we labored, I reminded him of the fact that
+the Governor, when he saw that he could not put down without the
+assistance of the National Administration what was practically an
+insurrection against the State Government, made application for
+assistance in the manner and form prescribed by the Constitution, with
+the confident belief that it would be forthcoming. But in this we were,
+for some reason, seriously disappointed and sadly surprised. The reason
+for this action, or rather non-action, was still an unexplained mystery
+to us. For my own satisfaction and information I should be pleased to
+have the President enlighten me on the subject.</p>
+
+<p>The President said that he was glad I had asked him the question, and
+that he would take pleasure in giving me a frank reply. He said he had
+sent Governor Ames' requisition to the War Department with his approval
+and with instructions to have the necessary assistance furnished without
+delay. He had also given instructions to the Attorney-General to use
+the marshals and the machinery of the Federal judiciary as far as
+possible in co&ouml;peration with the War Department in an effort to maintain
+order and to bring about a condition which would insure a peaceable and
+fair election. But before the orders were put into execution a committee
+of prominent Republicans from Ohio had called on him. (Ohio was then an
+October State,&mdash;that is, her elections took place in October instead of
+November.) An important election was then pending in that State. This
+committee, the President stated, protested against having the
+requisition of Governor Ames honored. The committee, the President said,
+informed him in a most emphatic way that if the requisition of Governor
+Ames were honored, the Democrats would not only carry Mississippi,&mdash;a
+State which would be lost to the Republicans in any event,&mdash;but that
+Democratic success in Ohio would be an assured fact. If the requisition
+were not honored it would make no change in the result in Mississippi,
+but that Ohio would be saved to the Republicans. The President assured
+me that it was with great reluctance that he yielded,&mdash;against his own
+judgment and sense of official duty,&mdash;to the arguments of this
+committee, and directed the withdrawal of the orders which had been
+given the Secretary of War and the Attorney-General in that matter.</p>
+
+<p>This statement, I confess, surprised me very much.</p>
+
+<p>"Can it be possible," I asked, "that there is such a prevailing
+sentiment in any State in the North, East or West as renders it
+necessary for a Republican President to virtually give his sanction to
+what is equivalent to a suspension of the Constitution and laws of the
+land to insure Republican success in such a State? I cannot believe this
+to be true, the opinion of the Republican committee from Ohio to the
+contrary notwithstanding. What surprises me more, Mr. President, is that
+you yielded and granted this remarkable request. That is not like you.
+It is the first time I have ever known you to show the white feather.
+Instead of granting the request of that committee, you should have
+rebuked the men,&mdash;told them that it is your duty as chief magistrate of
+the country to enforce the Constitution and laws of the land, and to
+protect American citizens in the exercise and enjoyment of their rights,
+let the consequences be what they may; and that if by doing this Ohio
+should be lost to the Republicans it ought to be lost. In other words,
+no victory is worth having if it is to be brought about upon such
+conditions as those,&mdash;if it is to be purchased at such a fearful cost as
+was paid in this case."</p>
+
+<p>"Yes," said the President, "I admit that you are right. I should not
+have yielded. I believed at the time that I was making a grave mistake.
+But as presented, it was duty on one side, and party obligation on the
+other. Between the two I hesitated, but finally yielded to what was
+believed to be party obligation. If a mistake was made, it was one of
+the head and not of the heart. That my heart was right and my intentions
+good, no one who knows me will question. If I had believed that any
+effort on my part would have saved Mississippi I would have made it,
+even if I had been convinced that it would have resulted in the loss of
+Ohio to the Republicans. But I was satisfied then, as I am now, that
+Mississippi could not have been saved to the party in any event and I
+wanted to avoid the responsibility of the loss of Ohio, in addition.
+This was the turning-point in the case.</p>
+
+<p>"And while on this subject," the President went on, "let us look more
+closely into the significance of this situation. I am very much
+concerned about the future of our country. When the War came to an end
+it was thought that four things had been brought about and effectually
+accomplished as a result thereof. They were: first, that slavery had
+been forever abolished; second, that the indissolubility of the Federal
+Union had been permanently established and universally recognized;
+third, that the absolute and independent sovereignty of the several
+States was a thing of the past; fourth, that a national sovereignty had
+been at last created and established, resulting in sufficient power
+being vested in the general government not only to guarantee to every
+State in the Union a Republican form of government, but to protect, when
+necessary, the individual citizen of the United States in the exercise
+and enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which he is entitled under
+the Constitution and laws of his country. In other words, that there had
+been created a National citizenship as distinguished from State
+citizenship, resulting in a paramount allegiance to the United
+States,&mdash;the general Government,&mdash;having ample power to protect its own
+citizens against domestic and personal violence whenever the State in
+which he may live should fail, refuse, or neglect to do so. In other
+words, so far as citizens of the United States are concerned, the States
+in the future would only act as agents of the general Government in
+protecting the citizens of the United States in the enjoyment of life,
+liberty, and property. This has been my conception of the duties of the
+President, and until recently I have pursued that course. But there
+seems to be a number of leading and influential men in the Republican
+party who take a different view of these matters. These men have used
+and are still using their power and influence, not to strengthen but to
+cripple the President and thus prevent him from enforcing the
+Constitution and laws along these lines. They have not only used their
+power and influence to prevent and defeat wise and necessary legislation
+for these purposes, but they have contributed, through the medium of
+public meetings and newspaper and magazine articles, to the creation of
+a public sentiment hostile to the policy of the administration. Whatever
+their motives may be, future mischief of a very serious nature is bound
+to be the result. It requires no prophet to foresee that the national
+government will soon be at a great disadvantage and that the results of
+the war of the rebellion will have been in a large measure lost. In
+other words, that the first two of the four propositions above stated
+will represent all that will have been accomplished as a result of the
+war, and even they, for the lack of power of enforcement in the general
+government, will be largely of a negative character. What you have just
+passed through in the State of Mississippi is only the beginning of what
+is sure to follow. I do not wish to create unnecessary alarm, nor to be
+looked upon as a prophet of evil, but it is impossible for me to close
+my eyes in the face of things that are as plain to me as the noonday
+sun."</p>
+
+<p>It is needless to say that I was deeply interested in the President's
+eloquent and prophetic talk which subsequent events have more than fully
+verified.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV</h2>
+
+<h3>THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876 AND ITS RESULTS</h3>
+
+<p>The Presidential election was held in 1876. The Republicans had carried
+the country in 1872 by such a decisive majority that it indicated many
+years of continued Republican ascendency in the National Government. But
+the severe reverses sustained by that party at the polls two years later
+completely changed this situation and outlook. Democrats confidently
+expected and Republicans seriously apprehended that the Presidential
+election of 1876 would result in a substantial Democratic victory. Mr.
+Blaine was the leading candidate for the Republican nomination, but he
+had bitter opposition in the ranks of his own party. That opposition
+came chiefly from friends and supporters of Senator Conkling at the
+North and from Southern Republicans generally. The opposition of the
+Conkling men to Mr. Blaine was largely personal; while southern
+Republicans were opposed to him on account of his having caused the
+defeat of the Federal Elections Bill. The great majority of southern
+Republicans supported Senator Oliver P. Morton of Indiana.</p>
+
+<p>After the National Convention had been organized, it looked for a while
+as if Mr. Blaine's nomination was a foregone conclusion. Hon. Edward
+McPherson, of Pennsylvania,&mdash;a strong Blaine man,&mdash;had been made
+President of the Convention. In placing Mr. Blaine's name in nomination,
+Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois made such an eloquent and effective
+speech that he came very near carrying the Convention by storm, and thus
+securing the nomination of the statesman from Maine. But the opposition
+to Mr. Blaine was too well organized to allow the Convention to be
+stampeded, even by the power and eloquence of an Ingersoll. It was this
+speech that gave Mr. Ingersoll his national fame and brought him to the
+front as a public speaker and lecturer. It was the most eloquent and
+impressive speech that was delivered during the sitting of the
+Convention. After a bitter struggle of many hours, and after a number of
+fruitless ballots, the Convention finally nominated Gov. R.B. Hayes, of
+Ohio, as a compromise candidate. This result was brought about through a
+union of the combined opposition to Mr. Blaine. Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler, of
+New York, was nominated for Vice-President and the work of the
+Convention was over.</p>
+
+<p>The Democrats nominated ex-Governor Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for
+President, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President.
+Their platform pledged many radical reforms in the administration of the
+government. This ticket was made with the hope that it would be
+successful in the doubtful and debatable States of New York, New Jersey,
+Indiana, and Connecticut, which, with the Solid South, would constitute
+a majority of the electoral college, even if all the other States should
+go Republican, which was not anticipated.</p>
+
+<p>That the prospect of Democratic success was exceedingly bright and the
+probability of a Republican victory extremely dark, was generally
+conceded. The South was counted upon to be solid in its support of the
+Democratic ticket, for the methods that had been successfully
+inaugurated in Mississippi the year before, to overcome a Republican
+majority of more than twenty thousand, were to be introduced and adopted
+in all the other States of that section in which conditions were
+practically the same as in Mississippi.</p>
+
+<p>To insure success, therefore, it was only necessary for the Democrats to
+concentrate their efforts upon the four doubtful States outside of the
+Solid South. Up to a certain point the plan worked well. Every
+indication seemed to point to its successful consummation. As had been
+anticipated, the Democrats were successful in the four doubtful Northern
+States, and they also carried, on the face of the returns, every
+Southern State, just as had been planned; the Mississippi methods
+having been adopted in such of them as had Republican majorities to
+overcome. Since through those methods the Democrats had succeeded in
+overcoming a large Republican majority in Mississippi, there was no
+reason why the same methods should not produce like results in South
+Carolina, in Louisiana, and in Florida. In fact, it was looked upon as a
+reflection upon the bravery and party loyalty of the Democracy of those
+States if they could not do what had been done under like conditions in
+Mississippi. Hence those States <i>had</i> to be carried, "peaceably and
+fairly," of course, "but they must be carried just the same." Failure to
+carry them was out of the question, because too much was involved.
+According to the plans and calculations that had been carefully made, no
+Southern State could be lost. While it might be possible to win without
+all of them, still it was not believed to be safe to run any such risk,
+or take any such chance. If the Democrats should happen to carry a state
+that was not included in the combination, so much the better.</p>
+
+<p>Everything seemed to work admirably. That it was a plan by which
+elections could be easily carried, with or without votes, had been
+clearly demonstrated. On the face of the returns the majorities were
+brought forth just as had been ordered and directed. But it seems that
+such methods had been anticipated by the Republican governments in South
+Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida, and that suitable steps had been
+taken to prevent their successful consummation through the medium of
+State Returning Boards. When the Returning Boards had rejected and
+thrown out many of the majorities that had been returned from some of
+the counties and parishes, the result was changed, and the Republican
+candidates for Presidential electors were officially declared elected.
+This gave the Republican candidates for President and Vice-President a
+majority of one vote in the Electoral College. It has, of course, been
+alleged by many,&mdash;and it is believed by some,&mdash;that the actions of those
+Returning Boards defeated the will of the people as expressed at the
+polls, thus bringing about the seating in the Presidential chair of the
+man that had been fairly and honestly defeated. Yet, no one who is
+familiar with the facts, and who is honest enough to admit them, will
+deny that but for the inauguration in South Carolina, Florida, and
+Louisiana, of the Mississippi methods, those three States would have
+been as safely Republican at that time and in that election as were the
+States of Pennsylvania and Vermont. But the plans of the Democratic
+managers had been defeated. It was hard for them to lose a victory they
+felt and believed to have been won by them, notwithstanding the
+extraneous methods that had been employed to bring about such results.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI</h2>
+
+<h3>EFFECTS OF THE REFORM ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI</h3>
+
+<p>Because the Democrats carried the election in Mississippi in 1875, they
+did not thereby secure control of the State Government. That election
+was for members of the Legislature, members of Congress and county
+officers. Only one State officer was elected,&mdash;a State Treasurer,&mdash;to
+fill the vacancy created by the death of Treasurer Holland. All the
+other State officers were Republicans. But the Democrats could not
+afford to wait until Governor Ames' term expired. They were determined
+to get immediate control of the State Government. There was only one way
+in which this could be done, and that was by impeachment.</p>
+
+<p>This course they decided to take. It could not be truthfully denied that
+Governor Ames was a clean, pure, and honest man. He had given the State
+an excellent administration. The State judiciary had been kept up to the
+high standard established by Governor Alcorn. Every dollar of the public
+money had been collected, and honestly accounted for. The State was in a
+prosperous condition. The rate of taxation had been greatly reduced,
+and there was every prospect of a still further reduction before the end
+of his administration. But these facts made no difference to those who
+were flushed with the victory they had so easily won. They wanted the
+offices, and were determined to have them, and that, too, without very
+much delay. Hence, impeachment proceedings were immediately instituted
+against the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor,&mdash;not in the interest of
+reform, of good government or of low taxes, but simply in order to get
+possession of the State Government.</p>
+
+<p>The weakness of the case against the Governor was shown when it
+developed that the strongest charge against him was that he had entered
+into an alleged corrupt bargain with State Senator Cassidy, resulting in
+Cassidy's appointment as one of the Judges of the Chancery Court.
+Cassidy had been elected a member of the State Senate as a Democrat.
+Notwithstanding that fact he voted for Mr. Bruce, the Republican caucus
+nominee for United States Senator, and subsequently publicly identified
+himself with the Republican party. Later his brother, William P.
+Cassidy, and his law partner, Hon. J.F. Sessions, did likewise. In 1874
+Sessions was elected to the State Senate as a Republican to serve out
+the unexpired term of his law partner, Cassidy, who had resigned his
+seat in the Senate upon his appointment as a Judge of the Chancery
+Court.</p>
+
+<p>Cassidy was a brilliant young man, and an able lawyer. That the
+Governor should have selected him for an important judicial position was
+both wise and proper. It was one of his best and most creditable
+appointments and was generally commended as such when it was made. The
+fact that he had been elected to the State Senate as a Democrat, and
+shortly thereafter joined the Republican party was made the basis of the
+charge that his change of party affiliation was the result of a corrupt
+bargain between the Governor and himself, for which the Governor, but
+not the Judge, should be impeached and removed from office. There were a
+few other vague and unimportant charges, but this one, as weak as it
+was, was the strongest of the number.</p>
+
+<p>When the articles of impeachment were presented to the House, it was
+seen that they were so weak and so groundless that the Governor believed
+it would be an easy matter for him to discredit them even before an
+antagonistic legislature. With that end in view, he employed several of
+the ablest lawyers in the country to represent him. They came to Jackson
+and commenced the preparation of the case, but it did not take them long
+to find out that their case was a hopeless one. They soon found out to
+their entire satisfaction that it was not to be a judicial trial, but a
+political one and that the jury was already prepared for conviction
+without regard to the law, the Constitution, the evidence, or the
+facts. Governor Ames was to be convicted, not because he was guilty of
+any offense, but because he was in the way of complete Democratic
+control of the State Government.</p>
+
+<p>Personally they had nothing against Ames. It was not the man but the
+office they wanted, and that they were determined to have. They knew he
+had committed no offense, but, as matters then stood, being a Republican
+was an offense which justified removal from office. To punish him
+otherwise, for anything he had done or failed to do, did not at any time
+enter into their calculations. The Governorship was the prize at stake.
+In this matter there was no concealment of their purposes and
+intentions. As soon as the Governor's legal advisers found out what the
+actual situation was, they saw it was useless to continue the fight.
+Upon their advice, therefore, the Governor tendered his resignation,
+which was promptly accepted. He then left the State never to return
+again. If the impeachment proceedings had been instituted in good
+faith,&mdash;upon an honest belief that the chief executive had committed
+offenses which merited punishment,&mdash;the resignation would not have been
+accepted. The fact that it was accepted,&mdash;and that, too, without
+hesitation or question,&mdash;was equivalent to a confession that the purpose
+of the proceedings was to get possession of the office. Short work was
+made of the Lieutenant-Governor's case; and State Senator John M.
+Stone, the Democratic President pro tem. of the State Senate, was duly
+sworn in and installed as the acting Governor of the State. Thus
+terminated a long series of questionable acts, the inauguration of which
+had no other purpose than to secure the ascendency of one political
+party over another in the administration of the government of the State.</p>
+
+<p>The sanguinary revolution in the State of Mississippi in 1875 was
+claimed to be in the interest of good administration and honest
+government; it was an attempt to wrest the State from the control of
+dishonest men,&mdash;negroes, carpet baggers, and scalawags,&mdash;and place it in
+control of intelligent, pure, and honest white men. With that end in
+view, Geo. M. Buchanan, a brave and gallant ex-Confederate soldier, was,
+through questionable and indefensible methods, defeated for the office
+of State Treasurer, and Wm. L. Hemmingway was declared elected. Yet when
+the change took place it was found that every dollar of the public money
+was accounted for. During the whole period of Republican administration
+not a dollar had been misappropriated, nor had there been a single
+defalcation, although millions of dollars had passed through the hands
+of the fiscal agents of the State and of the different counties.</p>
+
+<p>How was it with the new reform administration? Treasurer Hemmingway had
+been in office only a comparatively short while when the startling
+information was given out that he was a defaulter to the amount of
+$315,612.19. William L. Hemmingway a defaulter! Could such a thing be
+possible? Yes, it was an admitted and undisputed fact.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Hemmingway had been quite prominent in the politics of the State;
+but those who knew the man, and I was one of those, had every reason to
+believe that he was an honest man, and that he was the personification
+of integrity. He was neither a speculator nor a gambler. Even after the
+defalcation was made known there was nothing to indicate that any part
+of the money had been appropriated to his own use. Yet the money had
+mysteriously disappeared. Where was it? Who had it? These were questions
+the people of the State desired to have answered, but they have never
+yet been answered and, it is safe to say, they never will be. Hemmingway
+no doubt could and can answer those questions, but he has not done so
+and the probabilities are that he never will. He evidently believed that
+to turn State's evidence would render him more culpable than to be
+guilty of the act which he had allowed to be committed. He might have
+been forced to make a confession, or at least been compelled to give the
+prosecution a clue to the real criminal or criminals if the prosecution
+had been in charge of persons who could not be suspected of being the
+political beneficiaries of the methods by which it was possible for him
+to be placed in charge of the office. It was hardly reasonable to expect
+such men to make very much of an effort to secure a confession. In fact,
+it seems to have been a relief to them to have the accused take the
+position that he alone was the responsible party and that he was willing
+to bear all the blame and assume all the consequences that would result
+from the act. The names, therefore, of those who were the beneficiaries
+of this remarkable defalcation will, no doubt, remain a secret in the
+bosom of William L. Hemmingway, and will be buried with him in his
+grave.</p>
+
+<p>Hemmingway was tried, convicted, sentenced and served a term in the
+State Prison; all of which he calmly endured rather than give the name
+of any person having connection with that unfortunate affair. All the
+satisfaction that the public can get with reference to it,&mdash;other than
+the punishment to which Hemmingway was subjected,&mdash;is to indulge in
+conjectures about it. One conjecture, and the most reasonable and
+plausible one, is that if Hemmingway had made a full confession it might
+have involved not only some men who were prominent and influential, but
+perhaps the Democratic State organization as well. For it was a
+well-known fact that in 1875 nearly every Democratic club in the State
+was converted into an armed military company. To fully organize, equip,
+and arm such a large body of men required an outlay of a large sum of
+money. The money was evidently furnished by some persons or through some
+organization. Those who raised the money, or who caused it to be raised,
+no doubt had an eye to the main chance. A patriotic desire to have the
+State redeemed (?) was not with them the actuating motive. When the
+redemption (?) of the State was an accomplished fact they, no doubt,
+felt that they were entitled to share in the fruits of that redemption.
+Their idea evidently was that the State should be made to pay for its
+own salvation and redemption, but the only way in which this could be
+done was to have the people's money in the State treasury appropriated
+for that purpose otherwise than by legislative enactment. This, as I
+have already stated, is only a conjecture, but, under the circumstances,
+it is the most reasonable and plausible one that can be imagined.</p>
+
+<p>The case of Treasurer Hemmingway is conclusive evidence that in point of
+efficiency, honesty and official integrity the Democratic party had no
+advantage over the party that was placed in power chiefly through the
+votes of colored men. What was true of Mississippi in this respect was
+also true,&mdash;in a measure, at least,&mdash;of the other reconstructed States.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION</h3>
+
+<p>Although the action of the returning boards in South Carolina,
+Louisiana, and Florida, gave Mr. Hayes a majority of one vote in the
+Electoral College, the Democrats, who were largely in the majority in
+the National House of Representatives, were evidently not willing to
+acquiesce in the declared result,&mdash;claiming that Mr. Tilden had been
+fairly elected and that he ought to be inaugurated.</p>
+
+<p>Hon. Henry Watterson, of Kentucky,&mdash;who was at that time a member of the
+House,&mdash;delivered a fiery speech in which he declared that a hundred
+thousand armed men would march to Washington to see that Mr. Tilden was
+inaugurated. The situation for a while looked very grave. It seemed as
+if there would be a dual government, Hayes and Tilden each claiming to
+be the legally elected President. To prevent this was the problem then
+before Congress and the American people. Conferences, composed of
+influential men of both parties, were being frequently held in different
+parts of the city.</p>
+
+<p>The creation of an electoral commission to pass upon and decide the
+disputed points involved was finally suggested, and was accepted by a
+majority of both parties. The name of the originator of this suggestion
+has never been made public; but it is believed by many that Senator
+Edmunds, of Vermont, was the man, since he was the principal champion of
+the measure in the Senate. Subsequent events appeared to indicate that
+Hon. Wm. M. Evarts of New York, was also an influential party to the
+scheme, if not the originator of it. At any rate, no one seemed to have
+been sufficiently proud of it to lay claim to its paternity. It was
+merely a temporary scheme, intended to tide over an unpleasant, and
+perhaps dangerous, condition which existing remedies did not fully meet.
+It was equivalent to disposing of the Presidency by a game of
+chance,&mdash;for the composition of the proposed commission was,
+politically, purely a matter of chance.</p>
+
+<p>As finally agreed upon, the measure provided for a commission to be
+composed of fifteen members,&mdash;five from the House, five from the Senate,
+and five Justices of the Supreme Court. As the Democrats had a majority
+in the House, it was agreed that they should have three, and the
+Republicans two of the five members of that body. Since the Republicans
+had a majority in the Senate it was agreed that they should have three,
+and the Democrats two of the five members of that body. Of the five
+justices of the Supreme Court, two were to be Republicans and two,
+Democrats; the fifth Justice to be an independent,&mdash;or one who was as
+near an independent as could be found on the bench of that Court.</p>
+
+<p>When the bill creating this commission came before the House I spoke
+against it, and voted against it, for two reasons. In the first place, I
+believed it was a dangerous precedent to subject the Presidency of the
+United States to such a game of chance as was contemplated by the bill
+then under consideration. Either Hayes or Tilden had been elected, and
+the result ought to be ascertained according to legal forms. In the
+second place, I had a suspicion that it was the outgrowth of an
+understanding or agreement which would result in the abandonment of
+Southern Republicans by the National Administration.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lamar, for instance, did not hesitate to declare that it was more
+important that the South should have local self-government than that the
+President should be a Democrat. In other words, what Southern Democrats
+wanted was to be let alone,&mdash;was to have the National Administration
+keep its hands off, and allow them to manage their own affairs in their
+own way, even if that way should result in a virtual nullification, in
+part at least, of the War Amendments to the Federal Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>I had a suspicion that this concession had been granted upon condition
+that the southern Democratic leaders in Congress would consent to the
+creation of the proposed commission, and to the ratification of its
+decision, whatever that decision might be. To such a bargain I did not
+care to be even an innocent party. My suspicions were strengthened by
+the fact that the principal opposition among Democrats to the creation
+of the commission and to the ratification of its decision came from
+northern Democrats. Southern Democrats, with a few notable exceptions,
+not only favored the creation of the commission and the ratification of
+its decision, but even the fiery Watterson was induced to hold his peace
+and to give expression to his righteous indignation through the medium
+of a silent vote. That my suspicions were well founded subsequents
+events more than demonstrated. I took the position that Mr. Hayes had
+been legally elected, at least according to the forms of law and in the
+manner prescribed by the Constitution,&mdash;and that he should, therefore,
+be duly inaugurated even if it should be necessary for President Grant,
+as Commander-in-chief of the Army, to use the military force of the
+Government for that purpose. I contended that, having been thus legally
+elected, Hayes should not be subjected to the chance of losing his title
+to the office and that the incoming President should not be bound by
+any ante-inauguration pledges, which, in the opinion of some, would have
+a tendency to cast a cloud upon his title to the office. But the bill
+was passed and the commission was duly appointed.</p>
+
+<p>At this point the game of chance turned in favor of the Republicans. It
+was generally understood that Justice David Davis, of Illinois, would be
+the fifth Justice to be placed on the commission. He was said to be an
+Independent,&mdash;the only member of the Supreme Court that could be thus
+classed politically. But, in point of fact, he was more of a Democrat
+than an Independent. Had he been made a member of the commission it is
+more than probable that Mr. Tilden, and not Mr. Hayes, would have been
+made President. The Legislature of Illinois was at that time engaged in
+an effort to elect a United States Senator. The Legislature was composed
+of about an equal number of Republicans and Democrats,&mdash;three
+Independents holding the balance of power. The Independents at length
+presented the name of Justice David Davis as their choice for Senator.
+In order to make sure of the defeat of a Republican, the Democrats
+joined the Independents in the support of Justice Davis, which resulted
+in his election. This took place only a few days before the time
+appointed for the selection of the commissioners.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as it was announced that Justice Davis had been elected to the
+Senate the Republican leaders in Congress insisted that he was no
+longer eligible to a seat on the Electoral Commission. This was at first
+strongly combated by the Democrats, who contended that the Justice was
+only a Senator-elect, and that he did not cease to be a member of the
+Court until he tendered his resignation as such; this he was neither
+required nor expected to do until shortly before the beginning of his
+term as a Senator. But the Republicans pressed their objections so
+strongly that the Democrats were induced to yield the point, and Justice
+Bradley was selected as the fifth Justice. Next to Davis, Bradley came
+as near being an Independent as any member of the Court. Although he had
+been appointed as a Republican by President Grant,&mdash;as had Justice Davis
+by President Lincoln,&mdash;yet he had rendered several decisions which gave
+the Democrats hope that he might give the deciding vote in their favor
+and thus make Mr. Tilden President. In this they were disappointed; for
+it turned out that the substitution of Bradley for Davis made Hayes
+President of the United States. It would, perhaps, be unfair to say that
+the decisions of the commission were rendered regardless of the
+evidence, the law, and the arguments, yet it so happened that every
+important point was decided by a strict party vote,&mdash;eight to seven.</p>
+
+<p>In this connection it will not be out of place to refer to a scene that
+was created on the Democratic side of the House by Hon. Ben. Hill, of
+Georgia. Mr. Hill entered the House one afternoon, having just returned
+from the Supreme Court Chamber, where the commission was in session. He
+remarked to one of his colleagues in a low tone that he had just
+returned from where the sessions of the commission were being held, and
+that while there the important and valuable information had been
+imparted to him that on a most vital point the Democrats could with
+absolute certainty depend upon the vote of Mr. Justice Bradley.</p>
+
+<p>"Can that be possible?" exclaimed his excited and highly elated
+colleague.</p>
+
+<p>"Yes," replied Mr. Hill, "there can be no doubt about it. I know whereof
+I speak. It came to me through a source that cannot be questioned."</p>
+
+<p>"Then wait until I can call several of our friends," replied his
+colleague, "I want them to hear the good news at the same time it is
+heard by me, so that we can rejoice together."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Hill was soon surrounded by an eager, excited, and interested group
+of anxious Democratic members. "We are now ready," said his delighted
+colleague, whose face was covered with a smile of satisfaction, "to hear
+the good news."</p>
+
+<p>"Well," replied Mr. Hill, whose manner was grave and whose countenance
+gave every evidence of deep emotion, "whenever a motion to adjourn is
+made by a Democratic member of the commission we can safely depend upon
+the vote of Mr. Justice Bradley being cast in the affirmative."</p>
+
+<p>The heads of the anxious group immediately fell in deep disappointment
+and despair. But, of course, they did not fail to see the irony of Mr.
+Hill's remark. It did transpire that whenever a motion to adjourn was
+made by a Democratic member of the commission it was usually carried by
+a vote of eight to seven,&mdash;Mr. Justice Bradley voting in the affirmative
+with the Democrats. On no other question, however, could they depend on
+his vote.</p>
+
+<p>The decision of the Electoral Commission was finally rendered in favor
+of Mr. Hayes by a strict party vote,&mdash;eight to seven. Strong and bitter
+opposition to the approval of the decision was made in the House by
+quite a number of northern Democrats, but the majority of southern
+Democrats, aided by such northern Democrats as represented districts
+having large commercial interests,&mdash;interests that are at all times
+willing to pay any price for peace,&mdash;accepted the decision, and Mr.
+Hayes was allowed to be peacefully inaugurated.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVIII" id="CHAPTER_XVIII"></a>CHAPTER XVIII</h2>
+
+<h3>ATTITUDE OF THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION TOWARD THE SOUTH</h3>
+
+<p>The new administration had been in power only a short while before it
+became apparent to southern Republicans that they had very little to
+expect from this administration. It was generally understood that a
+southern man would be made Postmaster General in the new cabinet, but it
+was assumed, of course, by those, at least, who were not fully informed
+about the secret deals and bargains that had been entered into as a
+condition precedent to a peaceable inauguration of the new
+administration,&mdash;that he would be a Republican.</p>
+
+<p>Senator Alcorn, of my own State, Mississippi, who had just retired from
+the Senate, had an ambition to occupy that position. I was one to whom
+that fact was made known. I did not hesitate to use what little
+influence I had to have that ambition gratified. I was so earnest and
+persistent in pressing his claims and merits upon those who were known
+to be close to the appointing power, that I succeeded in finding out
+definitely and authoritatively the name of the man that had been agreed
+upon and would, no doubt, be appointed to that position. Ex-Senator
+Key, a Democrat from Tennessee, was the man. When I informed Senator
+Alcorn of that fact the manifestation of surprise, disappointment, and
+disgust with which he received it can better be imagined than described.
+This was not due so much to the fact that some other one than himself
+had been selected, but to the fact that the fortunate man was a Southern
+Democrat. For the first time the Senator became convinced that southern
+Republicans had been made the subjects of barter and trade in the
+shuffle for the Presidency, and that the sacrifice of southern
+Republicans was the price that had to be paid for the peaceable
+inauguration of Mr. Hayes. This, in Senator Alcorn's opinion, meant that
+the Republican party in the reconstructed States of the South was a
+thing of the past. There was no hope for it in the future.</p>
+
+<p>"It would have been far better," said the Senator, "not only for the
+Republican party at the South but for the country at large, to have
+allowed the Democrats to inaugurate Tilden, and to have taken charge of
+the Government, than to have purchased Republican victory at such a
+fearful cost. What inducement can a southern white man now have for
+becoming a Republican? Under the present state of things he will be
+hated at home, and despised abroad. He will be rejected by his old
+friends and associates, and discountenanced by his new ones. He will
+incur the odium, and merit the displeasure and censure of his former
+friends, associates, and companions with no compensating advantages for
+the sacrifices thus made."</p>
+
+<p>The Senator spoke with deep feeling. He could see that his efforts to
+build up a strong Republican party at the South must necessarily fail
+under such conditions, and that it was useless to make any further
+effort in that direction. Under his influence and leadership very many
+of the best and most influential white men in his state had identified
+themselves with the Republican party. His efforts in that direction
+would have been continued, in spite of the temporary defeat of the party
+at the polls, however severe that defeat might have been, if those
+efforts had been appreciated and appropriately recognized by the
+national leaders of the organization. But when he saw that not only was
+this not to be done, but that one of those who was known to be fully
+identified with the political persecutors of southern Republicans was to
+be recognized,&mdash;thus placing the stamp of approval upon their work by an
+administration that was supposed to be Republican and therefore opposed
+to such methods,&mdash;it was time for southern white men, who had been
+acting with the Republican party and for those who may have such action
+in contemplation, to stop and seriously consider the situation. It was
+now in order for each one of them to ask himself the question: "Can I
+afford to do this?"</p>
+
+<p>The appointment of a southern Democrat to a seat in the Cabinet of a
+Republican President, especially at that particular time, was a crushing
+blow to southern Republicans. It was the straw that broke the camel's
+back. Senator Alcorn was a man suitable in every way for the office of
+Postmaster-General. He had a commanding presence, he was an eloquent
+speaker, and an able debater,&mdash;by nature a leader and not a follower. He
+had taken an active part in the politics of his state before and after
+the War. After he identified himself with the Republican party he was
+ambitious to be chiefly instrumental in building up a strong party in
+his State and throughout the South which would not only recognize merit
+in the colored people and accord absolute justice and fair play to them,
+but which would include in its membership a large percentage, if not a
+majority, of the best and most substantial white men of that section.</p>
+
+<p>That he had made splendid progress along those lines cannot be denied.
+The announced southern policy of the Hayes administration not only
+completed the destruction of what had been thus accomplished, but it
+made any further progress in that direction absolutely impossible. The
+selection of ex-Senator Key was, however, not the only Cabinet
+appointment which clearly indicated the southern policy of the
+administration. There were two others,&mdash;those of William M. Evarts and
+Carl Schurz. Those men had been prominent in their bitter opposition to
+the southern policy of President Grant. Mr. Schurz had been one of the
+leaders in the Greeley movement against President Grant and the
+Republican party in 1872, while Mr. Evarts was later the principal
+speaker at a public indignation meeting that was held at New York to
+denounce the southern policy of the Grant administration. In fact, John
+Sherman was the only one of the Cabinet ministers that had a positive
+national standing, and even his brilliant star was somewhat marred on
+account of the impression that, as one of the Hayes managers, he had
+been a party to the deals and agreements that had been made and entered
+into as a condition precedent to the peaceable induction of Mr. Hayes
+into office. It was known, or at any rate believed, that Mr. Sherman's
+appointment as Secretary of the Treasury was for the one specific
+purpose of bringing about the resumption of specie payments. He was the
+author of the act which fixed the date when specie payments should be
+resumed. He had the reputation of being one of the ablest financiers the
+country had produced. That he should be named to carry into effect the
+act of which he was the author was to be expected. For the reasons above
+stated, it was the one Cabinet appointment that met with general
+approval.</p>
+
+<p>It was soon seen, however, that the Cabinet was so constructed as to
+make it harmonize with the southern policy of the administration. It was
+not long before the announcement was officially made in prolix
+sentences, of which Secretary Evarts was no doubt the author, that the
+army could not and would not be used to uphold and sustain any State
+Government in an effort to maintain its supremacy and enforce obedience
+to its mandates. In other words, it was a public announcement of the
+fact that if there should be an armed revolt in a State against the
+lawful State Government which would be strong enough to seize and take
+possession of that government, the National Government would refuse to
+interfere, even though a request for assistance should be made by the
+Chief Executive of the State in the manner and form prescribed by the
+Constitution. I have never believed that this policy,&mdash;which was meant,
+of course, for the South,&mdash;was in harmony with Mr. Hayes' personal
+convictions; especially in view of his public utterances during the
+progress of the campaign and immediately after the announcement had been
+made that he had been defeated. But he no doubt asked himself the
+question: "What can I do?" This is what he had been bound to do, by his
+managers through the medium of an ante-inauguration pledge, which he
+felt in honor bound to respect. Mr. Hayes was not a man of sufficient
+force of character to disregard and repudiate such a pledge or bargain.
+Had he been a Napoleon, or even an Andrew Jackson, he would have
+declared that no man or set of men had any authority to make for him any
+ante-inauguration pledge, promise, or bargain by which he would be bound
+as chief magistrate of the country. To the contrary, he would have
+openly and publicly declared:</p>
+
+<p>"I am President, or I am not. That I am the legally elected President is
+a recognized and undisputed fact, and, as such, I shall neither
+recognize nor respect any pledge, promise or bargain which involves
+dishonor on my part or acquiescence in the suspension, violation or
+evasion of the Constitution or of any law made in pursuance thereof. As
+President of the United States I have taken and subscribed to an oath by
+which I am bound to uphold the Constitution of my country, and to see
+that the laws are duly executed and enforced. That oath I am determined
+to respect and honor. I shall not only do all in my power to see that
+the Constitution and the laws of the land are obeyed and enforced,&mdash;both
+in letter and in spirit,&mdash;but it is also my determination to see that
+every American citizen is protected in the exercise and enjoyment of his
+rights, as far as it may be in the power of the President to protect
+him." Such a declaration, accompanied by an honest effort to carry the
+same into effect, even if he had been unsuccessful, would have carried
+the name of R.B. Hayes down in history as one of the greatest and most
+brilliant statesmen our country had ever produced. But, he was not equal
+to the occasion, and therefore failed to take advantage of such a golden
+opportunity. On the contrary, he decided to live up to and carry out to
+the very letter, every pledge, promise, agreement or bargain that had
+been made in his behalf, which involved the dishonor of his own name and
+the disgrace of his country. Packard, for Governor of Louisiana, and
+Chamberlain, for Governor of South Carolina, were voted for at the same
+time that the Hayes electors were voted for in their respective States.
+Each of these candidates polled a much larger vote than that of the
+Hayes electors. If, therefore, Mr. Hayes was legally or mortally
+entitled to the electoral votes of those States, without which he could
+not have been elected, those men were entitled to be recognized and
+supported as Governor of their respective States. But it was a
+well-known fact that without the support and backing of the National
+Administration at that particular time, they could not maintain and
+enforce their authority against the organization of the Democratic
+party. The public announcement of the southern policy of the National
+Administration put an effectual end to any further effort on the part
+of either Packard or Chamberlain. The Administration not only deserted
+and abandoned those two men and the party for which they had so bravely
+and so gallantly stood, but it allowed the very men whose votes made Mr.
+Hayes President to be harassed and persecuted for what they had done in
+that direction. After Packard surrendered to the inevitable he was
+tendered a position in the foreign service, which he accepted. When
+Chamberlain was forced to abandon the hopeless struggle in South
+Carolina, he moved to New York and engaged in the practice of law.
+Politically he affiliated with the Democratic party until his death.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIX" id="CHAPTER_XIX"></a>CHAPTER XIX</h2>
+
+<h3>QUESTION OF THE VALIDITY OF SENATOR LAMAR'S ELECTION</h3>
+
+<p>Mr. Blaine had been elected to the United States Senate from Maine, his
+term beginning March 4th, 1877. The term for which Mr. Lamar, of
+Mississippi, had been elected, commenced at the same time. It was not
+possible to have a Congressional investigation of the Mississippi
+election of 1875 unless the same should be ordered by the Senate,&mdash;the
+Republicans having a small majority in that body. Each House being the
+sole judge of the elections and qualifications of its own members, the
+Senate could, of course, have Mr. Lamar's credentials referred to the
+Committee of Privileges and Elections, with instructions to make an
+investigation of the methods used to carry the election. This committee
+would ascertain and report whether or not there had been a legal and
+valid election in that State, and, pending the investigation and report
+by the committee and the disposition of the same by the Senate, the seat
+to which Mr. Lamar had been elected would remain vacant. As the result
+of a number of conferences between Republican Senators and
+representative Mississippi Republicans, this course was decided upon as
+the one to be pursued. But, in order to do this, the Senate must have
+something upon which to base its contemplated action. It could not be
+expected to take official notice of rumors or newspaper reports of what
+had taken place. It was therefore decided that a memorial should be
+drawn up and signed by a number of reputable and well-known citizens of
+the State, making specific allegations with reference to that election,
+and concluding with a request that a thorough investigation be made
+before the Senator, chosen by the Legislature that had been brought into
+existence by that election, could be admitted to the Senate.</p>
+
+<p>In support of this contemplated action there had been a number of
+precedents,&mdash;the recent case of Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana, being one
+of them. It fell to my lot to draw up the memorial. It was to be
+presented to the Senate and championed in that body by Senator Morton,
+of Indiana. The Republican majority in the Senate was small. The
+Democrats, of course, would bitterly oppose the Morton motion. To make
+sure of its adoption the affirmative vote of nearly every Republican
+Senator was necessary. At any rate there could be no serious defection
+in the Republican ranks, otherwise the Morton proposition could not
+prevail. That anyone on the Republican side would oppose it was not
+anticipated, for every one that had been approached expressed his
+intention of supporting it. No one of the newly elected Senators had
+been approached. It was not deemed necessary. It was not anticipated
+that any one of them would do otherwise than support the program that
+had been agreed upon by the older members of the Senate. Senator Morton
+was to submit the memorial and make the motion when the name of Mr.
+Lamar was called to take the oath of office.</p>
+
+<p>The names of the States were called in alphabetical order, about three
+being called at a time. Maine was reached before Mississippi, and Mr.
+Blaine was duly sworn in as a Senator from that State. No one expected
+that he would do otherwise than support the program that had been agreed
+upon, but, contrary to expectations, as soon as Mississippi was called
+Mr. Blaine was on his feet, demanding recognition. Of course he was
+recognized by the chair. He made a motion that Mr. Lamar be sworn in
+<i>prima facie</i> as the Senator from Mississippi. His contention was that,
+since his credentials were regular, the Senator-elect should be sworn
+in; and if there should be any question about the legality of the
+election it could be made the subject of a subsequent investigation.</p>
+
+<p>This unexpected action on the part of Mr. Blaine took everyone by
+surprise, with the possible exception of Mr. Lamar, who, no doubt, was
+well aware of what was in contemplation. It produced consternation and
+caused a panic among the Republican leaders in the Senate. Hurried and
+excited conferences were being held while the subject was being debated.
+For the seriousness of the situation was recognized. Mr. Blaine's
+defection meant the defeat of the Morton motion should it be made, and
+the adoption of the Blaine motion by the solid vote of the Democrats, to
+which would be added a small minority of the Republicans. This division
+in the ranks of the party at the beginning of the Hayes administration
+had to be avoided if possible. That Mr. Blaine should recede from his
+position was, of course, out of the question. Nothing, therefore,
+remained to be done but for Senator Morton to refrain from making his
+motion; for a hurried canvass of the Senate had revealed the fact that
+the motion, if made and brought to a vote, would be defeated, and the
+effect of such a defeat would be worse than if the motion had not been
+made. So the Blaine motion was allowed to go by default, and Mr. Lamar
+was duly sworn in as a Senator from Mississippi. Of course it was well
+known at the time by many,&mdash;Mr. Blaine among the number,&mdash;that this
+ended the controversy and that no subsequent investigation would be
+made. That Mr. Blaine was sadly and seriously disappointed at the
+result of his action in this case, as well as in his action in defeating
+the Federal Elections Bill, will be made clear in subsequent chapters.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XX" id="CHAPTER_XX"></a>CHAPTER XX</h2>
+
+<h3>REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880. NOMINATION OF THE COMPROMISE CANDIDATE, GARFIELD</h3>
+
+<p>Since the indications were that the Democrats would be successful in the
+Congressional elections of 1878, the election in the "shoe-string
+district" that year was allowed to go by default.</p>
+
+<p>In 1880, the year of the Presidential election, I decided that I would
+again measure arms with Chalmers for Representative in Congress from
+that district. It was practically a well-settled fact that there was to
+be a bitter fight for the Republican Presidential nomination that year.
+There were three prominent candidates in the field for the
+nomination,&mdash;James G. Blaine, U.S. Grant, and John Sherman. Grant was
+especially strong with southern Republicans, while Blaine had very
+little support in that section. Sherman was well thought of on account
+of the splendid record he had made as a member of the United States
+Senate, and, in addition to that, he had the influence and the support
+of the National Administration, of which he was a member,&mdash;being at that
+time Secretary of the Treasury.</p>
+
+<p>In the State of Mississippi Bruce, Hill and I,&mdash;the three leading
+colored men,&mdash;had formed an offensive and defensive alliance. Bruce was
+United States Senator, which position he had secured largely through the
+influence and active support of myself and Hill,&mdash;of Hill especially,
+since he was on the ground at the time of the election, which enabled
+him to take personal charge of the campaign before the Legislature in
+the interest of Mr. Bruce.</p>
+
+<p>Hill had been elected Secretary of State on the ticket with Ames in 1873
+and, after the expiration of his term, was, through the influence and
+support of Bruce and myself, made Collector of Internal Revenue for the
+State of Mississippi. The office of Secretary of State, to which he was
+elected in 1873, was one that the Democrats did not take possession of
+in 1876. Unlike the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, the removal of the
+incumbent was not necessary to put that party in possession of the State
+Government.</p>
+
+<p>I, Lynch, was at that time a member of the National House of
+Representatives, which position I was able to retain for a long time
+with the active assistance and support of Bruce and Hill,&mdash;especially of
+Bruce.</p>
+
+<p>That we three should work in perfect political harmony was both natural
+and proper, since, in doing so, we protected our own interests and
+secured for ourselves, and for our friends and supporters, appropriate
+official recognition. At nearly every State convention either Bruce or I
+was made chairman of the convention, with Hill as floor manager.</p>
+
+<p>The State committee was organized and controlled in the same way.
+Through that thorough and effective organization I was Chairman of the
+Republican State Committee from 1881 to 1892, and I could have retained
+it longer had I consented to serve; notwithstanding the dissolution of
+the combination, which took place about that time, as will be shown and
+explained later.</p>
+
+<p>There was a faction in the party that was opposed to the leadership of
+these three influential colored men, but it was never strong enough to
+organize or control a State Convention as long as we three worked in
+union. While this union had the effect of keeping us at the front as
+recognized leaders of the party it could not be said it was detrimental
+to the party organization, for the reason that under that leadership the
+organization never failed to support the men that the party believed to
+be the strongest. In other words, while we used the party machinery to
+prevent our own political extinction we never allowed our own ambitions
+to conflict with what was believed by other influential members of the
+party to be for the best interest of the organization.</p>
+
+<p>It looked for a while as if the State Convention of 1880 would result
+in a dissolution of this combination which had so successfully
+controlled the party organization in the State so many years. Bruce and
+Hill were supporters of Secretary Sherman for the Republican
+Presidential nomination, while I was favorable to the candidacy of
+ex-President Grant. That Grant was the choice of a large majority of the
+Republicans of the State could not be truthfully denied. Mr. Bruce was
+the Republican United States Senator in harmony with the administration.
+Mr. Hill was an office-holder under that administration, and Secretary
+Sherman was believed to be the administration candidate for the
+nomination.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the fact was developed that Bruce and Hill were for Sherman
+and that I was for Grant, the faction which had always opposed and
+fought the leadership of the Bruce-Lynch-Hill combination took up the
+fight for Grant, with the determination to take advantage of Grant's
+strength and popularity in order to secure control of the party
+machinery. It was this that prevented at that time a dissolution of the
+Bruce-Hill-Lynch combination. The situation with which we were
+confronted made it necessary for the three to come together and, in a
+spirit of concession, agree upon a common line of action. Upon the
+suggestion of Mr. Bruce a conference soon took place at which I agreed
+that, since it was my purpose to be a candidate for the Congressional
+nomination in the Sixth or "shoe-string district," I would not be a
+candidate for delegate to the National Convention, but that I would
+support Bruce and Hill as delegates from the State at large, with the
+understanding that, if at any time Sherman's name should be withdrawn
+and Grant's nomination were possible, they should support Grant. It was
+further agreed that I should support the Bruce-Lynch-Hill combination in
+the fight for the organization of the State Convention, but that I
+should be at liberty to use my influence for the election of Grant men
+as delegates other than Bruce and Hill.</p>
+
+<p>At the conclusion of this conference I made public announcement of the
+fact that, since it was my purpose to become a candidate for Congress in
+the Sixth or "shoe-string district," I would not be a candidate for
+delegate to the National Convention but would give my support to Bruce
+and Hill, for two of the four places on the delegation from the State at
+large, with the understanding that the delegation, if controlled by
+them, would not be hostile to Grant. I had reasons to know that Mr.
+Bruce, in consequence of his cordial relations with Senator
+Conkling,&mdash;the national leader of the Grant forces,&mdash;was not unfriendly
+to Grant, and that he would use his influence to prevent the delegation
+from going into any combination for the sole purpose of defeating the
+nomination of Grant. In other words, Grant was Brace's second choice for
+the nomination.</p>
+
+<p>The fight for the delegation was waged with a good deal of heat and
+bitterness. The canvass had not progressed very far before it was
+developed that Grant was much stronger than the faction by which he was
+being supported. The fight was so bitter, and the delegates to the State
+Convention were so evenly divided, that the result was the election of a
+compromise delegation which was about evenly divided between Grant and
+Sherman. Bruce and Hill were among those that were elected.</p>
+
+<p>The National Convention, which was held in Chicago in June of that year,
+was one of the most exciting and interesting in the history of the
+party. It was that convention that abolished what was known as "the unit
+rule." Up to that time the right of a State Convention to elect all the
+delegates to which the State was entitled,&mdash;district as well as
+State,&mdash;and to instruct them as a body had never before been questioned.
+New York, as well as other States, had instructed the delegates to cast
+the entire vote of the State for Grant. This was the unit rule. It is a
+rule which even now is enforced in National Conventions of the
+Democratic party. It was through the enforcement of this rule that Mr.
+Cleveland was renominated, when he was so bitterly opposed by a portion
+of the delegation from his own State,&mdash;especially the Tammany
+delegates,&mdash;that General Bragg was moved to make the celebrated
+declaration that he "loved Mr. Cleveland on account of the enemies he
+had made." Notwithstanding the fact that those delegates were strongly
+opposed to Mr. Cleveland, and though they protested against having their
+votes recorded for him, they were so recorded through the application
+and enforcement of the unit rule. It was the enforcement of this rule
+upon which Mr. Conkling insisted in the National Republican Convention
+of 1880. About twenty of the New York district delegates, under the
+leadership of Judge W.H. Robertson, refused to be governed by the
+instructions of the State Convention. Their contention was that the
+State Convention had no right to bind by instructions any delegates
+except the four from the State at large. After a lengthy and heated
+debate the convention finally sustained this contention, and since that
+time the unit rule has not been recognized in a National Republican
+Convention.</p>
+
+<p>This action, no doubt, resulted in the defeat of General Grant for the
+nomination; for it was a well-known fact that his nomination was
+possible only through the enforcement of the unit rule. His friends and
+supporters, however, under the leadership of Senator Conkling, made a
+strong and desperate fight with the hope that the tide might ultimately
+turn in their favor, but with the intention, in any event, of
+preventing if possible the nomination of Mr. Blaine. General Grant's
+name was placed before the Convention by Senator Conkling in one of his
+most eloquent and masterly efforts.</p>
+
+<p>"The man whose name I shall place in nomination," he said, "does not
+hail from any particular State; he hails from the United States. It is
+not necessary to nominate a man that can carry Michigan. Any Republican
+can carry Michigan. You should nominate a man that can carry New York.
+That man is U.S. Grant."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Blaine's name was placed in nomination by a delegate from Michigan
+by the name of Joy. His effort did not come up to public expectation.
+The eloquent speech of Senator Frye, of Maine, who seconded the
+nomination, made up in part for the public disappointment in Mr. Joy's
+effort. The name of Secretary John Sherman was placed before the
+Convention in one of General Garfield's most powerful and convincing
+efforts. It is safe to say that the speech delivered by General Garfield
+on that occasion made him the nominee of that convention. After drawing
+an eloquent and vivid picture of the kind of man that should be made
+President,&mdash;with the intention of naming John Sherman as the man thus
+described,&mdash;he asked in a tone of voice that was pitched in a high key:</p>
+
+<p>"Who is that man?"</p>
+
+<p>The response came from different parts of the hall, "Garfield."</p>
+
+<p>And sure enough it was Garfield. After a number of fruitless ballots it
+became apparent that neither of the three leading candidates could
+possibly be nominated. Very few, if any, of the Grant men would at any
+time go to either Blaine or Sherman. Very few, if any, of the Sherman
+men would go to Blaine, while Blaine men could not in any considerable
+numbers, be induced to go either to Grant or Sherman. While a number of
+Sherman men would have supported Grant in preference to Blaine, there
+were not enough of them, even with the Grant men, to constitute a
+majority. When Garfield's name was suggested as a compromise candidate
+he was found to be acceptable to both the Blaine and the Sherman men as
+well as to some of the Grant men, who had abandoned all hope of Grant's
+nomination. The result was that Garfield was finally made the unanimous
+choice of the convention. The New York delegation, being allowed to name
+the man for Vice-President, nominated Chester A. Arthur, of that State.</p>
+
+<p>Although General Garfield was nominated as a compromise candidate his
+election was by no means a foregone conclusion. The Democrats had
+nominated a strong and popular man, General W.S. Hancock, one of the
+most brilliant and successful generals in the Union Army. Associated on
+the ticket with him was a popular Indiana Democrat, William H. English.
+It looked for a while as if Democratic success were reasonably certain,
+especially after the September State and Congressional elections in the
+State of Maine, the result of which was virtually a Democratic victory.</p>
+
+<p>What was known as the celebrated Mentor Conference then took place.
+Mentor was the home of General Garfield. The conference consisted of
+General Garfield, General Grant, and Senator Conkling. Who was
+instrumental in bringing that conference into existence perhaps will
+never be known, and what was actually said and done on that occasion
+will, no doubt, remain a mystery. But it resulted in bringing the
+Grant-Conkling wing of the party,&mdash;which up to that time had been
+lukewarm and indifferent,&mdash;into the active and aggressive support of the
+ticket. Senator Conkling immediately took the stump and made a brilliant
+and successful campaign, not only in New York but also in the other
+close and doubtful States. The result was that Garfield carried New York
+by a majority of about twenty thousand and was elected. Without New York
+he would have been defeated; for the South this time was unquestionably
+solid in its support of the Democratic ticket; at least, according to
+the forms of law. It was not necessary to resort to the questionable
+expedient of an electoral commission to determine the result of that
+election. It is safe to say that, but for the active support given the
+ticket in that campaign by General Grant and Senator Conkling, New York
+would have been lost to the party and Garfield would have been defeated.
+With the election of Garfield the National House of Representatives was
+also Republican. The majority was small, but it was large enough to
+enable the party to organize the House. The Garfield administration
+started out under very favorable auspices. How it ended will be told in
+another chapter.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXI" id="CHAPTER_XXI"></a>CHAPTER XXI</h2>
+
+<h3>STORY OF THE MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN GARFIELD AND CONKLING</h3>
+
+<p>The Garfield Administration, as I have said, started out under most
+favorable auspices. Mr. Conkling took an active part in the Senate as a
+champion and spokesman of the administration. He seemed to have taken it
+for granted, that,&mdash;although his bitter enemy, Mr. Blaine, was Secretary
+of State,&mdash;his own influence with the administration would be potential.
+In conversation with his personal friends he insisted that this was a
+part of the agreement that had been entered into at the famous Mentor
+Conference, about which so much had been said and published. If it were
+true that Mr. Conkling's control of the Federal patronage in New York in
+the event of Republican success was a part of that agreement, it
+transpired that Mr. Blaine had sufficient influence with the President
+to bring about its repudiation.</p>
+
+<p>It is a fact well known that the President was anxious to avoid a break
+with Senator Conkling. Judge W.H. Robertson, who was a candidate for the
+Collectorship of the port of New York was strongly supported by Mr.
+Blaine. Judge Robertson had been one of the influential leaders of the
+Blaine movement in New York. It was he who had disregarded the action of
+the State Convention in instructing the delegates to cast the vote of
+the State as a unit for General Grant. In bolting the action of the
+State Convention Judge Robertson carried about nineteen other delegates
+with him over to Mr. Blaine. Therefore Mr. Blaine insisted upon the
+appointment of Judge Robertson to the Collectorship of the port at New
+York. Senator Conkling would not consent under any circumstances to this
+appointment. Mr. Blaine, it appears, succeeded in convincing the
+President that, but for Judge Robertson's action, his, Garfield's,
+nomination would have been impossible and that consequently it would be
+base ingratitude not to appoint Robertson to the position for which he
+was an applicant. Mr. Blaine contended that the administration would not
+only be guilty of ingratitude should it refuse to appoint his candidate,
+but that it would thereby allow itself to be the medium through which
+this man was to be punished for his action in making the existence of
+the administration possible.</p>
+
+<p>"Can you, Mr. President, afford to do such a thing as this?" asked Mr.
+Blaine.</p>
+
+<p>To which the President gave a negative answer. Perhaps it did not occur
+to Mr. Blaine at that time that, while the action of Judge Robertson
+may have made the nomination of Mr. Garfield possible, the subsequent
+action of Senator Conkling made his election possible. But,
+notwithstanding this, the President decided that Judge Robertson should
+have the office for which he was an applicant.</p>
+
+<p>As previously stated, however, the President was anxious to avoid a
+break with Senator Conkling. To get the Senator to consent to the
+appointment of Judge Robertson was the task the President had before
+him. With that end in view the President invited Mr. Conkling to a
+private conference, at which he expressed a willingness to allow the New
+York Senator to name every important Federal officer in New York except
+the Collector of the Port, if he would consent to the appointment of
+Judge Robertson to that office. But the only concession Senator Conkling
+was willing to make was to give his consent to the appointment of Judge
+Robertson to any position in the foreign service. This was not
+satisfactory, hence the conference was a failure. The President was thus
+placed in a very disagreeable dilemma, being thus forced, very much
+against his inclination, to take a decided stand in a very unpleasant
+controversy. He was thus forced to choose between Mr. Blaine, his own
+Secretary of State, on one side, and Senator Conkling on the other. To
+one he felt that he was indebted for his nomination. To the other he
+believed that his election was largely due. It was asserted by some who
+were in a position to know that, if the President had taken sides with
+Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine would have immediately tendered his
+resignation, and thus would have severed his official connection with
+the administration. While no intimation of this was made known to the
+President, yet he no doubt believed, in consequence of the deep and
+intense interest Mr. Blaine had shown in the matter, that such action on
+his part, in the event of an adverse decision, was more than probable.
+When the President saw that there was no escape,&mdash;that he was obliged to
+take a decided stand one way or the other,&mdash;he decided to sustain the
+contention of his Secretary of State. Consequently, after the fruitless
+conference between the President and Senator Conkling, the name of Judge
+Robertson for Collector of the port at New York, was sent to the Senate.
+Senator Conkling, joined by his colleague, Senator Platt, at first made
+an effort to have the nomination rejected, but the other Republican
+Senators were not willing to place themselves in open opposition to the
+administration. When the fact was developed that the nomination would be
+confirmed, Senators Conkling and Platt immediately tendered their
+resignations.</p>
+
+<p>This in my opinion was a grave blunder on their part, as subsequent
+events more than proved. They had before them the example of Senator
+Sumner, by which they should have profited. Senator Sumner was greatly
+humiliated, when, through the influence of the administration, he was
+supplanted by Senator Cameron as Chairman of the Senate Committee on
+Foreign Relations on account of a misunderstanding with President Grant,
+growing out of the effort on the part of the administration to bring
+about the annexation of Santo Domingo, to which Senator Sumner was
+bitterly opposed. Yet he did not,&mdash;because he was thus, as he felt,
+unjustly humiliated,&mdash;resign his seat in the Senate. He realized that
+while he was commissioned to speak for his own State, his great power
+and immense influence were not confined solely to that particular State.
+He appreciated the fact that when he spoke and voted as a Senator, he
+did so, not merely as a Senator from the State of Massachusetts, but as
+a Senator of the United States. He belonged to no one State, but to the
+United States. He had,&mdash;on account of his great intellect, power,
+influence, and ability,&mdash;long since ceased to be the spokesman and
+representative of any particular State or section; he was a
+representative of his country&mdash;recognized as such throughout the
+civilized world. Knowing these things to be true Sumner did not feel
+that he should deprive the people of his valuable services simply
+because he was not in harmony with the administration upon some one
+matter, however important that matter might be. In this Senator Sumner
+was unquestionably right.</p>
+
+<p>What, then, was true of Senator Sumner was equally true of Senators
+Conkling and Platt in their misunderstanding with President Garfield
+about the Collectorship of the port of New York.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Conkling was one of the greatest men our country had ever produced.
+He was a man of much influence and great power. He was not only an
+intellectual giant, but he was a man of commanding presence and
+attractive personality. As an orator he had few equals and no superiors.
+As in the case of Senator Sumner he spoke and voted as a Senator not
+merely for his State, but for his country; not for any particular
+section or locality, but for the United States. He was too great a man,
+and his services were too important and valuable for his country to be
+deprived of them merely on account of a misunderstanding between the
+President and himself about Federal patronage in New York. He and his
+colleague should have retained their seats in the Senate and trusted to
+the judgment of their fellow-citizens for a vindication of their course
+and action in that as in other matters. They not only made a mistake in
+resigning their seats in the Senate, but consummated it when they went
+before the Legislature of their State, which was then in session, and
+asked for a vindication through the medium of re&euml;lection. This was
+subjecting their friends to a test to which they were not willing to
+submit. Their friends, both in the Legislature and out of it, were loyal
+to them, and this loyalty would have been demonstrated at the proper
+time and in the right way had the two Senators remained in a position
+which would have enabled their adherents to do so without serious injury
+to the party organization. But when these men were asked, as the price
+of their loyalty, to place the party organization in the State in open
+opposition to the National Administration for no other reason than a
+misunderstanding about Federal patronage in the city of New York, they
+did not think that the controversy was worth the price; hence the
+request was denied. The result was the defeat of Conkling and Platt, and
+the election of two Administration Republicans, Warner Miller and E.G.
+Lapham.</p>
+
+<p>This foolhardy act of Conkling's had the unfortunate effect of
+eliminating him from public life, at least so far as an active
+participation in public affairs was concerned. But this was not true of
+Mr. Platt. He was determined to come to the front again, and in this he
+was successful. At the very next National Convention (1884) he turned up
+as one of the Blaine delegates from New York, and was one of the
+speakers that seconded Mr. Blaine's nomination. That was something Mr.
+Conkling never could have been induced to do. He was proud, haughty and
+dictatorial. He would never forget a friend, nor forgive an enemy. To
+his friends he was loyal and true. To his enemies he was bitter and
+unrelenting. For his friends he could not do too much. From his enemies
+he would ask no quarter and would give none. More than one man of
+national reputation has been made to feel his power, and suffer the
+consequences resulting from his ill-will and displeasure. But for the
+unfriendliness of Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine no doubt would have attained
+the acme of his ambition in reaching the Presidency of the United
+States. It was Mr. Blaine's misfortune to have made an enemy of the one
+man who, by a stroke of destiny, was so situated as to make it possible
+for him to prevent the realization of Mr. Blaine's life ambition. It was
+due more to Mr. Conkling than to any other one man that Mr. Blaine was
+defeated for the Republican Presidential nomination in 1876,&mdash;the year
+in which he could have been elected had he been nominated.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Conkling was too much of a party man to support the Democratic
+ticket under any circumstances, hence, in 1884, when Mr. Blaine was at
+length nominated for the Presidency, Mr. Conkling gave the ticket the
+benefit of his silence. That silence proved to be fatal. In consequence
+of Mr. Conkling's silence and apparent indifference in 1884, Mr. Blaine
+lost New York, the pivotal State, and was defeated by Mr. Cleveland for
+the Presidency. The falling off in the Republican vote in Mr. Conkling's
+home county alone caused the loss of the State and of the Presidency of
+the United States to the Republican party.</p>
+
+<p>The quarrel between Blaine and Conkling originated when both of them
+were members of the House of Representatives. In a controversy that took
+place between them on the floor of the House Mr. Blaine referred to Mr.
+Conkling as the member from New York with the "turkey gobbler strut."
+That remark made the two men enemies for life. That remark wounded Mr.
+Conkling's pride; and he could never be induced to forgive the one who
+had so hurt him.</p>
+
+<p>As a United States Senator Conkling was both felt and feared. No Senator
+ever desired to get into a controversy with him, because he was not only
+a speaker of great power and eloquence, but as a debater he was cutting
+and scathing in his irony. Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, who as an
+eloquent orator compared favorably with the best on both sides of the
+Chamber, had the misfortune to get into a controversy on one occasion
+with the distinguished New York Senator. In repelling an accusation that
+the Senator from Mississippi had made against him, Mr. Conkling said:
+"If it were not that this is the United States Senate I would
+characterize the member from Mississippi as a coward and a
+prevaricator."</p>
+
+<p>If those words had been uttered by any other Senator than Roscoe
+Conkling it is more than probable that he would have been severely
+reprimanded; no other Senator, however, cared to incur Conkling's
+displeasure by becoming the author of a resolution for that purpose.</p>
+
+<p>Senator John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, was the only other Senator that ever
+came near holding a similar position; for, while he was by no means the
+equal of Conkling, he was both eloquent and sarcastic. For that reason
+Senators were not anxious to get into a controversy with him. On one
+occasion it seemed that he came near getting into a dispute with Senator
+Manderson, of Nebraska. While the Senator from Nebraska was delivering a
+speech, he made a remark to which the Senator from Kansas took
+exceptions. When the Kansas Senator arose,&mdash;flushed with anger, and
+laboring under intense excitement,&mdash;to correct what he declared in words
+that were more forcible than elegant, to be a misstatement of his
+position, the Senator from Nebraska did not hesitate for a moment to
+accept the correction, remarking by way of explanation and apology that
+he had not distinctly heard the remark the Senator from Kansas had made,
+and to which he was alluding when interrupted.</p>
+
+<p>"Then," retorted the Senator from Kansas, "that is your misfortune."</p>
+
+<p>"I admit," the Senator from Nebraska quickly replied, "that it is always
+a misfortune not to hear the Senator from Kansas."</p>
+
+<p>The unfortunate controversy between President Garfield and Senator
+Conkling resulted in a national calamity. The bitterness that grew out
+of it had the effect of bringing a crank on the scene of action. Early
+in July, 1881,&mdash;when the President, in company with Mr. Blaine, was
+leaving Washington for his summer vacation,&mdash;this cowardly crank, who
+had waited at the railroad station for the arrival of the distinguished
+party, fired the fatal shot which a few months later terminated the
+earthly career of a President who was beloved by his countrymen without
+regard to party or section.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever may have been the merits of this unfortunate controversy, it
+resulted in the political death of one and the physical death of the
+other; thus depriving the country of the valuable services of two of the
+greatest and most intellectual men that our country had ever produced.</p>
+
+<p>When the President died I was at my home, Natchez, Mississippi, where a
+memorial meeting was held in honor of his memory, participated in by
+both races and both parties. I had the honor of being one of the
+speakers on that occasion. That part of my remarks which seemed to
+attract most attention and made the deepest impression was the
+declaration that it was my good fortune, as a member of the National
+House of Representatives, to sit within the sound of his eloquent voice
+on a certain memorable occasion when he declared that there could never
+be a permanent peace and union between the North and the South until the
+South would admit that, in the controversy that brought on the War the
+North was right and the South was wrong. Notwithstanding that
+declaration, in which he was unquestionably right, I ventured the
+opinion that, had he been spared to serve out the term for which he had
+been elected, those who had voted for him would have been proud of the
+fact that they had done so, while those who had voted against him would
+have had no occasion to regret that he had been elected.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the death of President Garfield Vice-President Arthur,&mdash;who had
+been named for that office by Mr. Conkling,&mdash;became President; but he,
+too, soon incurred the displeasure of Mr. Conkling. Mr. Conkling had
+occasion to make a request of the President which the latter could not
+see his way clear to grant. For this Mr. Conkling never forgave him. The
+President tried hard afterwards to regain Mr. Conkling's friendship, but
+in vain. He even went so far, it is said, as to tender Mr. Conkling a
+seat on the bench of the Supreme Court; but the tender was
+contemptuously declined.</p>
+
+<p>President Arthur aspired to succeed himself as President. As a whole he
+gave the country a splendid administration, for which he merited a
+renomination and election as his own successor. While there was a strong
+and well-organized effort to secure for him a renomination, the
+probabilities are that the attitude of Mr. Conkling towards him
+contributed largely to his defeat; although the ex-Senator took no
+active part in the contest. But, as in the case of Mr. Blaine, his
+silence, no doubt, was fatal to Mr. Arthur's renomination.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXII" id="CHAPTER_XXII"></a>CHAPTER XXII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884</h3>
+
+<p>When the Forty-seventh Congress expired March 4th, 1883, I returned to
+my home at Natchez, Mississippi. 1884 was the year of the Presidential
+election. Early in the year it was made clear that there was to be a
+bitter fight for the Presidential nomination.</p>
+
+<p>President Arthur was a candidate to succeed himself; but Mr. Blaine, it
+was conceded, would be the leading candidate before the Convention.
+Senator John Sherman was also a candidate. It was generally believed
+that Senator Edmunds of Vermont would get a majority of the delegates
+from the New England States. Mr. Blaine was weaker in his own section,
+New England, than in any other part of the country except the South. The
+South, however, had somewhat relented in its opposition to him, as
+previously stated, in consequence of which he had a stronger support
+from that section than in any of his previous contests for the
+nomination; to this fact may be attributed his nomination by the
+Convention. That support, it was believed, was due more to a deference
+to public opinion at the North,&mdash;the section that must be depended upon
+to elect the ticket,&mdash;than confidence in Mr. Blaine.</p>
+
+<p>The delegation from my own State, Mississippi, was, with one exception,
+solid in its support of President Arthur. The one exception was Hon.
+H.C. Powers, one of the delegates from the first district.</p>
+
+<p>Two active, aggressive, able and brilliant young men had just entered
+the field of national politics, both of them having been elected
+delegates to this convention. Those men were Theodore Roosevelt, of New
+York, and H.C. Lodge, of Massachusetts. Both were vigorously opposed to
+the nomination of Mr. Blaine. Roosevelt's election as a delegate from
+New York was in the nature of a national surprise. Mr. Blaine was
+believed to be very strong in that State. The public, therefore, was not
+prepared for the announcement that Theodore Roosevelt,&mdash;an anti-Blaine
+man,&mdash;had defeated Senator Warner Miller,&mdash;the able and popular leader
+of the Blaine forces in that State,&mdash;as delegate to the National
+Convention from the State at large. The Blaine leaders were brought to a
+realization of the fact, that, in consequence of their unexpected defeat
+in New York, it was absolutely necessary, in order to make sure of the
+nomination of their candidate, to retain the support they had among the
+Southern delegates.</p>
+
+<p>With that end in view the National Committee, in which the Blaine men
+had a majority, selected a Southern man, Hon. Powell Clayton, of
+Arkansas, for temporary chairman of the Convention. The anti-Blaine
+men,&mdash;under the leadership of Messrs. Roosevelt, Lodge, Hoar, Hanna,
+Geo. William Curtis and others,&mdash;decided to select another Southern man
+to run against Clayton. For that purpose a conference was
+held;&mdash;composed of many of the active supporters of Arthur, Sherman, and
+Edmunds,&mdash;to select the man to put up against Clayton.</p>
+
+<p>I did not attend the conference. Senator Hoar suggested my name and
+insisted that I was the man best fitted for the position. After a brief
+discussion it was decided unanimously to select me. A committee was
+appointed, of which ex-Governor Pinchback, of Louisiana, was chairman,
+to wait on me and inform me of what had been done, and to insist upon my
+acceptance of the distinguished honor which had thus been conferred upon
+me. Another committee was appointed,&mdash;of which Hon. M.A. Hanna, of Ohio,
+was chairman, to poll the Convention to find out the strength of the
+movement. This committee subsequently reported that Clayton would be
+defeated and Lynch elected by a majority of about thirty-five votes. For
+two reasons I had some doubt about the propriety of allowing my name to
+be thus used. First, I doubted the wisdom of the movement. It had been
+the uniform custom to allow the National Committee to select the
+temporary chairman of the Convention, and I was inclined to the opinion
+that a departure from that custom might not be a wise step. Second, I
+did not think it could possibly win. My opinion was that a number of
+delegates that might otherwise vote for me could not be induced to vote
+in favor of breaking what had been a custom since the organization of
+the party.</p>
+
+<p>I did not come to a definite decision until the morning of the day that
+the Convention was to be organized. Just before that body was called to
+order I decided to confer with Maj. William McKinley and Hon. M.A.
+Hanna, of Ohio, and act upon their advice. McKinley was for Blaine and
+Hanna was for Sherman, but my confidence in the two men was such that I
+believed their advice would not be influenced by their personal
+preference for the Presidential nomination. I did not know at that time
+that Mr. Hanna had taken an active part in the deliberations of the
+conference that resulted in my selection for temporary chairman of the
+Convention. I first consulted Major McKinley. I had served with him in
+Congress and had become very much attached to him. He frankly stated
+that, since he was a Blaine man, he would be obliged to vote against me,
+but he told me that this was an opportunity that comes to a man but once
+in a lifetime.</p>
+
+<p>"If you decline," he said, "the anti-Blaine men will probably put up
+someone else who would, no doubt, receive the same vote that you would
+receive. If it is possible for them to elect anyone, I know of no man I
+would rather have them thus honor than you. While, therefore, I shall
+vote against you and hope you will not be elected,&mdash;simply because I am
+a Blaine man, and a vote for you means a vote against Blaine,&mdash;I shall
+not advise you to decline the use of your name."</p>
+
+<p>I then approached Mr. Hanna, who appeared to be surprised that I
+hesitated about consenting to the use of my name.</p>
+
+<p>"We have you elected," he said, "by a majority of about thirty-five. You
+cannot decline the use of your name, for two reasons; first, since we
+know we have the votes necessary to elect you, should you now decline
+the public would never believe otherwise than that you had been
+improperly influenced. This you cannot afford. In the second place, it
+would not be treating us fairly. We have selected you in perfect good
+faith, with the expectation that you would allow your name to be thus
+used; or, if not, you would have declined in ample time to enable us to
+reconvene, and select someone else. To decline now, on the eve of the
+election, when it is impossible for us to confer and agree upon another
+man for the position, would be manifestly unfair to us as well as to
+your own candidate for the Presidential nomination, whose chances may
+be injuriously affected thereby."</p>
+
+<p>This argument was both impressive and effective. I then and there
+decided to allow my name to be used. I learned afterwards that it was
+under the direction and management of Mr. Hanna that the Convention had
+been so carefully and accurately polled. That his poll was entirely
+correct was demonstrated by the result. This also established the fact
+that as an organizer Mr. Hanna was a master, which was subsequently
+proved when he managed Mr. McKinley's campaign both for the nomination
+and election to the Presidency in 1896.</p>
+
+<p>When the Convention was called to order, and the announcement was made
+that the National Committee had selected Hon. Powell Clayton, of
+Arkansas, for temporary chairman of the Convention, an attractive young
+man in the Massachusetts delegation was recognized by the chair. He gave
+his name, as H.C. Lodge. He said he rose to place the name of another
+gentleman in nomination; and, after making a neat and appropriate speech
+in commendation of his candidate,&mdash;a speech that created a very
+favorable impression,&mdash;he named ex-Congressman John R. Lynch, of
+Mississippi, whom he believed to be a suitable man for the position. The
+ball was then opened. This was an indication of a combination of the
+field against Blaine. Many speeches were made on both sides, but they
+were temperate in tone, and free from bitterness. Among those that spoke
+in support of my candidacy were Messrs. Theodore Roosevelt, and Geo.
+William Curtis, of New York. When the debate was over the chairman
+directed that the States be called in alphabetical order,&mdash;the roll of
+delegates from each State to be called, so as to allow each individual
+delegate to cast his own vote. When Mississippi was reached, I joined
+with H.C. Powers, the Blaine member of the delegation, in voting for
+Clayton. The result was just about what Mr. Hanna said it would be.</p>
+
+<p>The Blaine men were discouraged and the anti-Blaine men were jubilant.
+It was claimed by the latter, and apprehended by the former, that it was
+indicative of Mr. Blaine's defeat for the nomination. It certainly
+looked that way, but the result of the election for the temporary
+chairmanship proved to be misleading. Mr. Hanna's poll was not to find
+out how many delegates would vote for the nomination of Mr. Blaine, but
+how many would vote for Lynch for temporary chairman. On that point his
+poll was substantially accurate. It was assumed that every Blaine man
+would vote for Mr. Clayton. This is where the mistake was made. It
+turned out that there were some Blaine men, especially from the South,
+that voted for Lynch. The result, therefore, was not, as it was hoped it
+would be, an accurate test of the strength of the Blaine and
+anti-Blaine forces in the Convention.</p>
+
+<p>Since my election had not been anticipated,&mdash;at least, by me,&mdash;my speech
+of acceptance was necessarily brief. I presided over the deliberations
+of the Convention the greater part of two days, when Hon. John B.
+Henderson, of Missouri, was introduced as the permanent chairman. This
+is the same Henderson, who, as a Republican United States Senator from
+Missouri, voted against the conviction of President Andrew Johnson, who
+had been impeached by the House of Representatives for high crimes and
+misdemeanors in office. The Democratic Senators needed but seven votes
+from the Republican side of the chamber to prevent conviction. They
+succeeded in getting the exact number, Senator Henderson being one. He
+appears to have been the only one of that number that politically
+survived that act. All others soon passed into political oblivion;
+although several of them subsequently identified themselves with the
+Democratic party. While it may be said that Senator Henderson survived
+the act, it is true that his election as a delegate to the National
+Republican Convention of 1884 and his selection as the permanent
+chairman thereof are the only prominent illustrations of that fact.</p>
+
+<p>During the deliberations of the Convention Mr. Bishop, one of the
+delegates from Massachusetts, introduced a resolution to change the
+basis of representation in future National Conventions of the party. His
+plan was to make the number of Republican votes cast, counted, certified
+and returned at the last preceding National election, the basis of
+representation in succeeding National Conventions.</p>
+
+<p>Hon. W.O. Bradley, of Kentucky, led off in a very able, eloquent, and
+convincing speech in opposition to the resolution. The colored delegates
+from the South selected me to present their side of the question. For
+that purpose I was recognized by the chair, and spoke against the
+resolution. In the first place I called attention to the fact that if
+elections were fair, and the official count honest in every State, the
+probabilities were that there would be no occasion for the proposed
+change. That the change proposed would result in a material reduction in
+the representation in future conventions chiefly from Southern States
+was because the greater part of the Republican votes in some of said
+States were suppressed by violence or nullified by fraud. The effect of
+the change proposed would be simply to make such questionable methods
+the basis of representation in future Republican National Conventions.
+This, I claimed, the Republican party could not afford to do. At the
+conclusion of my remarks the resolution was withdrawn by its author, Mr.
+Bishop, who came over to my seat, and congratulated me upon the way in
+which I had presented the case; stating at the same time that my speech
+had convinced him that his proposition was a mistake.</p>
+
+<p>After a hotly contested fight Mr. Blaine was finally nominated. Senator
+John A. Logan, of Illinois, was named as the candidate for
+Vice-President. It looked as if the time had at last come when the
+brilliant statesman from Maine would have the acme of his ambition
+completely realized.</p>
+
+<p>I was honored by the delegation from my State with being made a member
+of the National Committee, and also a member of the committee that was
+named to wait on Mr. Blaine and notify him officially of his nomination.
+The notification committee went all the way to Mr. Blaine's home,
+Augusta, Maine, to discharge that duty.</p>
+
+<p>The ceremony of notification took place in Mr. Blaine's front yard. The
+weather was fine. The notification speech was delivered by the chairman,
+Senator Henderson, to which Mr. Blaine briefly responded, promising to
+make a more lengthy reply in the form of a letter of acceptance. At the
+conclusion of the ceremony he called me to one side and asked what was
+the outlook in Mississippi. I informed him that he could easily carry
+the State by a substantial majority if we could have a fair election and
+an honest count; but that under the existing order of things this would
+not be possible, and that the State would be returned against him.</p>
+
+<p>"Oh, no," he replied, "you are mistaken about that. Mr. Lamar will see
+that I get a fair count in Mississippi."</p>
+
+<p>I confess that this remark surprised me very much.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Blame," I replied, "you may understand the political situation in
+Mississippi better than I do, but I know whereof I speak when I say that
+Mr. Lamar would not if he could and could not if he would, secure you a
+fair count in Mississippi. The State will be returned against you."</p>
+
+<p>"You will find," he said, "that you are mistaken. Mr. Lamar will see
+that I get a fair count in Mississippi."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lamar not only made an aggressive campaign against Mr. Blaine, but
+it was chiefly through his influence and efforts that the State was
+returned against Mr. Blaine by a very large majority. And yet no one who
+knew Mr. Lamar could justly accuse him of being an ingrate. He was
+essentially an appreciative man; as he never failed to demonstrate
+whenever and wherever it was possible for him to do so. No one knew
+better than did Mr. Lamar that he was under deep and lasting obligations
+to Mr. Blaine; but it seems that with all his wisdom and political
+sagacity and foresight Mr. Blaine was unable to distinguish between a
+personal and a political obligation. Mr. Lamar felt that what Mr. Blaine
+had done for him was personal, not political, and that if
+his,&mdash;Lamar's,&mdash;party was in any respect the beneficiary thereof, it
+was merely incidental. At any rate, it was utterly impossible for him to
+serve Mr. Blaine in a political way. Had he made the effort to do so he
+not only would have subjected himself to the accusation of party
+treachery, but it would have resulted in his own political downfall. To
+expect any ambitious man to make such a sacrifice as this was contrary
+to human nature.</p>
+
+<p>The truth was that Mr. Blaine had been chiefly instrumental in bringing
+about a condition of affairs at the South which made it impossible for
+any of his Democratic or Republican friends in that section to be of any
+material service to him at the time he most needed them. And yet, he
+could not see this until it was too late. In spite of this he would have
+been elected, but for the fact that he lost the pivotal State of New
+York by a small plurality, about eleven hundred and forty-seven, the
+reasons for which have been given in a previous chapter. It is therefore
+sad, but true, that by his own act this able and brilliant statesman,
+like Henry Clay, died without having reached the acme of his
+ambition,&mdash;the Presidency of the United States.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIII" id="CHAPTER_XXIII"></a>CHAPTER XXIII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ELECTION OF GROVER CLEVELAND</h3>
+
+<p>The Republicans of my district insisted that I make the race for
+Congress again in 1884, and I decided to do so, although I knew it would
+be useless for me to do so with any hope of being elected, for I knew
+the prospect of success was not as favorable as two years previous.</p>
+
+<p>Judge Van Eaton, the Democratic candidate for Congressman in 1882, was a
+representative of the better element, and would, therefore, rather be
+defeated than be declared elected through the enforcement and
+application of questionable methods. He publicly declared on several
+occasions that, as anxious as he was to be a member of Congress, he
+would rather be defeated than have a certificate of election tainted
+with fraud. In other words, if he could not be fairly and honestly
+elected he preferred to be defeated. He insisted upon a fair election
+and an honest count. This was not agreeable to many of his party
+associates. They believed and privately asserted that his open
+declarations on that point not only carried an implied reflection upon
+his party in connection with previous elections, but that he was taking
+an unnecessary risk in his own case. Chiefly for these reasons, the
+Judge, though a strong and able man, was denied the courtesy of a
+nomination for a second term. It had always been the custom to allow a
+member to serve at least two terms; but this honor was denied Judge Van
+Eaton, the nomination being given to Honorable T.R. Stockdale, of Pike
+county.</p>
+
+<p>Stockdale was a different type of a man from Van Eaton. He was in
+perfect accord with the dominant sentiment of his party. He felt that he
+had been nominated to go to Congress,&mdash;"peaceably and fairly," if
+possible, but to go in any event. Then, again, that was the year of the
+Presidential election, and the Democrats were as confident of success
+that year as they had been in 1876 and in 1880.</p>
+
+<p>For President and Vice-President the candidates were Blaine and Logan,
+Republicans, and Cleveland and Hendricks, Democrats.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Cleveland had the prestige of having been elected Governor of New
+York by a majority of about one hundred thousand. New York was believed
+to be the pivotal and the decisive State, and that its votes would
+determine the election for President. That the Republicans, even with
+such a popular man as Mr. Blaine as their candidate, would be able to
+overcome the immense majority by which Mr. Cleveland had carried the
+State for Governor was not believed by any Democrat to be possible. The
+Democrats did not take into account any of the local circumstances that
+contributed to such a remarkable result; but they were well known to
+Republicans in and out of that State. One of the principal contributory
+causes was a determination on the part of thousands of Republican voters
+in that State to resent at the polls National interference in local
+State affairs.</p>
+
+<p>Judge Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the Treasury, was the
+Republican candidate against Mr. Cleveland for the Governorship when the
+latter was elected by such an immense majority. It was a well-known fact
+that Judge Folger could not have been nominated but for the active and
+aggressive efforts of the National Administration, and of its agents and
+representatives. The fight for the Republican nomination for Governor
+that year was the beginning of the bitter fight between the Blaine and
+the Arthur forces in the State for the delegation in 1884. In the
+nomination of Judge Folger the Blaine men were defeated. To neutralize
+the prestige which the Arthur men had thus secured, thousands of the
+Blaine men, and some who were not Blaine men, but who were against the
+National Administration for other reasons, refused to vote for Judge
+Folger, and thus allowed the State to go Democratic by default. In 1884,
+when Mr. Blaine was the candidate of the Republicans for the
+Presidency, a sufficient number of anti-Blaine men in New York,&mdash;in a
+spirit of retaliation, no doubt,&mdash;pursued the same course and thus
+allowed the State again to go Democratic by default. The loss which Mr.
+Blaine sustained in the latter case, therefore, was much greater than
+that gained by him in the former.</p>
+
+<p>But, let the causes, circumstances, and conditions be what they may,
+there was not a Democrat in Mississippi in 1884 who did not believe that
+Mr. Cleveland's election to the Presidency was a foregone conclusion.
+That he would have the support of the Solid South there was no doubt.
+Those States, they believed, were as certain to be returned Democratic
+as the sun would rise on the morning of the day of the election.</p>
+
+<p>Although I accepted the nomination for Congress, I as chairman of the
+Republican State Committee, devoted the greater part of my time to the
+campaign throughout the State. Mr. Blaine had many warm friends and
+admirers among the white men and Democrats in the State, some of them
+being outspoken in their advocacy of his election. In making up the
+electoral ticket I made every effort possible to get some of those men
+to consent to the use of their names. One of them, Joseph N. Carpenter,
+of my own home town, Natchez, gave his consent to the use of his name.
+He was one of the solid business men of the town. He was not only a
+large property owner but the principal owner of a local steamboat that
+was engaged in the trade on the Mississippi River between Natchez and
+Vicksburg. He was also the principal proprietor of one of the
+cotton-seed-oil mills of the town. In fact his name was associated with
+nearly every important enterprise in that community. Socially no family
+stood higher than his in any part of the South. His accomplished wife
+was a Miss Mellen, whose brother, William F. Mellen, was one of the most
+brilliant members of the bar that the State had ever produced. She had
+another brother who acquired quite a distinction as a minister of the
+gospel.</p>
+
+<p>When the announcement was made public that Joseph N. Carpenter was to be
+an elector on the Republican ticket, intense excitement was immediately
+created. The Democratic press of the State immediately turned their
+batteries upon him. Personal friends called upon him in large numbers
+and urged him to decline. But he had consented to serve, and he felt
+that it was his duty, and ought to be his privilege to do so. Besides,
+he was a sincere Blaine man. He honestly believed that the election of
+Mr. Blaine would be conducive to the best interests of the country, the
+South especially. To these appeals, therefore, he turned a deaf ear. But
+it was not long before he was obliged to yield to the pressure. The fact
+was soon made plain to him that, if he allowed his name to remain on
+that ticket, the probabilities were that he would be financially
+ruined. He would soon find that his boat would be without either
+passengers or freight; his oil mill would probably be obliged to close
+because there would be no owners of the raw material of whom he could
+make purchases at any price, and even his children at school would, no
+doubt, be subjected to taunts and insults, to say nothing of the social
+cuts to which his family might be subjected. He was, therefore, brought
+to a painful realization of the fact that he was confronted with
+conditions which he had not fully anticipated. He could then see, as he
+had never seen before, that he had been brought face to face with a
+condition and not a theory. He was thus obliged to make his choice
+between accepting those conditions upon the one hand, and on the other
+the empty and temporary honor of serving as an elector on the Blaine
+Republican ticket. His convictions, his manhood and his self-respect
+were on one side; his material interests and family obligations were on
+the other. His mental condition during that period can better be
+imagined than described. After giving thoughtful consideration and
+sleepless nights to the matter, he at length decided to yield to the
+pressure and decline the use of his name. He informed me of his decision
+through the medium of a private letter which he said he had written with
+great reluctance and sincere regret. The committee thereupon named Dr.
+Jackson, of Amite County, an old line Republican, to fill the vacancy.</p>
+
+<p>It will thus be seen that in pursuing a course that Mr. Blaine thought
+would place southern Democrats under obligations to him he placed a
+weapon in the hands of his own personal and political enemies by which
+they were enabled to crush and silence his friends and supporters; for
+after all it is not so much the love of fair play, as it is the fear of
+punishment, that actuates the average man in obeying the laws and
+respecting the rights and privileges of others. Mr. Blaine's friends and
+supporters at the South were the very people who stood most in need of
+that security and protection which can come only through a thorough and
+impartial enforcement of laws for the protection of citizens in the
+exercise and enjoyment of their civil and political rights, as well as
+the enforcement of laws for the protection of life, liberty and
+property.</p>
+
+<p>Judge H.F. Simrall, one of the most brilliant lawyers in the State,&mdash;who
+came into the Republican party under the leadership of General Alcorn in
+1869, and who had served as a Justice of the Supreme Court of the
+State,&mdash;made an effort to canvass the State for Mr. Blaine, but his
+former associates, with whom he tried to reason, treated him with such
+scanty courtesy that he soon became discouraged and abandoned the
+effort.</p>
+
+<p>There were two factions in the Democratic party, Mr. Lamar being the
+recognized head of one of them. His political enemies suspected and some
+of them accused him of being partial to Mr. Blaine. To save himself and
+his friends from humiliation and defeat in his own party it was
+necessary for him to dispel that suspicion, and disprove those
+accusations. With that end in view he made a thorough canvass of the
+State in the interest of Mr. Cleveland and the Democratic party. The
+State was returned for Mr. Cleveland by a large majority, for which Mr.
+Lamar was in a great measure credited. Mr. Blaine finally saw his
+mistake, which he virtually admitted in the speech delivered by him at
+his home immediately after the election; but it was then too late to
+undo the mischief that had been done. It was like locking the stable
+door after the horse had been stolen. That Mr. Blaine died without
+having attained the goal of his ambition was due chiefly to his lack of
+foresight, poor judgment, political blunders, and a lack of that
+sagacity and acumen which are so essential in a successful party leader.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIV" id="CHAPTER_XXIV"></a>CHAPTER XXIV</h2>
+
+<h3>INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY LAMAR ON THE RETAINING OF COLORED MEN IN OFFICE</h3>
+
+<p>In selecting his first cabinet Mr. Cleveland did Mr. Lamar and the State
+of Mississippi the honor of making him his Secretary of the Interior.
+Early in the administration, upon the occasion of my first visit to
+Washington after the inauguration of Mr. Cleveland, I called on
+Secretary Lamar to pay him my respects and tender him my congratulations
+upon his appointment. When I entered his office he was engaged in
+conversation with some prominent New York Democrats, Mayor Grace, of New
+York City, being one of the party. The Secretary received me cordially;
+and, after introducing me to the gentlemen with whom he was conversing,
+requested me to take a seat in the adjoining room, which was used as his
+private office, until the departure of the gentlemen with whom he was
+then engaged; remarking at the same time that there was an important
+matter about which he desired to talk with me.</p>
+
+<p>I had been seated only a short while before he made his appearance. As
+soon as he had taken his seat he said:</p>
+
+<p>"Lynch, you have shown me some favors in the past, and I desire to
+manifest in a substantial way my appreciation of what you have done for
+me and the friendly interest you have taken in me. No one knows better
+than I do, or can appreciate more keenly than I can, the value of the
+services you have rendered me, and the satisfactory results of your
+friendly interest in me. In saying this I do not wish to even intimate
+that you have done anything for me that was inconsistent with the
+position occupied by you as an influential leader of the Republican
+party of our State. The truth is, you were, fortunately, placed in such
+a position that you were enabled to render a great service to a
+Mississippi Democrat without doing a single act, or giving expression to
+a single thought, that was not in harmony with your position as a leader
+of your own party. That you saw fit to make me, rather than some other
+Democrat, the beneficiary of your partiality is what I keenly
+appreciate, highly value and now desire to reciprocate. The Republican
+party is now out of power, and it is likely to remain so for the next
+quarter of a century. Fortunately for me I am now so situated that I can
+reciprocate, in a small measure, the friendly interest you have taken in
+me in the recent past; and this, I hope, you will allow me to do. I have
+an office at my disposal that I want you to accept. I know you are a
+pronounced Republican. I neither ask nor expect you to change your
+politics. Knowing you as I do, it would be useless for me to make such a
+request of you even if I desired to have you make such a change. All I
+shall ask of you is that you be not offensively active or boldly
+aggressive in political matters while you hold a commission from me. In
+other words, I want to render you a service without having you
+compromise your political standing, and without making the slightest
+change in your party affiliations. However, recognizing as you must the
+delicacy of the situation resulting from the position I occupy and the
+relation that I sustain to the administration, you will, I know, refrain
+from saying and doing anything that will place me in an embarrassing
+position before the public and before the administration with which I am
+identified. The office to which I refer is that of special agent of
+public lands. The salary is fifteen hundred a year and expenses. The
+place is worth from two thousand to two thousand five hundred a year. I
+shall not send you down South, where you may have some unpleasant and
+embarrassing experiences, but I will send you out into the Black Hills,
+where you will not be subjected to the slightest inconvenience and where
+you will have very little to do, but make your reports and draw your
+pay. If you say you will accept the appointment I shall give immediate
+directions for the commission to be made out and you can take the oath
+of office within the next twenty-four hours."</p>
+
+<p>Of course I listened with close attention and with deep interest to what
+the honorable Secretary said. When he had finished, I replied in about
+these words:</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Secretary, I fully appreciate the friendly interest you manifest in
+me, and I also appreciate what you are willing to do for me. If I have
+rendered you any services in the past, I can assure you that they were
+not rendered with the expectation that you would thereby be placed under
+any obligations to me whatever. If I preferred you to others in your own
+party it was because I believed in you the State would have the services
+of one of its best, most brilliant and most eloquent representatives. It
+was the good of the State and the best interests of its people rather
+than the personal advancement of an individual that actuated me. The
+exalted position now occupied by you I consider a confirmation of the
+wisdom of my decision. But the fact cannot be overlooked that while you
+are an able and influential leader in the Democratic party, I am, though
+not so able nor so influential, a leader,&mdash;locally, if not
+nationally,&mdash;in the Republican party. While I can neither hope nor
+expect to reach that point of honor and distinction in the Republican
+party that you have reached in the Democratic, I am just as proud of
+the position I occupy to-day as a Republican, as it is possible for you
+to be of yours as a Democrat. Even if it be true, as you predict&mdash;of
+course I do not agree with you&mdash;that the Republican party will be out of
+power for the next quarter of a century, or even if that party should
+never again come into power, that fact cannot and will not have the
+slightest weight with me. Therefore, I do not feel that you, as a member
+of a National Democratic Administration, can afford to tender me any
+position that I can see my way clear to accept. While I fully and keenly
+appreciate your friendly interest in me and your desire and willingness
+to serve me, I cannot accept the position you have so gracefully
+tendered me, nor can I accept any other you may see fit to offer me.</p>
+
+<p>"But, if you want to render me a service, I can tell you wherein it can
+be done,&mdash;a service that will be just as much appreciated as any you can
+possibly render me. When I was a member of Congress I secured the
+appointment of quite a number of young colored men to clerkships in the
+Pension Bureau of your department. I understand that all these men have
+excellent records. If you will retain them in their positions I shall
+feel that you have repaid me for whatever you may think I have done for
+you in the past."</p>
+
+<p>"That," the Secretary replied, "is a very reasonable request. Come to
+see me again in a day or two and bring a list of their names and I will
+then see just what I can do along those lines."</p>
+
+<p>I then bade Mr. Lamar good-bye and left his office. A few days later I
+returned with the list. But upon that list I had placed the names of two
+men who had not been appointed on my recommendation. One was a colored
+man, a physician; the other was a white man, a lawyer. The physician
+occupied a position that was in the line of his profession. The lawyer
+was a clerk in the Pension Bureau, who had been recently appointed upon
+the recommendation of Senator Bruce. The physician had been connected
+with the public service a long time. I knew both men favorably and felt
+that it was my duty to save them if in my power. Both were married and
+had interesting families.</p>
+
+<p>When I placed the list in the Secretary's hands he read it over very
+carefully, and then said:</p>
+
+<p>"I think I can safely assure you that the name of every one on this list
+will be retained except these two"&mdash;indicating the colored physician and
+the white lawyer. "This physician," the Secretary said, "is a colored
+man, and the husband of a white wife. The lawyer is a white man, and the
+husband of a colored wife. I cannot promise you, therefore, that they
+will be retained, however capable and efficient they may be. So far as I
+am personally concerned, it would make no material difference; I should
+just as lief retain them as any of the others. But I cannot afford to
+antagonize public opinion in my State on the question of amalgamation.
+One of these men, the white lawyer, is from my own State, where he is
+well known. His case is recent, and fresh in the public mind. So far as
+he is concerned, I can see no escape. With the colored physician it may
+be different. He is not from my State and is not known in the State. I
+doubt very much if anyone in the State knows anything about him, or is
+aware of the fact that the position occupied by him is under my
+department. If attention is not called to his case, I shall let him
+alone.</p>
+
+<p>"But with the lawyer it is different. A representative of a Mississippi
+newspaper that is unfriendly to me is now on the ground. He has a list
+of all the Republicans,&mdash;especially the colored ones,&mdash;holding positions
+in this department. The name of this lawyer is on that list. It is the
+intention of the faction his paper represents to bring pressure to bear
+upon me to force me to turn all of these men out of office for political
+reasons, regardless of their official standing. But, so far as your
+friends are concerned, I shall defy them except in the case of this
+lawyer, and also in the case of this physician if attention is called to
+him. In their cases, or either of them, I shall be obliged, for reasons
+already given; to yield."</p>
+
+<p>Strange to say, attention was never called to the case of the physician
+and he remained in office during the whole of Mr. Cleveland's first
+administration. I made a strong appeal to the Secretary in behalf of my
+friend, the white lawyer. I said in substance:</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Secretary, you ought not to allow this deserving man to be punished
+simply because he was brave enough to legally marry the woman of his
+choice. You know him personally. You know him to be an able and
+brilliant young man. You know that he is now discharging the responsible
+duties of the position which he occupies in your department with credit
+to himself, and to the satisfaction of his official superiors. You know
+that you have not a better nor a more capable official connected with
+the public service than you have in this able young man. Under these
+circumstances it is your duty, as the responsible head of your
+department, to protect him and his estimable family from this gross
+wrong,&mdash;this cruel injustice. For no one knows better than you do, Mr.
+Secretary, that this alleged opposition to amalgamation is both
+hypocritical and insincere. If a natural antipathy existed between the
+two races no law would be necessary to keep them apart. The law, then,
+against race intermarriage has a tendency to encourage and promote race
+intermixture, rather than to discourage and prevent it; because under
+existing circumstances local sentiment in our part of the country
+tolerates the intermixture, provided that the white husband and father
+does not lead to the altar in honorable wedlock the woman he may have
+selected as the companion of his life, and the mother of his children.
+If, instead of prohibiting race intermarriage, the law would compel
+marriage in all cases of concubinage, such a law would have a tendency
+to discourage race intermixture; because it is only when they marry
+according to the forms of law that the white husband and father is
+socially and otherwise ostracized. Under the common law,&mdash;which is the
+established and recognized rule of action in all of our States in the
+absence of a local statute by which a different rule is established,&mdash;a
+valid marriage is nothing more than a civil contract entered into
+between two persons capable of making contracts. But under our form of
+government marriage, like everything else, is what public opinion sees
+fit to make it.</p>
+
+<p>"It is true that in our part of the country no union of the sexes is
+looked upon as a legal marriage unless the parties to the union are
+married according to the form prescribed by the local statutes. While
+that is true it is also true that there are many unions, which, but for
+the local statutes, would be recognized and accepted as legal marriages
+and which, even under existing conditions, are tolerated by local
+sentiment and sanctioned by custom. Such unions are known to exist, and
+yet are presumed not to exist. None are so blind as those who can see
+but will not see. One of the unwritten but most effective and rigid laws
+of our section,&mdash;which everyone respects and never violates,&mdash;is that a
+man's private and domestic life must never be made the subject of
+political or public discussion or newspaper notoriety. The man, who at
+any time or under any provocation will so far forget himself as to say
+or do anything that can be construed into a violation of that unwritten
+law, will be likely to pay the penalty with his own life and that, too,
+without court, judge, or jury; and the one by whom the penalty may be
+inflicted will stand acquitted and justified before the bar of public
+opinion. If, then, this able and brilliant young man,&mdash;whose bread and
+meat you now have at your disposal,&mdash;had lived in concubinage with the
+mother of his children, no law against custom and tradition would have
+been violated, and no one would suggest that he be punished for what he
+had done. Knowing these facts as you do, you ought to rise to the
+dignity of the occasion and protect this good and innocent man from the
+cruel, unjust, and unreasonable demands that are now being made upon you
+to dispense with his valuable services. This gentleman, to my personal
+knowledge, is not only worthy of whatever you may do for him, but his
+elegant and accomplished wife is one of the finest and most cultivated
+ladies it has ever been my good fortune to know. She is not only
+remarkably intelligent, but she is a woman of fine natural ability and
+of superior attainments. She is such a brilliant conversationalist,&mdash;so
+interesting, so instructive and so entertaining,&mdash;that it is a great
+pleasure and satisfaction to have the opportunity of being in her
+delightful presence, and of sitting within the sound of her sweet,
+charming, and musical voice. In physical development she is as near
+perfection as it is possible for a woman to be. I have had the good
+fortune of knowing her well for a number of years, and I have always
+admired her for her excellent traits and admirable qualities. She is a
+woman that would ornament and grace the parlor and honor the home of the
+finest and best man that ever lived, regardless of his race or
+nationality or the station he may occupy in life, however exalted that
+station may be. She married the man of her choice because she had
+learned to love and honor him, and because, in her opinion, he possessed
+everything, except wealth, that was calculated to contribute to her
+comfort, pleasure and happiness. In a recent conversation I had with
+her, her beautiful, large dark eyes sparkled with delight, and her sweet
+and lovely face was suffused with a smile of satisfaction when she
+informed me that she had never had occasion to regret her selection of a
+husband. She was then the mother of several very handsome children, to
+whom she pointed with pardonable pride. The products of such a union
+could not possibly be otherwise than attractive, for the father was a
+remarkably handsome man, while the mother was a personification of the
+typical southern beauty. The man was devoted to his family. How could he
+be otherwise? Husband and wife were so strongly attached to each other
+that both were more than willing to make any sacrifice that cruel fate
+might have in store for them.</p>
+
+<p>"I therefore appeal to you, Mr. Secretary, in behalf of this charming
+and accomplished woman and her sweet and lovely children. In taking this
+position I am satisfied you will have nothing to lose, for you will not
+only have right on your side, but the interest of the public service as
+well. Rise, then, to the dignity of the occasion and assert and maintain
+your manhood and your independence. You have done this on previous
+occasions, why not do it again? As a member of the Senate of the United
+States you openly and publicly defied the well-known public sentiment of
+your party in the State which you then had the honor in part to
+represent, when you disregarded and repudiated the mandate of the State
+Legislature, instructing you to vote for the free and unlimited coinage
+of silver. It was that vote and the spirit of manly independence shown
+by you on that occasion that placed you in the high and responsible
+position you now occupy, the duties of which your friends know will be
+discharged in a way that will reflect credit upon yourself and honor
+upon your State.</p>
+
+<p>"You again antagonized the dominant sentiment of the Democratic party of
+your State when you pronounced an eloquent eulogy upon the life and
+character of Charles Sumner. And yet you were able to overcome the
+bitter opposition you had encountered on each of those occasions. You
+can do the same thing in this case. I therefore ask you to promise me
+that this worthy and competent public servant shall not be discharged as
+long as his official record remains good."</p>
+
+<p>The Secretary listened to my remarks with close and respectful
+attention. When I had finished he said:</p>
+
+<p>"I agree with nearly all you have said. My sympathies are with your
+friend and it is my desire to retain him in the position he now so
+satisfactorily fills. But when you ask me to disregard and openly defy
+the well-known sentiment of the white people of my State on the question
+of amalgamation, I fear you make a request of me which I cannot safely
+grant, however anxious I may be to serve you. I could defend myself
+before a public audience in my State on the silver question and on the
+Sumner eulogy much more successfully than on the question of
+amalgamation; although in the main, I recognize the force and admit the
+truth of what you have said upon that subject. Hypocritical and
+insincere as the claim may be with reference to maintaining the absolute
+separation of the two races, the sentiment on that subject is one which
+no man who is ambitious to have a political future can safely afford to
+ignore,&mdash;especially under the new order of things about which you are
+well posted. While I am sorry for your friend, and should be pleased to
+grant your request in his case, I cannot bring myself to a realization
+of the fact that it is one of sufficient national importance to justify
+me in taking the stand you have so forcibly and eloquently suggested."</p>
+
+<p>This ended the interview. I went to the home of my friend that evening,
+and informed him and his amiable wife of what had been said and done.
+They thanked me warmly for my efforts in their behalf, and assured me
+that there was a future before them, and that in the battle of life they
+were determined to know no such word as "fail." A few weeks later my
+friend's official connection with the public service was suddenly
+terminated. He and his family then left Washington for Kansas, I think.
+About a year thereafter he had occasion to visit Washington on business.
+I happened to be there at that time. He called to see me and informed me
+that, instead of regretting what had occurred, he had every reason to be
+thankful for it, since he had done very much better than he could have
+done had he remained at Washington. I was, of course, very much
+gratified to hear this and warmly congratulated him. Since that time,
+however, I have not seen him nor any member of his family, nor have I
+heard anything from them except indirectly, although I have made a
+number of unsuccessful efforts to find them. I am inclined to the
+opinion that, like thousands of people of the same class, their identity
+with the colored race has long since ceased and that they have been
+absorbed by the white race, as I firmly believe will be true of the
+great mass of colored Americans. It is to prevent any embarrassment
+growing out of the probability of this condition that has actuated me in
+not making public the names of the parties in question. No good could
+come of the disclosure, and much harm might follow. I can, however, most
+positively assure the public that this is not a fiction,&mdash;that it is not
+a mere picture that is painted from the vividness of my imagination, but
+that the story as related in all its details is based upon actual
+occurrences.</p>
+
+<p>With this one exception, Secretary Lamar retained in office every clerk
+whose name appeared on the list that I gave him. They were not only
+retained throughout the Administration but many of them were promoted.
+It can be said to the credit of Secretary Lamar that during his
+administration very few changes were made in the clerical force of the
+department for political reasons, and, as a rule, the clerks were
+treated with justice, fairness and impartiality.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXV" id="CHAPTER_XXV"></a>CHAPTER XXV</h2>
+
+<h3>THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS BILL</h3>
+
+<p>It was during the administration of President Harrison that another
+effort was made to secure the enactment by Congress of the necessary
+legislation for the effective enforcement of the war amendments to the
+National Constitution,&mdash;a Federal Elections Bill. Mr. Lodge, of
+Massachusetts, was the author of the bill. But the fact was soon
+developed that there were so many Republicans in and out of Congress who
+lacked the courage of their convictions that it would be impossible to
+secure favorable action. In fact there were three classes of white men
+at the South who claimed to be Republicans who used their influence to
+defeat that contemplated legislation. The white men at the South who
+acted with the Republican party at that time were divided into four
+classes.</p>
+
+<p>First, those who were Republicans from principle and conviction&mdash;because
+they were firm believers in the principles, doctrines, and policies for
+which the party stood, and were willing to remain with it in adversity
+as well as in prosperity,&mdash;in defeat as well as in victory. This class,
+I am pleased to say, while not the most noisy and demonstrative,
+comprised over seventy-five per cent, of the white membership of the
+party in that part of the country.</p>
+
+<p>Second, a small but noisy and demonstrative group, comprising about
+fifteen per cent of the remainder, who labored under the honest, but
+erroneous, impression that the best and most effective way to build up a
+strong Republican party at the South was to draw the color line in the
+party. In other words, to organize a Republican party to be composed
+exclusively of white men, to the entire exclusion of colored men. What
+those men chiefly wanted,&mdash;or felt the need of for themselves and their
+families,&mdash;was social recognition by the better element of the white
+people of their respective localities. They were eager, therefore, to
+bring about such a condition of things as would make it possible for
+them to be known as Republicans without subjecting themselves and their
+families to the risk of being socially ostracized by their white
+Democratic neighbors. And then again those men believed then, and some
+of them still believe or profess to believe, that southern Democrats
+were and are honest and sincere in the declaration that the presence of
+the colored men in the Republican party prevented southern white men
+from coming into it. "Draw the race line against the colored
+man,&mdash;organize a white Republican party,&mdash;and you will find that
+thousands of white men who now act with the Democratic party will join
+the Republicans." Some white Republicans believed that the men by whom
+these declarations were made were honest and sincere,&mdash;and it may be
+that some of them were,&mdash;but it appears not to have occurred to them
+that if the votes of the colored men were suppressed the minority white
+vote, unaided and unprotected, would be powerless to prevent the
+application of methods which would nullify any organized effort on their
+part. In other words, nothing short of an effective national law, to
+protect the weak against the strong and the minority of the whites
+against the aggressive assaults of the majority of that race, would
+enable the minority of the whites to make their power and influence
+effective and potential; and even then it could be effectively done only
+in co&ouml;peration with the blacks. Then again, they seemed to have lost
+sight of the fact,&mdash;or perhaps they did not know it to be a fact,&mdash;that
+many leading southern Democrats are insincere in their declarations upon
+the so-called race question. They keep that question before the public
+for political and party reasons only, because they find it to be the
+most effective weapon they can use to hold the white men in political
+subjection. The effort, therefore, to build up a "white" Republican
+party at the South has had a tendency, under existing circumstances, to
+discourage a strong Republican organization in that section. But, even
+if it were possible for such an organization to have a potential
+existence, it could not be otherwise than ephemeral, because it would be
+wholly out of harmony with the fundamental principles and doctrines of
+the national organization whose name it had appropriated. It would be in
+point of fact a misnomer and, therefore, wholly out of place as one of
+the branches of the national organization which stands for, defends, and
+advocates the civil and political equality of all American citizens,
+without regard to race, color, nationality, or religion. Any
+organization, therefore, claiming to be a branch of the Republican
+party, but which had repudiated and denounced the fundamental and sacred
+creed of that organization, would be looked upon by the public as a
+close, selfish and local machine that was brought into existence to
+serve the ends, and satisfy the selfish ambition of the promoters and
+organizers of the corporation. Yet there were a few well-meaning and
+honest white men in some of the Southern States who were disposed,
+through a mistaken sense of political necessity, to give such a movement
+the benefit of their countenance. But the movement has been a lamentable
+failure in States where it has been tried, and it cannot be otherwise in
+States where it may yet be tried. Men who were in sympathy with a
+movement of this sort took a pronounced stand against the proposed
+Federal Elections Bill, and used what influence they had to prevent its
+passage; their idea being that, if passed, it would have a tendency to
+prevent the accomplishment of the purposes they had in contemplation.</p>
+
+<p>Third, a group that consisted of a still smaller number who were
+Republicans for revenue only,&mdash;for the purpose of getting office. If an
+office were in sight they would be quite demonstrative in their advocacy
+of the Republican party and its principles; but if they were not
+officially recognized, their activities would not only cease, but they
+would soon be back into the fold of the Democracy. But should they be
+officially recognized they would be good, faithful, and loyal
+Republicans,&mdash;at least so far as words were concerned,&mdash;until they
+ceased to be officials, when they would cease at the same time to be
+Republicans. Men of this class were, of course, opposed to the proposed
+legislation for the enforcement of the war amendments to the
+Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Fourth, a group that consisted of an insignificantly small number of
+white men who claimed to be national Republicans and local
+Democrats,&mdash;that is, they claimed that they voted for the Republican
+candidate for President every four years, but for Democrats in all other
+elections. Of course they were against the proposed legislation. These
+men succeeded in inducing some well-meaning Republican members of
+Congress, like Senator Washburne, of Minnesota, for instance, to believe
+that the passage of such a bill would have a tendency to prevent the
+building up of a strong Republican organization at the South. Then
+again, the free silver question was before the public at that time. The
+Republican majority in the Senate was not large. Several of those who
+had been elected as Republicans were free silver men. On that question
+they were in harmony with a majority of the Democrats, and out of
+harmony with the great majority of Republicans. The Free Silver
+Republicans, therefore, were not inclined to support a measure that was
+particularly offensive to their friends and allies on the silver
+question. After a careful canvass of the Senate it was developed that
+the Republican leaders could not safely count on the support of any one
+of the Free Silver Republicans in their efforts to pass the bill, and,
+since they had the balance of power, any further effort to pass it was
+abandoned. It was then made plain to the friends and supporters of that
+measure that no further attempt would be made in that direction for a
+long time, if ever.</p>
+
+<p>I wrote and had published in the Washington <i>Post</i> a letter in which I
+took strong grounds in favor of having the representation in
+Congress,&mdash;from States where the colored men had been practically
+disfranchised through an evasion of the Fifteenth Amendment,&mdash;reduced
+in the manner prescribed by the Fourteenth Amendment. In that letter I
+made an effort to answer every argument that had been made in opposition
+to such a proposition. It had been argued by some fairly good lawyers,
+for instance, that the subsequent ratification of the Fifteenth
+Amendment had so modified the Fourteenth as to take away from Congress
+this optional and discretionary power which had been previously
+conferred upon it by the Fourteenth Amendment. I tried in that
+letter,&mdash;and I think I succeeded,&mdash;to answer the argument on that point.
+It was also said that if Congress were to take such a step it would
+thereby give its sanction to the disfranchisement of the colored men in
+the States where that had been done. This I think I succeeded in proving
+was untrue and without foundation. The truth is that the only material
+difference between the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments on this
+particular point is that, subsequent to the ratification of the
+Fourteenth and prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, a
+State could legally disfranchise white or colored men on account of race
+or color, but, since the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, this
+cannot be legally done. If, then, Congress had the constitutional right
+under the Fourteenth Amendment to punish a State in the manner therein
+prescribed, for doing what the State then had a legal and
+constitutional right to do, I cannot see why Congress has not now the
+same power and authority to inflict the same punishment upon the State
+for doing or permitting to be done what it now has no legal and
+constitutional right to do.</p>
+
+<p>No State, in my opinion, should be allowed to take advantage of its own
+wrongs, and thus, by a wrongful act, augment its own power and influence
+in the government. To allow a majority of the white men in the State of
+Mississippi, for instance, to appropriate to themselves through
+questionable methods the representative strength of the colored
+population of that State, excluding the latter from all participation in
+the selection of the representatives in Congress, is a monstrous wrong,
+the continuance of which should not be tolerated.</p>
+
+<p>For every crime there must be a punishment; for every wrong there must
+be a remedy, and for every grievance there must be a redress. That this
+state of things is wrong and unjust, if not unlawful, no fair-minded
+person will deny. It is not only wrong and unjust to the colored people
+of the State, who are thus denied a voice in the government under which
+they live and to support which they are taxed, but it also involves a
+grave injustice to the States in which the laws are obeyed and the
+National Constitution,&mdash;including the war amendments to the same,&mdash;is
+respected and enforced. I am aware of the fact that it is claimed by
+those who are responsible for what is here complained of that, while
+the acts referred to may be an evasion if not a violation of the spirit
+of the Constitution, yet, since they do not violate the letter of the
+Constitution the complaining parties are without a remedy, and therefore
+have no redress. This contention is not only weak in logic but unsound
+in law, even as construed by the Supreme Court of the United States,
+which tribunal seems to be the last to which an appeal can be
+successfully made, having for its object the enforcement of the
+Constitution and laws so far as they relate to the political and civil
+rights of the colored Americans. That a State can do by indirection what
+it cannot do directly, is denied even by the Supreme Court of the United
+States.</p>
+
+<p>That doctrine was clearly and distinctly set forth in a decision of the
+Court rendered by Mr. Justice Strong, which was concurred in by a
+majority of his associates. In that decision it was held that
+affirmative State action is not necessary to constitute race
+discrimination by the State. In other words, in order to constitute
+affirmative State action in violation of the Constitutional mandate
+against distinction and discrimination based on race or color, it is not
+necessary that the State should pass a law for that purpose. The State,
+the Court declared, acts through its agents, Legislative, Executive and
+Judicial. Whenever an agent or representative of the State acts, his
+acts are binding upon the State, and the effect is the same as if the
+State had passed a law for that purpose. If a judge, for example, in the
+selection of jurors to serve in his court should knowingly and
+intentionally allow a particular race to be excluded from such service
+on account of race or color, the effect would be the same as if the
+State, through its Legislature, had passed a law for that purpose. The
+colored men in the States complained of, have been disfranchised in
+violation of the spirit if not the letter of the Constitution, either by
+affirmative State action, or through and by the State's agents and
+representatives. Their acts, therefore, constitute State action as fully
+as if the Legislature had passed a law for that purpose.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVI" id="CHAPTER_XXVI"></a>CHAPTER XXVI</h2>
+
+<h3>MISSISSIPPI AND THE NULLIFICATION OF THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT</h3>
+
+<p>The defeat or abandonment of the Lodge Federal Elections Bill was
+equivalent to a declaration that no further attempts would be made for a
+good while, at least, to enforce by appropriate legislation the war
+amendments to the Constitution. Southern Democrats were not slow in
+taking advantage of the knowledge of that fact.</p>
+
+<p>My own State, Mississippi, was the first to give legal effect to the
+practical nullification of the Fifteenth Amendment. On that question the
+Democratic party in the State was divided into two factions. The radical
+faction, under the leadership of Senator George, advocated the adoption
+and enforcement of extreme methods. The liberal or conservative
+faction,&mdash;or what was known as the Lamar wing of the party under the
+leadership of Senator Walthall,&mdash;was strongly opposed to such methods.
+Senator George advocated the calling of a Constitutional Convention, to
+frame a new Constitution for the State. Senator Walthall opposed it,
+contending that the then Constitution, though framed by Republicans,
+was, in the main, unobjectionable and should be allowed to stand. But
+Senator George was successful, and a convention was called to meet in
+the fall of 1890. In order to take no chances the Senator had himself
+nominated and elected a member of the Convention.</p>
+
+<p>When the Convention met, it was found that there were two strong
+factions, one in favor of giving legal effect to the nullification of
+the Fifteenth Amendment, and the other opposed to it. The George faction
+was slightly in the majority, resulting in one of their
+number,&mdash;nullificationists, as they were called,&mdash;Judge S.S. Calhoun,
+being elected President of the Convention. The plan advocated and
+supported by the George faction, of which Senator George was the author,
+provided that no one be allowed to register as a voter, or vote if
+registered, unless he could read and write, or unless he could
+understand any section of the Constitution when read to him and give a
+reasonable interpretation thereof. This was known as the "understanding
+clause." It was plain to every one that its purpose was to evade the
+Fifteenth Amendment, and disfranchise the illiterate voters of one race
+without disfranchising those of the other.</p>
+
+<p>The opposition to this scheme was under the leadership of one of the
+ablest and most brilliant members of the bar, Judge J.B. Christman, of
+Lincoln County. As a substitute for the George plan or understanding
+clause, he ably and eloquently advocated the adoption of a fair and
+honest educational qualification as a condition precedent to
+registration and voting, to be equally applicable to whites and blacks.</p>
+
+<p>The speeches on both sides were able and interesting. It looked for a
+while as if the substitute clause proposed by Judge Christman would be
+adopted. In consequence of such an apprehension, Judge Calhoun, the
+President of the Convention, took the floor in opposition to the
+Christman plan, and in support of the one proposed by Senator George.
+The substance of his speech was that the Convention had been called for
+the purpose of insuring the ascendency of the white race,&mdash;the
+Democratic party,&mdash;in the administration of the State Government through
+some other methods than those which had been enforced since 1875.</p>
+
+<p>"If you fail in the discharge of your duties in this matter," he
+declared, "the blood of every negro that will be killed in an election
+riot hereafter will be upon your shoulders."</p>
+
+<p>In other words, the speaker frankly admitted, what everyone knew to be a
+fact, that the ascendency of the Democratic party in the State had been
+maintained since 1875 through methods which, in his opinion, should no
+longer be sanctioned and tolerated. These methods, he contended, were
+corrupting the morals of the people of the State and should be
+discontinued; but the ascendency of the Democratic party must be
+maintained at any cost. The George plan, he urged, would accomplish this
+result, because if the negroes were disfranchised according to the forms
+of law, there would be no occasion to suppress his vote by violence
+because he would have no vote to suppress; and there would be no
+occasion to commit fraud in the count or perjury in the returns.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding this frank speech, which was intended to arouse the
+fears of the members of the Convention from a party standpoint, the
+defeat of the Christman substitute was by no means an assured fact. But
+the advocates of the George plan,&mdash;the "understanding clause,"&mdash;were
+both desperate and determined. Contrary to public expectation two
+Republicans, Geo. B. Melchoir and I.T. Montgomery, had been elected to
+the Convention from Bolivar County. But their seats were contested, and
+it was assumed that their Democratic contestants would be seated. Still,
+pending the final disposition of the case, the two Republicans were the
+sitting members. Montgomery was colored and Melchoir was white. But the
+George faction needed those two votes. No one suspected, however, that
+they would get them in any other way than by seating the contestants.
+The advocates and supporters of the Christman substitute were,
+therefore, very much surprised and disappointed when they learned that
+Mr. Montgomery, the only colored member of the Convention, intended to
+make a speech in favor of the adoption of the George plan, and vote for
+it; which he did. Why this man, who had the reputation of being honest
+and honorable, and who in point of intelligence was considerably above
+the average of his race, should have thus acted and voted has always
+been an inexplicable mystery. It is difficult to believe that he was
+willing to pay such a price for the retention of his seat in the
+Convention, still it is a fact that the contest was never called and
+Montgomery and his colleague were allowed to retain their seats.</p>
+
+<p>The adoption of the George plan was thus assured, but not without a
+desperate fight. The opponents of that scheme made a brave, though
+unsuccessful, fight against it. But it was soon made plain to the
+advocates of the George plan that what they had succeeded in forcing
+through the Convention would be defeated by the people at the
+ballot-box. In fact, a storm of protest was raised throughout the State.
+The Democratic press, as well as the members of that party, were
+believed to be about equally divided on the question of the ratification
+of the Constitution as thus framed. Since it was well known that the
+Republicans would be solid in their opposition to ratification, the
+rejection of the proposed Constitution was an assured fact. But the
+supporters of the George scheme felt that they could not afford to have
+the results of their labors go down in defeat. In order to prevent this
+they decided to deny the people the right of passing judgment upon the
+work of the Convention. The decision, therefore, was that the Convention
+by which the Constitution was framed should declare it duly ratified and
+approved, and to go into effect upon a day therein named. The people of
+that unfortunate State, therefore, have never had an opportunity to pass
+judgment upon the Constitution under which they are living and which
+they are required to obey and support, that right having been denied
+them because it was known that a majority of them were opposed to its
+ratification and would have voted against it.</p>
+
+<p>But this so-called "understanding clause," or George scheme, is much
+more sweeping than was intended by its author. The intent of that clause
+was to make it possible to disfranchise the illiterate blacks without
+disfranchising the illiterate whites. But as construed and enforced it
+is not confined to illiterates but to persons of intelligence as well.
+No man, for instance, however intelligent he may be, can be registered
+as a voter or vote if registered, if the registering officers or the
+election officers are of the opinion that he does not understand the
+Constitution. It is true, the instrument is so worded that no allusion
+is made to the race or color of those seeking to be registered and to
+vote; still, it is perfectly plain to everyone that the purpose was to
+enable the State to do, through its authorized and duly appointed agents
+and representatives, the very thing the Fifteenth Amendment declares
+shall not be done. According to the decision of the Supreme Court, as
+rendered by Mr. Justice Strong, the effect is the same as if the
+instrument had declared in so many words that race or color should be
+the basis of discrimination and exclusion.</p>
+
+<p>The bitter and desperate struggle between the two factions of the
+Democratic party in the State of Mississippi in this contest, forcibly
+illustrates the fact that the National Republican party made a grave
+mistake when it abandoned any further effort to enforce by appropriate
+legislation the war amendments to the Constitution. In opposing and
+denouncing the questionable methods of the extreme and radical faction
+of their own party, the conservative faction of the Democrats believed,
+expected, and predicted that such methods would not be acquiesced in by
+the Republican party, nor would they be tolerated by the National
+Government. If those expectations and predictions had been verified they
+would have given the conservative element a justifiable excuse to break
+away from the radicals, and this would have resulted in having two
+strong political parties in that section to-day instead of one. But
+when it was seen that the National Republican party made no further
+opposition to the enforcement of those extraneous, radical and
+questionable methods, that fact not only had the effect of preventing
+further opposition on the part of the conservative Democrats, but it
+also resulted in many of the politically ambitious among them joining
+the ranks of the radicals, since that was then the only channel through
+which it was possible for their political aspirations to be gratified.</p>
+
+<p>The reader cannot fail to see that under the plan in force in
+Mississippi there is no incentive to intelligence; because intelligence
+does not secure access to the ballot-box, nor does the lack of it
+prevent such access. It is not an incentive to the accumulation of
+wealth; because the ownership of property does not secure to the owner
+access to the ballot-box, nor does the lack of it prevent such access.
+It is not a question of intelligence, wealth or character, nor can it be
+said that it is wholly a question of party. It is simply a question of
+factional affiliation. The standard of qualification is confined to such
+white men as may be in harmony with the faction that may happen to have
+control for the time being of the election machinery. What is true of
+Mississippi in this respect is equally true of the other States in which
+schemes of various sorts have been invented and adopted to evade the
+Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVII" id="CHAPTER_XXVII"></a>CHAPTER XXVII</h2>
+
+<h3>EFFECT OF THE MCKINLEY TARIFF BILL ON BOTH POLITICAL PARTIES</h3>
+
+<p>The Congressional elections of 1890 resulted in a crushing defeat for
+the Republicans. This was due, no doubt, to the McKinley Tariff Bill
+which became a law only about a month before the elections of that year.
+Congress convened the first Monday in December, 1889, and that session
+did not come to a close until the following October. The Democrats in
+Congress made a bitter fight against the McKinley Tariff Bill, and,
+since it was a very complete and comprehensive measure, a great deal of
+time was necessarily consumed in its consideration and discussion. When
+it finally became a law the time between its passage and the elections
+was so short that the friends of the measure did not have time to
+explain and defend it before the elections took place. This placed the
+Republicans at a great disadvantage. They were on the defensive from the
+beginning. The result was a sweeping Democratic victory.</p>
+
+<p>But, strange to say, the same issues that produced Democratic success
+and Republican defeat at that election brought about Republican success
+and Democratic defeat at the Presidential and Congressional elections in
+1896. The McKinley Tariff Bill of 1890 was so popular six years later,
+that the author of that measure was deemed the strongest and most
+available man to place at the head of the Republican ticket as the
+candidate of that party for President. His election was a complete
+vindication of the wisdom of the measure of which he was the author and
+champion. In 1890 his bill was so unpopular that it resulted in his own
+defeat for re&euml;lection to Congress. But this did not cause him to lose
+faith in the wisdom and the ultimate popularity of the bill which he was
+proud to have bear his name.</p>
+
+<p>"A little time," said McKinley, "will prove the wisdom of the measure."
+In this he was not mistaken. His defeat for re&euml;lection to Congress
+ultimately made him President of the United States; for the following
+year the Republicans of his State elected him Governor, which was a
+stepping-stone to the Presidency. All that was needed was an opportunity
+for the merits of his bill to be thoroughly tested. Shortly after its
+passage, but before it could be enforced or even explained, the people
+were led to believe that it was a harsh, cruel, and unjust measure,
+imposing heavy, unreasonable, and unnecessary taxes upon them,
+increasing the prices of the necessaries of life without a
+corresponding increase in the price of labor. The people were in an
+ugly mood in anticipation of what was never fully realized.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that the tariff was not the sole issue that resulted in such
+a sweeping Republican victory in the National elections of 1896. The
+financial issue, which was prominent before the people at that time, was
+one of the contributory causes of that result. Still it cannot be denied
+that McKinley's connection with the Tariff Bill of 1890 was what gave
+him the necessary national prominence to make him the most available man
+to be placed at the head of his party ticket for the Presidency that
+year.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVIII" id="CHAPTER_XXVIII"></a>CHAPTER XXVIII</h2>
+
+<h3>INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND SECRETARY GRESHAM</h3>
+
+<p>When Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated in 1893, I was Auditor of the
+Treasury for the Navy Department. Hon. J.G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, had
+been made Secretary of the Treasury. My resignation had been tendered,
+the acceptance of which I expected to see announced any day, but the
+change did not take place until August of that year.</p>
+
+<p>While seated at my desk one day a messenger from the White House made
+his appearance, and I was informed that the President desired to see me
+in person. When I arrived at the White House I was immediately ushered
+into the President's private office, where he was seated alone at a desk
+engaged in reading a book or a magazine. It was at an hour when he was
+not usually accessible to the public. He received me in a very cordial
+way. He informed me that there was an important matter about which he
+desired to talk with me&mdash;to get the benefit of my opinion and
+experience. He assured me of his friendly interest in the colored
+people. It was his determination that they should have suitable and
+appropriate recognition under his administration. He said he was very
+much opposed to the color line in politics. There was no more reason why
+a man should be opposed or discriminated against on account of his race
+than on account of his religion. He believed it to be the duty of the
+Democratic party to encourage the colored voters to divide their votes,
+and the best way to do this was to accord to that race the same relative
+consideration, the same treatment, and to give the race the same
+recognition that is given other races and classes of which our
+citizenship is composed. The party line is the only one that should be
+drawn. He would not appoint a colored Republican to office merely for
+the purpose of giving official recognition to the colored race, nor
+would he refuse to appoint a colored Democrat simply because he was
+colored. If this course were pursued, and this policy adopted and
+adhered to by the Democratic party, the colored voters who are in
+harmony with that party on questions about which white men usually
+divide, could see their way clear to vote in accordance with their
+convictions upon such issues, and would not be obliged to vote against
+the party with which they may be in harmony on account of that party's
+attitude towards them as a race. "In other words," he said, "it is a
+well-known fact that there are thousands of colored men who vote the
+Republican ticket at many important elections,&mdash;not from choice but
+from what they believe to be a necessity. If the views entertained by me
+on this subject should be accepted by the Democratic party, as I hope
+and believe they will be, that necessity,&mdash;real or imaginary,&mdash;would no
+longer exist, and the gradual division of the colored vote would
+necessarily follow."</p>
+
+<p>He went on to say that he had not hesitated to express himself fully,
+freely and frankly with members of his own party on the subject, and
+that he had informed them of the course he intended to pursue; but that
+he had been advised against appointing any colored man to an office in
+which white women were employed.</p>
+
+<p>"Now," said the President, "since you have been at the head of an
+important bureau in the Treasury Department during the past four years,
+a bureau in which a number of white women are employed as clerks, I
+desire very much to know what has been your experiences along those
+lines." I informed the President that I would take pleasure in giving
+him the information desired. I assured him that if my occupancy of that
+office had been the occasion of the slightest embarrassment to anyone
+connected with the public service,&mdash;whether in the office over which I
+presided or any other,&mdash;that fact had never been brought to my notice.
+On the contrary, I had every reason to believe that no one who had
+previously occupied the position enjoyed the respect, good-will and
+friendship of the clerks and other employees to a greater extent than
+was enjoyed by me. My occupancy of that office had more than
+demonstrated the fact, if such were necessary, that official position
+and social contact were separate and distinct. My contact with the
+clerks and other employees of the office was official, not social.
+During office hours they were subject to my direction and supervision in
+the discharge of their official duties, and I am pleased to say that all
+of them, without a single exception, have shown me that courtesy,
+deference and respect due to the head of the office. After office hours
+they went their way and I went mine. No new social ties were created and
+none were broken or changed as the result of the official position
+occupied by me. I assured the President, that, judging from my own
+experience, he need not have the slightest apprehension of any
+embarrassment, friction or unpleasantness growing out of the appointment
+of a colored man of intelligence, good judgment and wise discretion as
+head of any bureau in which white women were employed.</p>
+
+<p>I could not allow the interview to close without expressing to the
+President my warm appreciation of his fair, just, reasonable and
+dignified position on the so-called race question.</p>
+
+<p>"Your attitude," I said, "if accepted in good faith by your party, will
+prove to be the solution of this mythical race problem. Although I am a
+pronounced Republican, yet, as a colored American, I am anxious to have
+such a condition of things brought about as will allow a colored man to
+be a Democrat if he so desires. I believe you have stated the case
+accurately when you say that thousands of colored men have voted the
+Republican ticket at important elections, from necessity and not from
+choice. As a Republican, it is my hope that colored as well as white
+men, act with and vote for the candidates of that party when worthy and
+meritorious, but as a colored American, I want them to be so situated
+that they can vote that way from choice and not from necessity. No man
+can be a free and independent American citizen who is obliged to
+sacrifice his convictions upon the altar of his personal safety. The
+attitude of the Democratic party upon this so-called race question has
+made the colored voter a dependent, and not an independent, American
+citizen. The Republican party emancipated him from physical bondage, for
+which he is grateful. It remains for the Democratic party to emancipate
+him from political bondage, for which he will be equally grateful. You
+are engaged, Mr. President, in a good and glorious work. As a colored
+man I thank you for the brave and noble stand you have taken. God grant
+that you, as a Democrat, may have influence enough to get the Democratic
+party as an organization to support you in the noble stand you have so
+bravely taken."</p>
+
+<p>The President thanked me for my expressions of good-will, and thus
+terminated what to me was a remarkable as well as a pleasant and most
+agreeable interview.</p>
+
+<p>A few days later a messenger from the State Department called at my
+office and informed me that the Secretary of State, Judge Gresham,
+desired to see me. Judge Gresham and I had been warm personal friends
+for many years. He had occupied many positions of prominence and
+responsibility. He had been a major-general in the Union army, and was
+with Sherman's army during that celebrated March through Georgia. He was
+one of the leading candidates for the Presidential nomination before the
+National Republican Convention at Chicago in 1888, when General Benjamin
+Harrison, of Indiana, was nominated.</p>
+
+<p>I was a member of that Convention and one of Judge Gresham's active
+supporters. In the campaign that followed Judge Gresham gave General
+Harrison his active and loyal support, but, for some unaccountable
+reason, he supported Mr. Cleveland against General Harrison in 1892. Mr.
+Cleveland was not only elected, but, contrary to public expectation, he
+carried the State of Illinois,&mdash;a State in which Judge Gresham was known
+to be very popular, especially among the colored people of Chicago;
+many of whom, it was said, voted for Mr. Cleveland through the efforts
+and influence of Judge Gresham. Mr. Cleveland evidently believed that
+his success in Illinois was due largely to Judge Gresham, and as
+evidence of that fact, and because Judge Gresham was known to be a very
+able man, Mr. Cleveland paid him the distinguished honor of appointing
+him to the leading position in his cabinet,&mdash;that of Secretary of State.</p>
+
+<p>When I called at the State Department the Judge invited me to a seat in
+his private office. He said there was an important matter about which he
+desired to talk with me. My name, he said, had been the subject of a
+recent conversation between the President and himself. The President, he
+said, was well aware of the cordial relations existing between us, and
+believed that if any man could influence my action he, Gresham, was that
+man.</p>
+
+<p>"Now," said the Judge, "the President has formed a very favorable
+opinion of you. He is anxious to have you remain at the head of the
+important bureau over which you are now presiding in such a creditable
+and satisfactory manner. But you understand that it is a political
+office. As anxious as the President is to retain you, and as anxious as
+I am to have him do so, he could not do it and you could neither ask nor
+expect him to do it, unless you were known to be in sympathy with, and a
+supporter of, his administration,&mdash;at least in the main. Now, you know
+that I am not only your friend, but that I am a friend to the colored
+people. I know you are a Republican. So am I; but I am a Cleveland man.
+Cleveland is a better Republican than Harrison. In supporting Cleveland
+against Harrison I am no less a Republican. As your friend I would not
+advise you to do anything that would militate against your interests.
+Knowing, as you do, that I am not only your friend but also a good
+Republican, you can at least afford to follow where I lead. I want you,
+then, to authorize me to say to the President that you are in sympathy
+with the main purposes of his administration as explained to you by me,
+and that his decision to retain you in your present position will be
+fully and keenly appreciated by you."</p>
+
+<p>In my reply I stated that while I was very grateful to the Judge for his
+friendly interest in me, and while I highly appreciated the President's
+good opinion of me, it would not be possible for me to consent to retain
+the position I then occupied upon the conditions named.</p>
+
+<p>"If," I said, "it is the desire of the President to have me remain in
+charge of that office during his administration or any part thereof, I
+would be perfectly willing to do so if I should be permitted to remain
+free from any conditions, pledges, promises or obligations. The
+conditions suggested mean nothing more nor less than that I shall
+identify myself with the Democratic party. The President has no office
+at his disposal the acceptance or retention of which could be a
+sufficient inducement for me to take such a step as that. I agree with
+what you have said about Mr. Cleveland, so far as he is personally
+concerned. I have every reason to believe that he has a friendly
+interest in the colored people and that he means to do the fair thing by
+them so far as it may be in his power. But he was elected as a Democrat.
+He is the head of a National Democratic Administration. No man can be
+wholly independent of his party,&mdash;a fact recognized in the conditions
+suggested in my own case. I don't think that Mr. Cleveland is what would
+be called in my part of the country a good Democrat, because I believe
+he is utterly devoid of race prejudice, and is not in harmony with those
+who insist upon drawing the color line in the Democratic party. In my
+opinion he is in harmony with the Democratic party only on one important
+public question,&mdash;the tariff. On all others,&mdash;the so-called race
+question not excepted,&mdash;he is in harmony with what I believe to be
+genuine Republicanism. Still, as I have already stated, he was elected
+as a Democrat; and, since he holds that the office now occupied by me is
+a political one, it ought to be filled by one who is in political
+harmony with the administration. I am not that man; for I cannot
+truthfully say that I am in harmony with the main purposes of the
+administration."</p>
+
+<p>The Judge remarked that my decision was a disappointment to him, and he
+believed that I would some day regret having made it, but that he would
+communicate to the President the result of our interview. In spite of
+this, my successor, Morton, a Democrat from Maine, was not appointed
+until the following August.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIX" id="CHAPTER_XXIX"></a>CHAPTER XXIX</h2>
+
+<h3>THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1900</h3>
+
+<p>As a delegate to the National Republican Convention of 1900, I was
+honored by my delegation with being selected to represent Mississippi on
+the Committee on Platform and Resolutions; and by the chairman of that
+committee, Senator Fairbanks, I was made a member of the sub-committee
+that drafted the platform. At the first meeting of the sub-committee,
+the Ohio member, Senator J.B. Foraker, submitted the draft of a platform
+that had been prepared at Washington which was made the basis of quite a
+lengthy and interesting discussion. This discussion developed the fact
+that the Washington draft was not at all satisfactory to a majority of
+the sub-committee. The New York member, Hon. L.E. Quigg, was especially
+pronounced in his objections, not so much to what was declared, but to
+the manner and form in which the declarations were made. In his opinion,
+the principles of the party were not set forth in the Washington draft
+in language that would make them clearly understood and easily
+comprehended by the reading public. After every member who desired to
+speak had done so, it was agreed that those who desired amendments,
+changes, or additions should submit the same in writing, and that these
+with the Washington draft be turned over to Mr. Quigg as a sub-committee
+of one. A platform in harmony with the views expressed by members of the
+committee would then be carefully prepared, and the same submitted to
+the sub-committee at an adjourned meeting to be held at an early hour
+the next morning.</p>
+
+<p>The only amendment suggested by me was one, the purpose of which was to
+express more clearly the attitude of the party with reference to the
+enforcement of the war amendments to the National Constitution. When the
+sub-committee met the next morning Mr. Quigg submitted an entirely new
+draft, which he had prepared the afternoon and night before, using the
+Washington draft and the amendments submitted by members of the
+sub-committee as the basis of what he had done. His draft proved to be
+so satisfactory to the sub-committee that it was accepted and adopted
+with very slight modifications. Mr. Quigg seemed to have been very
+careful in the preparation of his draft, not only giving expression to
+the views of the sub-committee, which had been developed in the
+discussion, and as had been set forth in the suggested amendments
+referred to him, but the manner and form of expression used by him
+impressed the committee as being a decided improvement upon the
+Washington draft, although the subject matter in both drafts was
+substantially the same. Mr. Quigg's draft, with very slight changes and
+alterations, was not only accepted and adopted, but he was the recipient
+of the thanks of the other members for the excellent manner in which he
+had discharged the important duty that had been assigned him.</p>
+
+<p>The full committee was then convened by which the unanimous report of
+the sub-committee was adopted without opposition and without change. But
+I had anticipated a renewal of the effort to change the basis of
+representation in future National Republican Conventions, and had,
+therefore, made some little mental preparation to take a leading part in
+opposition to its adoption. Such a proposition had been submitted at
+nearly every National Convention of the party since 1884. That a similar
+effort would be made at this convention I had good reasons to believe.
+In this I was not mistaken. It was introduced by Senator Quay, of
+Pennsylvania. His proposition, like the others, was that in the future
+delegates to the National Convention should be apportioned among the
+different States upon the basis of the votes polled for the party
+candidates at the last preceding national election, instead of upon the
+basis of the States' representation in Congress. On the first view this
+proposition seems to be both reasonable and fair, but it cannot stand
+the test of an intelligent analysis. As soon as I sought and secured
+the recognition of the chair, I offered an amendment in the nature of a
+substitute, declaring it to be the judgment of the party that in all
+States in which there had been an evasion of the Fifteenth Amendment by
+State action, that there should be a reduction in the representation in
+Congress from such State or States in the manner and for the purpose
+expressed in the Fourteenth Amendment. A point of order was immediately
+made against the amendment, but the occupant of the chair, Senator
+Lodge, stated that he would hold his decision in reserve pending an
+explanation by me of the amendment I had submitted. At that time a
+suggestion was made that the whole subject be postponed until the next
+day, to which I assented, and then yielded the floor. But it was not
+again called up, hence my speech was never delivered. Since it may be of
+some interest to the reader to get an idea of what I had in mind, I
+shall here set down in the main what I intended to say on that occasion
+had the opportunity been presented.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Chairman, while there may be some doubt, in a parliamentary sense,
+as to whether or not the amendment I have submitted can be entertained
+as a substitute for the original proposition, it cannot be denied that
+it relates to the same subject matter. I hope, therefore, that the
+Convention will have an opportunity in some way of voting upon it in
+lieu of the one that has been presented by the distinguished gentleman
+from Pennsylvania. It is a well-known fact that under the present system
+each State is entitled to double the number of delegates that it has
+Senators and Representatives in Congress. The plan now proposed is that
+the apportionment in future conventions be based upon the number of
+votes polled for the candidates of the party at the last preceding
+National election, according to what is known as the 'official returns,'
+although it may be a fact, as is unquestionably true in some States,
+that the 'official returns' may not be free from fraud,&mdash;that they may
+represent in some instances not the actual party vote polled, but the
+party vote counted, certified, and returned. This plan, therefore, means
+that representation from some States in future National Republican
+Conventions will not be based upon Republican strength, nor determined
+by Republican votes, but will be fixed and determined by Democratic
+election officials. In other words, Democrats, and not Republicans, will
+fix and determine in a large measure, representation in future
+Conventions of the Republican party.</p>
+
+<p>"The proposed change is predicated upon the assumption that elections
+are fair and returns are honest in all the States at each and every
+National election. If that were true the difference in the
+representation from the several States would be unimportant and
+immaterial, even under the proposed change, hence there would be no
+occasion for the change. The fact that this assumption is not true
+furnishes the basis for the alleged inequality in representation, and
+the apparent necessity for the change proposed. In addition to this it
+is a well-known fact that in several of the Southern States,&mdash;my own,
+Mississippi, among the number,&mdash;the Fifteenth Amendment to the National
+Constitution has been practically nullified, and that the colored men in
+such States have been as effectually disfranchised as if the Fifteenth
+Amendment were not a part of the organic law of the land. If the plan
+that is now proposed by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania
+should be adopted, the National Republican party by accepting them and
+making them the basis of representation in future National Conventions
+of the party will have thereby placed itself on record as having given
+its sanction to the questionable methods by which these results have
+been accomplished. I frankly confess that the plan I have presented is
+based upon the humiliating confession that the Government is without
+power under the Constitution as construed by the Supreme Court to
+effectually enforce the war amendments; and that in consequence thereof
+nothing is left to be done but to fall back upon the plan prescribed by
+the Fourteenth Amendment, which is to reduce the representation in
+Congress from such States in the manner and for the purposes therein
+stated.</p>
+
+<p>"It is true that the Fourteenth Amendment having been proposed and
+submitted prior to the Fifteenth, the provision with reference to
+reduction of representation in Congress was predicated upon the
+assumption that the different States could then legally make race or
+color a ground of discrimination in prescribing the qualification of
+electors. Still, it occurs to me that if a State could be thus punished
+for doing that which it had a legal right to do, the same punishment can
+now be inflicted for doing that which it can no longer legally do. If
+the plan proposed by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania
+should be adopted, the Republican party will not only have placed itself
+on record as having given its sanction to the methods by which these
+results will have been accomplished, but it will be notice to the
+different States, north as well as south, that any of them that may see
+fit to take advantage of their own wrongs will have no occasion to fear
+any future punishment being inflicted upon the State for so doing. Under
+the plan thus proposed the State that may thus take advantage of its own
+wrongs will not only receive no punishment in the reduction of its
+representation in Congress, but its methods and practices will have been
+approved and adopted by the Republican party.</p>
+
+<p>"On the other hand, the plan I propose is one which is equivalent to a
+notice to the different States that, while the National Government may
+not be able to enforce by appropriate legislation the war amendments to
+the Constitution, the Legislative department of the Government can
+prevent a State from taking advantage of its own wrongs, through the
+infliction of a punishment upon the State in the reduction of its
+representation in Congress. Since representation in the National
+Convention is based upon the States' representation in Congress, it will
+be seen that if the representation in Congress from such States should
+be reduced, it would result in a reduction in the representation from
+such States in the National Convention. The main purpose, therefore,
+which the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania seems to have in
+view will have been practically accomplished, but in a far different and
+in a much less objectionable way. It will be some satisfaction to
+southern Republicans, who are denied access to the ballot-box through an
+evasion of the National Constitution, to know that if they are to be
+denied a voice in future National Conventions of the party to which they
+belong, because they are unable to make their votes effective at the
+ballot-box, the party or State by which they are thus wronged will not
+be allowed to take advantage of, and enjoy the fruits thereof. They will
+at least have the satisfaction of knowing that if they cannot vote
+themselves, others cannot vote for them, and thus appropriate to
+themselves the increased representation in Congress and in the electoral
+college to which the State is entitled, based upon their representative
+strength.</p>
+
+<p>"The strongest point in favor of this proposed change, as I have
+endeavored to show, grows out of the apparent inequality in
+representation in the National Convention due to the denial of access to
+the ballot-box to Republicans through an evasion of the Fifteenth
+Amendment. I cannot believe, Mr. Chairman, that this convention can be
+induced to favorably consider any proposition, the effect of which will
+be to sanction and approve the questionable methods by which the colored
+Republicans in several Southern States have been disfranchised. I cannot
+believe that this convention can be induced to favorably consider any
+proposition, the effect of which will be the sending of a message of
+sympathy and encouragement to the Democrats of North Carolina, who are
+now engaged in an effort to disfranchise the colored Republicans of that
+State.</p>
+
+<p>"The colored Americans ask no special favors as a class,&mdash;and no special
+protection as a race. All they ask and insist upon is equal civil and
+political rights, and a voice in the government under which they live,
+and to which they owe allegiance, and for the support of which they are
+taxed. They feel that they are entitled to such consideration and
+treatment, not as a matter of favor but as a matter of right. They came
+to the rescue of their country when its flag was trailing in the dust of
+treason and rebellion, and freely watered the tree of liberty with the
+precious and patriotic blood that flowed from their loyal veins.</p>
+
+<p>"There sits upon the floor of this convention to-day a distinguished
+gentleman whose name is upon the lips of every patriotic American
+citizen. The gentleman to whom I refer, is the member from the great and
+important State of New York, Theodore Roosevelt, who, as the brave
+leader of the American troops, led the charge upon San Juan Hill. In
+following the lead of that gallant officer on that momentous occasion,
+the colored American again vindicated his right to a voice in the
+government of his country. In his devotion to the cause of liberty and
+justice the colored American has shown that he was not only willing and
+ready at any and all times to sacrifice his life upon the altar of his
+own country, but that he is also willing to fight side by side with his
+white American brother in an effort to plant the tree of liberty upon a
+foreign soil. Must it now be said, that, in spite of all this, the
+colored American finds himself without a home, without a country,
+without friends, and even without a party? God forbid!</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Chairman, the colored American has been taught to believe that when
+all other parties and organizations are against him, he can always look
+with hope and encouragement to conventions of the Republican party. Must
+that hope now be destroyed? Must he now be made to feel and to realize
+the unpleasant fact that, as an American citizen, his ambition, his
+hopes and his aspirations are to be buried beneath the sod of
+disappointment and despair? Mr. Chairman, the achievements of the
+Republican party as the friend and champion of equal civil and political
+rights for all classes of American citizens, constitute one of the most
+brilliant chapters in the history of that grand and magnificent
+organization. Must that chapter now be blotted out? Are you now prepared
+to confess that in these grand and glorious achievements the party made
+a grave mistake?</p>
+
+<p>"It was a most beautiful and imposing scene that took place yesterday
+when a number of venerable men who took part in the organization of the
+Republican party, occupied seats upon the platform of this convention.
+The presence of those men brought to mind pleasant and agreeable
+recollections of the past. Until the Republican party was organized, the
+middle classes, the laboring people, the oppressed and the slave had no
+channel through which to reach the bar of public opinion. The Democratic
+party was controlled by the slave oligarchy of the South, whilst the
+Whig party had not the courage of its convictions. The Republican party
+came to the front with a determination to secure, if possible, freedom
+for the slave, liberty for the oppressed, and justice and fair play for
+all classes and races of our population. That its efforts in these
+directions have not been wholly in vain are among the most glorious and
+brilliant achievements that will constitute a most important part of the
+history of our country; for it had been the unmistakable determination
+of that party to make this beautiful country of ours in truth and in
+fact the land of the free and the home of the brave. Surely it is not
+your purpose now to reverse and undo any part of the grand and noble
+work that has been so successfully and so well done along these lines.</p>
+
+<p>"And yet that is just what you will have done if you adopt the
+proposition presented by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania.
+While I do not assert and cannot believe that such was or is the purpose
+and desire of the author of that proposition, yet no one that will give
+the matter careful consideration can fail to see that the effect of it
+will be to undo, in part at least, what the Republican party has
+accomplished since its organization. As a colored Republican, speaking
+in behalf of that class of our fellow citizens who honor and revere the
+Republican party for what it has accomplished in the past, I feel that I
+have a right to appeal to you not to cloud the magnificent record which
+this grand organization has made. So far as the colored man is
+concerned, you found him a slave; you have made him a free man. You
+found him a serf; you have made him a sovereign. You found him a
+dependent menial; you have made him a soldier. I therefore appeal to the
+members of this Convention, in the name of the history of the Republican
+party, and in behalf of justice and fair-play, to vote down this unjust,
+unfair, unwise and unnecessary proposition which has been presented by
+the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania."</p>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXX" id="CHAPTER_XXX"></a>CHAPTER XXX</h2>
+
+<h3>ARGUMENT ON PROPOSED CHANGE OF REPRESENTATION IN CONVENTION</h3>
+
+<p>In addition to the reasons already given there are many others that
+might be urged against the proposed change of representation.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, the present plan is based upon the sound and stable
+principle upon which the Government was organized. Representation in
+Congress is not based upon votes or voters, but upon population. The
+same is true of the different State Legislatures. All political
+parties,&mdash;or, at any rate, the principal ones,&mdash;have adopted the same
+system in the make-up of their State and National Conventions. The
+membership of the National Convention being based upon each State's
+representation in Congress, the State Conventions, with perhaps a few
+exceptions, are based upon the representation in the State Legislatures
+from each county, parish, or other civil division. It is the fairest,
+safest, best, and most equitable plan that can be devised or adopted.</p>
+
+<p>Under this plan or system, no State, section or locality can gain or
+lose representation in any party convention through the application of
+extraneous or questionable methods, either by the action of the
+government or of a political party. The representation in Congress and
+in the different State Legislatures, which is based upon population,
+fixes the representation from each State in the different National
+Conventions and in many of the State Conventions. Any other plan or
+system,&mdash;especially that which is based upon the number of votes cast
+for the candidates of the party as officially ascertained and
+declared,&mdash;would have a tendency to work serious injustice to certain
+States and sections. In fact, it would have a tendency to sectionalize
+the party by which the change is made.</p>
+
+<p>Under the present system, for instance, Pennsylvania and Texas have the
+same representation in a National Democratic Convention that they have
+in a National Republican Convention, although one is usually Republican
+in National elections and the other Democratic. And why should not the
+representation from those States be the same in both conventions? Why
+should Texas, because it is believed to be safely Democratic, have more
+power and influence in a Democratic Convention on that account than the
+Republican State of Pennsylvania? The answer may be because one is a
+Democratic and the other a Republican State&mdash;because one can be relied
+upon to give its electoral votes to the candidates of the Democratic
+party while the other cannot. But this is not in harmony with our
+governmental system. Representation in Congress being based upon
+population, every State, section and locality has its relative weight
+and influence in the government in accordance with the number of its
+inhabitants.</p>
+
+<p>That this is the correct principle will not be seriously questioned when
+it is carefully considered. What is true of Pennsylvania and Texas in a
+National Democratic Convention is equally true of the same States in a
+National Republican Convention, and for the same reasons. The argument
+that Pennsylvania should have relatively a larger representation in a
+National Republican Convention than Texas, because the former is
+reliably Republican while the latter is hopelessly Democratic, is just
+as fallacious in this case as in the other. But it is said that
+delegates from States that cannot contribute to the success of the
+ticket should not have a potential voice in nominating a ticket that
+other States must be depended upon to elect. Then why not exclude them
+altogether, and also those from the territories and the District of
+Columbia?</p>
+
+<p>The argument is unsound, and unreasonable; a State may be reliably
+Republican at one election and yet go Democratic at the next. In 1872
+General Grant, the Republican candidate for President, carried nearly
+every State in the Union, in the South as well as in the North. Four
+years later Governor Hayes, the Republican candidate for President,
+came within one vote of being defeated in the electoral college; and
+even then his election was made possible only through the decision of
+the Electoral Commission. In 1880 General Garfield, the Republican
+candidate for President, carried New York, and was elected; while four
+years later Mr. Blaine, the candidate of the same party, lost it and was
+defeated. In 1888 Harrison, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+carried New York, and was elected; four years later he not only lost New
+York, but also such important States as Indiana and Illinois, and came
+within a few votes of losing Ohio. This was due to a slump in the
+Republican vote throughout the country, which would have made a very
+radical change in the National Convention of 1896 if the apportionment
+of delegates to that convention had been based upon the votes cast for
+Harrison in 1892. While McKinley, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+was elected by a large majority in 1896, he lost such important Western
+States as Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Montana, Washington and Nevada.
+While he was re&euml;lected four years later by an increased majority, he
+again lost some of the same States. While Roosevelt, the Republican
+Presidential candidate in 1904, carried every State that McKinley
+carried in 1900, and several others besides, Mr. Bryan, the Democratic
+candidate in 1908, though defeated by a large majority, regained some
+of the Western States that Roosevelt carried in 1904,&mdash;notably his own
+State of Nebraska.</p>
+
+<p>There was a time when such States as Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia,
+Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee were as safely Democratic as Texas and
+Georgia. Will anyone assert that such is true of them now? There also
+was a time when such States as Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada were as
+reliably Republican as Pennsylvania and Vermont. Is that true of them
+now? In addition to these, taking into consideration important elections
+that have been held since 1880, the Republicans cannot absolutely rely
+upon the support of such States as Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut,
+New York, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, Kansas, and even Ohio. Even the
+strong Republican State of Pennsylvania has occasionally gone Democratic
+in what is called an "off year." Other Republican States,&mdash;or States
+that usually go Republican,&mdash;have gone Democratic when it was not an off
+year,&mdash;Illinois, for instance, in 1892. All of this goes to prove how
+unreliable, unsafe, unsatisfactory, unjust and unfair would be the
+change in the basis of representation as thus proposed.</p>
+
+<p>Another argument in support of the proposed change is that delegates
+from Democratic States are, as a rule, controlled by the administration
+then in power, if Republican, and that such delegates can be depended
+upon to support the administration candidate whoever he may be,
+regardless of merit, strength or availability. This argument, of course,
+is based upon the assumption that what is true of Democratic States in
+this respect is not true of Republican States. The slightest
+investigation will easily establish the fallacy of this assumption. The
+truth is that the federal office-holders&mdash;especially those holding
+appointive offices,&mdash;can, with a few exceptions, always be depended upon
+to support the Administration candidate, whoever he may be. The only
+difference between the North and the South in this respect is that in
+some of the Southern States, where but one party is allowed to
+exist,&mdash;the Democratic party,&mdash;the Republican office-holders can more
+easily manipulate and control the conventions of their party in such
+States. But that the office-holders of all sections constitute an
+important factor in the election of delegates to the National
+Conventions will not be denied by those who are familiar with the facts,
+and are honest enough to admit them.</p>
+
+<p>For purposes of illustration we will take the National Republican
+Convention of 1908, which nominated Judge Taft. It was known that Judge
+Taft was the man whose candidacy was supported by the Administration.
+The proceedings of the Convention revealed the fact that outside of five
+States that had what were called "favorite son" candidates of their
+own, there were perhaps not more than fifty votes in the whole
+Convention that were opposed to the administration candidate, although
+it is more than probable that Judge Taft would not have been nominated
+but for the fact that he was the choice of the administration.</p>
+
+<p>I am sure no fair-minded person will assert that, in thus voting, the
+delegates from the Democratic States were influenced by the
+administration, while those from Republican States were not. It is not
+my purpose to assert or even intimate that any questionable methods were
+used to influence the election, or control the votes of the delegates in
+the interest of any one candidate. Nothing of that sort was necessary,
+since human nature is the same the world over.</p>
+
+<p>That the office-holders should be loyal to the administration to which
+they belong is perfectly natural. That those who wish to become
+office-holders should be anxious to be on the winning side is also
+natural, and that, too, without regard to the locality or section in
+which they live. It is a fact, therefore, that up to 1908 no candidate
+has ever been nominated by a Republican National Convention who did not
+finally receive a sufficient number of votes from all sections of the
+country to make his nomination practically the choice of the party
+without regard to sectional lines.</p>
+
+<p>If, then, it be a fact that in 1908, for instance, delegates to the
+National Republican Convention were elected and controlled through
+administration influences in the interest of any one candidate, such
+influences were no less potential in Republican than in Democratic
+States. Outside of the administration candidate there were at that
+Convention five very important States that presented candidates of their
+own. They were New York, Indiana, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
+That the delegation from each of said States were practically solid in
+the support of its "favorite son" was due largely to the wise decision
+of the managers of the administration candidate to concede to each of
+said "favorite sons" the delegation from his own State without a
+contest. But for this decision, which was wisely made in the interest of
+party harmony, no one of those "favorite sons" would have had the solid
+delegation from his own State. As it was, a large majority of the
+delegates from the five States named was not unfriendly to the
+Administration candidate. These delegates voted for their "favorite
+sons" simply because they knew that in doing so they were not
+antagonizing the administration. There never was a time, therefore, when
+they could have been united upon any one candidate in opposition to the
+one that had at his back the powerful support of the Administration. Our
+government has reached that point in its growth, where it is not only
+possible, but comparatively easy, for an administration to secure the
+nomination of the one by whom it desires to be succeeded,&mdash;especially
+under the present system of electing delegates. It was in anticipation
+of this, and to prevent any one man from perpetuating himself in power,
+that Washington established the precedent against a third successive
+term.</p>
+
+<p>If the advocates of this proposed change are to be believed, and if they
+wish to be consistent, they should include the National Committee. The
+composition of that body is somewhat similar to that of the United
+States Senate. In the Senate Nevada and Delaware have the same
+representation as New York and Pennsylvania. In the National Committee
+each State, territory, and the District of Columbia has one vote. If any
+change in the interest of reform is necessary, the National Republican
+Committee is the organization where it should first be made; for it
+often happens that that committee can not only shape the policy of the
+party but control the nomination as well,&mdash;especially when the result
+between opposing candidates is close and doubtful. In such a contest the
+candidate that has the support of a majority of the National Committee
+has a decided advantage over his rivals for the nomination. If the
+result should be close that advantage will be more than likely to secure
+him the nomination.</p>
+
+<p>The National Committee prepares the roll of the delegates to the
+Convention, and, in doing so, it decides primarily every contested
+seat. If the contests thus decided should give any one candidate a
+majority, that majority will be sure to retain the advantage thus
+secured. It will thus be seen that if any change is necessary this is
+the place where it should first be made. It occurs to me that instead of
+changing the basis of representation the most effective remedy for the
+evils now complained of is to have the delegates to National Conventions
+elected at popular primaries, instead of by State and district
+conventions.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXI" id="CHAPTER_XXXI"></a>CHAPTER XXXI</h2>
+
+<h3>COMPARISON OF BRYAN AND CLEVELAND</h3>
+
+<p>It was upon the territory which now comprises the States of Kansas and
+Nebraska that the preliminary battles in the interest of freedom were
+successfully fought. This is especially true of that part of the
+territory which now comprises the State of Kansas. But not only for that
+reason has that State occupied a prominent place before the public;
+other events of national importance have had their birth there. It was
+Kansas that furnished one of the Republican United State Senators who
+voted against the conviction, of Andrew Johnson,&mdash;who had been impeached
+by the House of Representatives for high crimes and misdemeanors in
+office,&mdash;and thus secured the President's acquittal. That State also
+furnished one of the most remarkable men that ever occupied a seat in
+the United States Senate, John J. Ingalls.</p>
+
+<p>I distinctly remember him as an able and brilliant young Senator
+when,&mdash;in 1875, under the leadership of Senator George F. Edmunds, of
+Vermont,&mdash;he took a prominent part in the successful fight that was made
+in that body to secure the passage of the Sumner Civil Rights Bill. It
+was this fight that demonstrated his fitness for the position he
+subsequently occupied as one of the distinguished leaders on the
+Republican side of the Senate. He was a natural born orator, having a
+wonderful command of the English language; and, while he was somewhat
+superficial and not always logical, he never failed to be interesting,
+though he was seldom instructive. For severe satire and irony he had few
+equals and no superiors. It was on this account that no Senator was
+anxious to get into a controversy with him. But for two unfortunate
+events in the career of John J. Ingalls he would have filled a much more
+important position in the history of his country than it is now possible
+for the impartial historian to give him.</p>
+
+<p>Kansas, unfortunately, proved to be a fertile field for the growth and
+development of that ephemeral organization known as the Populist
+party,&mdash;a party that had secured a majority in the Legislature that was
+to elect the successor to Mr. Ingalls. The Senator evidently had great
+confidence in his own oratorical ability. He appeared to have conceived
+the idea that it was possible for him to make a speech on the floor of
+the Senate that would insure his re&euml;lection even by a Populist
+Legislature. In this,&mdash;as he soon found out, to his bitter
+disappointment,&mdash;he was mistaken. He no doubt came to the same
+conclusion that many of his friends and admirers had already come to,
+that in bidding for the support of the Populists of his State he had
+made the mistake of his life. The impression he made upon the public
+mind was that he was devoid of principle, and that he was willing to
+sacrifice his own party upon the altar of his ambition.</p>
+
+<p>But it was neither known nor suspected that he contemplated making a bid
+for the support of the Populist members of the Legislature until he
+delivered his speech. When, therefore, it was announced that Senator
+Ingalls would address the Senate on a certain day, he was greeted, as on
+previous occasions, with a large audience. But this was the first time
+that his hearers had been sadly disappointed. This was due more to what
+was said than how it was said. Then it was plain to those who heard him
+that his heart was not in what he was saying; hence the speech was
+devoid of that fiery eloquence which on previous occasions had charmed
+and electrified his hearers. But, after that speech, when one of his
+auditors would ask another what he thought of it, the reply invariably
+was a groan of disappointment. When the immense crowd dispersed at the
+conclusion of the speech instead of smiling faces and pleasing
+countenances as on previous occasions, one could not help noticing
+marked evidences of disappointment in every face. The impression that
+had been made was, that it was an appeal to the Populist members of the
+Legislature of his State to return him to the Senate, in exchange for
+which he was willing to turn his back upon the party which he was then
+serving. It was almost equivalent to an open declaration of his
+willingness to identify himself with the Populists, and champion their
+cause if they would reelect him to the seat he then occupied. From the
+effects of that fatal blunder the Senator never recovered.</p>
+
+<p>Another thing that lessened the distinguished orator and Senator in the
+estimation of the public was his radically changed attitude upon
+questions affecting the political, social and industrial status of the
+colored Americans. From a brilliant and eloquent champion and defender
+of their civil and political rights he became one of their most severe
+critics. From his latest utterances upon that subject it was clear to
+those who heard what he said that the colored Americans merited nothing
+that had been said and done in their behalf, but nearly everything that
+had been said and done against them. Why there had been such a radical
+change in his attitude upon that subject, has been an inexplicable
+mystery. The only explanation that I have heard from the lips of some of
+his former friends and admirers was that it was in the nature of an
+experiment,&mdash;the expectation being that it would give him a sensational
+fame throughout the country, which could be utilized to his financial
+advantage upon his retirement to private life. This explanation would
+have been rejected without serious consideration, but for the fact that
+some others have pursued the same course for the same reason, and their
+hopes have been, in a large measure, realized. In his bid for the
+support of the Populist members of the Legislature of his State the
+Senator had established the fact that he did not have very strong
+convictions upon any subject, and that those he had could be easily
+changed to suit the times and the occasion.</p>
+
+<p>Nebraska, though not very strong politically, is one of the most
+important States in the West. It has sent a number of men to the front
+who have made an impression upon the public mind. For many years no
+State in the Union was more reliably Republican than Nebraska. A large
+majority of its voters, I am sure, are not now in harmony with the
+Democratic party,&mdash;nor have they ever been so,&mdash;but it is true, at the
+same time, that thousands of those who for many years acted with the
+Republican party, and voted for its candidates, have become alienated,
+thus making Republican success at any election in the State close and
+doubtful, and that, too, regardless of the merits of opposing candidates
+or the platform declarations of opposing parties.</p>
+
+<p>For this remarkable change there must be a good and sufficient reason.
+The State in its early history was sparsely populated, and stood very
+much in need of railroads for the development of its resources. In
+those days, railroads were very popular, and the people were in a mood
+to offer liberal inducements to those who would raise the means to
+furnish them with the necessary transportation facilities.</p>
+
+<p>For the same reason the Federal Government made valuable concessions in
+the interest of railroad construction in the Western States. Since the
+railroads, thus aided, were in a large measure the creatures of the
+State and Nation they thereby acquired an interest in the administration
+of the National and State Governments,&mdash;especially those of the
+State,&mdash;that they otherwise would not have had.</p>
+
+<p>The construction of the roads went on at such a rapid rate that they
+soon acquired such a power and influence in the administration of the
+State Government that the people looked upon it as being dangerous to
+their liberties. In fact it was claimed,&mdash;a claim, no doubt, largely
+supported by the facts,&mdash;that the State Government was actually
+dominated by railroad influence. No one, it was said, could be elected
+or appointed to an important office who was not acceptable to the
+railroad interests. This state of affairs produced a revulsion among the
+common people; thousands of whom decided that they would vote against
+the Republican party, which was then,&mdash;as it had been for many
+years,&mdash;in control of the State Government because of its having
+allowed such a state of affairs to be brought about.</p>
+
+<p>Edward Rosewater, editor and proprietor of the Omaha <i>Bee</i>, the most
+influential Republican paper in the State, took sides against the
+railroad interests. The result was that Nebraska, for the first time,
+elected a Democratic governor.</p>
+
+<p>But many of the Republicans who acted with the Democrats on that
+occasion could not see their way clear to remain in that party, though
+some of them were not willing to return to the ranks of the Republicans.
+So they decided to cast their lot with the Populist party, which in the
+meantime had made its appearance upon the field of political activity.
+While the Democratic party remained the minority party in the State, it
+was seldom that the Republicans could poll more votes than the Democrats
+and Populists combined, and since, under the then leadership of the
+Democratic party in the State, that party and the Populist stood
+practically for the same things, it was not difficult to bring about
+fusion of the two parties against the Republicans. This gave the
+Fusionists control of the State Government for a number of years.</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime a brilliant, eloquent and talented young man had come
+upon the stage of political activity. This man was William J. Bryan. His
+first entry into public life was his election to Congress as a Democrat
+from a Republican district. While a member of the House he made a
+speech on the tariff question which gave him national fame. As a speaker
+William Jennings Bryan has always been plausible and captivating. He can
+clothe his thoughts in such beautiful and eloquent language that he
+seldom fails to make a favorable impression upon those who hear him. It
+was this wonderful faculty that secured him his first nomination for the
+Presidency. His name was hardly thought of in connection with the
+nomination by that convention. In fact his right to a seat as a member
+of the convention was disputed and contested. But, after he had
+delivered his cross of gold and crown of thorns speech before that body,
+he carried the Convention by storm. His nomination was then a foregone
+conclusion.</p>
+
+<p>It was under the leadership and chiefly through the influence of Mr.
+Bryan that the fusion between the Democrats and the Populists of his
+State was brought about. But for his advocacy of Free Silver and his
+affiliation with the Populists, he might have reached the goal of his
+ambition. The result of the election showed that while he commanded and
+received the support of not less than eighty per cent of his own party,
+the remaining twenty per cent proved to be strong enough to insure his
+defeat. In fact the business interests of the country were almost solid
+against him; and it is safe to say that no man can ever hope to become
+President of the United States who cannot at least divide the
+substantial and solid business interests. The business men were
+apprehensive that the election of Mr. Bryan would bring about financial
+and commercial disaster, hence they, almost regardless of previous party
+affiliations, practically united in an effort to defeat him.</p>
+
+<p>The State of Nebraska, therefore, will always occupy a prominent place
+in the history of the country, because,&mdash;though young, small, and
+politically weak,&mdash;it has produced the most remarkable man of whom the
+Democratic party can boast. It has also produced a number of very able
+men on the Republican side, such men, for instance, as C.F. Manderson,
+and John M. Thurston,&mdash;who both served the State in the United States
+Senate, and made brilliant records. But Mr. Bryan had an advantage over
+these two when he stood before a popular audience in Nebraska, because
+they had been identified with the railroad interests, while he had not.</p>
+
+<p>That Mr. Bryan is a strong man and has a wonderful hold upon his party
+is shown by the fact that he has been three times the party candidate
+for the Presidency. While it may be true that he can never be elected to
+the Presidency, it is no doubt equally true that while he lives no other
+Democrat can become President who is not acceptable to him and to his
+friends.</p>
+
+<p>In one respect at least, Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Bryan were very much
+alike. As already stated, Mr. Bryan is a Democrat. The same was true of
+Mr. Cleveland; and yet they were as radically different as it is
+possible for two men to be. They were not only different in temperament
+and disposition, but also in their views and convictions upon public
+questions,&mdash;at least, so far as the public is informed,&mdash;with the
+possible exception of the tariff. There was another question that came
+to the front after the Spanish American war,&mdash;the question of
+"Imperialism,"&mdash;upon which they may have been in accord; but this is not
+positively known to be a fact. Indeed, the tariff is such a complicated
+subject that they may not have been in perfect accord even on that. Mr.
+Cleveland was elected President in 1892 upon a platform pledged to a
+tariff for revenue only. The Democrats had a majority in both Houses of
+Congress; but when that majority passed a tariff bill, it fell so far
+short of Mr. Cleveland's idea of a tariff for revenue only that he not
+only denounced it in strong language, but refused to sign it. Whether or
+not Mr. Bryan was with the President or with the Democratic majority in
+Congress in that fight is not known; but, judging from his previous
+public utterances upon the subject, it is to be presumed that he was in
+accord with the President.</p>
+
+<p>It is claimed by the friends and admirers of both Mr. Cleveland and Mr.
+Bryan that each could be truly called a Jeffersonian Democrat; which
+means a strong advocate and defender of what is called States Rights, a
+doctrine on which is based one of the principal differences between the
+Republican and Democratic parties. Yet President Cleveland did not
+hesitate to use the military force of the government to suppress
+domestic violence within the boundaries of a State, and that too against
+the protest of the Governor of the State, for the alleged reason that
+such action was necessary to prevent the interruption of the carrying of
+the United States mail. Mr. Bryan's views upon the same subject appear
+to be sufficiently elastic to justify the National Government, in his
+opinion, in becoming the owner and operator of the principal railroads
+of the country. His views along those lines are so far in advance of
+those of his party that he was obliged, for reasons of political
+expediency and party exigency, to hold them in abeyance during the
+Presidential campaign of 1908. Jeffersonian democracy, therefore, seems
+now to be nothing more than a meaningless form of expression.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXXII" id="CHAPTER_XXXII"></a>CHAPTER XXXII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE SOLID SOUTH, PAST AND PRESENT. FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY</h3>
+
+<p>To turn again to the South. This section has been a fertile field for
+political experimental purposes by successive Republican
+administrations, ever since the second administration of President
+Grant. The Solid South, so-called, has been a serious menace to the
+peace and prosperity of the country. How to bring about such a condition
+of affairs as would do away with the supposed necessity for its
+continuance has been the problem, the solution of which has been the
+cause of political experiments. President Hayes was the first to try the
+experiment of appointing Democrats to many of the most important
+offices, hoping that the solution would thus be found. But he was not
+given credit for honest motives in doing so, for the reason that the
+public was impressed with the belief that such action on his part was
+one of the conditions upon which he was allowed to be peaceably
+inaugurated. At any rate the experiment was a complete failure, hence,
+so far as the more important offices were concerned, that policy was not
+continued by Republican administrations that came into power subsequent
+to the Hayes administration, and prior to that of Taft's.</p>
+
+<p>I do not mean to say that no Democrats were appointed to important
+offices at the South by the administrations referred to, but such
+appointments were not made with the belief or expectation that they
+would contribute to a solution of the problem that was involved in what
+was known as the Solid South. Political and social conditions in that
+section of the country are such that the appointment to some of the
+federal offices of men who are not identified with the Republican party
+is inevitable. The impression that the writer desires to make upon the
+mind of the reader is that, between the administration of Hayes and that
+of Taft no Republican administrations made such appointments with the
+expectation that they would contribute to a breaking up of the solid
+south. President Roosevelt tried the experiment of offering
+encouragement and inducements in that direction to what was known as the
+Gold-standard Democrats, but even that was barren of satisfactory
+results. President Taft seems to be the only Republican President since
+Mr. Hayes who has allowed himself to labor under the delusion that the
+desired result could be accomplished through the use and distribution of
+Federal patronage. The chief mistake on the part of those who thus
+believe, and who act in accordance with that belief, grows out of a
+serious lack of information about the actual situation. In the first
+place their action is based upon the assumption that the Solid
+South,&mdash;or what remains of it,&mdash;is an outgrowth of an honest expression
+of the wishes of the people of that section, whereas, in point of fact,
+the masses had very little to do with bringing about present conditions
+and know less about them. Those conditions are not due primarily to the
+fact that colored men are intimidated by white men, but that white men
+are intimidated by the Democratic party. They are not due primarily to
+the fact that colored men are disfranchised, but that white men are
+prevented from giving effective expression to their honest political
+opinions and convictions.</p>
+
+<p>The disfranchisement of the colored men is one of the results growing
+out of those conditions, which would not and could not exist if there
+were absolute freedom of thought and action in political matters among
+the white people. The only part that the so-called Race Question plays
+in this business is that it is used as a pretext to justify the coercive
+and proscriptive methods thus used. The fact that the colored man is
+disfranchised and has no voice in the creation and administration of the
+government under which he lives and by which he is taxed does not change
+the situation in this respect. His presence,&mdash;whether he can vote or
+not,&mdash;furnishes the occasion for the continuance of such methods, and,
+as long as intelligent persons, especially at the North and particularly
+in the Republican party, can be thus fooled and deceived they will not
+be discontinued.</p>
+
+<p>The announcement of President Taft's Southern policy, therefore, was
+received by the present leaders of the Democratic party at the South
+with satisfaction and delight, not on account of the official
+recognition that members of their party were to receive, for that was of
+secondary importance, but on account of the fact that they could clearly
+see that their contention about the so-called race question was thus
+given a national sanction, which would have the effect of making that
+question serve them for several more Presidential campaigns. It was
+giving a new market value to this "watered stock," from which they would
+derive political dividends for a much longer period than they otherwise
+would. They could thus see to their unbounded glee that if a man of
+President Taft's intelligence and experience could thus be deceived as
+to conditions at the South, they would not have very much difficulty in
+deceiving others who were not believed to be so well informed.</p>
+
+<p>To solve this problem, therefore, the disposition of the federal
+patronage will cut a very small figure. The patronage question is not
+half so important, in a political or party sense, as many have been led
+to believe. It really makes very little difference by whom the few
+offices are held, whether they be all Democrats, all Republicans, some
+white, some colored, provided they be honest, capable, and efficient For
+political, personal or party reasons some feeling may be created, and
+some prejudice may be aroused on account of the appointment of a certain
+person to an office; but if no attention should be paid to it, and the
+fact should be developed that the duties of the same are being
+discharged in a creditable and satisfactory manner the public will soon
+forget all about it. The fact remains, however, that the disposition of
+the federal patronage will not produce the slightest change in the
+political situation in such localities. If a national Republican
+administration should refuse to appoint a colored man, for instance, to
+any office in any one of the Southern States for the alleged reason that
+it might be objectionable to the white people of the community,&mdash;and
+therefore might have a tendency to prevent white men from coming into
+the Republican party,&mdash;at the very next election in that community the
+fact would be demonstrated that the Republican party had not gained and
+that the Democratic party had not lost a single vote as a result
+thereof. The reason for this result would be in the first place that the
+excuse given was insincere and untrue, and in the second place, because
+the incumbent of the office, whoever he might be, would produce no
+effect whatsoever in the local situation in consequence of his
+appointment to the office and his acceptance of it. If there should be
+any change at all in the situation it would doubtless be to the
+detriment of the Republican party; for there would, no doubt, be some
+who would be disposed to resent what would seem to them to be political
+or party ingratitude.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the colored Republicans are concerned they have been in the
+past, and must be in the future, nothing more than party allies. They
+have never dominated a State, nor have they controlled the Republican
+organization of any State to the exclusion of the white men thereof.
+They have simply been the allies of white men who could be induced to
+come forward and assume the leadership. This is all they have been in
+the past; it is all they desire to be in the future. They are perfectly
+willing to follow where others lead provided those others lead wisely
+and in the right direction. All they ask, desire and insist upon is to
+be recognized as political allies upon terms of equality and to have a
+voice in the councils of the party of their choice and in the creation
+and administration of the government under which they live, and by which
+they are taxed, and also a fair and reasonable recognition as a result
+of party success, based, all things else being equal, upon merit,
+fitness, ability and capacity. Even in States where it is possible for
+them to wield a sufficient influence to be potential in party
+conventions, and to help shape the policy and select the candidates of
+that party, they never fail to support the strongest and best men among
+the white members of the organization. If it be true that they were
+sometimes the victims of misplaced confidence, it cannot, and will not,
+be denied that the same is equally true of white men of far more
+experience in such matters.</p>
+
+<p>If there is ever to be again, as there once was, a strong and
+substantial Republican party at the South, or a party by any other name
+that will openly oppose the ruling oligarchy of that section,&mdash;as I have
+every reason to believe will eventually take place,&mdash;it will not be
+through the disposition of federal patronage, but in consequence of the
+acceptance by the people of that section of the principles and policies
+for which the National Organization stands. For the accomplishment of
+this purpose and for the attainment of this end time is the most
+important factor. Questionable methods that have been used to hold in
+abeyance the advancing civilization of the age will eventually be
+overcome and effectually destroyed. The wheels of progress, of
+intelligence, and of right cannot and will not move backwards, but will
+go forward in spite of all that can be said and done. In the mean time
+the exercise of patience, forbearance, and good judgment are all that
+will be required.</p>
+
+<p>Another fact which seems to be overlooked by many is that the so-called
+Solid South of to-day is not the menace to the country that it was
+between 1875 and 1888. During that period the Solid South included the
+States of Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri.
+Those States at that time were as reliably Democratic as Texas and
+Georgia. Such does not seem to be true of them now, and yet I venture
+the assertion that the disposition of the federal patronage in them had
+very little, if anything, to do with bringing about the change. What has
+been done and is being done in those States can be done in others that
+are located south of them. As strong as the Republican party is there is
+one thing it cannot afford to do, and that is to encourage or tolerate
+the drawing of the race or color line in any efforts that may be made to
+break up and dissolve what now remains of the Solid South. One of the
+cardinal principles and doctrines of the Republican party,&mdash;the
+principle that has, more than any other, secured for it the loyal and
+consistent support of those who represent the moral sentiment of the
+country,&mdash;is its bold and aggressive advocacy and defense of liberty,
+justice, and equal civil and political rights for all classes of
+American citizens. From that grand and noble position it cannot afford
+to descend in an effort to find new and doubtful allies. If it should in
+an evil moment allow itself to make such a grave blunder, such a
+criminal mistake, it will thereby forfeit the confidence and support of
+the major part of those upon whom in the past it has relied,&mdash;and never
+in vain,&mdash;for its continuance in power. There is nothing in the
+situation that would justify the experiment, even if it were thought
+that a little temporary and local advantage would be secured thereby.</p>
+
+<p>The Fifteenth Amendment to the National Constitution was not intended to
+confer suffrage upon any particular race or class of persons, but merely
+to place a limit upon the National Government and that of the several
+States in prescribing the qualifications of electors. Whatever power the
+national or any state government may have had in prescribing the
+qualification of electors prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth
+Amendment it still has, save that it cannot legally and constitutionally
+make race or color a ground of disqualification. In other words,
+whatever qualifications may be prescribed and fixed as a condition
+precedent to voting, must be applicable to white and colored alike. A
+few States, under the false plea of political necessity, have resorted
+to certain schemes of doubtful constitutionality, for the sole purpose
+of evading this plain provision of the National Constitution. They may
+stand for a while, but, even if they could stand indefinitely, that fact
+would furnish no excuse for the party,&mdash;a party that has stood so long,
+and fought so hard for liberty, justice, equal rights, and fair
+play,&mdash;to enter into a political alliance with any other party or
+faction which would involve a compromise or an abandonment of those
+grand and noble principles. The Republican party is still in the prime
+and glory of its usefulness. It is still strong in the confidence and
+affections of the masses of the people, at least such was the case in
+1908, because it had not up to that time allowed itself to compromise or
+abandon,&mdash;so far as its platform utterances were concerned,&mdash;the
+fundamental principles which called it into existence and which caused
+it to be placed in control of the National Government, and which have
+caused its continuance in power for so many years. Whether or not the
+unwise and unfortunate southern policy inaugurated by the Taft
+Administration will result in disaster to the party is not and cannot be
+known at this writing. We can only hope.</p>
+
+<h3>THE END</h3>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Facts of Reconstruction, by John R. Lynch
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Facts of Reconstruction, by John R. Lynch
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Facts of Reconstruction
+
+Author: John R. Lynch
+
+Release Date: July 1, 2005 [EBook #16158]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Suzanne Shell, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+John R. Lynch
+
+Copyright, 1913, by The Neale Publishing Company
+
+[Illustration: John R. Lynch]
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+PREFACE
+
+CHAPTER
+
+I      THE PART PLAYED BY MISSISSIPPI IN THE EARLY DAYS OF
+       RECONSTRUCTION
+
+II     REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTS DURING GOVERNOR
+       ALCORN'S ADMINISTRATION
+
+III    THE REPUBLICAN COUNTY CONVENTION OF 1869
+
+IV     IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL AND POLITICAL MEASURES OF THE NEW
+       LEGISLATURE
+
+V      THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HOUSE OF
+       REPRESENTATIVES
+
+VI     FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE STATE ELECTION
+       OF 1873. REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+VII    MISSISSIPPI SENDS B.K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE
+
+VIII   IMPROVED FINANCIAL CONDITION OF MISSISSIPPI UNDER THE AMES
+       ADMINISTRATION
+
+IX     WHAT CONSTITUTES "NEGRO DOMINATION"
+
+X      OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE GOVERNMENT IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+XI     RISE OF DEMOCRATIC RADICALISM IN THE SOUTH
+
+XII    EVENTFUL DAYS OF THE FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS
+
+XIII   STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1875. REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+XIV    INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND THE PRESIDENT REGARDING
+       STATE APPOINTMENTS
+
+XV     THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876 AND ITS RESULTS
+
+XVI    EFFECTS OF THE REFORM ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+XVII   THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION
+
+XVIII  ATTITUDE OF THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION TOWARD THE SOUTH
+
+XIX    QUESTION OF THE VALIDITY OF SENATOR LAMAR'S ELECTION
+
+XX     REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880. NOMINATION OF THE
+       COMPROMISE CANDIDATE, GARFIELD
+
+XXI    STORY OF THE MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN GARFIELD AND CONKLING
+
+XXII   THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884
+
+XXIII  THE ELECTION OF GROVER CLEVELAND
+
+XXIV   INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY LAMAR ON THE RETAINING OF COLORED
+       MEN IN OFFICE
+
+XXV    THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS BILL
+
+XXVI   MISSISSIPPI AND THE NULLIFICATION OF THE FIFTEENTH
+       AMENDMENT
+
+XXVII  EFFECT OF THE MCKINLEY TARIFF BILL ON BOTH POLITICAL PARTIES
+
+XXVIII INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND
+       SECRETARY GRESHAM
+
+XXIX   THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1900
+
+XXX    ARGUMENT ON PROPOSED CHANGE OF REPRESENTATION IN CONVENTION
+
+XXXI   COMPARISON OF BRYAN AND CLEVELAND
+
+XXXII  THE SOLID SOUTH. FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The author of this book is one of the few remaining links in the chain
+by which the present generation is connected with the reconstruction
+period,--the most important and eventful period in our country's
+history.
+
+What is herein recorded is based upon the author's own knowledge,
+contact and experience. Very much, of course, has been written and
+published about reconstruction, but most of it is superficial and
+unreliable; and, besides, nearly all of it has been written in such a
+style and tone as to make the alleged facts related harmonize with what
+was believed to be demanded by public sentiment. The author of this work
+has endeavored to present _facts_ as they were and are, rather than as
+he would like to have them, and to set them down without the slightest
+regard to their effect upon the public mind, except so far as that mind
+may be influenced by the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the
+truth. In his efforts along these lines he has endeavored to give
+expression to his ideas, opinions and convictions in language that is
+moderate and devoid of bitterness, and entirely free from race
+prejudice, sectional animosity, or partisan bias. Whether or not he has
+succeeded in doing so he is willing to leave to the considerate
+judgment and impartial decision of those who may take the time to read
+what is here recorded. In writing what is to be found in these pages,
+the author has made no effort to draw upon the imagination, nor to
+gratify the wishes of those whose chief ambition is to magnify the
+faults and deficiencies in some and to extol the good and commendable
+traits and qualities in others. In other words, his chief purpose has
+been to furnish the readers and students of the present generation with
+a true, candid and impartial statement of material and important facts
+based upon his own personal knowledge and experience, with such comments
+as in his judgment the occasion and circumstances warranted.
+
+Was the enfranchisement of the black men at the South by act of Congress
+a grave mistake?
+
+Were the reconstructed State Governments that were organized as a result
+thereof a disappointment and a failure?
+
+Was the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution premature and
+unwise?
+
+An affirmative answer to the above questions will be found in nearly
+everything that has been written about Reconstruction during the last
+quarter of a century. The main purpose of this work is to present the
+other side; but, in doing so, the author indulges the hope that those
+who may read these chapters will find that no extravagant and
+exaggerated statements have been made, and that there has been no
+effort to conceal, excuse, or justify any act that was questionable or
+wrong. It will be seen that the primary object the author has sought to
+accomplish, is to bring to public notice those things that were
+commendable and meritorious, to prevent the publication of which seems
+to have been the primary purpose of nearly all who have thus far written
+upon that important subject.
+
+But again, the question may be asked, if the reconstructed State
+Governments that were organized and brought into existence under the
+Congressional Plan of Reconstruction were not a disappointment and a
+failure, why is it that they could not and did not stand the test of
+time? The author hopes and believes that the reader will find in one of
+the chapters of this book a complete and satisfactory answer to that
+question.
+
+It will be seen that the State of Mississippi is made the pivotal one in
+the presentation of the facts and historical points touched upon in this
+work; but that is because Mississippi was the field of the author's
+political activities. That State, however, was largely typical, hence
+what was true of that one was, in the main, true of all the other
+reconstructed States.
+
+The author was a member of Congress during the settlement of the
+controversy between Hayes and Tilden for the Presidency of the United
+States, resulting from the close and doubtful election of 1876,--a
+controversy that was finally decided through the medium of the
+Electoral Commission. The reader will find in the chapter on that
+subject many important facts and incidents not heretofore published.
+
+Why was it that the able and brilliant statesman from Maine, James G.
+Blaine, died, as did Henry Clay, without having reached the acme of his
+ambition,--the Presidency of the United States? Why was he defeated for
+the Republican Presidential nomination in 1876,--the only time when it
+was possible for him to be elected, and defeated for the election in
+1884,--the only time when it was possible for him to be nominated? The
+answer to these questions will be found in this book.
+
+Then the interviews between the author and Presidents Grant and
+Cleveland, and Secretaries Blaine, Lamar, and Gresham will no doubt be
+interesting, if not instructive.
+
+If, in writing this book, the author shall have succeeded in placing
+before the public accurate and trustworthy information relative to
+Reconstruction, his highest ambition will have been fully gratified, his
+sense of justice entirely satisfied.
+
+JOHN R. LYNCH.
+
+
+
+
+THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE PART PLAYED BY MISSISSIPPI IN THE EARLY DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+The year 1866 was an eventful one in the history of this country. A
+bitter war was in progress between Congress and President Andrew Johnson
+over the question of the reconstruction of the States lately in
+rebellion against the National Government. The President had inaugurated
+a policy of his own that proved to be very unpopular at the North. He
+had pardoned nearly all the leaders in the rebellion through the medium
+of amnesty proclamations. In each rebel State he had appointed a
+provisional governor under whose direction Legislatures, State officers,
+and members of Congress had been chosen, and the Legislatures thus
+chosen elected the United States Senators for the Southern States in
+accordance with the President's plan of reconstruction. To make
+restoration to the Union full and complete nothing remained to be done
+but to admit to their seats the Senators and Representatives that had
+been chosen. In the mean time these different Legislatures had enacted
+laws which virtually re-enslaved those that had been emancipated in
+their respective States. For this the North would not stand. Sentiment
+in that section demanded not only justice and fair treatment for the
+newly emancipated race but also an emancipation that should be thorough
+and complete, not merely theoretical and nominal.
+
+The fact was recognized and appreciated that the colored people had been
+loyal to the Union and faithful to the flag of their country and that
+they had rendered valuable assistance in putting down the rebellion.
+From a standpoint of gratitude, if not of justice, the sentiment of the
+North at that time was in favor of fair play for the colored people of
+the South. But the President would not yield to what was generally
+believed to be the dominant sentiment of the North on the question of
+reconstruction. He insisted that the leaders of the Republican party in
+Congress did not represent the true sentiment of the country, so he
+boldly determined to antagonize the leaders in Congress, and to present
+their differences to the court of public opinion at the approaching
+Congressional elections. The issue was thus joined and the people were
+called upon to render judgment in the election of members of Congress
+in the fall of 1866. The President, with the solid support of the
+Democrats and a small minority of the Republicans, made a brave and
+gallant fight. The result, however, was a crushing defeat for him and a
+national repudiation of his plan of reconstruction.
+
+Notwithstanding this defeat the President refused to yield, continuing
+the fight with Congress which finally resulted in his impeachment by the
+House of Representatives for high Crimes and Misdemeanors in office and
+in his trial by the Senate sitting as a High Court for that purpose.
+When the vote of the court was taken the President was saved from
+conviction and from removal from office by the narrow margin of one
+vote,--a sufficient number of Republican Senators having voted with the
+Democrats to prevent conviction. It was believed by many at the time
+that some of the Republican Senators that voted for acquittal did so
+chiefly on account of their antipathy to the man who would succeed to
+the Presidency in the event of the conviction of the President. This man
+was Senator Benjamin Wade, of Ohio,--President _pro tem._ of the
+Senate,--who, as the law then stood, would have succeeded to the
+Presidency in the event of a vacancy in that office from any cause.
+
+Senator Wade was an able man, but there were others who were much more
+brilliant. He was a strong party man. He had no patience with those who
+claimed to be Republicans and yet refused to abide by the decision of
+the majority of the party organization unless that decision should be
+what they wanted. In short, he was an organization Republican,--what has
+since been characterized by some as a machine man,--the sort of active
+and aggressive man that would be likely to make for himself enemies of
+men in his own organization who were afraid of his great power and
+influence, and jealous of him as a political rival. That some of his
+senatorial Republican associates should feel that the best service they
+could render their country would be to do all in their power to prevent
+such a man from being elevated to the Presidency was, perhaps, perfectly
+natural: for while they knew that he was a strong and able man, they
+also knew that, according to his convictions of party duty and party
+obligations, he firmly believed that he who served his party best served
+his country best. In giving expression to his views and convictions, as
+he usually did with force and vigor, he was not always considerate of
+the wishes and feelings of those with whom he did not agree. That he
+would have given the country an able administration is the concurrent
+opinion of those who knew him best.
+
+While President Johnson was retained in office he was practically shorn
+of the greater part of the power and patronage that attaches to the
+office. This was done through the passage of a bill, over the
+president's veto, known as the Tenure of Office Act. The
+constitutionality of this act, which greatly curtailed the power of the
+President to make removals from office, was seriously questioned at the
+time, but it was passed as a political necessity,--to meet an unusual
+and unexpected emergency that seemed to threaten the peace and
+tranquillity of the country and practically to nullify the fruits of the
+victory which had been won on the field of battle. The law was repealed
+or materially modified as soon as President Johnson retired from office.
+The President also vetoed all the reconstruction bills,--bills
+conferring suffrage on the colored men in the States that were to be
+reconstructed,--that passed Congress; but they were promptly passed over
+the veto.
+
+The rejection by the country of the Johnson plan of reconstruction, had
+clearly demonstrated that no halfway measures were possible. If the
+colored men were not enfranchised then the Johnson plan might as well be
+accepted. The Republican or Union white men at the South were not
+sufficient in numbers to make their power or influence felt. The
+necessities of the situation, therefore, left no alternative but the
+enfranchisement of the blacks. It was ascertained and acknowledged that
+to make possible the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion,
+in accordance with the plan which had met with the emphatic approval of
+the North, the enfranchisement of the blacks in the States to be
+reconstructed was an absolute necessity.
+
+The first election held in Mississippi under the Reconstruction Acts
+took place in 1867, when delegates to a Constitutional Convention were
+elected to frame a new Constitution. The Democrats decided to adopt what
+they declared to be a policy of "Masterly Inactivity," that is, to
+refrain from taking any part in the election and to allow it to go by
+default. The result was that the Republicans had a large majority of the
+delegates, only a few counties having elected Democratic delegates. The
+only reason that there were any Democrats in the Convention at all was
+that the party was not unanimous in the adoption of the policy of
+"Masterly Inactivity," and consequently did not adhere to it. The
+Democrats in a few counties in the State rejected the advice and
+repudiated the action of the State Convention of their party on this
+point. The result was that a few very able men were elected to the
+convention as Democrats,--such men, for instance, as John W.C. Watson,
+and William M. Compton, of Marshall County, and William L. Hemingway, of
+Carroll, who was elected State Treasurer by the Democrats in 1875, and
+to whom a more extended reference will be made in a subsequent chapter.
+
+The result of the election made it clear that if the Democratic
+organization in the State had adopted the course that was pursued by
+the members of that party in the counties by which the action of their
+State Convention was repudiated, the Democrats would have had at least a
+large and influential minority of the delegates, which would have
+resulted in the framing of a constitution that would have been much more
+acceptable to the members of that party than the one that was finally
+agreed upon by the majority of the members of that body. But the
+Democratic party in the State was governed and controlled by the radical
+element of that organization,--an element which took the position that
+no respectable white Democrat could afford to participate in an election
+in which colored men were allowed to vote. To do so, they held, would
+not only be humiliating to the pride of the white men, but the
+contamination would be unwise if not dangerous. Besides, they were firm
+in the belief and honest in the conviction that the country would
+ultimately repudiate the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction, and that
+in the mean time it would be both safe and wise for them to give
+expression to their objections to it and abhorrence of it by pursuing a
+course of masterly inactivity. The liberal and conservative element in
+the party was so bitterly opposed to this course that in spite of the
+action of the State Convention several counties, as has been already
+stated, bolted the action of the convention and took part in the
+election.
+
+Of the Republican membership of the Constitutional Convention a large
+majority were white men,--many of them natives of the State and a number
+of others, though born elsewhere, residents in the State for many years
+preceding the war of the Rebellion. My own county, Adams (Natchez), in
+which the colored voters were largely in the majority, and which was
+entitled to three delegates in the convention, elected two white
+men,--E.J. Castello, and Fred Parsons,--and one colored man, H.P.
+Jacobs, a Baptist preacher. Throughout the State the proportion was
+about the same. This was a great disappointment to the dominating
+element in the Democratic party, who had hoped and expected, through
+their policy of "Masterly Inactivity" and intimidation of white men,
+that the convention would be composed almost exclusively of illiterate
+and inexperienced colored men. Although a minor at that time, I took an
+active part in the local politics of my county, and, being a member of a
+Republican club that had been organized at Natchez, I was frequently
+called upon to address the members at its weekly meetings.
+
+When the State Constitution was submitted to a popular vote for
+ratification or rejection I took an active part in the county campaign
+in advocacy of its ratification. In this election the Democrats pursued
+a course that was just the opposite of that pursued by them in the
+election of delegates to the Constitutional Convention. They decided
+that it was no longer unwise and dangerous for white men to take part in
+an election in which colored men were allowed to participate. This was
+due largely to the fact that the work of the convention had been far
+different from what they had anticipated. The newly framed Constitution
+was, taken as a whole, such an excellent document that in all
+probability it would have been ratified without serious opposition but
+for the fact that there was an unfortunate, unwise and unnecessary
+clause in it which practically disfranchised those who had held an
+office under the Constitution of the United States and who, having taken
+an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States, had
+afterwards supported the cause of the Confederacy. This clause caused
+very bitter and intense opposition to the ratification of the
+Constitution. When the election was over it was found that the
+Constitution had been rejected by a small majority. This result could
+not be fairly accepted as an indication of the strength of the two
+parties in the State, for it was a well-known fact that the Republican
+party had a clear majority of about 30,000.
+
+Notwithstanding the large Republican majority in the State, which was
+believed to be safe, sure and reliable, there were several causes that
+contributed to the rejection of the newly framed Constitution. Among the
+causes were:
+
+First. In consequence of the bitterness with which the ratification of
+the Constitution had been fought, on account of the objectionable clause
+referred to, intimidating methods had been adopted in several counties
+in which there was a large colored vote, resulting in a loss of several
+thousand votes for the Constitution.
+
+Second. There were several thousand Republicans both white and
+colored,--but chiefly colored,--who were opposed to that offensive and
+objectionable clause, believing the same to be unjust, unnecessary, and
+unwise; hence, many of that class refused to vote either way.
+
+Third. There were thousands of voters, the writer being one of that
+number, who favored ratification because the Constitution as a whole was
+a most excellent document, and because its ratification would facilitate
+the readmittance of Mississippi into the Union; after which the one
+objectionable clause could be stricken out by means of an amendment.
+While all of this class favored and advocated ratification for the
+reasons stated, yet their known attitude towards the clause proved to be
+a contributary cause of the rejection of the Constitution.
+
+The reader may not understand why there were any colored men, especially
+at that time and in that section, that would have any sympathy for the
+white men who would have been victims of this clause had the new
+Constitution been ratified. But if the reader will closely follow what
+this writer will set down in subsequent chapters of this work, he will
+find the reasons why there was and still is a bond of sympathy between
+the two races at the South,--a bond that the institution of slavery with
+all its horrors could not destroy, the Rebellion could not wipe out,
+Reconstruction could not efface, and subsequent events have not been
+able to change. The writer is aware of the fact that thousands of
+intelligent people are now laboring under the impression that there
+exists at the South a bitter feeling of antagonism between the two races
+and that this has produced dangerous and difficult problems for the
+country to solve. That some things have occurred that would justify such
+a conclusion, especially on the part of those who are not students of
+this subject, will not be denied.
+
+After the rejection of the Constitution no further effort was made to
+have Mississippi readmitted into the Union until after the Presidential
+and Congressional elections of 1868. The Democratic party throughout the
+country was solid in its support of President Andrew Johnson, and was
+bitter in its opposition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction.
+Upon a platform that declared the Reconstruction Acts of Congress to be
+unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void, the Democrats nominated for
+President and Vice-President, Ex-Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York,
+and General Frank P. Blair, of Missouri. The Republicans nominated for
+President General U.S. Grant, of Illinois, and for Vice-President
+Speaker Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. These candidates were nominated
+upon a platform which strongly supported and indorsed the Congressional
+Plan of Reconstruction.
+
+On this issue the two parties went before the people for a decision. The
+Republicans were successful, but not by such a decisive majority as in
+the Congressional election of 1866. In fact, if all the Southern States
+that took part in that election had gone Democratic, the hero of
+Appomattox would have been defeated. It was the Southern States, giving
+Republican majorities through the votes of their colored men, that saved
+that important national election to the Republican party. To the very
+great surprise of the Republican leaders the party lost the important
+and pivotal State of New York. It had been confidently believed that the
+immense popularity of General Grant and his prestige as a brilliant and
+successful Union general would save every doubtful State to the
+Republicans, New York, of course, included. But this expectation was not
+realized. The result, it is needless to say, was a keen and bitter
+disappointment, for no effort had been spared to bring to the attention
+of the voters the strong points in General Grant. A vote against Grant,
+it was strongly contended, was virtually a vote against the Union.
+Frederick Douglass, who electrified many audiences in that campaign,
+made the notable declaration that "While Washington had given us a
+country, it was Grant who had saved us a country." And yet the savior of
+our country failed in that election to save to the Republican party the
+most important State in the Union. But, notwithstanding the loss of New
+York, the Republicans not only elected the President and Vice-President,
+but also had a safe majority in both branches of Congress.
+
+One of the first acts of Congress after the Presidential election of
+1868 was one authorizing the President to submit Mississippi's rejected
+Constitution once again to a popular vote. The same act authorized the
+President to submit to a separate vote such clause or clauses of said
+Constitution as in his judgment might be particularly obnoxious to any
+considerable number of the people of the State. It was not and could not
+be denied that the Constitution as a whole was a most admirable
+document. The Democrats had no serious objection to its ratification if
+the clause disfranchising most of their leaders were eliminated. When it
+became known that this clause would be submitted to a separate vote, and
+that the Republican organization would not insist upon its retention, no
+serious opposition to the ratification of the Constitution was
+anticipated. And, indeed, none was made.
+
+The time fixed for holding the election was November, 1869. In the mean
+time the State was to be under military control. General Adelbert Ames
+was made Military Governor, with power to fill by appointment every
+civil office in the State. Shortly after General Ames took charge as
+Military Governor the Republican club at Natchez agreed upon a slate to
+be submitted to the Military Governor for his favorable consideration,
+the names upon said slate being the choice of the Republican
+organization of the county for county and city officials. Among the
+names thus agreed upon was that of the Rev. H.P. Jacobs for Justice of
+the Peace. It was then decided to send a member of the club to Jackson,
+the State capital, to present the slate to the Governor in person in
+order to answer questions that might be asked or to give any information
+that might be desired about any of the persons whose names appeared on
+the slate. It fell to my lot to be chosen for that purpose; the
+necessary funds being raised by the club to pay my expenses. I accepted
+the mission, contingent upon my employer's granting me leave of absence.
+
+Natchez at that time was not connected with Jackson by railroad, so that
+the only way for me to reach the capital was to go by steamer from
+Natchez to Vicksburg or to New Orleans, and from there by rail to
+Jackson. The trip, therefore, would necessarily consume the greater part
+of a week. My employer,--who was what was known as a Northern man,
+having come there after the occupation of the place by the Federal
+troops,--not only granted me leave of absence but agreed to remain in
+the city and carry on the business during my absence.
+
+When I arrived at the building occupied by the Governor and sent up my
+card, I had to wait only a few minutes before I was admitted to his
+office. The Governor received me cordially and treated me with marked
+courtesy, giving close attention while I presented as forcibly as I
+could the merits and qualifications of the different persons whose names
+were on the slate. When I had concluded my remarks the Governor's only
+reply was that he would give the matter his early and careful
+consideration. A few weeks later the appointments were announced; but
+not many of the appointees were persons whose names I had presented.
+However, to my great embarrassment I found that my own name had been
+substituted for that of Jacobs for the office of Justice of the Peace. I
+not only had no ambition in that direction but was not aware that my
+name was under consideration for that or for any other office. Besides,
+I was apprehensive that Jacobs and some of his friends might suspect me
+of having been false to the trust that had been reposed in me, at least
+so far as the office of Justice of the Peace was concerned. At first I
+was of the opinion that the only way in which I could disabuse their
+minds of that erroneous impression was to decline the appointment. But I
+found out upon inquiry that in no event would Jacobs receive the
+appointment. I was also reliably informed that I had not been
+recommended nor suggested by any one, but that the Governor's action was
+the result of the favorable impression I had made upon him when I
+presented the slate. For this, of course, I was in no way responsible.
+In fact the impression of my fitness for the office that my brief talk
+had made upon the Governor was just what the club had hoped I would be
+able to accomplish in the interest of the whole slate. That it so
+happened that I was the beneficiary of the favorable impression that my
+brief talk had made upon the Governor may have been unfortunate in one
+respect, but it was an unconscious act for which I could not be
+censured. After consulting, therefore, with a few personal friends and
+local party leaders, I decided to accept the appointment although, in
+consequence of my youth and inexperience, I had serious doubts as to my
+ability to discharge the duties of the office which at that time was one
+of considerable importance.
+
+Then the bond question loomed up, which was one of the greatest
+obstacles in my way, although the amount was only two thousand dollars.
+How to give that bond was the important problem I had to solve, for, of
+course, no one was eligible as a bondsman who did not own real estate.
+There were very few colored men who were thus eligible, and it was out
+of the question at that time to expect any white property owner to sign
+the bond of a colored man. But there were two colored men willing to
+sign the bond for one thousand dollars each who were considered eligible
+by the authorities. These men were William McCary and David Singleton.
+The law, having been duly satisfied in the matter of my bond, I was
+permitted to take the oath of office in April, 1869, and to enter upon
+the discharge of my duties as a Justice of the Peace, which office I
+held until the 31st of December of the same year when I resigned to
+accept a seat in the lower branch of the State Legislature to which I
+had been elected the preceding November.
+
+When I entered upon the discharge of my duties as a Justice of the Peace
+the only comment that was made by the local Democratic paper of the town
+was in these words: "We are now beginning to reap the ravishing fruits
+of Reconstruction."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTS DURING GOVERNOR ALCORN'S
+ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+The new Constitution of Mississippi, which had been rejected in 1868,
+was to be submitted to a popular vote once more in November, 1869. At
+the same time State officers, members of the Legislature, Congressmen,
+and district and county officers were to be elected. Since the
+objectionable clauses in the Constitution were to be put to a separate
+vote, and since it was understood that both parties would favor the
+rejection of these clauses, there was no serious opposition to the
+ratification of the Constitution thus amended. A hard and stubborn fight
+was, however, to be made for control of the State Government.
+
+General James L. Alcorn, who had been a general in the Confederate Army
+and who had recently openly identified himself with the Republican
+party, was nominated by the Republicans for the office of Governor of
+the State. Of the other six men who were associated with him on the
+state ticket, only the candidate for Secretary of the State, the
+Reverend James Lynch,--an able and eloquent minister of the Methodist
+Church,--was a colored man. Lynch was a man of fine ability, of splendid
+education, and one of the most powerful and convincing orators that the
+Republicans had upon the stump in that campaign. He was known and
+recognized as such an able and brilliant speaker that his services were
+in great demand from the beginning to the end of the campaign. No
+Democratic orator, however able, was anxious to meet him in joint
+debate. He died suddenly the latter part of 1872. His death was a great
+loss to the State and to the Republican party and especially to the
+colored race.
+
+Of the other five candidates on the ticket two,--the candidates for
+State Treasurer and Attorney General,--were, like General Alcorn,
+Southern white men. The candidate for State Treasurer, Hon. W.H. Vasser,
+was a successful business man who lived in the northern part of the
+State, while the candidate for Attorney General, Hon. Joshua S. Morris,
+was a brilliant member of the bar who lived in the southern part of the
+State. The other three, the candidates for Lieutenant-Governor, State
+Auditor and Superintendent of Education, were Northern men who had
+settled in the State after the War, called by the Democrats, "Carpet
+Baggers," but they were admitted to be clean and good men who had
+lived in the State long enough to become fully identified with its
+industrial and business interests. H.C. Powers, the candidate for
+Lieutenant-Governor, and H. Musgrove, the candidate for Auditor of
+Public Accounts, were successful cotton planters from Noxubee and Clarke
+counties respectively; while H.R. Pease, the candidate for State
+Superintendent of Education, had been identified with educational work
+ever since he came to the State. It could not be denied that it was a
+strong and able ticket,--one that the Democrats would find it very
+difficult to defeat. In desperation the Democratic party had nominated
+as their candidate for Governor a brother-in-law of President Grant's,
+Judge Lewis Dent, in the hope that the President would throw the weight
+of his influence and the active support of his administration on the
+side of his relative, as against the candidate of his own party,
+especially in view of the fact that Dent had been nominated not as a
+Democrat but as an Independent Republican,--his candidacy simply having
+been indorsed by the Democratic organization. But in this they were
+disappointed, for if the President gave any indication of preference it
+was in favor of the Republican ticket. General Ames, for instance, was
+the Military Governor of the State, holding that position at the
+pleasure of the President; and Ames was so outspoken in his support of
+the Republican ticket, that in an address before the State Republican
+Convention that nominated General Alcorn for the Governorship he
+announced, "You have my sympathy and shall have my support." This
+declaration was received by the convention with great applause, for it
+was known that those words from that source carried great weight. They
+meant not only that the Republican party would have the active and
+aggressive support of the Military Governor,--which was very important
+and would be worth thousands of votes to the party,--but they also
+indicated the attitude of the National Administration. The campaign was
+aggressive from beginning to end. Judge Dent was at a disadvantage,
+since his candidacy had failed to bring to his support the influence of
+the National Administration, which had been the sole purpose of his
+nomination. In spite of that fact Dent made a game and gallant fight;
+but the election resulted in an overwhelming Republican victory. That
+party not only elected the State ticket by a majority of about 30,000
+but it also had a large majority in both branches of the State
+Legislature.
+
+The new administration had an important and difficult task before it. A
+State Government had to be organized from top to bottom; a new judiciary
+had to be inaugurated,--consisting of three Justices of the State
+Supreme Court, fifteen Judges of the Circuit Court and twenty Chancery
+Court Judges,--who had all to be appointed by the Governor with the
+consent of the Senate, and, in addition, a new public school system had
+to be established. There was not a public school building anywhere in
+the State except in a few of the larger towns, and they, with possibly
+a few exceptions, were greatly in need of repairs. To erect the
+necessary school houses and to reconstruct and repair those already in
+existence so as to afford educational facilities for both races was by
+no means an easy task. It necessitated a very large outlay of cash in
+the beginning, which resulted in a material increase in the rate of
+taxation for the time being, but the Constitution called for the
+establishment of the system, and of course the work had to be done. It
+was not only done, but it was done creditably and as economically as
+possible, considering the conditions at that time.
+
+That system, though slightly changed, still stands,--a creditable
+monument to the first Republican State administration that was organized
+in the State of Mississippi under the Reconstruction Acts of Congress.
+
+It was also necessary to reorganize, reconstruct and, in many instances,
+rebuild some of the penal and charitable institutions of the State. A
+new code of laws also had to be adopted to take the place of the old
+code and thus wipe out the black laws that had been passed by what was
+known as the Johnson Legislature and in addition bring about other
+changes so as to make the laws and statutes of the State conform with
+the new order of things. This was no easy task, in view of the fact that
+a heavy increase in the rate of taxation was thus made necessary, for
+the time being at least. That this important work was splendidly,
+creditably, and economically done no fair-minded person who is familiar
+with the facts will question or dispute.
+
+That the State never had before, and has never had since, a finer
+Judiciary than that which was organized under the administration of
+Governor Alcorn and which continued under the administration of Governor
+Ames is an indisputable and incontrovertible fact. The Judges of the
+Supreme Court were E.G. Peyton, H.F. Simrall and J. Tarbell, who in
+Mississippi had no superiors in their profession, and who had the
+respect and confidence of the bar and of the people without regard to
+race or politics. Judge Peyton was the Chief Justice, Simrall and
+Tarbell being the Associate Justices. The first two were old residents
+of the State, while Mr. Justice Tarbell was what the Democrats would
+call a "Carpet Bagger." But that he was an able lawyer and a man of
+unimpeachable integrity no one doubted or questioned. During the second
+administration of President Grant he held the important position of
+Second Comptroller of the United States Treasury. The Circuit Court
+bench was graced with such able and brilliant lawyers as Jason Niles,
+G.C. Chandler, George F. Brown, J.A. Orr, John W. Vance, Robert
+Leachman, B.B. Boone, Orlando Davis, James M. Smiley, Uriah Millsaps,
+William M. Hancock, E.S. Fisher, C.C. Shackleford, W.B. Cunningham,
+W.D. Bradford and A. Alderson. Judges Brown and Cunningham were the only
+ones in the above list who were not old residents of the State. After
+leaving the bench, Judge Chandler served for several years as United
+States Attorney. Judge Niles served one term as a member of Congress,
+having been elected as a Republican in 1875. His son Henry Clay Niles is
+now United States District Judge for the State, having been appointed to
+that important position by President Harrison. He was strongly
+recommended by many members of the bench and bar of the State; and the
+very able and creditable way in which he has discharged the duties of
+the position has more than demonstrated the wisdom of the selection.
+
+The Chancery Courts as organized by Governor Alcorn and continued by
+Governor Ames were composed of men no less able and brilliant than those
+who composed the Bench of the Circuit Courts. They were: J.C. Lyon, E.P.
+Harmon, E.G. Peyton, Jr., J.M. Ellis, G.S. McMillan, Samuel Young, W.G.
+Henderson, Edwin Hill, T.R. Gowan, J.F. Simmons, Wesley Drane, D.W.
+Walker, DeWitte Stearns, D.P. Coffee, E.W. Cabiness, A.E. Reynolds,
+Thomas Christian, Austin Pollard, J.J. Hooker, O.H. Whitfield, E.
+Stafford, W.A. Drennan, Thomas Walton, E.H. Osgood, C.A. Sullivan, Hiram
+Cassedy, Jr., W.B. Peyton, J.D. Barton, J.J. Dennis, W.D. Frazee, P.P.
+Bailey, L.C. Abbott, H.W. Warren, R. Boyd, R.B. Stone, William Breck,
+J.N. Campbell, H.R. Ware and J.B. Deason. The above names composed those
+who were appointed both by Governors Alcorn and Ames. A majority of
+those originally appointed by Governor Alcorn were reappointed by
+Governor Ames. Of the forty appointments of Judges of the Chancery
+Courts made under the administrations of Alcorn and Ames, not more than
+about seven were not to the "manner born." The administration of James
+L. Alcorn as Governor of the State of Mississippi is one of the best
+with which that unfortunate State has been blessed. A more extended
+reference to the subsequent administration of Governor Ames will be made
+in a later chapter.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE REPUBLICAN COUNTY CONVENTION OF 1869
+
+
+Although it was not charged nor even intimated that my acceptance of the
+office of Justice of the Peace was the result of bad faith on my part,
+still the appointment resulted in the creation for the time being of two
+factions in the Republican party in the county. One was known as the
+Lynch faction, the other as the Jacobs faction.
+
+When the Constitution was submitted to a popular vote in November, 1869,
+it was provided that officers should be elected at the same time to all
+offices created by the Constitution and that they, including members of
+the Legislature, were to be chosen by popular vote. The county of Adams
+(Natchez) was entitled to one member of the State Senate and three
+members of the House of Representatives. Jacobs was a candidate for the
+Republican nomination for State Senator. The Lynch faction, however,
+refused to support him for that position although it had no objection to
+his nomination for member of the House. Since Jacobs persisted in his
+candidacy for State Senator the Lynch faction brought out an opposing
+candidate in the person of a Baptist minister by the name of J.M.P.
+Williams. The contest between the two Republican candidates was
+interesting and exciting, though not bitter, and turned out to be very
+close.
+
+The convention was to be composed of thirty-three delegates, seventeen
+being necessary to nominate. The result at the primary election of
+delegates to the convention was so close that it was impossible to tell
+which one had a majority, since there were several delegates,--about
+whose attitude and preference there had been some doubt,--who refused to
+commit themselves either way. In the organization of the convention the
+Williams men gained the first advantage, one of their number having been
+made permanent chairman. But this was not important since there were no
+contests for seats, consequently the presiding officer would have no
+occasion to render a decision that could have any bearing upon the
+composition of the body over which he presided.
+
+Both sides agreed that the nomination for State Senator should be made
+first and that the vote should be by ballot, the ballots to be received
+and counted by two tellers, one to be selected by each faction. When the
+result of the first ballot was announced, Jacobs had sixteen votes,
+Williams, sixteen, and a third man had one. Several ballots were taken
+with the same result, when, with the consent of both sides, a recess was
+taken until 3 o'clock in the afternoon. The one delegate that refused
+to vote for either Jacobs or Williams made no effort to conceal his
+identity. To the contrary, he was outspoken in his determination and
+decision that he would not at any time or under any circumstances vote
+for either. Strange to say, this man was also a colored Baptist
+preacher, the Rev. Noah Buchanan, from the Washington district. Members
+of both factions approached him during the recess and pleaded with him,
+but their efforts and pleadings were all in vain. Nothing could move him
+or change him. He stated that he had given the matter his careful and
+serious consideration, and that he had come to the conclusion that
+neither Jacobs nor Williams was a fit man to represent the important
+county of Adams in the State Senate, hence neither could get his vote.
+At the afternoon session, after several ballots had been taken with the
+same result, an adjournment was ordered until 9 o'clock next morning.
+
+Soon after adjournment each side went into caucus. At the Jacobs meeting
+it was decided to stick to their man to the very last. At the Williams
+meeting Hon. H.C. Griffin, white leader of the Williams men, suggested
+the name of the Rev. H.R. Revels as a compromise candidate. Revels was
+comparatively a new man in the community. He had recently been stationed
+at Natchez as pastor in charge of the A.M.E. Church, and so far as
+known he had never voted, had never attended a political meeting, and of
+course, had never made a political speech. But he was a colored man, and
+presumed to be a Republican, and believed to be a man of ability and
+considerably above the average in point of intelligence; just the man,
+it was thought, the Rev. Noah Buchanan would be willing to vote for.
+
+After considerable discussion it was agreed that a committee should be
+appointed to wait on Mr. Williams in order to find out if he would be
+willing to withdraw in favor of Revels should his friends and supporters
+deem such a step necessary and wise. In the event of Williams'
+withdrawal, the committee was next to call on Revels to find out if he
+would consent to the use of his name. If Revels consented, the committee
+was next to call on Rev. Buchanan to find out whether or not he would
+vote for Revels. This committee was to report to the caucus at 8 o'clock
+next morning.
+
+At the appointed time the committee reported that Williams had stated
+that he was in the hands of his friends and that he would abide by any
+decision they might make. Revels, the report stated, who had been taken
+very much by surprise,--having had no idea that his name would ever be
+mentioned in connection with any office,--had asked to be allowed until
+7 o'clock in the morning to consider the matter and to talk it over with
+his wife. At 7 o'clock he notified the chairman of the committee that
+he would accept the nomination if tendered.
+
+Buchanan had informed the committee that he had heard of Revels but did
+not know him personally. He too had asked to be allowed until 7 o'clock
+in the morning before giving a positive answer, so as to enable him to
+make the necessary inquiries to find out whether or not Revels was a
+suitable man for the position. At 7 o'clock he informed the chairman of
+the committee that if the name of Williams should be withdrawn in favor
+of Revels he would cast his vote for Revels. The caucus then decided by
+a unanimous vote that upon the assembling of the convention at 9 o'clock
+that morning Mr. Griffin should withdraw the name of Williams from
+before the convention as a candidate for State Senator, but that no
+other name should be placed in nomination. Every member of the caucus,
+however, was committed to vote for Revels. This decision was to be
+communicated to no one outside of the caucus except to Mr. Buchanan, who
+was to be privately informed of it by the chairman of the committee to
+whom he had communicated his own decision.
+
+As soon as the convention was called to order Mr. Griffin was recognized
+by the chair. He stated that he had been authorized to withdraw the name
+of Rev. J.M.P. Williams from before the convention as candidate for
+State Senator. This announcement was received by the Jacobs men with
+great applause. The withdrawal of the name of Williams without placing
+any other in nomination they accepted as evidence that further
+opposition to the nomination of their candidate had been abandoned and
+that his nomination was a foregone conclusion. But they were not allowed
+to labor under that impression very long. The roll-call was immediately
+ordered by the chair and the tellers took their places. When the ballots
+had been counted and tabulated, the result was seventeen votes for
+Revels and sixteen votes for Jacobs. The announcement was received by
+the Williams men with great applause. The result was a victory for them
+because it was their sixteen votes together with the vote of Rev. Noah
+Buchanan that had nominated Revels. The Jacobs men accepted their defeat
+gracefully. A motion was offered by their leader to make the nomination
+unanimous and it was adopted without a dissenting vote. In anticipation
+of his nomination Revels was present as one of the interested spectators
+and upon being called upon for a brief address he delivered it with
+telling effect, thereby making a most favorable impression. This address
+convinced Rev. Noah Buchanan that he had made no mistake in voting for
+Revels. Jacobs was then nominated for member of the House of
+Representatives without opposition, his associates being John R. Lynch
+and Capt. O.C. French, a white Republican. The ticket as completed was
+elected by a majority of from fifteen hundred to two thousand, a
+Republican nomination in Adams County at that time being equivalent to
+an election.
+
+When the Legislature convened at Jackson the first Monday in January,
+1870, it was suggested to Lieutenant-Governor Powers, presiding officer
+of the Senate, that he invite the Rev. Dr. Revels to open the Senate
+with prayer. The suggestion was favorably acted upon. That prayer,--one
+of the most impressive and eloquent prayers that had ever been delivered
+in the Senate Chamber,--made Revels a United States Senator. He made a
+profound impression upon all who heard him. It impressed those who heard
+it that Revels was not only a man of great natural ability but that he
+was also a man of superior attainments.
+
+The duty devolved upon that Legislature to fill three vacancies in the
+United States Senate: one, a fractional term of about one year,--the
+remainder of the six year term to which Jefferson Davis had been elected
+before the breaking out of the Rebellion,--another fractional term of
+about five years, and the third, the full term of six years, beginning
+with the expiration of the fractional term of one year. The colored
+members of the Legislature constituted a very small minority not only of
+the total membership of that body but also of the Republican members. Of
+the thirty-three members of which the Senate was composed four of them
+were colored men: H.R. Revels, of Adams; Charles Caldwell, of Hinds;
+Robert Gleed, of Lowndes, and T.W. Stringer, of Warren. Of the one
+hundred and seven members of which the House was composed about thirty
+of them were colored men. It will thus be seen that out of the one
+hundred forty members of which the two Houses were composed only about
+thirty-four of them were colored men. But the colored members insisted
+that one of the three United States Senators to be elected should be a
+colored man. The white Republicans were willing that the colored men be
+given the fractional term of one year, since it was understood that
+Governor Alcorn was to be elected to the full term of six years and that
+Governor Ames was to be elected to the fractional term of five years.
+
+In this connection it may not be out of place to say that, ever since
+the organization of the Republican party in Mississippi, the white
+Republicans of that State, unlike some in a few of the other Southern
+States, have never attempted to draw the color line against their
+colored allies. In this they have proved themselves to be genuine and
+not sham Republicans,--that is to say, Republicans from principle and
+conviction and not for plunder and spoils. They have never failed to
+recognize the fact that the fundamental principle of the Republican
+party,--the one that gave the party its strongest claim upon the
+confidence and support of the public,--is its advocacy of equal civil
+and political rights. If that party should ever come to the conclusion
+that this principle should be abandoned, that moment it will merit, and
+I am sure it will receive, the condemnation and repudiation of the
+public.
+
+It was not, therefore, a surprise to any one when the white Republican
+members of the Mississippi Legislature gave expression to their entire
+willingness to vote for a suitable colored man to represent the state of
+Mississippi in the highest and most dignified legislative tribunal in
+the world. The next step was to find the man. The name of the Rev. James
+Lynch was first suggested. That he was a suitable and fit man for the
+position could not be denied. But he had just been elected Secretary of
+State for a term of four years, and his election to the Senate would
+have created a vacancy in the former office which would have
+necessitated the holding of another State election and another election
+was what all wanted to avoid. For that reason his name was not seriously
+considered for the Senatorship.
+
+[Illustration: HON. HIRAM R. REVELS. The first colored man that occupied
+a seat in the U.S. Senate. From a photograph taken by Maj. Lynch at
+Natchez, Miss., in 1868.]
+
+The next name suggested was that of the Rev. H.R. Revels and those who
+had been so fortunate as to hear the impressive prayer that he had
+delivered on the opening of the Senate were outspoken in their advocacy
+of his selection. The white Republicans assured the colored members
+that if they would unite upon Revels, they were satisfied he would
+receive the vote of every white Republican member of the Legislature.
+Governor Alcorn also gave the movement his cordial and active support,
+thus insuring for Revels the support of the State administration. The
+colored members then held an informal conference, at which it was
+unanimously decided to present the name of Rev. H.R. Revels to the
+Republican Legislative Caucus as a candidate for United States Senator
+to fill the fractional term of one year. The choice was ratified by the
+caucus without serious opposition. In the joint Legislative session,
+every Republican member, white and colored, voted for the three
+Republican caucus nominees for United States Senators,--Alcorn, Ames and
+Revels,--with one exception, Senator William M. Hancock, of Lauderdale,
+who stated in explanation of his vote against Revels that as a lawyer he
+did not believe that a colored man was eligible to a seat in the United
+States Senate. But Judge Hancock seems to have been the only lawyer in
+the Legislature,--or outside of it, as far as could be learned,--who
+entertained that opinion.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL AND POLITICAL MEASURES OF THE NEW LEGISLATURE
+
+
+In addition to the election of three United States Senators this
+Legislature had some very important work before it, as has already been
+stated in a previous chapter. A new public school system had to be
+inaugurated and put in operation, thus necessitating the construction of
+schoolhouses throughout the State, some of them, especially in the towns
+and villages, to be quite large and of course expensive. All of the
+other public buildings and institutions in the State had to be repaired,
+some of them rebuilt, all of them having been neglected and some of them
+destroyed during the progress of the late War. In addition to this the
+entire State Government in all of its branches had to be reconstructed
+and so organized as to place the same in perfect harmony with the new
+order of things.
+
+To accomplish these things money was required. There was none in the
+treasury. There was no cash available even to pay the ordinary expenses
+of the State government. Because of this lack of funds the government
+had to be carried on on a credit basis,--that is, by the issuing of
+notes or warrants based upon the credit of the State. These notes were
+issued at par to the creditors of the State in satisfaction of the
+obligations. In turn they were disposed of at a discount to bankers and
+brokers by whom they were held until there should be sufficient cash in
+the treasury to redeem them,--such redemption usually occurring in from
+three to six months, though sometimes the period was longer. To raise
+the necessary money to put the new machinery in successful operation one
+of two things had to be done: either the rate of taxation must be
+materially increased or interest bearing bonds must be issued and placed
+upon the market, thus increasing the bonded debt of the State. Although
+the fact was subsequently developed that a small increase in the bonded
+debt of the State could not very well be avoided, yet, after careful
+deliberation, the plan agreed upon was to materially increase the rate
+of taxation.
+
+This proved to be so unpopular that it came near losing the Legislature
+to the Republicans at the elections of 1871. Although it was explained
+to the people that this increase was only temporary and that the rate of
+taxation would be reduced as soon as some of the schoolhouses had been
+built, and some of the public institutions had been repaired, still this
+was not satisfactory to those by whom these taxes had to be paid. They
+insisted that some other plan ought to have been adopted, especially at
+that time. The War had just come to a close, leaving most of the people
+in an impoverished condition. What was true of the public institutions
+of the State was equally true of the private property of those who were
+property owners at that time. Their property during the War had been
+neglected, and what had not been destroyed was in a state of decay. This
+was especially true of those who had been the owners of large landed
+estates and of many slaves. Many of these people had been the
+acknowledged representatives of the wealth, the intelligence, the
+culture, the refinement and the aristocracy of the South,--the ruling
+class in the church, in society and in State affairs. These were the men
+who had made and molded public opinion, who had controlled the pulpit
+and the press, who had shaped the destiny of the State; who had made and
+enforced the laws,--or at least such laws as they desired to have
+enforced,--and who had represented the State not only in the State
+Legislature but in both branches of the National Legislature at
+Washington. Many of these proud sons, gallant fathers, cultured mothers
+and wives and refined and polished daughters found themselves in a
+situation and in a condition that was pitiable in the extreme. It was
+not only a difficult matter for them to adjust themselves to the new
+order of things and to the radically changed conditions, but no longer
+having slaves upon whom they could depend for everything, to raise the
+necessary money to prevent the decay, the dissipation and the ultimate
+loss or destruction of their large landed estates was the serious and
+difficult problem they had before them. To have the rate of taxation
+increased upon this property, especially at that particular time, was to
+them a very serious matter,--a matter which could not have any other
+effect than to intensify their bitterness and hostility towards the
+party in control of the State Government. But since Governor Alcorn,
+under whose administration, and in accordance with whose recommendation
+this increase had been made, was a typical representative of this
+particular class, it was believed and hoped that he would have
+sufficient influence with the people of his own class to stem the tide
+of resentment, and to calm their fears and apprehensions. That the
+Republicans retained control of the Legislature as a result of the
+elections of 1871,--though by only a small majority in the lower
+house,--is conclusive evidence that the Governor's efforts in that
+direction were not wholly in vain. The argument made by the taxpayers,
+however, was plausible and it may be conceded that, upon the whole, they
+were about right; for no doubt it would have been much easier upon the
+taxpayers to have increased at that time the interest-bearing debt of
+the State than to have increased the tax rate. The latter course,
+however, had been adopted and could not then be changed.
+
+Governor Alcorn also recommended,--a recommendation that was favorably
+considered by the Legislature,--that there be created and supported by
+the State a college for the higher education of the colored boys and
+young men of the State. This bill was promptly passed by the
+Legislature, and, in honor of the one by whom its creation was
+recommended the institution was named "Alcorn College." The presidency
+of this much-needed college was an honorable and dignified position to
+which a fair and reasonable salary was attached, so the Governor, who
+had the appointing power, decided to tender the office to Senator H.R.
+Revels upon the expiration of his term in the Senate. I had the honor of
+being named as one of the first trustees of this important institution.
+After the Governor, the trustees and Senator Revels had carefully
+inspected many different places that had been suggested for the location
+of the institution, Oakland College near the town of Rodney in Claiborne
+County, was finally purchased, and Alcorn College was established, with
+Senator Revels as its first president.
+
+As an evidence of the necessity for such an institution it will not be
+out of place to call attention to the fact that when the writer was
+first elected to Congress in 1872, there was not one young colored man
+in the State that could pass the necessary examination for a clerkship
+in any of the Departments at Washington. Four years later the supply was
+greater than the demand, nearly all of the applicants being graduates of
+Alcorn College. At this writing the institution is still being
+maintained by the State, although on a reduced appropriation and on a
+plan that is somewhat different from that which was inaugurated at its
+beginning and while the Republicans were in control of the State
+government. One of the reasons, no doubt, why it is supported by a
+Democratic administration, is that the State might otherwise forfeit and
+lose the aid it now receives from the National Government for the
+support of agricultural institutions. But, aside from this, there are
+very many liberal, fair-minded and influential Democrats in the State
+who are strongly in favor of having the State provide for the liberal
+education of both races.
+
+The knowledge I had acquired of parliamentary law not only enabled me to
+take a leading part in the deliberations of the Legislature, but it
+resulted in my being made Speaker of the House of Representatives that
+was elected in 1871. Shortly after the adjournment of the first session
+of the Legislature, the Speaker of the House, Hon. F.E. Franklin, of
+Yazoo County, died. When the Legislature reassembled the first Monday in
+January, 1871, Hon. H.W. Warren, of Leake County, was made Speaker of
+the House. In addition to the vacancy from Yazoo, created by the death
+of Speaker Franklin, one had also occurred from Lowndes County, which
+was one of the safe and sure Republican counties. Through apathy,
+indifference and overconfidence, the Democratic candidate, Dr. Landrum,
+was elected to fill this vacancy. It was a strange and novel sight to
+see a Democratic member of the Legislature from the rock-ribbed
+Republican county of Lowndes. It was no doubt a source of considerable
+embarrassment even to Dr. Landrum himself, for he was looked upon by all
+as a marvel and a curiosity. When he got up to deliver his maiden speech
+a few days after he was sworn in, he was visibly and perceptibly
+affected, for every eye was firmly and intently fixed upon him. Every
+one seemed to think that the man that could be elected to a seat in the
+Legislature from Lowndes County as a Democrat, must be endowed with some
+strange and hidden power through the exercise of which he could direct
+the movements and control the actions of those who might be brought in
+contact with him or subjected to his hypnotic influence; hence the
+anxiety and curiosity to hear the maiden speech of this strange and
+remarkable man. The voice in the House of a Democrat from the county of
+Lowndes was of so strange, so sudden, so unexpected and so remarkable
+that it was difficult for many to bring themselves to a realization of
+the fact that such a thing had actually happened and that it was a
+living reality. To the curious, the speech was a disappointment,
+although it was a plain, calm, conservative and convincing statement of
+the new member's position upon public questions. To the great amusement
+of those who heard him he related some of his experiences while he was
+engaged in canvassing the county. But the speech revealed the fact that,
+after all, he was nothing more than an ordinary man. No one was
+impressed by any word or sentence that had fallen from his lips that
+there was anything about him that was strange, impressive or unusual,
+and all decided that his election was purely accidental; for it was no
+more surprising than was the election of a colored Republican, Hon. J.M.
+Wilson, to the same Legislature the year before, from the reliable
+Democratic county of Marion.
+
+There was not much to be done at the second session of the Legislature
+outside of passing the annual appropriation bills; hence the session was
+a short one. Although Governor Alcorn's term as a United States Senator
+commenced March 4, 1871, he did not vacate the office of Governor until
+the meeting of Congress, the first Monday in the following December. A
+new Legislature and all county officers were to be elected in November
+of that year. It was to be the first important election since the
+inauguration of the Alcorn administration. The Governor decided to
+remain where he could assume entire responsibility for what had been
+done and where he could answer, officially and otherwise, all charges
+and accusations and criticisms that might be made against his
+administration and his official acts. The Republican majority in the
+State Senate was so large that the holdover Senators made it well nigh
+impossible for the Democrats to secure a majority of that body, but the
+principal fight was to be made for control of the House. As already
+stated the heavy increase in taxation proved to be very unpopular and
+this gave the Democrats a decided advantage. They made a strong and
+bitter fight to gain control of the House, and nearly succeeded.
+
+When every county had been heard from it was found that out of the one
+hundred fifteen members of which the House was composed, the Republicans
+had elected sixty-six members and the Democrats, forty-nine. Of the
+sixty-six that had been elected as Republicans, two,--Messrs. Armstead
+and Streeter,--had been elected from Carroll County on an independent
+ticket. They classed themselves politically as Independent or Alcorn
+Republicans. Carroll was the only doubtful county in the State that the
+Democrats failed to carry. The Independent ticket in that county, which
+was supported by an influential faction of Democrats, was brought out
+with the understanding and agreement that it would receive the support
+of the Republican organization. This support was given, but upon a
+pledge that the candidates for the Legislature, if elected, should not
+enter the Democratic caucus, nor vote for the candidates thereof in the
+organization of the House. These conditions were accepted, which
+resulted in the ticket being supported by the Republicans and,
+consequently elected. All the other doubtful and close counties went
+Democratic, which resulted in the defeat of some of the strongest and
+most influential men in the Republican party, including Speaker Warren
+of Leake County, Lucas and Boyd of Altala, Underwood of Chickasaw, Avery
+of Tallahatchie, and many others. Notwithstanding these reverses, the
+Republicans sent a number of able men to the House, among whom may be
+mentioned French of Adams, Howe and Pyles of Panola, Fisher of Hinds,
+Chandler and Davis of Noxubee, Huggins of Monroe, Stone and Spelman of
+Madison, Barrett of Amite, Sullivan and Gayles of Bolivar, Everett and
+Dixon of Yazoo, Griggs and Houston of Issaquina, and many others. In
+point of experience and ability this Legislature was the equal of its
+immediate predecessor.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
+
+
+The elections being over, and a Republican majority in both branches of
+the Legislature being assured, Governor Alcorn was then prepared to
+vacate the office of Governor, to turn over the administration of State
+affairs to Lieutenant-Governor Powers and to proceed to Washington so as
+to be present at the opening session of Congress on the first Monday in
+December when he would assume his duties as a United States Senator.
+
+The Legislature was to meet the first Monday in the following
+January,--1872. As soon as the fact was made known that the Republicans
+would control the organization of the House, the Speakership of that
+body began to be agitated. If Speaker Warren had been reelected he would
+have received the Republican caucus nomination without opposition, but
+his defeat made it necessary for a new man to be brought forward for
+that position. A movement was immediately put on foot to make me the
+Speaker of the House.
+
+Upon a careful examination of the returns it was found that of the one
+hundred fifteen members of which the House was composed there were
+seventy-seven whites and thirty-eight colored. Of the seventy-seven
+whites, forty-nine had been elected as Democrats and twenty-eight as
+Republicans. The thirty-eight colored men were all Republicans. It will
+thus be seen that, while in the composition of the Republican caucus
+there were ten more colored than white members, yet of the total
+membership of the House there were thirty-nine more white than colored
+members. But in the organization of the House, the contest was not
+between white and colored, but between Democrats and Republicans. No one
+had been elected,--at least on the Republican side,--because he was a
+white man or because he was a colored man, but because he was a
+Republican. After a preliminary canvass the fact was developed that the
+writer was not only the choice of the colored members for Speaker of the
+House, but of a large majority of the white Republican members as well.
+They believed,--and voted in accordance with that belief both in the
+party caucus and in the House,--that the writer was the best-equipped
+man for that responsible position. This fact had been demonstrated to
+their satisfaction during the two sessions of the preceding Legislature.
+
+The nomination of the writer by the House Republican caucus for Speaker
+was a foregone conclusion several weeks before the convening of the
+Legislature. With a full membership in attendance fifty-eight votes
+would be necessary to perfect the organization. When the Republican
+caucus convened sixty members were present and took part in the
+deliberations thereof. Four of the Republicans-elect had not at that
+time arrived at the seat of government. The two Independents from
+Carroll refused to attend the caucus, but this did not necessarily mean
+that they would not vote for the candidates thereof in the organization
+of the House. But since we had sixty votes,--two more than were
+necessary to elect our candidate,--we believed that the organization
+would be easily perfected the next day, regardless of the action of the
+members from Carroll County.
+
+In this, however, we were sadly disappointed. The result of the first
+vote for Speaker of the House was as follows:
+
+     Lynch, Republican caucus nominee   55
+     Streeter, Democratic nominee       47
+     Chandler, Independent Republican    7
+     Armstead, Independent Republican    1
+     Howe, Regular Republican            1
+     Necessary to elect                 56
+
+Judge Chandler of Noxubee, who had been elected as a regular Republican
+with four other white Republicans,--all of whom attended and took part
+in the caucus the night before,--refused to vote for the nominee of the
+caucus for Speaker but voted instead for Chandler. It will be seen that
+the vote for Streeter, the Democratic caucus nominee, was two less than
+that party's strength; thus showing that two Democrats must have also
+voted for Chandler. It will also be seen that if every vote that was not
+received by Lynch had been given to Chandler or to any other man, that
+man would have received the required number of votes and would have been
+elected. The Democrats stood ready to give their solid vote to any one
+of the Independents whenever it could be shown that their votes would
+result in an election. But it so happened that Chandler and Armstead
+were both ambitious to be Speaker and neither would give way for the
+other, which, of course, made the election of either impossible. The one
+vote cast for Howe was no doubt Mr. Armstead's vote, while the one vote
+for Armstead was no doubt cast by his colleague. In the nomination of
+Hon. H.M. Streeter, the Democrats selected their strongest man, and the
+best parliamentarian on their side of the House. The refusal of the
+so-called Independents to vote for the Republican caucus nominee for
+Speaker produced a deadlock which continued for a period of several
+days. At no time could any one of the regular Republicans be induced
+under any circumstances to vote for any one of the Independents. They
+would much rather have the House organized by the Democrats than allow
+party treachery to be thus rewarded.
+
+While the deadlock was in progress, Senators Alcorn and Ames suddenly
+made their appearance upon the scene of action. They had made the trip
+from Washington to use their influence to break the deadlock, and to
+bring about an organization of the House by the Republican party. But
+Senator Alcorn was the one that could render the most effective service
+in that direction, since the bolters were men who professed to be
+followers of his and loyal to his political interests and leadership.
+
+As soon as the Senator arrived he held a conference with the bolters,
+including Messrs. Armstead and Streeter,--the two independents from
+Carroll. In addressing those who had been elected as Republicans and who
+had attended and participated in the caucus of that party, the Senator
+did not mince his words. He told them in plain language that they were
+in honor bound to support the caucus nominees of their party, or that
+they must resign their seats and allow their constituents to elect
+others that would do so. With reference to the Independents from
+Carroll, he said the situation was slightly different. They had been
+elected as Independents under conditions which did not obligate them to
+enter the Republican caucus or support the candidates thereof. They had
+pledged themselves not to support the Democratic caucus nominees, nor to
+aid that party in the organization of the House. Up to that time they
+had not made a move, nor given a vote that could be construed into a
+violation of the pledge under which they had been elected, but they had
+publicly declared on several occasions that they had been elected as
+Independents or Alcorn Republicans. In other words, they had been
+elected as friends and supporters of the Alcorn administration, and of
+that type of Republicanism for which he stood and of which he was the
+representative. If this were true then they should not hesitate to take
+the advice of the man to support whose administration they had been
+elected. He informed them that if they meant what they said the best way
+for them to prove it was to vote for the Republican caucus nominees for
+officers of the House, because he was the recognized leader of the party
+in the State and that the issue involved in the elections was either an
+endorsement or repudiation of his administration as Governor. Republican
+success under such circumstances meant an endorsement of his
+administration, while Republican defeat would mean its repudiation. The
+most effective way, then, in which they could make good their
+ante-election pledges and promises was to vote for the candidates of
+the Republican caucus for officers of the House.
+
+The two Carroll County Independents informed the Senator that he had
+correctly outlined their position and their attitude, and that it was
+their purpose and their determination to give a loyal and effective
+support, so far as the same was in their power, to the policies and
+principles for which he stood and of which he was the accredited
+representative; but that they were apprehensive that they could not
+successfully defend their action and explain their votes to the
+satisfaction of their constituents if they were to vote for a colored
+man for Speaker of the House.
+
+"But," said the Senator, "could you have been elected without the votes
+of colored men? If you now vote against a colored man,--who is in every
+way a fit and capable man for the position,--simply because he is a
+colored man, would you expect those men to support you in the future?"
+
+The Senator also reminded them that they had received very many more
+colored than white votes; and that, in his opinion, very few of the
+white men who had supported them would find fault with them for voting
+for a capable and intelligent colored man to preside over the
+deliberations of the House.
+
+"Can you then," the Senator asked, "afford to offend the great mass of
+colored men that supported you in order to please an insignificantly
+small number of narrow-minded whites?"
+
+The Senator assured them that he was satisfied they had nothing to fear
+as a result of their action in voting for Mr. Lynch as Speaker of the
+House. He knew the candidate favorably and well and therefore did not
+hesitate to assure them that if they contributed to his election they
+would have no occasion to regret having done so. The conference then
+came to a close with the understanding that all present would vote the
+next day for the Republican caucus nominees for officers of the House.
+This was done. The result of the ballot the following day was as
+follows:
+
+     Lynch, Republican caucus nominee,   63
+     Chandler, Independent Republican,   49
+     Necessary to elect                  57
+
+It will be seen that Judge Chandler received the solid Democratic vote
+while Lynch received the vote of every voting Republican present,
+including Chandler and the two Independents from Carroll,--three
+Republicans still being absent and not paired. By substantially the same
+vote ex-Speaker Warren, of Leake County, was elected Chief Clerk, and
+Ex-Representative Hill, of Marshall County, was elected
+Sergeant-at-arms. The Legislature was then organized and was ready to
+proceed to business.
+
+At the conclusion of the session, the House not only adopted a
+resolution complimenting the Speaker and thanking him for the able and
+impartial manner in which he had presided over its deliberations, but
+presented him with a fine gold watch and chain,--purchased with money
+that had been contributed by members of both parties and by a few
+outside friends,--as a token of their esteem and appreciation of him as
+a presiding officer. On the outside case of the watch these words were
+engraved: "Presented to Hon. J.R. Lynch, Speaker of the House of
+Representatives, by the Members of the Legislature, April 19, 1873."
+That watch the writer still has and will keep as a sacred family
+heirloom.
+
+A good deal of work was to be done by this Legislature. The seats of a
+number of Democrats were contested. But the decision in many cases was
+in favor of the sitting members. The changes, however, were sufficient
+to materially increase the Republican majority.
+
+Among the important bills to be passed was one to divide the State into
+six Congressional Districts. The apportionment of Representatives in
+Congress, under the Apportionment Act which had recently passed
+Congress, increased the number of Representatives from Mississippi,
+which had formerly been five, to six. Republican leaders in both
+branches of the Legislature decided that the duty of drawing up a bill
+apportioning the State into Congressional Districts should devolve upon
+the Speaker of the House, with the understanding that the party
+organization would support the bill drawn by him.
+
+I accepted the responsibility, and immediately proceeded with the work
+of drafting a bill for that purpose. Two plans had been discussed, each
+of which had strong supporters and advocates. One plan was so to
+apportion the State as to make all of the districts Republican; but in
+doing so the majority in at least two of the districts would be quite
+small. The other was so to apportion the State as to make five districts
+safely and reliably Republican and the remaining one Democratic. I had
+not taken a decided stand for or against either plan. Perhaps that was
+one reason why the advocates of both plans agreed to refer the matter to
+me for a final decision.
+
+The Democrats heard what had been done. One of them, Hon. F.M. Goar, of
+Lee County, called to see me so as to talk over the matter. He expressed
+the hope that in drawing up the bill, one district would be conceded to
+the Democrats.
+
+"If this is done," he said, "I assume that the group of counties located
+in the northeastern part of the State will be the Democratic district.
+In that event we will send a very strong and able man to Congress in the
+person of Hon. L.Q.C. Lamar."
+
+I had every reason to believe that if Mr. Lamar were sent to Congress
+he would reflect credit upon himself, his party, and his State. I
+promised to give the suggestion earnest and perhaps favorable
+consideration. After going over the matter carefully I came to the
+conclusion that the better and safer plan would be to make five safe and
+sure Republican districts and concede one to the Democrats. Another
+reason for this decision was that in so doing, the State could be more
+fairly apportioned. The Republican counties could be easily made
+contiguous and the population in each district could be made as nearly
+equal as possible. The apportionment could not have been so fairly and
+equitably made if the other plan had been adopted.
+
+After the bill had been completed, it was submitted to a joint caucus of
+the Republican members of the two Houses, and after a brief explanation
+by me of its provisions it was accepted and approved by the unanimous
+vote of the caucus.
+
+When it was brought before the house, a majority of the Democratic
+members,--under the leadership of Messrs. Streeter, Roane and
+McIntosh,--fought it very bitterly. They contended that the Democrats
+should have at least two of the six Congressmen and that an
+apportionment could have been made and should have been made with that
+end in view. The truth was that several of those who made such a
+stubborn fight against the bill had Congressional aspirations themselves
+and, of course, they did not fail to see that as drawn the bill did not
+hold out flattering hopes for the gratification of that ambition. But it
+was all that Mr. Goar and a few others that he had taken into his
+confidence expected, or had any right to expect. In fact, the one
+Democratic district, constructed in accordance with their wishes, was
+just about what they wanted. While they voted against the bill,--merely
+to be in accord with their party associates,--they insisted that there
+should be no filibustering or other dilatory methods adopted to defeat
+it. After a hard and stubborn fight, and after several days of exciting
+debate, the bill was finally passed by a strict party vote. A few days
+later it passed the Senate without amendment, was signed by the
+Governor, and became a law.
+
+As had been predicted by Mr. Goar, Hon. L.Q.C. Lamar was nominated by
+the Democrats for Congress in the first district, which was the
+Democratic district. The Republicans nominated against him a very strong
+and able man, the Hon. R.W. Flournoy, who had served with Mr. Lamar as a
+member of the Secession Convention of 1861. He made an aggressive and
+brilliant canvass of the district, but the election of Mr. Lamar was a
+foregone conclusion, since the Democratic majority in the district was
+very large.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE STATE ELECTION OF 1873.
+REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+
+An important election was to be held in Mississippi in 1873, at which
+State, district, and county officers, as well as members of the
+Legislature, were to be elected. The tenure of office for the State and
+county officers was four years. 1873, therefore, was the year in which
+the successors of those that had held office since 1869 had to be
+elected.
+
+The legislature to be elected that year would elect the successor of
+Senator Ames as United States Senator. Senator Ames was the candidate
+named to succeed himself. For some unaccountable reason there had been a
+falling out between Senator Alcorn and himself, for which reason Senator
+Alcorn decided to use his influence to prevent the reelection of Senator
+Ames. This meant that there would be a bitter factional fight in the
+party, because both Senators were popular with the rank and file of the
+party.
+
+The fact was soon developed, however, that the people favored the return
+of Senator Ames to the Senate. This did not necessarily mean opposition
+or unfriendliness to Senator Alcorn. It simply meant that both were to
+be treated fairly and justly, and that each was to stand upon his own
+record and merits, regardless of their personal differences.
+
+If Senator Alcorn had been in Senator Ames' place the probabilities are
+that the sentiment of the party would have been just as strongly in his
+favor as it was at that time in favor of Ames. But on this occasion
+Senator Alcorn made the mistake of making opposition to Senator Ames the
+test of loyalty to himself. In this he was not supported even by many of
+his warmest personal and political friends. In consequence of the bitter
+fight that was to be made by Senator Alcorn to prevent the return of
+Senator Ames to the Senate, many of Senator Ames' friends advised him to
+become a candidate for the office of Governor. In that way, it was
+believed, he could command the situation, and thus make sure his
+election to succeed himself as Senator; otherwise it might be doubtful.
+
+But this involved two important points which had to be carefully
+considered. First, it involved the retirement of Governor Powers, who
+was a candidate to succeed himself. Second, the candidate for
+Lieutenant-Governor would have to be selected with great care, since if
+that program were carried out he would be, in point of fact, the
+Governor of the State for practically the whole term.
+
+After going over the situation very carefully with his friends and
+supporters Senator Ames decided to become a candidate for Governor,
+public announcement of which decision was duly made. This announcement
+seemed to have increased the intensity of Senator Alcorn's opposition to
+Senator Ames, for the former did not hesitate to declare that in the
+event of Ames' nomination for Governor by the regular party convention
+he would bolt the action of the convention, and make the race for
+Governor as an independent candidate. This declaration, however, made no
+impression upon the friends and supporters of Ames, and evidently had
+very little effect upon the rank and file of the party; for the fact
+became apparent shortly after the announcement of the candidacy of Ames
+that his nomination was a foregone conclusion. In fact, Senator Ames had
+such a strong hold upon the rank and file of the party throughout the
+State that when the convention met there was practically no opposition
+to his nomination. The friends and supporters of Governor Powers
+realized early in the campaign the hopelessness of the situation, so far
+as he was concerned, and therefore made no serious effort in his behalf.
+
+What gave the Ames managers more concern than anything else was the
+selection of a suitable man for Lieutenant-Governor. Many of the colored
+delegates insisted that three of the seven men to be nominated should
+be of that race. The offices they insisted on filling were those of
+Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and Superintendent of
+Education. Since the colored men had been particularly loyal and
+faithful to Senator Ames it was not deemed wise to ignore their demands.
+But the question was, Where is there a colored man possessing the
+qualifications necessary to one in charge of the executive department of
+the state?
+
+After going over the field very carefully it was decided that there was
+just one man possessing the necessary qualifications,--B.K. Bruce, of
+Bolivar County. He, it was decided, was just the man for the place, and
+to him the nomination was to be tendered. A committee was appointed to
+wait on Mr. Bruce and inform him of the action of the conference, and
+urge him to consent to the use of his name. But Mr. Bruce positively
+declined. He could not be induced under any circumstances to change his
+mind. He was fixed in his determination not to allow his name to be used
+for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, and from that determination he
+could not be moved.
+
+Mr. Bruce's unexpected attitude necessitated a radical change in the
+entire program. It had been agreed that the Lieutenant-Governorship
+should go to a colored man, but after Brace's declination the Ames
+managers were obliged to take one of two men,--H.C. Carter, or A.K.
+Davis. Davis was the more acceptable of the two; but neither, it was
+thought, was a fit and suitable man to be placed at the head of the
+executive department of the State. After again going over the field, and
+after canvassing the situation very carefully, it was decided that Ames
+would not be a candidate to succeed himself as United States Senator,
+but that he would be a candidate to succeed Senator Alcorn. This
+decision, in all probability, would not have been made if Alcorn had
+been willing to abide by the decision of the convention. But, since he
+announced his determination to bolt the nomination of his party for
+Governor and run as an Independent candidate, it was decided that he had
+forfeited any claim he otherwise would have had upon the party to
+succeed himself in the Senate. Senator Alcorn's term would expire March
+4, 1877. His successor would be elected by the Legislature that would be
+chosen in November, 1875. If Ames should be elected to the Governorship
+his successor in that office would be elected in November, 1877. In the
+event of his election to the Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn, his term
+as Senator would commence March 4, 1877, yet he could remain in the
+office of Governor until the meeting of Congress the following December,
+thus practically serving out the full term as Governor.
+
+With that plan mapped out and agreed upon, and the party leaders
+committed to its support, Davis was allowed to be nominated for the
+office of Lieutenant-Governor. Two other colored men were also placed
+upon the State ticket,--James Hill, for Secretary of State, and T.W.
+Cardozo, for State Superintendent of Education. While Davis had made
+quite a creditable record as a member of the Legislature, it could not
+be said that his name added strength to the ticket. Hill, on the other
+hand, was young, active, and aggressive, and considerably above the
+average colored man in point of intelligence at that time. His
+nomination was favorably received, because it was generally believed
+that, if elected, he would discharge the duties of the office in a way
+that would reflect credit upon himself and give satisfaction to the
+public. In point of education and experience Cardozo was admitted to be
+entirely capable of filling the office of Superintendent of Education;
+but he was not well known outside of his own county, Warren. In fact his
+nomination was largely a concession to that strong Republican county.
+
+The three white men nominated,--besides the candidate for
+Governor,--were, W.H. Gibbs, for Auditor of Public Accounts; Geo. E.
+Harris, for Attorney-General, and Geo. H. Holland, for State Treasurer.
+Gibbs had been a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1868, and
+subsequently a member of the State Senate. Holland had served as a
+member of the Legislature from Oktibbeha County. Harris had been a
+member of Congress from the Second (Holly Springs) District, having been
+defeated for the nomination in 1872 by A.R. Howe, of Panola County.
+While the ticket, as a whole, was not a weak one, its principal strength
+was in its head,--the candidate for Governor.
+
+Shortly after the adjournment of the convention Senator Alcorn had
+another convention called which nominated a ticket, composed exclusively
+of Republicans, with himself at its head for Governor. The Democrats at
+their convention endorsed the Alcorn ticket. While it would seem that
+this action on the part of the Democrats ought to have increased
+Alcorn's chances of success, it appears to have been a contributory
+cause of his defeat. Thousands of Republicans who were in sympathy with
+the movement, and who would have otherwise voted the Alcorn ticket,
+refused to do so for the reason that if it had been elected the
+Democrats could have claimed a victory for their party. On the other
+hand, both tickets being composed exclusively of Republicans, thousands
+of Democrats refused to vote for either, while some of them voted the
+Ames ticket. At any rate the election resulted in the success of the
+Ames ticket by a majority of more than twenty thousand. The regular
+Republicans also had a large majority in both branches of the
+Legislature.
+
+[Illustration: HON. B.K. BRUCE United States Senator, 1875-1881]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+MISSISSIPPI SENDS B.K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE
+
+
+As soon as the result of the election was known, the candidacy of B.K.
+Bruce, for United States Senator to succeed Senator Ames, was announced.
+Ames' term as Governor was to commence the first Monday in January,
+1874. His term as Senator would expire March 4, 1875. Upon assuming the
+duties of Governor he had been obliged to tender his resignation as
+Senator; thus it devolved upon the incoming legislature to elect a
+Senator to serve out the unexpired term, as well as for the full term of
+six years. Bruce's candidacy was for the full term.
+
+The secret of Mr. Bruce's positive refusal to allow his name to be used
+for the Lieutenant-Governorship, which would have resulted in making him
+Governor, was now revealed. He had had the Senatorship in mind at the
+time, but, of course, no allusion was made to that fact. As between the
+Senatorship and the Governorship he chose the former, which proved to be
+a wise decision, in view of subsequent events. It was soon developed
+that he was the choice of a large majority of the Republican members of
+the Legislature, white as well as colored. His nomination by the party
+caucus, therefore, was a foregone conclusion. Before the legislature
+met, it had been practically settled that Mr. Bruce should be sent to
+the Senate for the long term and Ex-Superintendant of Education, H.R.
+Pease, should be elected to serve out the unexpired term of
+Governor-elect Ames.
+
+This slate was approved by the joint legislative caucus without a hitch
+and the candidates thus nominated were duly elected by the
+Legislature,--not only by the solid Republican vote of that body, but
+the additional vote of State Senator Hiram Cassidy, Jr., who had been
+elected as a Democrat.
+
+Senator Alcorn's keen disappointment and chagrin at the outcome of his
+fight with Governor Ames was manifested when Senator Bruce made his
+appearance to be sworn in as a Senator. It was presumed that Senator
+Alcorn, in accordance with the uniform custom on such occasions, would
+escort his colleague to the desk of the President of the Senate to be
+sworn in. This Senator Alcorn refused to do. When Mr. Bruce's name was
+called Senator Alcorn did not move; he remained in his seat, apparently
+giving his attention to his private correspondence. Mr. Bruce, somewhat
+nervous and slightly excited, started to the President's desk
+unattended. Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, who was sitting near
+by, immediately rose and extended his arm to Mr. Bruce and escorted him
+to the President's desk, standing by the new Senator's side until the
+oath had been administered, and then tendering him his hearty
+congratulations, in which all the other Republican Senators, except
+Senator Alcorn, subsequently joined.
+
+This gracious act on the part of the New York Senator made for him a
+lifelong friend and admirer in the person of Senator Bruce. This
+friendship was so strong that Senator Bruce named his first and only son
+Roscoe Conkling, in honor of the able, distinguished, and gallant
+Senator from New York.
+
+Senator Alcorn's action in this matter was the occasion of considerable
+unfavorable criticism and comment, some of his critics going so far as
+to intimate that his action was due to the fact that Mr. Bruce was a
+colored man. But, from my knowledge of the man and of the circumstances
+connected with the case, I am satisfied this was not true. His antipathy
+to Mr. Bruce grew out of the fact that Mr. Bruce had opposed him and had
+supported Ames in the fight for Governor in 1873.
+
+So far as I have been able to learn, I am the only one of the Senator's
+friends and admirers who opposed his course in that contest that he ever
+forgave. He, no doubt, felt that I was under less personal obligations
+to him than many others who pursued the same course that I did, since
+he had never rendered me any effective personal or political service,
+except when he brought the Independent members of the House in line for
+me in the contest for Speaker of that body in 1872; and even then his
+action was not so much a matter of personal friendship for me as it was
+in the interest of securing an endorsement of his own administration as
+Governor.
+
+In Mr. Bruce's case he took an entirely different view of the matter. He
+believed that he had been the making of Mr. Bruce. Mr. Bruce had come to
+the State in 1869 and had taken an active part in the campaign of that
+year. When the Legislature was organized it was largely through the
+influence of Governor Alcorn that he was elected Sergeant-at-arms of the
+State Senate. When the Legislature adjourned Governor Alcorn sent Bruce
+to Bolivar county as County Assessor. Bruce discharged the duties of
+that office in such a creditable and satisfactory manner that he was
+elected in 1871 Sheriff and Tax Collector of that important and wealthy
+county, the most responsible and lucrative office in the gift of the
+people of the county. He was holding that office when elected to the
+United States Senate. Senator Alcorn felt, therefore, that in taking
+sides against him and in favor of Ames in 1873 Mr. Bruce was guilty of
+gross ingratitude. This accounted for his action in refusing to escort
+Mr. Bruce to the President's desk to be sworn in as Senator. In this
+belief, however, he did Mr. Bruce a grave injustice, for I know that
+gratitude was one of Mr. Brace's principal characteristics. If Senator
+Alcorn had been a candidate from the start for the Republican nomination
+for Governor, Mr. Bruce, I am sure, would have supported him even as
+against Senator Ames. But it was known that the Senator had no ambition
+to be Governor. His sole purpose was to defeat Senator Ames at any cost,
+and that, too, on account of matters that were purely personal and that
+had no connection with party or political affairs. Mr. Bruce, like very
+many other friends and admirers of the Senator, simply refused to follow
+him in open rebellion against his own party. I am satisfied, however,
+that Mr. Bruce's race identity did not influence the action of Senator
+Alcorn in the slightest degree. As further evidence of that fact, his
+position and action in the Pinchback case may be mentioned. He spoke and
+voted for the admission of Mr. Pinchback to a seat in the Senate when
+such a staunch Republican as Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, opposed and
+voted against admission. In spite of Senator Alcorn's political defeat
+and humiliation in his own State, he remained true and loyal to the
+National Republican party to the end of his Senatorial term, which
+terminated with the beginning of the Hayes Administration. Up to that
+time he had strong hopes of the future of the Republican party at the
+South.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+IMPROVED FINANCIAL CONDITION OF MISSISSIPPI UNDER THE AMES
+ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+The administrations of Governor Alcorn and of Governor Ames, the two
+Republican Governors, who were products of Reconstruction,--both having
+been elected chiefly by the votes of colored men,--were among the best
+with which that State was ever blessed, the generally accepted
+impression to the contrary notwithstanding. In 1869 Alcorn was elected
+to serve for a term of four years. Ames was elected to serve the
+succeeding term. Alcorn was one of the old citizens of the State, and
+was therefore thoroughly identified with its business, industrial, and
+social interests. He had been one of the large and wealthy landowners
+and slave-owners, and therefore belonged to that small but select and
+influential class known as Southern aristocrats.
+
+Alcorn had taken an active and prominent part in public matters since
+his early manhood. Before the War of the Rebellion he had served several
+terms as a member of the Legislature. He represented his county,
+Coahoma, in the Secession Convention of 1861. He was bitterly opposed
+to Secession and fought it bravely; but when he found himself in a
+hopeless minority he gracefully acquiesced in the decision of the
+majority and signed the ordinance of Secession. He also joined the
+Confederate Army and took an active part in raising troops for the same.
+He was made brigadier-general, and had command of the Confederate forces
+in Mississippi for a good while. But, since the President of the
+Confederacy did not seem to be particularly partial to him, he was not
+allowed to see very much field service.
+
+When the war was over he took an active part in the work of
+rehabilitation and Reconstruction. He strongly supported the Andrew
+Johnson plan of Reconstruction, and by the Legislature that was elected
+under that plan he was chosen one of the United States Senators, but was
+not admitted to the seat to which he had been elected. When the Johnson
+plan of Reconstruction was repudiated and rejected by the voters of the
+Northern States, and when what was known as the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was endorsed and approved, Alcorn decided that further
+opposition to that plan was useless and unwise, and he publicly advised
+acceptance of it. His advice having been rejected by the Democrats,
+nothing remained for him to do but to join the Republican party, which
+he did in the early part of 1869.
+
+Since he was known to be a strong, able and influential man,--one who
+possessed the respect and confidence of the white people of the State
+regardless of party differences,--he was tendered the Republican
+nomination for the Governorship at the election that was to be held the
+latter part of that year. He accepted the nomination and was duly
+elected. He discharged the duties of the office in an able, creditable
+and satisfactory manner. The only point upon which the administration
+was at all subject to unfavorable criticism was the high rate of
+taxation to which the people were subjected for the support of the State
+Government; but the reader will see that this could hardly have been
+avoided at that particular time. In his message to the Legislature in
+January, 1910, Governor E.F. Noel accurately stated the principle by
+which an administration is necessarily governed in raising revenue to
+carry on the government. This is the same principle that governed the
+Alcorn administration when it took charge of the State Government in
+1870. In that message Governor Noel said: "The amount of assessment
+determines the tax burden of each individual, corporation, town, and
+county. The Legislature or local authorities settle the amount necessary
+to be provided for their respective treasuries. If all property be
+assessed at the same rate,--whether for the full value or for ten per
+cent, of the value of the property,--the payment of each owner would be
+unaffected; for the higher the assessment, the lower the levy; the lower
+the assessment, the higher the levy. Our State revenue is mainly derived
+from a six mill ad valorem tax."
+
+When the Alcorn administration took charge of the State Government the
+War had just come to a close. Everything was in a prostrate condition.
+There had been great depreciation in the value of real and personal
+property. The credit of the State was not very good. The rate of
+interest for borrowed money was high. To materially increase the bonded
+debt of the State was not deemed wise, yet some had to be raised in that
+way. To raise the balance a higher rate of taxation had to be imposed
+since the assessed valuation of the taxable property was so low.
+
+The figures showing the assessed valuation of taxable property in the
+State and the receipts and disbursements prior to 1875 are not
+available, but, taking the figures for that year, the reader can form a
+pretty accurate idea of what the situation must have been prior to that
+time. In 1875 the assessed valuation of real and personal property,
+subject to taxation in the State, was $119,313,834. The receipts from
+all sources that year amounted to $1,801,129.12. The disbursements for
+the same year were, $1,430,192.83.
+
+Now let us see what the situation was after the Ames administration had
+been in power about two years,--or half of the term for which it had
+been elected. According to a very carefully prepared statement that was
+made and published by an expert accountant in the State Treasurer's
+office in the latter part of 1875 the ad valorem rate of taxes for
+general purposes had been reduced from seven to four mills, and yet the
+amount paid into the Treasury was not only enough to meet all demands
+upon the State, but to make a material reduction in the bonded debt. The
+following is taken from that statement:
+
+"An examination of the report of the State Treasurer, of the first of
+January, 1874, at which time the administration of Governor Ames
+commenced, exhibits the fact that the indebtedness of the State at that
+date, exclusive of the amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and common
+school funds, balance of current funds on hand, and warrants in the
+Treasury belonging to the State, was $1,765,554.33 The amount of the tax
+of the previous year remaining uncollected on January first, 1874, and
+afterward collected, $944,261.51, should be deducted from the above
+amount, which will show the actual indebtedness of the State at that
+date to be $821,292.82. A further examination of the report of the same
+officer, for January first, 1875, shows the indebtedness, after
+deducting amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and common school
+funds, balance of current funds on hand and warrants in the Treasury
+belonging to the State, to be, $1,707,056.24. Then by deducting the
+amount of the tax of the previous year remaining uncollected January
+first, 1875, and afterwards collected, $998,628.11, the result shows the
+actual indebtedness on January first, 1875, to be $708,428.13. The
+forthcoming annual report of the State Treasurer, for January first,
+1876, will show the indebtedness of the State, exclusive of the amounts
+to the credit of the Chickasaw and common school funds, the balance of
+current funds on hand, and warrants in the Treasury belonging to the
+State, to be $980,138.33. Then, by proceeding again as above, and
+deducting the amount of the tax of the previous year, uncollected on
+January first, 1876, and now being rapidly paid into the Treasury, at a
+low estimate, $460,000.00, we have as an actual indebtedness of the
+State on January first, 1876, $520,138.33. Thus it will be seen that the
+actual indebtedness of the State is but little over a half million
+dollars, and that during the two years of Governor Ames' administration
+the State debt has been reduced from $821,292.82, on January first,
+1874, to $520,138.33, on January first, 1876, or a reduction of more
+than three hundred thousand dollars in two years--upwards of one third
+of the State debt wiped out in that time. Not only has the debt been
+reduced as above, but the rate of taxation for general purposes has
+been reduced from seven mills in 1873 to four mills in 1875."
+
+Notwithstanding the fact that the rate of taxation under the
+administration of Governor Ames had been reduced as shown above from
+seven mills in 1873 to four mills in 1875 the amount paid into the State
+Treasury was substantially the same as that paid in prior years. This
+was due to the great appreciation in the value of taxable property. Then
+again, a material reduction in the rate of taxation was made possible
+because the public institutions had all been rebuilt and repaired and a
+sufficient number of school buildings had been erected, thus doing away
+with the necessity for a special levy for such purposes. From this
+showing it would seem as if it were reasonable to assume that if such an
+administration as the one then in power could have been retained a few
+years longer there would not only have been a still further reduction in
+the rate of taxation, but the payable debt of the State would have been
+entirely wiped out. Instead of this we find the conditions to be about
+as follows:
+
+First. Shortly after the first reform State Treasurer had been in charge
+of that office it was developed that he was a defaulter to the amount of
+$315,612.19.
+
+Second. Notwithstanding the immense increase in the value of taxable
+property from year to year, it appears from the official records that
+the rate of ad valorem tax for general purposes has been increased from
+four to six mills.
+
+Third. There has been a very heavy increase in what is known as the
+specific or privilege taxes,--that is, a specific sum that business and
+professional persons must pay for the privilege of doing business or of
+practicing their professions in the State.
+
+Fourth. The amounts now collected and paid out for the support of the
+State Government are more than double what they were a few years ago,
+thus showing extravagance, if not recklessness, in the administration of
+the affairs of the State,--the natural result of a condition by which
+the existence of but one political party is tolerated.
+
+Fifth. Notwithstanding the immense increase in the value of taxable
+property, and in spite of the enormous sums paid into the State Treasury
+each year, there has been a material increase in the bonded debt of the
+State. In fact it has been necessary at different times to borrow money
+with which to pay the current expenses of the State Government.
+
+The following statistics for three years, 1907, 1908 and 1909, would
+seem to substantiate the above statement:
+
+The value of the taxable property of the State in 1907 was $373,584.960.
+Receipts from all sources that year were $3,391,127.15. Disbursements
+for the same period were $3,730,343.29. Excess of disbursements over
+receipts, $339,216.14.
+
+In 1908 the value of taxable property was $383,823,739. Receipts from
+all sources that year were $3,338,398.98. Disbursements, same period,
+$3,351,119.46. Excess of disbursements over receipts, $12,720.48.
+
+In 1909 the value of taxable property was $393,297,173. Receipts from
+all sources were $3,303,963.65. Disbursements, same period,
+$3,315,201.48. Excess of disbursements over receipts, $11,237.83.
+
+On the first day of January, 1907, what is called the payable debt of
+the State was reported to be $1,253,029.07. On the first day of January,
+1876, it was $520,138.33. Increase, $732,890.74.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+WHAT CONSTITUTES "NEGRO DOMINATION"
+
+
+It is claimed that in States, districts, and counties, in which the
+colored people are in the majority, the suppression of the colored vote
+is necessary to prevent "Negro Domination,"--to prevent the ascendency
+of the blacks over the whites in the administration of the State and
+local governments.
+
+This claim is based upon the assumption that if the black vote were not
+suppressed in all such States, districts, and counties, black men would
+be supported and elected to office because they were black, and white
+men would be opposed and defeated because they were white.
+
+Taking Mississippi for purposes of illustration, it will be seen that
+there has never been the slightest ground for such an apprehension. No
+colored man in that State ever occupied a judicial position above that
+of Justice of the Peace and very few aspired to that position. Of seven
+State officers only one, that of Secretary of State, was filled by a
+colored man, until 1873, when colored men were elected to three of the
+seven offices,--Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and State
+Superintendent of Education. Of the two United States Senators and the
+seven members of the lower house of Congress not more than one colored
+man occupied a seat in each house at the same time. Of the thirty-five
+members of the State Senate, and of the one hundred and fifteen members
+of the House,--which composed the total membership of the State
+Legislature prior to 1874,--there were never more than about seven
+colored men in the Senate and forty in the lower house. Of the
+ninety-seven members that composed the Constitutional Convention of 1868
+but seventeen were colored men. The composition of the lower house of
+the State Legislature that was elected in 1871 was as follows:
+
+Total membership, one hundred and fifteen. Republicans, sixty-six;
+Democrats, forty-nine. Colored members, thirty-eight. White members,
+seventy-seven. White majority, thirty-nine.
+
+Of the sixty-six Republicans thirty-eight were colored and twenty-eight,
+white. There was a slight increase in the colored membership as a result
+of the election of 1873, but the colored men never at any time had
+control of the State Government nor of any branch or department thereof,
+nor even that of any county or municipality. Out of seventy-two counties
+in the State at that time, electing on an average twenty-eight officers
+to a county, it is safe to assert that not over five out of one hundred
+of such officers were colored men. The State; district, county, and
+municipal governments were not only in control of white men, but white
+men who were to the manor born, or who were known as old citizens of the
+State--those who had lived in the State many years before the War of the
+Rebellion. There was, therefore, never a time when that class of white
+men known as Carpet-baggers had absolute control of the State
+Government, or that of any district, county or municipality, or any
+branch or department thereof. There was never, therefore, any ground for
+the alleged apprehension of negro domination as a result of a free,
+fair, and honest election in any one of the Southern or Reconstructed
+States.
+
+And this brings us to a consideration of the question, What is meant by
+"Negro Domination?" The answer that the average reader would give to
+that question would be that it means the actual, physical domination of
+the blacks over the whites. But, according to a high Democratic
+authority, that would be an incorrect answer. The definition given by
+that authority I have every reason to believe is the correct one, the
+generally accepted one. The authority referred to is the late Associate
+Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of Mississippi, H.H. Chalmers,
+who, in an article in the _North American Review_ about March, 1881,
+explained and defined what is meant or understood by the term "Negro
+Domination."
+
+According to Judge Chalmers' definition, in order to constitute "Negro
+Domination" it does not necessarily follow that negroes must be elected
+to office, but that in all elections in which white men may be divided,
+if the negro vote should be sufficiently decisive to be potential in
+determining the result, the white man or men that would be elected
+through the aid of negro votes would represent "Negro Domination." In
+other words, we would have "Negro Domination" whenever the will of a
+majority of the whites would be defeated through the votes of colored
+men. If this is the correct definition of that term,--and it is, no
+doubt, the generally accepted one,--then the friends and advocates of
+manhood suffrage will not deny that we have had in the past "Negro
+Domination," nationally as well as locally, and that we may have it in
+the future.
+
+If that is the correct definition then we are liable to have "Negro
+Domination" not only in States, districts, and counties where the blacks
+are in the majority, but in States, districts and counties where they
+are few in numbers. If that is the correct definition of "Negro
+Domination,"--to prevent which the negro vote should be
+suppressed,--then the suppression of that vote is not only necessary in
+States, districts, and counties in which the blacks are in the majority,
+but in every State, district, and county in the Union; for it will not
+be denied that the primary purpose of the ballot,--whether the voters be
+white or colored, male or female,--is to make each vote decisive and
+potential. If the vote of a colored man, or the vote of a white man,
+determines the result of an election in which he participates, then the
+very purpose for which he was given the right and privilege will have
+been accomplished, whether the result, as we understand it, be wise or
+unwise.
+
+In this connection it cannot and will not be denied that the colored
+vote has been decisive and potential in very many important National as
+well as local and State elections. For instance, in the Presidential
+election of 1868, General Grant, the Republican candidate, lost the
+important and pivotal State of New York, a loss which would have
+resulted in his defeat if the Southern States that took part in that
+election had all voted against him. That they did not do so was due to
+the votes of the colored men in those States. Therefore Grant's first
+administration represented "Negro Domination."
+
+Again, in 1876, Hayes was declared elected President by a majority of
+one vote in the electoral college. This was made possible by the result
+of the election in the States of Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida,
+about which there was much doubt and considerable dispute, and over
+which there was a bitter controversy. But for the colored vote in those
+States there would have been no doubt, no dispute, no controversy. The
+defeat of Mr. Hayes and the election of Mr. Tilden would have been an
+undisputed and an uncontested fact. Therefore, the Hayes administration
+represented "Negro Domination."
+
+Again, in 1880, General Garfield, the Republican candidate for
+President, carried the State of New York by a plurality of about 20,000,
+without which he could not have been elected. It will not be denied by
+those who are well informed that if the colored men that voted for him
+in that State at that time had voted against him, he would have lost the
+State and, with it, the Presidency. Therefore, the Garfield-Arthur
+administration represented "Negro Domination."
+
+Again, in 1884, Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic candidate, carried the
+doubtful but very important State of New York by the narrow margin of
+1,147 plurality, which resulted in his election. It cannot and will not
+be denied that even at that early date the number of colored men that
+voted for Mr. Cleveland was far in excess of the plurality by which he
+carried the State. Mr. Cleveland's first administration, therefore,
+represented "Negro Domination." Mr. Cleveland did not hesitate to admit
+and appreciate the fact that colored men contributed largely to his
+success, hence he did not fail to give that element of his party
+appropriate and satisfactory official recognition.
+
+Again, in 1888, General Harrison, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+carried the State of New York by a plurality of about 20,000, which
+resulted in his election, which he would have lost but for the votes of
+the colored men in that State. Therefore, Harrison's administration
+represented "Negro Domination."
+
+The same is true of important elections in a number of States, districts
+and counties in which the colored vote proved to be potential and
+decisive. But enough has been written to show the absurdity of the claim
+that the suppression of the colored vote is necessary to prevent "Negro
+Domination." So far as the State of Mississippi is concerned, in spite
+of the favorable conditions, as shown above, the legitimate State
+Government,--the one that represented the honestly expressed will of a
+majority of the voters of the State,--was in the fall of 1875 overthrown
+through the medium of a sanguinary revolution. The State Government was
+virtually seized and taken possession of _vi et armis_. Why was this?
+What was the excuse for it? What was the motive, the incentive that
+caused it? It was not in the interest of good, efficient, and capable
+government; for that we already had. It was not on account of
+dishonesty, maladministration, misappropriation of public funds; for
+every dollar of the public funds had been faithfully accounted for. It
+was not on account of high taxes; for it had been shown that, while the
+tax rate was quite high during the Alcorn administration, it had been
+reduced under the Ames administration to a point considerably less than
+it is now or than it has been for a number of years. It was not to
+prevent "Negro Domination" and to make sure the ascendency of the whites
+in the administration of the State and local governments; for that was
+then the recognized and established order of things, from which there
+was no apprehension of departure. Then, what was the cause of this
+sudden and unexpected uprising? There must have been a strong, if not a
+justifiable, reason for it. What was it? That question will be answered
+in a subsequent chapter.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE GOVERNMENT IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+
+In the last preceding chapter it was stated that the reason for the
+sanguinary revolution, which resulted in the overthrow of the Republican
+state government in the State of Mississippi in 1875, would be given in
+a subsequent chapter. What was true of Mississippi at that time was
+largely true of the other Reconstructed States where similar results
+subsequently followed. When the War of the Rebellion came to an end it
+was believed by some, and apprehended by others, that serious and
+radical changes in the previous order of things would necessarily
+follow.
+
+But when what was known as the Johnson Plan of Reconstruction was
+disclosed it was soon made plain that if that plan should be accepted by
+the country no material change would follow, for the reason, chiefly,
+that the abolition of slavery would have been abolition only in name.
+While physical slavery would have been abolished, yet a sort of feudal
+or peonage system would have been established in its place, the effect
+of which would have been practically the same as the system which had
+been abolished. The former slaves would have been held in a state of
+servitude through the medium of labor-contracts which they would have
+been obliged to sign,--or to have signed for them,--from which they, and
+their children, and, perhaps, their children's children could never have
+been released. This would have left the old order of things practically
+unchanged. The large landowners would still be the masters of the
+situation, the power being still possessed by them to perpetuate their
+own potential influence and to maintain their own political supremacy.
+
+But it was the rejection of the Johnson Plan of Reconstruction that
+upset these plans and destroyed these calculations. The Johnson plan was
+not only rejected, but what was known as the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction,--by which suffrage was conferred upon the colored men in
+all the States that were to be reconstructed,--was accepted by the
+people of the North as the permanent policy of the government, and was
+thus made the basis of Reconstruction and readmission of those States
+into the Union.
+
+Of course this meant a change in the established order of things that
+was both serious and radical. It meant the destruction of the power and
+influence of the Southern aristocracy. It meant not only the physical
+emancipation of the blacks but the political emancipation of the poor
+whites, as well. It meant the destruction in a large measure of the
+social, political, and industrial distinctions that had been maintained
+among the whites under the old order of things. But was this to be the
+settled policy of the government? Was it a fact that the incorporation
+of the blacks into the body politic of the country was to be the settled
+policy of the government; or was it an experiment,--a temporary
+expedient?
+
+These were doubtful and debatable questions, pending the settlement of
+which matters could not be expected to take a definite shape. With the
+incorporation of the blacks into the body politic of the country,--which
+would have the effect of destroying the ability of the aristocracy to
+maintain their political supremacy, and which would also have the effect
+of bringing about the political emancipation of the whites of the middle
+and lower classes,--a desperate struggle for political supremacy between
+the antagonistic elements of the whites was inevitable and unavoidable.
+But the uncertainty growing out of the possibility of the rejection by
+the country of the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was what held
+matters in temporary abeyance. President Johnson was confident,--or
+pretended to be,--that as soon as the people of the North had an
+opportunity to pass judgment upon the issues involved, the result would
+be the acceptance of his plan and the rejection of the one proposed by
+Congress.
+
+While the Republicans were successful in 1868 in not only electing the
+President and Vice-President and a safe majority in both branches of
+Congress, yet the closeness of the result had the effect of preventing
+the abandonment of the hope on the part of the supporters of the Johnson
+administration that the administration Plan of Reconstruction would
+ultimately be adopted and accepted as the basis of Reconstruction. Hence
+bitter and continued opposition to the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was declared by the ruling class of the South to be the
+policy of that section. While the Republicans were again successful in
+the Congressional elections of 1870 yet the advocates of the Johnson
+plan did not abandon hope of the ultimate success and acceptance by the
+country of that plan until after the Presidential and Congressional
+elections of 1872. In the meantime a serious split had taken place in
+the Republican party which resulted in the nomination of two sets of
+candidates for President and Vice-President. The Independent or Liberal
+Republicans nominated Horace Greeley of New York, for President, and B.
+Gratz Brown, of Missouri, for Vice-President. The regular Republicans
+renominated President Grant to succeed himself, and for Vice-President,
+Senator Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, was selected.
+
+The Democratic National Convention endorsed the ticket that had been
+nominated by the Liberal Republicans. The Republicans carried the
+election by an immense majority. With two or three exceptions the
+electoral vote of every state in the Union was carried for Grant and
+Wilson. The Republicans also had a very large majority in both branches
+of Congress.
+
+Since the result of the election was so decisive, and since every branch
+of the government was then in the hands of the Republicans, further
+opposition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was for the first
+time completely abandoned. The fact was then recognized that this was
+the settled and accepted policy of the Government and that further
+opposition to it was useless. A few of the southern whites, General
+Alcorn being one of the number, had accepted the result of the
+Presidential and Congressional elections of 1868 as conclusive as to the
+policy of the country with reference to Reconstruction; but those who
+thought and acted along those lines at that time were exceptions to the
+general rule. But after the Presidential and Congressional elections of
+1872 all doubt upon that subject was entirely removed.
+
+The Southern whites were now confronted with a problem that was both
+grave and momentous. But the gravity of the situation was chiefly based
+upon the possibility,--if not upon a probability,--of a reversal of
+what had been the established order of things, especially those of a
+political nature.
+
+The inevitable conflict between the antagonistic elements of which
+Southern society was composed could no longer be postponed. But the
+colored vote was the important factor which now had to be considered and
+taken into account. It was conceded that whatever element or faction
+could secure the favor and win the support of the colored vote would be
+the dominant and controlling one in the State. It is true that between
+1868 and 1872, when the great majority of Southern whites maintained a
+policy of "masterly inactivity," the colored voters were obliged to
+utilize such material among the whites as was available; but it is a
+well-known fact that much of the material thus utilized was from
+necessity and not from choice, and that whenever and wherever an
+acceptable and reputable white man would place himself in a position
+where his services could be utilized he was gladly taken up and loyally
+supported by the colored voters.
+
+After 1872 the necessity for supporting undesirable material no longer
+existed; and colored voters had the opportunity not only of supporting
+Southern whites for all the important positions in the State, but also
+of selecting the best and most desirable among them. Whether the poor
+whites or the aristocrats of former days were to be placed in control of
+the affairs of the State was a question which the colored voters alone
+could settle and determine. That the colored man's preference should be
+the aristocrat of the past was perfectly natural, since the relations
+between them had been friendly, cordial and amicable even during the
+days of slavery. Between the blacks and the poor whites the feeling had
+been just the other way; which was due not so much to race antipathy as
+to jealousy and envy on the part of the poor whites, growing out of the
+cordial and friendly relations between the aristocrats and their slaves;
+and because the slaves were, in a large measure, their competitors in
+the industrial market. When the partiality of the colored man for the
+former aristocrats became generally known, they--the former
+aristocrats,--began to come into the Republican party in large numbers.
+In Mississippi they were led by such men as Alcorn, in Georgia by
+Longstreet, in Virginia by Moseby, and also had as leaders such
+ex-governors as Orr, of South Carolina; Brown, of Georgia, and Parsons,
+of Alabama.
+
+Between 1872 and 1875 the accessions to the Republican ranks were so
+large that it is safe to assert that from twenty-five to thirty per cent
+of the white men of the Southern States were identified with the
+Republican party; and those who thus acted were among the best and most
+substantial men of that section. Among that number in the State of
+Mississippi was J.L. Alcorn, J.A. Orr, J.B. Deason, R.W. Flournoy, and
+Orlando Davis. In addition to these there were thousands of others, many
+of them among the most prominent men of the State. Among the number was
+Judge Hiram Cassidy, who was the candidate of the Democratic party for
+Congress from the Sixth District in 1872, running against the writer of
+these lines. He was one of the most brilliant and successful members of
+the bar in southern Mississippi. Captain Thomas W. Hunt, of Jefferson
+County, was a member of one of the oldest, best, and most influential
+families of the South. The family connections were not, however,
+confined to the South; George Hunt Pendelton of Ohio, for instance, who
+was the Democratic candidate for Vice-President of the United States on
+the ticket with McClellan, in 1864, and who was later one of the United
+States Senators from Ohio, was a member of the same family.
+
+While the colored men held the key to the situation, the white men knew
+that the colored men had no desire to rule or dominate even the
+Republican party. All the colored men wanted and demanded was a voice in
+the government under which they lived, and to the support of which they
+contributed, and to have a small, but fair, and reasonable proportion of
+the positions that were at the disposal of the voters of the State and
+of the administration.
+
+While the colored men did not look with favor upon a political alliance
+with the poor whites, it must be admitted that, with very few
+exceptions, that class of whites did not seek, and did not seem to
+desire such an alliance. For this there were several well-defined
+reasons.
+
+In the first place, while the primary object of importing slaves into
+that section was to secure labor for the cultivation of cotton, the
+slave was soon found to be an apt pupil in other lines of industry. In
+addition to having his immense cotton plantations cultivated by slave
+labor, the slave-owner soon learned that he could utilize these slaves
+as carpenters, painters, plasterers, bricklayers, blacksmiths and in all
+other fields of industrial occupations and usefulness. Thus the whites
+who depended upon their labor for a living along those lines had their
+field of opportunity very much curtailed. Although the slaves were not
+responsible for this condition, the fact that they were there and were
+thus utilized, created a feeling of bitterness and antipathy on the part
+of the laboring whites which could not be easily wiped out.
+
+In the second place, the whites of that class were not at that time as
+ambitious, politically, as were the aristocrats. They had been held in
+political subjection so long that it required some time for them to
+realize that there had been a change. At that time they, with a few
+exceptions, were less efficient, less capable, and knew less about
+matters of state and governmental administration than many of the
+ex-slaves. It was a rare thing, therefore, to find one of that class at
+that time that had any political ambition or manifested any desire for
+political distinction or official recognition. As a rule, therefore, the
+whites that came into the leadership of the Republican party between
+1872 and 1875 were representatives of the most substantial families of
+the land.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+RISE OF DEMOCRATIC RADICALISM IN THE SOUTH
+
+
+After the Presidential election of 1872 no one could be found who
+questioned the wisdom or practicability of the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction, or who looked for its overthrow, change or modification.
+After that election the situation was accepted by everyone in perfect
+good faith. No one could be found in any party or either race who was
+bold enough to express the opinion that the Congressional Plan of
+Reconstruction was a mistake, or that negro suffrage was a failure. To
+the contrary it was admitted by all that the wisdom of both had been
+fully tested and clearly vindicated. It will not be denied even now by
+those who will take the time to make a careful examination of the
+situation, that no other plan could have been devised or adopted that
+could have saved to the country the fruits of the victory that had been
+won on the field of battle. The adoption of any other plan would have
+resulted in the accomplishment of nothing but the mere physical
+abolition of slavery and a denial of the right of a State to withdraw
+from the Union. These would have been mere abstract propositions, with
+no authority vested in the National Government for their enforcement.
+The war for the Union would have been practically a failure. The South
+would have gained and secured substantially everything for which it
+contended except the establishment of an independent government. The
+black man, therefore, was the savior of his country, not only on the
+field of battle, but after the smoke of battle had cleared away.
+
+Notwithstanding the general acceptance of this plan after the
+Presidential election of 1872, we find that in the fall of 1874 there
+was a complete and radical change in the situation,--a change both
+sudden and unexpected. It came, as it were, in the twinkling of an eye.
+It was like a clap of thunder from a clear sky. It was the State and
+Congressional elections of that year.
+
+In the elections of 1872 nearly every State in the Union went
+Republican. In the State and Congressional elections of 1874 the result
+was the reverse of what it was two years before,--nearly every State
+going Democratic. Democrats were surprised, Republicans were
+dumbfounded. Such a result had not been anticipated by anyone. Even the
+State of Massachusetts, the birthplace of abolitionism, the cradle of
+American liberty, elected a Democratic Governor. The Democrats had a
+majority in the National House of Representatives that was about equal
+to that which the Republicans had elected two years before. Such veteran
+Republican leaders in the United States Senate as Chandler, of Michigan,
+Windom, of Minnesota, and Carpenter, of Wisconsin, were retired from the
+Senate. When the returns were all in it was developed that the Democrats
+did not have a clear majority on joint ballot in the Michigan
+Legislature, but the margin between the two parties was so close that a
+few men who had been elected as independent Republicans had the balance
+of power. These Independents were opposed to the reelection of Senator
+Chandler. That the Democrats should be anxious for the retirement of
+such an able, active, aggressive, and influential Republican leader as
+Chandler was to be expected. That party, therefore, joined with the
+Independents in the vote for Senator which resulted in the election of a
+harmless old gentleman by the name of Christiancy. The Michigan
+situation was found to exist also in Minnesota, and the result was the
+retirement of that strong and able leader, Senator William Windom, and
+the election of a new and unknown man, McMillan.
+
+What was true of Michigan and Minnesota was also found to be true of
+Wisconsin. The same sort of combination was made, which resulted in the
+retirement of the able and brilliant Matt Carpenter, and the election of
+a new man, Cameron, who was not then known outside of the boundaries of
+his State. Cameron proved to be an able man, a useful Senator, a good
+Republican and an improvement, in some respects, upon his predecessor;
+but his election was a defeat of the Republican organization in his
+State, which, of course, was the objective point with the Democrats.
+
+It was the State and Congressional elections of 1874 that proved to be
+the death of the Republican party at the South. The party in that
+section might have survived even such a crushing blow as this, but for
+subsequent unfortunate events to which allusion has been made in a
+previous chapter, and which will be touched upon in some that are to
+follow. But, under these conditions, its survival was impossible. If the
+State and Congressional elections of 1874 had been a repetition of those
+of 1872 or if they had resulted in a Republican victory, Republican
+success in the Presidential election of 1876 would have been a
+reasonably assured fact. By that time the party at the South would have
+included in its membership from forty to fifty per cent of the white men
+of their respective States and as a result thereof it would have been
+strong enough to stand on its own feet and maintain its own independent
+existence, regardless of reverses which the parent organization might
+have sustained in other sections. But at that time the party in that
+section was in its infancy. It was young, weak, and comparatively
+helpless. It still needed the fostering care and the protecting hand of
+the paternal source of its existence.
+
+When the smoke of the political battle that was fought in the early part
+of November, 1874, had cleared away, it was found that this strong,
+vigorous and healthy parent had been carried from the battle-field
+seriously wounded and unable to administer to the wants of its Southern
+offspring. The offspring was not strong enough to stand alone. The
+result was that its demise soon followed because it had been deprived of
+that nourishment, that sustenance and that support which were essential
+to its existence and which could come only from the parent which had
+been seriously if not fatally wounded upon the field of battle. After
+the Presidential election of 1872 Southern white men were not only
+coming into the Republican party in large numbers, but the liberal and
+progressive element of the Democracy was in the ascendency in that
+organization. That element, therefore, shaped the policy and declared
+the principles for which that organization stood. This meant the
+acceptance by all political parties of what was regarded as the settled
+policy of the National Government. In proof of this assertion a
+quotation from a political editorial which appeared about that time in
+the Jackson, Mississippi, _Clarion_,--the organ of the Democratic
+party,--will not be out of place. In speaking of the colored people and
+their attitude towards the whites, that able and influential paper said:
+
+"While they [the colored people] have been naturally tenacious of their
+newly-acquired privileges, their general conduct will bear them witness
+that they have shown consideration for the feelings of the whites. The
+race line in politics would never have been drawn if opposition had not
+been made to their enjoyment of equal privileges in the government and
+under the laws after they were emancipated."
+
+In other words, the colored people had manifested no disposition to rule
+or dominate the whites, and the only color line which had existed grew
+out of the unwise policy which had previously been pursued by the
+Democratic party in its efforts to prevent the enjoyment by the
+newly-emancipated race of the rights and privileges to which they were
+entitled under the Constitution and laws of the country. But after the
+State and Congressional elections of 1874 the situation was materially
+changed. The liberal and conservative element of the Democracy was
+relegated to the rear and the radical element came to the front and
+assumed charge.
+
+Subsequent to 1872 and prior to 1875 race proscription and social
+ostracism had been completely abandoned. A Southern white man could
+become a Republican without being socially ostracized. Such a man was no
+longer looked upon as a traitor to his people, or false to his race. He
+no longer forfeited the respect, confidence, good-will, and favorable
+opinion of his friends and neighbors. Bulldozing, criminal assaults and
+lynchings were seldom heard of. To the contrary, cordial, friendly and
+amicable relations between all classes, all parties, and both races
+prevailed everywhere. Fraud, violence, and intimidation at elections
+were neither suspected nor charged by anyone, for everyone knew that no
+occasion existed for such things. But after the State and Congressional
+elections of 1874 there was a complete change of front. The new order of
+things was then set aside and the abandoned methods of a few years back
+were revived and readopted.
+
+It is no doubt true that very few men at the North who voted the
+Republican ticket in 1872 and the Democratic ticket in 1874 were
+influenced in changing their votes by anything connected with
+Reconstruction. There were other questions at issue, no doubt, that
+influenced their action. There had been in 1873, for instance, a
+disastrous financial panic. Then there were other things connected with
+the National Administration which met with popular disfavor. These were
+the reasons, no doubt, that influenced thousands of Republicans to vote
+the Democratic ticket merely as an indication of their dissatisfaction
+with the National Administration.
+
+But, let their motives and reasons be what they may, the effect was the
+same as if they had intended their votes to be accepted and construed as
+an endorsement of the platform declarations of the National Democratic
+Convention of 1868, at least so far as Reconstruction was concerned.
+Democrats claimed, and Republicans could not deny, that so far as the
+South was concerned this was the effect of the Congressional elections
+of 1874. Desertions from the Republican ranks at the South, in
+consequence thereof, became more rapid than had been the accessions
+between 1872 and 1875. Thousands who had not taken an open stand, but
+who were suspected of being inclined to the Republican party, denied
+that there had ever been any justifiable grounds for such suspicions.
+Many who had taken an open stand on that side returned to the fold of
+the Democracy in sackcloth and ashes,--upon bended knees, pleading for
+mercy, forgiveness and for charitable forbearance. They had seen a new
+light; and they were ready to confess that they had made a grave
+mistake, but, since their motives were good and their intentions were
+honest, they hoped that they would not be rashly treated nor harshly
+judged.
+
+The prospects for the gratification and realization of the ambition of
+white men in that section had been completely reversed. The conviction
+became a settled fact that the Democratic party was the only channel
+through which it would be possible in the future for anyone to secure
+political distinction or receive official recognition,--hence the return
+to the ranks of that party of thousands of white men who had left it.
+All of them were eventually received, though some were kept on the
+anxious seat and held as probationers for a long time.
+
+It soon developed that all that was left of the once promising and
+flourishing Republican party at the South was the true, faithful, loyal,
+and sincere colored men,--who remained Republican from necessity as well
+as from choice,--and a few white men, who were Republicans from
+principle and conviction, and who were willing to incur the odium, run
+the risks, take the chances, and pay the penalty that every white
+Republican who had the courage of his convictions must then pay. This
+was a sad and serious disappointment to the colored men who were just
+about to realize the hope and expectation of a permanent political
+combination and union between themselves and the better element of the
+whites, which would have resulted in good, honest, capable, and
+efficient local government and in the establishment and maintenance of
+peace, good-will, friendly, cordial, and amicable relations between the
+two races. But this hope, politically at least, had now been destroyed,
+and these expectations had been shattered and scattered to the four
+winds. The outlook for the colored man was dark and anything but
+encouraging. Many of the parting scenes that took place between the
+colored men and the whites who decided to return to the fold of the
+Democracy were both affecting and pathetic in the extreme.
+
+The writer cannot resist the temptation to bring to the notice of the
+reader one of those scenes of which he had personal knowledge. Colonel
+James Lusk had been a prominent, conspicuous and influential
+representative of the Southern aristocracy of ante-bellum days. He
+enjoyed the respect and confidence of the community in which he
+lived,--especially of the colored people. He, like thousands of others
+of his class, had identified himself with the Republican party. There
+was in that community a Republican club of which Sam Henry, a well-known
+colored man, was president. When it was rumored,--and before it could be
+verified,--that Colonel Lusk had decided to cast his fortunes with the
+Republican party Henry appointed a committee of three to call on him and
+extend to him a cordial invitation to appear before the club at its next
+meeting and deliver an address. The invitation was accepted. As soon as
+the Colonel entered the door of the club, escorted by the committee,
+every man in the house immediately arose and all joined in giving three
+cheers and a hearty welcome to the gallant statesman and brave
+ex-Confederate soldier who had honored them with his distinguished
+presence on that occasion. He delivered a splendid speech, in which he
+informed his hearers that he had decided to cast his lot with the
+Republican party. It was the first public announcement of that fact that
+had been made. Of course he was honored, idolized and lionized by the
+colored people wherever he was known.
+
+After the Congressional elections of 1874 Colonel Lusk decided that he
+would return to the ranks of the Democracy. Before making public
+announcement of that fact he decided to send for his faithful and loyal
+friend, Sam Henry, to come to see him at his residence, as he had
+something of importance to communicate to him. Promptly at the appointed
+time Henry made his appearance. He did not know for what he was wanted,
+but he had a well-founded suspicion, based upon the changed conditions
+which were apparent in every direction; hence, apprehension could be
+easily detected in his countenance. Colonel Lusk commenced by reminding
+Henry of the fact that it was before the club of which he was president
+and upon his invitation that he, Lusk, had made public announcement of
+his intention to act in the future with the Republican party. Now that
+he had decided to renounce any further allegiance to that party he
+thought that his faithful friend and loyal supporter, Sam Henry, should
+be the first to whom that announcement should be made. When he had
+finished Henry was visibly affected.
+
+"Oh! no, Colonel," he cried, breaking down completely, "I beg of you do
+not leave us. You are our chief, if not sole dependence. You are our
+Moses. If you leave us, hundreds of others in our immediate neighborhood
+will be sure to follow your lead. We will thus be left without solid and
+substantial friends. I admit that with you party affiliation is
+optional. With me it is not. You can be either a Republican or a
+Democrat, and be honored and supported by the party to which you may
+belong. With me it is different. I must remain a Republican whether I
+want to or not. While it is impossible for me to be a Democrat it is not
+impossible for you to be a Republican. We need you. We need your
+prestige, your power, your influence, and your name. I pray you,
+therefore, not to leave us; for if you and those who will follow your
+lead leave us now we will be made to feel that we are without a country,
+without a home, without friends, and without a hope for the future. Oh,
+no, Colonel, I beg of you, I plead with you, don't go! Stay with us;
+lead and guide us, as you have so faithfully done during the last few
+years!"
+
+Henry's remarks made a deep and profound impression upon Colonel Lusk.
+He informed Henry that no step he could take was more painful to him
+than this. He assured Henry that this act on his part was from necessity
+and not from choice.
+
+"The statement you have made, Henry, that party affiliations with me is
+optional," he answered, "is presumed to be true; but, in point of fact,
+it is not. No white man can live in the South in the future and act with
+any other than the Democratic party unless he is willing and prepared to
+live a life of social isolation and remain in political oblivion. While
+I am somewhat advanced in years, I am not so old as to be devoid of
+political ambition. Besides I have two grown sons. There is, no doubt, a
+bright, brilliant and successful future before them if they are
+Democrats; otherwise, not. If I remain in the Republican party,--which
+can hereafter exist at the South only in name,--I will thereby retard,
+if not mar and possibly destroy, their future prospects. Then, you must
+remember that a man's first duty is to his family. My daughters are the
+pride of my home. I cannot afford to have them suffer the humiliating
+consequences of the social ostracism to which they may be subjected if I
+remain in the Republican party.
+
+"The die is cast. I must yield to the inevitable and surrender my
+convictions upon the altar of my family's good,--the outgrowth of
+circumstances and conditions which I am powerless to prevent and cannot
+control. Henceforth I must act with the Democratic party or make myself
+a martyr; and I do not feel that there is enough at stake to justify me
+in making such a fearful sacrifice as that. It is, therefore, with deep
+sorrow and sincere regret, Henry, that I am constrained to leave you
+politically, but I find that I am confronted with a condition, not a
+theory. I am compelled to choose between you, on one side, and my family
+and personal interests, on the other. That I have decided to sacrifice
+you and yours upon the altar of my family's good is a decision for which
+you should neither blame nor censure me. If I could see my way clear to
+pursue a different course it would be done; but my decision is based
+upon careful and thoughtful consideration and it must stand."
+
+Of course a stubborn and bitter fight for control of the Democratic
+organization was now on between the antagonistic and conflicting
+elements among the whites. It was to be a desperate struggle between the
+former aristocrats, on one side, and what was known as the "poor
+whites," on the other. While the aristocrats had always been the weaker
+in point of numbers, they had been the stronger in point of wealth,
+intelligence, ability, skill and experience. As a result of their wide
+experience, and able and skillful management, the aristocrats were
+successful in the preliminary struggles, as illustrated in the persons
+of Stephens, Gordon, Brown and Hill, of Georgia; Daniels and Lee, of
+Virginia; Hampton and Butler, of South Carolina; Lamar and Walthall, of
+Mississippi, and Garland, of Arkansas. But in the course of time and in
+the natural order of things the poor whites were bound to win. All that
+was needed was a few years' tutelage and a few daring and unscrupulous
+leaders to prey upon their ignorance and magnify their vanity in order
+to bring them to a realization of the fact that their former political
+masters were now completely at their mercy, and subject to their will.
+
+That the poor whites of the ante-bellum period in most of the late
+slaveholding or reconstructed States are now the masters of the
+political situation in those States, is a fact that will not be
+questioned, disputed or denied by anyone who is well informed, or who is
+familiar with the facts. The aristocrats of ante-bellum days and their
+descendants in the old slave States are as completely under the
+political control and domination of the poor whites of the ante-bellum
+period as those whites were under them at that time. Yet the reader must
+not assume that the election returns from such States indicate the
+actual, or even the relative, strength of the opposing and antagonistic
+elements and factions. They simply indicate that the poor whites of the
+past and their descendants are now the masters and the leaders, and
+that the masters and the leaders of the past are now the submissive
+followers.
+
+In the ranks of those who are now the recognized leaders is to be found
+some of the very best blood of the land,--the descendants of the finest,
+best, most cultivated, and most refined families of their respective
+States. But as a rule they are there, not from choice, but from
+necessity,--not because they are in harmony with what is being done, or
+because they approve of the methods that are being employed and pursued,
+but on account of circumstances and conditions which they can neither
+control nor prevent. They would not hesitate to raise the arm of revolt
+if they had any hope, or if they believed that ultimate success would be
+the result thereof. But as matters now stand they can detect no ray of
+hope, and can see no avenue of escape. Hence nothing remains for them to
+do but to hold the chain of political oppression and subjugation, while
+their former political subordinates rivet and fasten the same around
+their unwilling necks. They find they can do nothing but sacrifice their
+pride, their manhood, and their self-respect upon the altar of political
+necessity. They see, they feel, they fully realize the hopelessness of
+their condition and the helplessness of their situation. They see, they
+know, they acknowledge that in the line of political distinction and
+official recognition they can get nothing that their former political
+subordinates are not willing for them to have. With a hope of getting a
+few crumbs that may fall from the official table they make wry faces and
+pretend to be satisfied with what is being done, and with the way in
+which it is done. They are looked upon with suspicion and their loyalty
+to the new order of things is a constant source of speculation,
+conjecture, and doubt. But, for reasons of political expediency, a few
+crumbs are allowed occasionally to go to some one of that class,--crumbs
+that are gratefully acknowledged and thankfully received, upon the
+theory that some little consideration is better than none at all,
+especially in their present helpless and dependent condition. But even
+these small crumbs are confined to those who are most pronounced and
+outspoken in their declarations and protestations of loyalty, devotion,
+and subservient submission to the new order of things.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+EVENTFUL DAYS OF THE FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS
+
+
+The Mississippi Constitution having been ratified in 1869,--an odd year
+of the calendar,--caused the regular elections for State, district and
+county officers to occur on the odd year of the calendar, while the
+National elections occurred on the even years of the calendar, thus
+necessitating the holding of an election in the State every year.
+Therefore, no election was to be held in 1874, except for Congressmen,
+and to fill a few vacancies, while the regular election for county
+officers and members of the Legislature would be held in 1875.
+
+Since the regular session of the 44th Congress would not convene before
+December, 1875, in order to avoid the trouble and expense incident to
+holding an election in 1874, the Legislature passed a bill postponing
+the election of members of Congress until November, 1875. There being
+some doubt about the legality of this legislation, Congress passed a
+bill legalizing the act of the Legislature. Consequently no election was
+held in the State in 1874 except to fill a few vacancies that had
+occurred in the Legislature and in some of the districts and counties.
+
+One of the vacancies to be filled was that of State Senator, created by
+the resignation of Senator Hiram Cassidy, Jr. Senator Cassidy, who was
+elected as a Democrat in 1873, and who had voted for Mr. Bruce, the
+Republican caucus nominee, for United States Senator, had in the mean
+time publicly identified himself with the Republican party, thus
+following in the footsteps of his able and illustrious father, Judge
+Hiram Cassidy, Sr., who had given his active support to the Republican
+candidate for Governor in 1873.
+
+Governor Ames had appointed Senator Cassidy a Judge of the Chancery
+Court, to accept which office it was necessary for him to resign his
+seat as a member of the State Senate. A special election was held in
+November, 1874, to fill that vacancy. The Democrats nominated a strong
+and able man, Judge R.H. Thompson, of Brookhaven, Lincoln County. The
+Republicans nominated a still stronger and abler man, Hon. J.F.
+Sessions, of the same town and county,--a Democrat who had represented
+Franklin County for several terms, but who had that year identified
+himself with the Republican party. Sessions was Chancellor Cassidy's law
+partner.
+
+Since the counties comprising that senatorial district constituted a
+part of the district that I then represented in Congress, I took an
+active part in the support of the candidacy of Sessions. Although a
+Democrat, Hiram Cassidy, Jr., had been elected from that district in
+1873, Sessions, a Republican, was elected by a handsome majority in
+1874. A vacancy had also occurred in the Legislature from Franklin
+County, to fill which the Republicans nominated Hon. William P. Cassidy,
+brother of Chancellor Cassidy; but the Democratic majority in the county
+was too large for one even so popular as Wm. P. Cassidy to overcome;
+hence he was defeated by a small majority.
+
+From a Republican point of view Mississippi, as was true of the other
+reconstructed States, up to 1875 was all that could be expected and
+desired and, no doubt, would have remained so for many years, but for
+the unexpected results of the State and Congressional elections of 1874.
+While it is true, as stated and explained in a previous chapter, that
+Grant carried nearly every state in the Union at the Presidential
+election in 1872, the State and Congressional elections throughout the
+country two years later went just the other way, and by majorities just
+as decisive as those given the Republicans two years before.
+
+Notwithstanding the severe and crushing defeat sustained by the
+Republicans at that time, it was claimed by some, believed by others,
+and predicted by many that by the time the election for President in
+1876 would roll around it would be found that the Republicans had
+regained substantially all they had lost in 1874; but these hopes,
+predictions, and expectations were not realized. The Presidential
+election of 1876 turned out to be so close and doubtful that neither
+party could claim a substantial victory. While it is true that Hayes,
+the Republican candidate for President, was finally declared elected
+according to the forms of law, yet the terms and conditions upon which
+he was allowed to be peaceably inaugurated were such as to complete the
+extinction and annihilation of the Republican party at the South. The
+price that the Hayes managers stipulated to pay,--and did pay,--for the
+peaceable inauguration of Hayes was that the South was to be turned over
+to the Democrats and that the administration was not to enforce the
+Constitution and the laws of the land in that section against the
+expressed will of the Democrats thereof. In other words, so far as the
+South was concerned, the Constitution was not to follow the flag.
+
+In the 43rd Congress which was elected in 1872 and which would expire by
+limitation March 4, 1875, the Republicans had a large majority in both
+Houses. In the House of Representatives of the 44th Congress, which was
+elected in 1874, the Democratic majority was about as large as was the
+Republican majority in the House of the 43rd Congress. The Republicans
+still retained control of the Senate, but by a greatly reduced majority.
+
+During the short session of the 43rd Congress, important legislation was
+contemplated by the Republican leaders. Alabama was one of the States
+which the Democrats were charged with having carried in 1874 by
+resorting to methods which were believed to be questionable and illegal.
+An investigation was ordered by the House. A committee was appointed to
+make the investigation, of which General Albright, of Pennsylvania, was
+chairman. This committee was authorized to report by bill or otherwise.
+After a thorough investigation, the chairman was directed, and
+instructed by the vote of every Republican member of the committee,
+which constituted a majority thereof, to report and recommend the
+passage of what was called the Federal Elections Bill. This bill was
+carefully drawn; following substantially the same lines as a previous
+temporary measure, under the provisions of which what was known as the
+Ku Klux Klan had been crushed out, and order had been restored in North
+Carolina.
+
+It is safe to say that this bill would have passed both Houses and
+become a law, but for the unexpected opposition of Speaker Blaine. Mr.
+Blaine was not only opposed to the bill, but his opposition was so
+intense that he felt it his duty to leave the Speaker's chair and come
+on the floor for the purpose of leading the opposition to its passage.
+This, of course, was fatal to the passage of the measure. After a
+desperate struggle of a few days, in which the Speaker was found to be
+in opposition to a large majority of his party associates, and which
+revealed the fact that the party was hopelessly divided, the leaders in
+the House abandoned the effort to bring the measure to a vote.
+
+Mr. Blame's motives in taking this unexpected position, in open
+opposition to the great majority of his party associates, has always
+been open to speculation and conjecture. His personal and political
+enemies charged that it was due to jealousy of President Grant. Mr.
+Blaine was a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination the
+following year. It was a well-known fact that President Grant was not
+favorable to Mr. Blaine's nomination, but was in sympathy with the
+movement to have Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, Mr. Blaine's
+bitterest political enemy, nominated. Mr. Blaine was afraid, his enemies
+asserted, that, if the Federal Elections Bill,--under the provisions of
+which great additional power would have been conferred upon the
+President,--had become a law, that power would be used to defeat his
+nomination for the Presidency in 1876; hence his opposition to the Bill.
+But, whatever his motives were, his successful opposition to that
+measure no doubt resulted in his failure to realize the ambition of his
+life,--the Presidency of the United States. But for the stand he took
+on that occasion, he would probably have received sufficient support
+from Southern delegates in the National Convention to secure him the
+nomination, and, had he been nominated at that time, the probabilities
+are that he would have been elected. But his opposition to that bill
+practically solidified the Southern delegates in that convention against
+him, and as a result he was defeated for the nomination, although he was
+the choice of a majority of the Northern delegates.
+
+Even when Blaine received the nomination in 1884 it was developed that
+it could not have happened had the Southern delegates been as solidly
+against him at that time as they were in 1876. But by 1884 the Southern
+Republicans had somewhat relented in their opposition to him, and, as a
+result thereof, he received sufficient support from that section to give
+him the nomination. But he was defeated at the polls because the South
+was solid against him,--a condition which was made possible by his own
+action in defeating the Federal Elections Bill in 1875. In consequence
+of his action in that matter he was severely criticised and censured by
+Republicans generally, and by Southern Republicans especially.
+
+Although I was not favorable to his nomination for the Presidency at any
+time, my relations with Mr. Blaine had been so cordial that I felt at
+liberty to seek him and ask him, for my own satisfaction and
+information, an explanation of his action in opposing and defeating the
+Federal Elections Bill. I therefore went to him just before the final
+adjournment of the 43rd Congress and informed him that I desired to have
+a few minutes' private audience with him whenever it would be convenient
+for him to see me. He requested me to come to the Speaker's room
+immediately after the adjournment of the House that afternoon.
+
+When I entered the room Mr. Blaine was alone. I took a seat only a few
+feet from him. I informed him of the great disappointment and intense
+dissatisfaction which his action had caused in defeating what was not
+only regarded as a party measure, but which was believed by the
+Republicans to be of vital importance from a party point of view, to say
+nothing of its equity and justice. I remarked that for him to array
+himself in opposition to the great majority of his own party
+associates,--and to throw the weight of his great influence against such
+an important party measure as the Federal Elections Bill was believed to
+be,--he must have had some motive, some justifiable grounds of which the
+public was ignorant, but about which I believed it was fair to himself
+and just to his own friends and party associates, that he give some
+explanation.
+
+"As a southern Republican member of the House, and as one that is not
+hostile or particularly unfriendly to you," I said, "I feel that I have
+a right to make this request of you."
+
+At first he gave me a look of surprise, and for several seconds he
+remained silent. Then, straightening himself up in his chair, he
+answered:
+
+"I am glad, Mr. Lynch, that you have made this request of me, since I am
+satisfied you are not actuated by any unfriendly motive in doing so. I
+shall, therefore, give a frank answer to your question. In my judgment,
+if that bill had become a law the defeat of the Republican party
+throughout the country would have been a foregone conclusion. We could
+not have saved the South even if the bill had passed, but its passage
+would have lost us the North; indeed, I could not have carried even my
+own State of Maine, if that bill had passed. In my opinion, it was
+better to lose the South and save the North, than to try through such
+legislation to save the South, and thus lose both North and South. I
+believed that if we saved the North we could then look after the South.
+If the Southern Democrats are foolish enough to bring about a Solid
+South the result will be a Solid North against a Solid South; and in
+that case the Republicans would have nothing to fear. You now have my
+reasons, frankly and candidly given, for the action taken by me on the
+occasion referred to. I hope you are satisfied with them."
+
+I thanked Mr. Blaine cordially for giving me the desired explanation.
+"I now feel better satisfied with reference to your action upon that
+occasion," I assured him. "While I do not agree with you in your
+conclusions, and while I believe your reasoning to be unsound and
+fallacious, still I cannot help giving you credit for having been
+actuated by no other motive than to do what you honestly believed was
+for the best interest of the country and the Republican party."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1875. REPUBLICAN VICTORY
+
+
+When I returned to my home after the adjournment of Congress in March,
+1875, the political clouds were dark. The political outlook was
+discouraging. The prospect of Republican success was not at all bright.
+There had been a marked change in the situation from every point of
+view. Democrats were bold, outspoken, defiant, and determined. In
+addition to these unfavorable indications I noticed that I was not
+received by them with the same warmth and cordiality as on previous
+occasions. With a few notable exceptions they were cold, indifferent,
+even forbidding in their attitude and manner. This treatment was so
+radically different from that to which I had been accustomed that I
+could not help feeling it keenly. I knew it was indicative of a change
+in the political situation which meant that I had before me the fight of
+my life.
+
+My advocacy and support of the Federal Elections Bill, commonly called
+the "Force Bill," was occasionally given as the reason for this change;
+but I knew this was not the true reason. In fact, that bill would hardly
+have been thought of but for the fact that Mr. Blaine, the Republican
+Speaker of the House, had attracted national attention to it through his
+action in vacating the chair and coming on the floor of the House to
+lead the opposition to its passage. This act on the part of the
+statesman from Maine made him, in the opinion of many Southern
+Democrats, the greatest man that our country had ever produced,--George
+Washington, the Father of the Republic, not excepted. They were loud in
+their thanks for the valuable service he had thus rendered them and, as
+evidence of their gratitude to him, they declared their determination to
+show their appreciation of this valuable service in a substantial manner
+whenever the opportunity presented itself for it to be done.
+
+No man in the country was stronger, better or more popular than the
+statesman from Maine, until his name came before them as a candidate for
+President of the United States on a Republican ticket. A sudden
+transformation then took place. It was then discovered, to their great
+surprise and disappointment, that he was such an unsafe and dangerous
+man that no greater calamity could happen to the country than his
+elevation to the Presidency. Nothing, therefore, must be left undone to
+bring about his defeat.
+
+I was well aware of the fact at the time that it was the result of the
+State and Congressional elections at the north in 1874 that had
+convinced Southern Democrats that Republican ascendency in the National
+Government would soon be a thing of the past--that the Democrats would
+be successful in the Presidential and Congressional elections of 1876
+and that that party would, no doubt, remain in power for at least a
+quarter of a century. It was this, and not the unsuccessful effort to
+pass a Federal Elections Bill, that had produced the marked change that
+was noticeable on every hand. Every indication seemed to point to a
+confirmation of the impression that Democratic success at the
+Presidential election was practically an assured fact.
+
+There had been a disastrous financial panic in 1873 which was no doubt
+largely responsible for the political upheaval in 1874; but that was
+lost sight of in accounting for that result. In fact they made no effort
+to explain it except in their own way. The Democrats had carried the
+country; the reasons for this they construed to suit themselves. The
+construction they placed upon it was that it was a national condemnation
+and repudiation of the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction, and they
+intended to govern themselves accordingly.
+
+The election in Mississippi in 1875 was for members of Congress, members
+of the Legislature, and county officers, and also a State Treasurer to
+serve out the unexpired term of Treasurer Holland, deceased. My own
+renomination for Congress from the Sixth (Natchez) District was a
+foregone conclusion, since I had no opposition in my own party; but I
+realized the painful fact that a nomination this time was not equivalent
+to an election. Still, I felt that it was my duty to make the fight, let
+the result be what it might.
+
+If Congressmen had been elected in 1874 the State would have returned
+five Republicans and one Democrat as was done in 1872; but in 1875 the
+prospect was not so bright, the indications were not so favorable. The
+Democrats nominated for State Treasurer Hon. Wm. L. Hemmingway, of
+Carroll County. He was an able man, and had been quite prominent as a
+party leader in his section of the State. The defiant attitude assumed,
+and the bold declarations contained in the platform upon which he was
+nominated were accepted by the Republicans as notice that the Democrats
+intended to carry the election--"peaceably and fairly."
+
+The Republicans nominated Hon. George M. Buchanan, of Marshall County,
+upon a platform which strongly endorsed the National and State
+administrations. Mr. Buchanan was a strong and popular man. He had been
+a brave and gallant Confederate soldier. He had been for several years
+Sheriff and Tax Collector of his county, and was known to be especially
+fitted for the office of State Treasurer. As Sheriff and Tax Collector
+of Marshall County,--one of the wealthiest counties in the State,--he
+had handled and disbursed many thousands of dollars, every dollar of
+which had been faithfully accounted for. His honesty, integrity,
+ability, fitness, and capacity, everyone, regardless of race or party,
+unhesitatingly admitted.
+
+The administration of Governor Ames was one of the best the State had
+ever had. The judiciary was quite equal to that which had been appointed
+by Governor Alcorn. The public revenues had been promptly collected, and
+honestly accounted for. There had not only been no increase in the rate
+of taxation, but, to the contrary, there had been a material reduction.
+Notwithstanding these things the Democrats, together with the radical
+element in charge of the party machinery, determined to seize the State
+Government _vi et armis_; not because it was at all necessary for any
+special reason, but simply because conditions at that time seemed to
+indicate that it could be safely done.
+
+After the nominations had all been made, the campaign was opened in dead
+earnest. Nearly all Democratic clubs in the State were converted into
+armed military companies. Funds with which to purchase arms were
+believed to have been contributed by the National Democratic
+organization. Nearly every Republican meeting was attended by one or
+more of those clubs or companies,--the members of which were
+distinguished by red shirts, indicative of blood,--the attendance being
+for the purpose, of course, of "keeping the peace and preserving
+order." To enable the Democrats to carry the State a Republican majority
+of between twenty and thirty thousand had to be overcome. This could be
+done only by the adoption and enforcement of questionable methods. It
+was a case in which the end justified the means, and the means had to be
+supplied.
+
+The Republican vote consisted of about ninety-five per cent of the
+colored men, and of about twenty-five per cent of the white men. The
+other seventy-five per cent of the whites formerly constituted a part of
+the flower of the Confederate Army. They were not only tried and
+experienced soldiers, but they were fully armed and equipped for the
+work before them. Some of the colored Republicans had been Union
+soldiers, but they were neither organized nor armed. In such a contest,
+therefore, they and their white allies were entirely at the mercy of
+their political adversaries.
+
+Governor Ames soon took in the situation. He saw that he could not
+depend upon the white members of the State militia to obey his orders,
+to support him in his efforts to uphold the majesty of the law, and to
+protect the law-abiding citizens in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and
+property. To use the colored members of the militia for such a purpose
+would be adding fuel to the flames. Nothing, therefore, remained for him
+to do but to call on the National administration for military aid in
+his efforts to crush out domestic violence and enforce the laws of the
+State. He did call for such aid, but for reasons that will be given
+later it was not granted.
+
+When the polls closed on the day of the election, the Democrats, of
+course, had carried the State by a large majority,--thus securing a
+heavy majority in both branches of the Legislature. Of the six members
+of Congress the writer was the only one of the regular Republican
+candidates that pulled through, and that, by a greatly reduced majority.
+In the Second (Holly Springs) District, G. Wiley Wells ran as an
+Independent Republican against A.R. Howe, the sitting member, and the
+regular Republican candidate for reelection. The Democrats supported
+Wells, who was elected.
+
+The delegation, therefore, consisted of four Democrats, one Republican,
+and one Independent Republican. While the delegation would have
+consisted of five straight Republicans and one Democrat had the election
+been held in 1874, still, since the Democrats had such a large majority
+in the House, the political complexion of the Mississippi delegation was
+not important. The election of the writer, it was afterwards developed,
+was due in all probability to a miscalculation on the part of some of
+the Democratic managers. Their purpose was to have a solid delegation,
+counting Wells as one of that number, since his election would be due
+to the support of the Democratic party.
+
+But in my district the plan miscarried. In one of the counties there
+were two conflicting reports as to what the Democratic majority was;
+according to one, it was two hundred and fifty, according to the other,
+it was five hundred. The report giving two hundred and fifty was, no
+doubt, the correct one, but the other would probably have been accepted
+had it been believed at the time that it was necessary to insure the
+election of the Democratic candidate. To overcome the majority in that
+district was more difficult than to overcome it in any of the other
+districts. While their candidate, Colonel Roderick Seal, was quite a
+popular man, it was well known that I would poll a solid Republican vote
+and some Democratic votes in addition. Fortunately for me there was a
+split in the party in my own county (Adams) for county officers, which
+resulted in bringing out a very heavy vote. This split also made the
+count of the ballots very slow,--covering a period of several days. My
+name was on both tickets. The election took place on Tuesday, but the
+count was not finished until the following Friday evening. Hence, the
+result for member of Congress in that county could not be definitely
+ascertained until Friday night.
+
+The Democratic managers at the State Capital were eager to know as soon
+as possible what the Republican majority in Adams County would be for
+Congressman, hence, on Wednesday evening, the editor of the local
+Democratic paper received a telegram from the Secretary of the
+Democratic State Committee, requesting to be informed immediately what
+the Republican majority for Congressman would be in Adams County. The
+editor read the telegram to me and asked what, in my opinion, would be
+my majority in the county. My reply was that I did not think it would
+exceed twelve hundred; whereupon he sent in the following report:
+"Lynch's majority in Adams will not exceed twelve hundred."
+
+Upon receipt of this telegram the majority of two hundred and fifty
+instead of five hundred was deemed sufficient from the county heretofore
+referred to. If the Republican majority in Adams would not exceed twelve
+hundred, the success of the Democratic Congressional candidate by a
+small but safe majority was assured on the face of the returns. Since
+Adams was the last county to be reported, no change could thereafter be
+made. When the count was finally finished in Adams it was found I had a
+majority of over eighteen hundred. This gave me a majority in the
+district of a little over two hundred on the face of the returns.
+
+The disappointment and chagrin on the part of the Democratic managers
+can better be imagined than described. But the agreeable surprise to the
+Republicans was at least equal to the Democrats' disappointment. The
+defeated Democratic candidate threatened to make a contest for the seat
+on the ground of violence and fraud; but this was so ridiculous that the
+managers of his own party would not allow him to carry the threat into
+execution.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND THE PRESIDENT REGARDING STATE
+APPOINTMENTS
+
+
+Shortly after I reached Washington in the latter part of November, 1875,
+I called on the President to pay my respects, and to see him on business
+relating to a Civil Service order that he had recently issued, and that
+some of the Federal office-holders had evidently misunderstood.
+Postmaster Pursell, of Summit, an important town in my district, was one
+of that number. He was supposed to be a Republican, having been
+appointed as such. But he not only refused to take any part in the
+campaign of 1875, but he also declined to contribute a dollar to meet
+the legitimate expenses of that campaign. The President's Civil Service
+order was his excuse. According to Pursell's construction of that order,
+Federal office-holders must not only take no part in political or party
+campaigns, but they must make no contributions for political purposes.
+He not only said nothing and did nothing in the interest of his party in
+that campaign, but it was believed by some that he did not even vote the
+Republican ticket.
+
+After paying my respects to the President I brought this case to his
+attention. I informed him that I very much desired to have Postmaster
+Pursell removed, and a good Republican appointed in his stead.
+
+"What is the matter with him?" the President asked. "Is he not a good
+postmaster?"
+
+"Yes," I replied, "there is nothing to be said against him, so far as I
+know, with reference to his administration of the office. I only object
+to him on account of politics. He may be,--and no doubt is,--a good,
+capable, and efficient postmaster; but politically he is worthless. From
+a party point of view he is no good. In my opinion, there ought to be a
+man in that office who will not only discharge his duties in a
+creditable manner, but who will also be of some service to the party and
+to the administration under which he serves. In the present postmaster
+of the town of Summit we have not such a man, but we can and will have
+one if you will appoint the one whose name I now present and for whom I
+ask your favorable consideration. We had, as you know, a bitter and
+desperate struggle. It was the very time that we stood sadly in need of
+every man and of every vote. We lost the county that Summit is in by a
+small majority. If an active and aggressive man, such as the one whose
+name I now place before you, had been postmaster at Summit, the result
+in that County might have been different. I therefore earnestly
+recommend that Pursell be removed, and that Mr. Garland be appointed to
+succeed him."
+
+The President replied: "You have given good and sufficient reasons for a
+change. Leave with me the name of the man you desire to have appointed,
+and his name will be sent to the Senate as soon as Congress meets." I
+cordially thanked the President, and assured him that he would have no
+occasion to regret making the change. In explanation of his Civil
+Service order the President remarked that quite a number of
+office-holders had seemed to misunderstand it, although it was plainly
+worded, and, as he thought, not difficult to understand. There had never
+been any serious complaints growing out of active participation in
+political campaigns on the part of office-holders, and that it was not,
+and never had been, the purpose of the administration, by executive
+order or otherwise, to limit or restrict any American citizen in the
+discharge of his duties as a citizen, simply because he happened to be
+an office-holder, provided that in so doing he did not neglect his
+official duties. There had, however, been serious complaints from many
+parts of the country about the use and abuse of Federal patronage in
+efforts to manipulate party conventions, and to dictate and control
+party nominations. To destroy this evil was the primary purpose of the
+civil service order referred to.
+
+I told the President that his explanation of the order was in harmony
+with my own construction and interpretation of it. That is why I made
+the recommendation for a change in the postmastership at Summit. The
+change was promptly made. I then informed the President that there was
+another matter about which I desired to have a short talk with him, that
+was the recent election in Mississippi. After calling his attention to
+the sanguinary struggle through which we had passed, and the great
+disadvantages under which we labored, I reminded him of the fact that
+the Governor, when he saw that he could not put down without the
+assistance of the National Administration what was practically an
+insurrection against the State Government, made application for
+assistance in the manner and form prescribed by the Constitution, with
+the confident belief that it would be forthcoming. But in this we were,
+for some reason, seriously disappointed and sadly surprised. The reason
+for this action, or rather non-action, was still an unexplained mystery
+to us. For my own satisfaction and information I should be pleased to
+have the President enlighten me on the subject.
+
+The President said that he was glad I had asked him the question, and
+that he would take pleasure in giving me a frank reply. He said he had
+sent Governor Ames' requisition to the War Department with his approval
+and with instructions to have the necessary assistance furnished without
+delay. He had also given instructions to the Attorney-General to use
+the marshals and the machinery of the Federal judiciary as far as
+possible in cooeperation with the War Department in an effort to maintain
+order and to bring about a condition which would insure a peaceable and
+fair election. But before the orders were put into execution a committee
+of prominent Republicans from Ohio had called on him. (Ohio was then an
+October State,--that is, her elections took place in October instead of
+November.) An important election was then pending in that State. This
+committee, the President stated, protested against having the
+requisition of Governor Ames honored. The committee, the President said,
+informed him in a most emphatic way that if the requisition of Governor
+Ames were honored, the Democrats would not only carry Mississippi,--a
+State which would be lost to the Republicans in any event,--but that
+Democratic success in Ohio would be an assured fact. If the requisition
+were not honored it would make no change in the result in Mississippi,
+but that Ohio would be saved to the Republicans. The President assured
+me that it was with great reluctance that he yielded,--against his own
+judgment and sense of official duty,--to the arguments of this
+committee, and directed the withdrawal of the orders which had been
+given the Secretary of War and the Attorney-General in that matter.
+
+This statement, I confess, surprised me very much.
+
+"Can it be possible," I asked, "that there is such a prevailing
+sentiment in any State in the North, East or West as renders it
+necessary for a Republican President to virtually give his sanction to
+what is equivalent to a suspension of the Constitution and laws of the
+land to insure Republican success in such a State? I cannot believe this
+to be true, the opinion of the Republican committee from Ohio to the
+contrary notwithstanding. What surprises me more, Mr. President, is that
+you yielded and granted this remarkable request. That is not like you.
+It is the first time I have ever known you to show the white feather.
+Instead of granting the request of that committee, you should have
+rebuked the men,--told them that it is your duty as chief magistrate of
+the country to enforce the Constitution and laws of the land, and to
+protect American citizens in the exercise and enjoyment of their rights,
+let the consequences be what they may; and that if by doing this Ohio
+should be lost to the Republicans it ought to be lost. In other words,
+no victory is worth having if it is to be brought about upon such
+conditions as those,--if it is to be purchased at such a fearful cost as
+was paid in this case."
+
+"Yes," said the President, "I admit that you are right. I should not
+have yielded. I believed at the time that I was making a grave mistake.
+But as presented, it was duty on one side, and party obligation on the
+other. Between the two I hesitated, but finally yielded to what was
+believed to be party obligation. If a mistake was made, it was one of
+the head and not of the heart. That my heart was right and my intentions
+good, no one who knows me will question. If I had believed that any
+effort on my part would have saved Mississippi I would have made it,
+even if I had been convinced that it would have resulted in the loss of
+Ohio to the Republicans. But I was satisfied then, as I am now, that
+Mississippi could not have been saved to the party in any event and I
+wanted to avoid the responsibility of the loss of Ohio, in addition.
+This was the turning-point in the case.
+
+"And while on this subject," the President went on, "let us look more
+closely into the significance of this situation. I am very much
+concerned about the future of our country. When the War came to an end
+it was thought that four things had been brought about and effectually
+accomplished as a result thereof. They were: first, that slavery had
+been forever abolished; second, that the indissolubility of the Federal
+Union had been permanently established and universally recognized;
+third, that the absolute and independent sovereignty of the several
+States was a thing of the past; fourth, that a national sovereignty had
+been at last created and established, resulting in sufficient power
+being vested in the general government not only to guarantee to every
+State in the Union a Republican form of government, but to protect, when
+necessary, the individual citizen of the United States in the exercise
+and enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which he is entitled under
+the Constitution and laws of his country. In other words, that there had
+been created a National citizenship as distinguished from State
+citizenship, resulting in a paramount allegiance to the United
+States,--the general Government,--having ample power to protect its own
+citizens against domestic and personal violence whenever the State in
+which he may live should fail, refuse, or neglect to do so. In other
+words, so far as citizens of the United States are concerned, the States
+in the future would only act as agents of the general Government in
+protecting the citizens of the United States in the enjoyment of life,
+liberty, and property. This has been my conception of the duties of the
+President, and until recently I have pursued that course. But there
+seems to be a number of leading and influential men in the Republican
+party who take a different view of these matters. These men have used
+and are still using their power and influence, not to strengthen but to
+cripple the President and thus prevent him from enforcing the
+Constitution and laws along these lines. They have not only used their
+power and influence to prevent and defeat wise and necessary legislation
+for these purposes, but they have contributed, through the medium of
+public meetings and newspaper and magazine articles, to the creation of
+a public sentiment hostile to the policy of the administration. Whatever
+their motives may be, future mischief of a very serious nature is bound
+to be the result. It requires no prophet to foresee that the national
+government will soon be at a great disadvantage and that the results of
+the war of the rebellion will have been in a large measure lost. In
+other words, that the first two of the four propositions above stated
+will represent all that will have been accomplished as a result of the
+war, and even they, for the lack of power of enforcement in the general
+government, will be largely of a negative character. What you have just
+passed through in the State of Mississippi is only the beginning of what
+is sure to follow. I do not wish to create unnecessary alarm, nor to be
+looked upon as a prophet of evil, but it is impossible for me to close
+my eyes in the face of things that are as plain to me as the noonday
+sun."
+
+It is needless to say that I was deeply interested in the President's
+eloquent and prophetic talk which subsequent events have more than fully
+verified.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876 AND ITS RESULTS
+
+
+The Presidential election was held in 1876. The Republicans had carried
+the country in 1872 by such a decisive majority that it indicated many
+years of continued Republican ascendency in the National Government. But
+the severe reverses sustained by that party at the polls two years later
+completely changed this situation and outlook. Democrats confidently
+expected and Republicans seriously apprehended that the Presidential
+election of 1876 would result in a substantial Democratic victory. Mr.
+Blaine was the leading candidate for the Republican nomination, but he
+had bitter opposition in the ranks of his own party. That opposition
+came chiefly from friends and supporters of Senator Conkling at the
+North and from Southern Republicans generally. The opposition of the
+Conkling men to Mr. Blaine was largely personal; while southern
+Republicans were opposed to him on account of his having caused the
+defeat of the Federal Elections Bill. The great majority of southern
+Republicans supported Senator Oliver P. Morton of Indiana.
+
+After the National Convention had been organized, it looked for a while
+as if Mr. Blaine's nomination was a foregone conclusion. Hon. Edward
+McPherson, of Pennsylvania,--a strong Blaine man,--had been made
+President of the Convention. In placing Mr. Blaine's name in nomination,
+Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois made such an eloquent and effective
+speech that he came very near carrying the Convention by storm, and thus
+securing the nomination of the statesman from Maine. But the opposition
+to Mr. Blaine was too well organized to allow the Convention to be
+stampeded, even by the power and eloquence of an Ingersoll. It was this
+speech that gave Mr. Ingersoll his national fame and brought him to the
+front as a public speaker and lecturer. It was the most eloquent and
+impressive speech that was delivered during the sitting of the
+Convention. After a bitter struggle of many hours, and after a number of
+fruitless ballots, the Convention finally nominated Gov. R.B. Hayes, of
+Ohio, as a compromise candidate. This result was brought about through a
+union of the combined opposition to Mr. Blaine. Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler, of
+New York, was nominated for Vice-President and the work of the
+Convention was over.
+
+The Democrats nominated ex-Governor Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for
+President, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President.
+Their platform pledged many radical reforms in the administration of the
+government. This ticket was made with the hope that it would be
+successful in the doubtful and debatable States of New York, New Jersey,
+Indiana, and Connecticut, which, with the Solid South, would constitute
+a majority of the electoral college, even if all the other States should
+go Republican, which was not anticipated.
+
+That the prospect of Democratic success was exceedingly bright and the
+probability of a Republican victory extremely dark, was generally
+conceded. The South was counted upon to be solid in its support of the
+Democratic ticket, for the methods that had been successfully
+inaugurated in Mississippi the year before, to overcome a Republican
+majority of more than twenty thousand, were to be introduced and adopted
+in all the other States of that section in which conditions were
+practically the same as in Mississippi.
+
+To insure success, therefore, it was only necessary for the Democrats to
+concentrate their efforts upon the four doubtful States outside of the
+Solid South. Up to a certain point the plan worked well. Every
+indication seemed to point to its successful consummation. As had been
+anticipated, the Democrats were successful in the four doubtful Northern
+States, and they also carried, on the face of the returns, every
+Southern State, just as had been planned; the Mississippi methods
+having been adopted in such of them as had Republican majorities to
+overcome. Since through those methods the Democrats had succeeded in
+overcoming a large Republican majority in Mississippi, there was no
+reason why the same methods should not produce like results in South
+Carolina, in Louisiana, and in Florida. In fact, it was looked upon as a
+reflection upon the bravery and party loyalty of the Democracy of those
+States if they could not do what had been done under like conditions in
+Mississippi. Hence those States _had_ to be carried, "peaceably and
+fairly," of course, "but they must be carried just the same." Failure to
+carry them was out of the question, because too much was involved.
+According to the plans and calculations that had been carefully made, no
+Southern State could be lost. While it might be possible to win without
+all of them, still it was not believed to be safe to run any such risk,
+or take any such chance. If the Democrats should happen to carry a state
+that was not included in the combination, so much the better.
+
+Everything seemed to work admirably. That it was a plan by which
+elections could be easily carried, with or without votes, had been
+clearly demonstrated. On the face of the returns the majorities were
+brought forth just as had been ordered and directed. But it seems that
+such methods had been anticipated by the Republican governments in South
+Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida, and that suitable steps had been
+taken to prevent their successful consummation through the medium of
+State Returning Boards. When the Returning Boards had rejected and
+thrown out many of the majorities that had been returned from some of
+the counties and parishes, the result was changed, and the Republican
+candidates for Presidential electors were officially declared elected.
+This gave the Republican candidates for President and Vice-President a
+majority of one vote in the Electoral College. It has, of course, been
+alleged by many,--and it is believed by some,--that the actions of those
+Returning Boards defeated the will of the people as expressed at the
+polls, thus bringing about the seating in the Presidential chair of the
+man that had been fairly and honestly defeated. Yet, no one who is
+familiar with the facts, and who is honest enough to admit them, will
+deny that but for the inauguration in South Carolina, Florida, and
+Louisiana, of the Mississippi methods, those three States would have
+been as safely Republican at that time and in that election as were the
+States of Pennsylvania and Vermont. But the plans of the Democratic
+managers had been defeated. It was hard for them to lose a victory they
+felt and believed to have been won by them, notwithstanding the
+extraneous methods that had been employed to bring about such results.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+EFFECTS OF THE REFORM ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI
+
+
+Because the Democrats carried the election in Mississippi in 1875, they
+did not thereby secure control of the State Government. That election
+was for members of the Legislature, members of Congress and county
+officers. Only one State officer was elected,--a State Treasurer,--to
+fill the vacancy created by the death of Treasurer Holland. All the
+other State officers were Republicans. But the Democrats could not
+afford to wait until Governor Ames' term expired. They were determined
+to get immediate control of the State Government. There was only one way
+in which this could be done, and that was by impeachment.
+
+This course they decided to take. It could not be truthfully denied that
+Governor Ames was a clean, pure, and honest man. He had given the State
+an excellent administration. The State judiciary had been kept up to the
+high standard established by Governor Alcorn. Every dollar of the public
+money had been collected, and honestly accounted for. The State was in a
+prosperous condition. The rate of taxation had been greatly reduced,
+and there was every prospect of a still further reduction before the end
+of his administration. But these facts made no difference to those who
+were flushed with the victory they had so easily won. They wanted the
+offices, and were determined to have them, and that, too, without very
+much delay. Hence, impeachment proceedings were immediately instituted
+against the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor,--not in the interest of
+reform, of good government or of low taxes, but simply in order to get
+possession of the State Government.
+
+The weakness of the case against the Governor was shown when it
+developed that the strongest charge against him was that he had entered
+into an alleged corrupt bargain with State Senator Cassidy, resulting in
+Cassidy's appointment as one of the Judges of the Chancery Court.
+Cassidy had been elected a member of the State Senate as a Democrat.
+Notwithstanding that fact he voted for Mr. Bruce, the Republican caucus
+nominee for United States Senator, and subsequently publicly identified
+himself with the Republican party. Later his brother, William P.
+Cassidy, and his law partner, Hon. J.F. Sessions, did likewise. In 1874
+Sessions was elected to the State Senate as a Republican to serve out
+the unexpired term of his law partner, Cassidy, who had resigned his
+seat in the Senate upon his appointment as a Judge of the Chancery
+Court.
+
+Cassidy was a brilliant young man, and an able lawyer. That the
+Governor should have selected him for an important judicial position was
+both wise and proper. It was one of his best and most creditable
+appointments and was generally commended as such when it was made. The
+fact that he had been elected to the State Senate as a Democrat, and
+shortly thereafter joined the Republican party was made the basis of the
+charge that his change of party affiliation was the result of a corrupt
+bargain between the Governor and himself, for which the Governor, but
+not the Judge, should be impeached and removed from office. There were a
+few other vague and unimportant charges, but this one, as weak as it
+was, was the strongest of the number.
+
+When the articles of impeachment were presented to the House, it was
+seen that they were so weak and so groundless that the Governor believed
+it would be an easy matter for him to discredit them even before an
+antagonistic legislature. With that end in view, he employed several of
+the ablest lawyers in the country to represent him. They came to Jackson
+and commenced the preparation of the case, but it did not take them long
+to find out that their case was a hopeless one. They soon found out to
+their entire satisfaction that it was not to be a judicial trial, but a
+political one and that the jury was already prepared for conviction
+without regard to the law, the Constitution, the evidence, or the
+facts. Governor Ames was to be convicted, not because he was guilty of
+any offense, but because he was in the way of complete Democratic
+control of the State Government.
+
+Personally they had nothing against Ames. It was not the man but the
+office they wanted, and that they were determined to have. They knew he
+had committed no offense, but, as matters then stood, being a Republican
+was an offense which justified removal from office. To punish him
+otherwise, for anything he had done or failed to do, did not at any time
+enter into their calculations. The Governorship was the prize at stake.
+In this matter there was no concealment of their purposes and
+intentions. As soon as the Governor's legal advisers found out what the
+actual situation was, they saw it was useless to continue the fight.
+Upon their advice, therefore, the Governor tendered his resignation,
+which was promptly accepted. He then left the State never to return
+again. If the impeachment proceedings had been instituted in good
+faith,--upon an honest belief that the chief executive had committed
+offenses which merited punishment,--the resignation would not have been
+accepted. The fact that it was accepted,--and that, too, without
+hesitation or question,--was equivalent to a confession that the purpose
+of the proceedings was to get possession of the office. Short work was
+made of the Lieutenant-Governor's case; and State Senator John M.
+Stone, the Democratic President pro tem. of the State Senate, was duly
+sworn in and installed as the acting Governor of the State. Thus
+terminated a long series of questionable acts, the inauguration of which
+had no other purpose than to secure the ascendency of one political
+party over another in the administration of the government of the State.
+
+The sanguinary revolution in the State of Mississippi in 1875 was
+claimed to be in the interest of good administration and honest
+government; it was an attempt to wrest the State from the control of
+dishonest men,--negroes, carpet baggers, and scalawags,--and place it in
+control of intelligent, pure, and honest white men. With that end in
+view, Geo. M. Buchanan, a brave and gallant ex-Confederate soldier, was,
+through questionable and indefensible methods, defeated for the office
+of State Treasurer, and Wm. L. Hemmingway was declared elected. Yet when
+the change took place it was found that every dollar of the public money
+was accounted for. During the whole period of Republican administration
+not a dollar had been misappropriated, nor had there been a single
+defalcation, although millions of dollars had passed through the hands
+of the fiscal agents of the State and of the different counties.
+
+How was it with the new reform administration? Treasurer Hemmingway had
+been in office only a comparatively short while when the startling
+information was given out that he was a defaulter to the amount of
+$315,612.19. William L. Hemmingway a defaulter! Could such a thing be
+possible? Yes, it was an admitted and undisputed fact.
+
+Mr. Hemmingway had been quite prominent in the politics of the State;
+but those who knew the man, and I was one of those, had every reason to
+believe that he was an honest man, and that he was the personification
+of integrity. He was neither a speculator nor a gambler. Even after the
+defalcation was made known there was nothing to indicate that any part
+of the money had been appropriated to his own use. Yet the money had
+mysteriously disappeared. Where was it? Who had it? These were questions
+the people of the State desired to have answered, but they have never
+yet been answered and, it is safe to say, they never will be. Hemmingway
+no doubt could and can answer those questions, but he has not done so
+and the probabilities are that he never will. He evidently believed that
+to turn State's evidence would render him more culpable than to be
+guilty of the act which he had allowed to be committed. He might have
+been forced to make a confession, or at least been compelled to give the
+prosecution a clue to the real criminal or criminals if the prosecution
+had been in charge of persons who could not be suspected of being the
+political beneficiaries of the methods by which it was possible for him
+to be placed in charge of the office. It was hardly reasonable to expect
+such men to make very much of an effort to secure a confession. In fact,
+it seems to have been a relief to them to have the accused take the
+position that he alone was the responsible party and that he was willing
+to bear all the blame and assume all the consequences that would result
+from the act. The names, therefore, of those who were the beneficiaries
+of this remarkable defalcation will, no doubt, remain a secret in the
+bosom of William L. Hemmingway, and will be buried with him in his
+grave.
+
+Hemmingway was tried, convicted, sentenced and served a term in the
+State Prison; all of which he calmly endured rather than give the name
+of any person having connection with that unfortunate affair. All the
+satisfaction that the public can get with reference to it,--other than
+the punishment to which Hemmingway was subjected,--is to indulge in
+conjectures about it. One conjecture, and the most reasonable and
+plausible one, is that if Hemmingway had made a full confession it might
+have involved not only some men who were prominent and influential, but
+perhaps the Democratic State organization as well. For it was a
+well-known fact that in 1875 nearly every Democratic club in the State
+was converted into an armed military company. To fully organize, equip,
+and arm such a large body of men required an outlay of a large sum of
+money. The money was evidently furnished by some persons or through some
+organization. Those who raised the money, or who caused it to be raised,
+no doubt had an eye to the main chance. A patriotic desire to have the
+State redeemed (?) was not with them the actuating motive. When the
+redemption (?) of the State was an accomplished fact they, no doubt,
+felt that they were entitled to share in the fruits of that redemption.
+Their idea evidently was that the State should be made to pay for its
+own salvation and redemption, but the only way in which this could be
+done was to have the people's money in the State treasury appropriated
+for that purpose otherwise than by legislative enactment. This, as I
+have already stated, is only a conjecture, but, under the circumstances,
+it is the most reasonable and plausible one that can be imagined.
+
+The case of Treasurer Hemmingway is conclusive evidence that in point of
+efficiency, honesty and official integrity the Democratic party had no
+advantage over the party that was placed in power chiefly through the
+votes of colored men. What was true of Mississippi in this respect was
+also true,--in a measure, at least,--of the other reconstructed States.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION
+
+
+Although the action of the returning boards in South Carolina,
+Louisiana, and Florida, gave Mr. Hayes a majority of one vote in the
+Electoral College, the Democrats, who were largely in the majority in
+the National House of Representatives, were evidently not willing to
+acquiesce in the declared result,--claiming that Mr. Tilden had been
+fairly elected and that he ought to be inaugurated.
+
+Hon. Henry Watterson, of Kentucky,--who was at that time a member of the
+House,--delivered a fiery speech in which he declared that a hundred
+thousand armed men would march to Washington to see that Mr. Tilden was
+inaugurated. The situation for a while looked very grave. It seemed as
+if there would be a dual government, Hayes and Tilden each claiming to
+be the legally elected President. To prevent this was the problem then
+before Congress and the American people. Conferences, composed of
+influential men of both parties, were being frequently held in different
+parts of the city.
+
+The creation of an electoral commission to pass upon and decide the
+disputed points involved was finally suggested, and was accepted by a
+majority of both parties. The name of the originator of this suggestion
+has never been made public; but it is believed by many that Senator
+Edmunds, of Vermont, was the man, since he was the principal champion of
+the measure in the Senate. Subsequent events appeared to indicate that
+Hon. Wm. M. Evarts of New York, was also an influential party to the
+scheme, if not the originator of it. At any rate, no one seemed to have
+been sufficiently proud of it to lay claim to its paternity. It was
+merely a temporary scheme, intended to tide over an unpleasant, and
+perhaps dangerous, condition which existing remedies did not fully meet.
+It was equivalent to disposing of the Presidency by a game of
+chance,--for the composition of the proposed commission was,
+politically, purely a matter of chance.
+
+As finally agreed upon, the measure provided for a commission to be
+composed of fifteen members,--five from the House, five from the Senate,
+and five Justices of the Supreme Court. As the Democrats had a majority
+in the House, it was agreed that they should have three, and the
+Republicans two of the five members of that body. Since the Republicans
+had a majority in the Senate it was agreed that they should have three,
+and the Democrats two of the five members of that body. Of the five
+justices of the Supreme Court, two were to be Republicans and two,
+Democrats; the fifth Justice to be an independent,--or one who was as
+near an independent as could be found on the bench of that Court.
+
+When the bill creating this commission came before the House I spoke
+against it, and voted against it, for two reasons. In the first place, I
+believed it was a dangerous precedent to subject the Presidency of the
+United States to such a game of chance as was contemplated by the bill
+then under consideration. Either Hayes or Tilden had been elected, and
+the result ought to be ascertained according to legal forms. In the
+second place, I had a suspicion that it was the outgrowth of an
+understanding or agreement which would result in the abandonment of
+Southern Republicans by the National Administration.
+
+Mr. Lamar, for instance, did not hesitate to declare that it was more
+important that the South should have local self-government than that the
+President should be a Democrat. In other words, what Southern Democrats
+wanted was to be let alone,--was to have the National Administration
+keep its hands off, and allow them to manage their own affairs in their
+own way, even if that way should result in a virtual nullification, in
+part at least, of the War Amendments to the Federal Constitution.
+
+I had a suspicion that this concession had been granted upon condition
+that the southern Democratic leaders in Congress would consent to the
+creation of the proposed commission, and to the ratification of its
+decision, whatever that decision might be. To such a bargain I did not
+care to be even an innocent party. My suspicions were strengthened by
+the fact that the principal opposition among Democrats to the creation
+of the commission and to the ratification of its decision came from
+northern Democrats. Southern Democrats, with a few notable exceptions,
+not only favored the creation of the commission and the ratification of
+its decision, but even the fiery Watterson was induced to hold his peace
+and to give expression to his righteous indignation through the medium
+of a silent vote. That my suspicions were well founded subsequents
+events more than demonstrated. I took the position that Mr. Hayes had
+been legally elected, at least according to the forms of law and in the
+manner prescribed by the Constitution,--and that he should, therefore,
+be duly inaugurated even if it should be necessary for President Grant,
+as Commander-in-chief of the Army, to use the military force of the
+Government for that purpose. I contended that, having been thus legally
+elected, Hayes should not be subjected to the chance of losing his title
+to the office and that the incoming President should not be bound by
+any ante-inauguration pledges, which, in the opinion of some, would have
+a tendency to cast a cloud upon his title to the office. But the bill
+was passed and the commission was duly appointed.
+
+At this point the game of chance turned in favor of the Republicans. It
+was generally understood that Justice David Davis, of Illinois, would be
+the fifth Justice to be placed on the commission. He was said to be an
+Independent,--the only member of the Supreme Court that could be thus
+classed politically. But, in point of fact, he was more of a Democrat
+than an Independent. Had he been made a member of the commission it is
+more than probable that Mr. Tilden, and not Mr. Hayes, would have been
+made President. The Legislature of Illinois was at that time engaged in
+an effort to elect a United States Senator. The Legislature was composed
+of about an equal number of Republicans and Democrats,--three
+Independents holding the balance of power. The Independents at length
+presented the name of Justice David Davis as their choice for Senator.
+In order to make sure of the defeat of a Republican, the Democrats
+joined the Independents in the support of Justice Davis, which resulted
+in his election. This took place only a few days before the time
+appointed for the selection of the commissioners.
+
+As soon as it was announced that Justice Davis had been elected to the
+Senate the Republican leaders in Congress insisted that he was no
+longer eligible to a seat on the Electoral Commission. This was at first
+strongly combated by the Democrats, who contended that the Justice was
+only a Senator-elect, and that he did not cease to be a member of the
+Court until he tendered his resignation as such; this he was neither
+required nor expected to do until shortly before the beginning of his
+term as a Senator. But the Republicans pressed their objections so
+strongly that the Democrats were induced to yield the point, and Justice
+Bradley was selected as the fifth Justice. Next to Davis, Bradley came
+as near being an Independent as any member of the Court. Although he had
+been appointed as a Republican by President Grant,--as had Justice Davis
+by President Lincoln,--yet he had rendered several decisions which gave
+the Democrats hope that he might give the deciding vote in their favor
+and thus make Mr. Tilden President. In this they were disappointed; for
+it turned out that the substitution of Bradley for Davis made Hayes
+President of the United States. It would, perhaps, be unfair to say that
+the decisions of the commission were rendered regardless of the
+evidence, the law, and the arguments, yet it so happened that every
+important point was decided by a strict party vote,--eight to seven.
+
+In this connection it will not be out of place to refer to a scene that
+was created on the Democratic side of the House by Hon. Ben. Hill, of
+Georgia. Mr. Hill entered the House one afternoon, having just returned
+from the Supreme Court Chamber, where the commission was in session. He
+remarked to one of his colleagues in a low tone that he had just
+returned from where the sessions of the commission were being held, and
+that while there the important and valuable information had been
+imparted to him that on a most vital point the Democrats could with
+absolute certainty depend upon the vote of Mr. Justice Bradley.
+
+"Can that be possible?" exclaimed his excited and highly elated
+colleague.
+
+"Yes," replied Mr. Hill, "there can be no doubt about it. I know whereof
+I speak. It came to me through a source that cannot be questioned."
+
+"Then wait until I can call several of our friends," replied his
+colleague, "I want them to hear the good news at the same time it is
+heard by me, so that we can rejoice together."
+
+Mr. Hill was soon surrounded by an eager, excited, and interested group
+of anxious Democratic members. "We are now ready," said his delighted
+colleague, whose face was covered with a smile of satisfaction, "to hear
+the good news."
+
+"Well," replied Mr. Hill, whose manner was grave and whose countenance
+gave every evidence of deep emotion, "whenever a motion to adjourn is
+made by a Democratic member of the commission we can safely depend upon
+the vote of Mr. Justice Bradley being cast in the affirmative."
+
+The heads of the anxious group immediately fell in deep disappointment
+and despair. But, of course, they did not fail to see the irony of Mr.
+Hill's remark. It did transpire that whenever a motion to adjourn was
+made by a Democratic member of the commission it was usually carried by
+a vote of eight to seven,--Mr. Justice Bradley voting in the affirmative
+with the Democrats. On no other question, however, could they depend on
+his vote.
+
+The decision of the Electoral Commission was finally rendered in favor
+of Mr. Hayes by a strict party vote,--eight to seven. Strong and bitter
+opposition to the approval of the decision was made in the House by
+quite a number of northern Democrats, but the majority of southern
+Democrats, aided by such northern Democrats as represented districts
+having large commercial interests,--interests that are at all times
+willing to pay any price for peace,--accepted the decision, and Mr.
+Hayes was allowed to be peacefully inaugurated.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+ATTITUDE OF THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION TOWARD THE SOUTH
+
+
+The new administration had been in power only a short while before it
+became apparent to southern Republicans that they had very little to
+expect from this administration. It was generally understood that a
+southern man would be made Postmaster General in the new cabinet, but it
+was assumed, of course, by those, at least, who were not fully informed
+about the secret deals and bargains that had been entered into as a
+condition precedent to a peaceable inauguration of the new
+administration,--that he would be a Republican.
+
+Senator Alcorn, of my own State, Mississippi, who had just retired from
+the Senate, had an ambition to occupy that position. I was one to whom
+that fact was made known. I did not hesitate to use what little
+influence I had to have that ambition gratified. I was so earnest and
+persistent in pressing his claims and merits upon those who were known
+to be close to the appointing power, that I succeeded in finding out
+definitely and authoritatively the name of the man that had been agreed
+upon and would, no doubt, be appointed to that position. Ex-Senator
+Key, a Democrat from Tennessee, was the man. When I informed Senator
+Alcorn of that fact the manifestation of surprise, disappointment, and
+disgust with which he received it can better be imagined than described.
+This was not due so much to the fact that some other one than himself
+had been selected, but to the fact that the fortunate man was a Southern
+Democrat. For the first time the Senator became convinced that southern
+Republicans had been made the subjects of barter and trade in the
+shuffle for the Presidency, and that the sacrifice of southern
+Republicans was the price that had to be paid for the peaceable
+inauguration of Mr. Hayes. This, in Senator Alcorn's opinion, meant that
+the Republican party in the reconstructed States of the South was a
+thing of the past. There was no hope for it in the future.
+
+"It would have been far better," said the Senator, "not only for the
+Republican party at the South but for the country at large, to have
+allowed the Democrats to inaugurate Tilden, and to have taken charge of
+the Government, than to have purchased Republican victory at such a
+fearful cost. What inducement can a southern white man now have for
+becoming a Republican? Under the present state of things he will be
+hated at home, and despised abroad. He will be rejected by his old
+friends and associates, and discountenanced by his new ones. He will
+incur the odium, and merit the displeasure and censure of his former
+friends, associates, and companions with no compensating advantages for
+the sacrifices thus made."
+
+The Senator spoke with deep feeling. He could see that his efforts to
+build up a strong Republican party at the South must necessarily fail
+under such conditions, and that it was useless to make any further
+effort in that direction. Under his influence and leadership very many
+of the best and most influential white men in his state had identified
+themselves with the Republican party. His efforts in that direction
+would have been continued, in spite of the temporary defeat of the party
+at the polls, however severe that defeat might have been, if those
+efforts had been appreciated and appropriately recognized by the
+national leaders of the organization. But when he saw that not only was
+this not to be done, but that one of those who was known to be fully
+identified with the political persecutors of southern Republicans was to
+be recognized,--thus placing the stamp of approval upon their work by an
+administration that was supposed to be Republican and therefore opposed
+to such methods,--it was time for southern white men, who had been
+acting with the Republican party and for those who may have such action
+in contemplation, to stop and seriously consider the situation. It was
+now in order for each one of them to ask himself the question: "Can I
+afford to do this?"
+
+The appointment of a southern Democrat to a seat in the Cabinet of a
+Republican President, especially at that particular time, was a crushing
+blow to southern Republicans. It was the straw that broke the camel's
+back. Senator Alcorn was a man suitable in every way for the office of
+Postmaster-General. He had a commanding presence, he was an eloquent
+speaker, and an able debater,--by nature a leader and not a follower. He
+had taken an active part in the politics of his state before and after
+the War. After he identified himself with the Republican party he was
+ambitious to be chiefly instrumental in building up a strong party in
+his State and throughout the South which would not only recognize merit
+in the colored people and accord absolute justice and fair play to them,
+but which would include in its membership a large percentage, if not a
+majority, of the best and most substantial white men of that section.
+
+That he had made splendid progress along those lines cannot be denied.
+The announced southern policy of the Hayes administration not only
+completed the destruction of what had been thus accomplished, but it
+made any further progress in that direction absolutely impossible. The
+selection of ex-Senator Key was, however, not the only Cabinet
+appointment which clearly indicated the southern policy of the
+administration. There were two others,--those of William M. Evarts and
+Carl Schurz. Those men had been prominent in their bitter opposition to
+the southern policy of President Grant. Mr. Schurz had been one of the
+leaders in the Greeley movement against President Grant and the
+Republican party in 1872, while Mr. Evarts was later the principal
+speaker at a public indignation meeting that was held at New York to
+denounce the southern policy of the Grant administration. In fact, John
+Sherman was the only one of the Cabinet ministers that had a positive
+national standing, and even his brilliant star was somewhat marred on
+account of the impression that, as one of the Hayes managers, he had
+been a party to the deals and agreements that had been made and entered
+into as a condition precedent to the peaceable induction of Mr. Hayes
+into office. It was known, or at any rate believed, that Mr. Sherman's
+appointment as Secretary of the Treasury was for the one specific
+purpose of bringing about the resumption of specie payments. He was the
+author of the act which fixed the date when specie payments should be
+resumed. He had the reputation of being one of the ablest financiers the
+country had produced. That he should be named to carry into effect the
+act of which he was the author was to be expected. For the reasons above
+stated, it was the one Cabinet appointment that met with general
+approval.
+
+It was soon seen, however, that the Cabinet was so constructed as to
+make it harmonize with the southern policy of the administration. It was
+not long before the announcement was officially made in prolix
+sentences, of which Secretary Evarts was no doubt the author, that the
+army could not and would not be used to uphold and sustain any State
+Government in an effort to maintain its supremacy and enforce obedience
+to its mandates. In other words, it was a public announcement of the
+fact that if there should be an armed revolt in a State against the
+lawful State Government which would be strong enough to seize and take
+possession of that government, the National Government would refuse to
+interfere, even though a request for assistance should be made by the
+Chief Executive of the State in the manner and form prescribed by the
+Constitution. I have never believed that this policy,--which was meant,
+of course, for the South,--was in harmony with Mr. Hayes' personal
+convictions; especially in view of his public utterances during the
+progress of the campaign and immediately after the announcement had been
+made that he had been defeated. But he no doubt asked himself the
+question: "What can I do?" This is what he had been bound to do, by his
+managers through the medium of an ante-inauguration pledge, which he
+felt in honor bound to respect. Mr. Hayes was not a man of sufficient
+force of character to disregard and repudiate such a pledge or bargain.
+Had he been a Napoleon, or even an Andrew Jackson, he would have
+declared that no man or set of men had any authority to make for him any
+ante-inauguration pledge, promise, or bargain by which he would be bound
+as chief magistrate of the country. To the contrary, he would have
+openly and publicly declared:
+
+"I am President, or I am not. That I am the legally elected President is
+a recognized and undisputed fact, and, as such, I shall neither
+recognize nor respect any pledge, promise or bargain which involves
+dishonor on my part or acquiescence in the suspension, violation or
+evasion of the Constitution or of any law made in pursuance thereof. As
+President of the United States I have taken and subscribed to an oath by
+which I am bound to uphold the Constitution of my country, and to see
+that the laws are duly executed and enforced. That oath I am determined
+to respect and honor. I shall not only do all in my power to see that
+the Constitution and the laws of the land are obeyed and enforced,--both
+in letter and in spirit,--but it is also my determination to see that
+every American citizen is protected in the exercise and enjoyment of his
+rights, as far as it may be in the power of the President to protect
+him." Such a declaration, accompanied by an honest effort to carry the
+same into effect, even if he had been unsuccessful, would have carried
+the name of R.B. Hayes down in history as one of the greatest and most
+brilliant statesmen our country had ever produced. But, he was not equal
+to the occasion, and therefore failed to take advantage of such a golden
+opportunity. On the contrary, he decided to live up to and carry out to
+the very letter, every pledge, promise, agreement or bargain that had
+been made in his behalf, which involved the dishonor of his own name and
+the disgrace of his country. Packard, for Governor of Louisiana, and
+Chamberlain, for Governor of South Carolina, were voted for at the same
+time that the Hayes electors were voted for in their respective States.
+Each of these candidates polled a much larger vote than that of the
+Hayes electors. If, therefore, Mr. Hayes was legally or mortally
+entitled to the electoral votes of those States, without which he could
+not have been elected, those men were entitled to be recognized and
+supported as Governor of their respective States. But it was a
+well-known fact that without the support and backing of the National
+Administration at that particular time, they could not maintain and
+enforce their authority against the organization of the Democratic
+party. The public announcement of the southern policy of the National
+Administration put an effectual end to any further effort on the part
+of either Packard or Chamberlain. The Administration not only deserted
+and abandoned those two men and the party for which they had so bravely
+and so gallantly stood, but it allowed the very men whose votes made Mr.
+Hayes President to be harassed and persecuted for what they had done in
+that direction. After Packard surrendered to the inevitable he was
+tendered a position in the foreign service, which he accepted. When
+Chamberlain was forced to abandon the hopeless struggle in South
+Carolina, he moved to New York and engaged in the practice of law.
+Politically he affiliated with the Democratic party until his death.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+QUESTION OF THE VALIDITY OF SENATOR LAMAR'S ELECTION
+
+
+Mr. Blaine had been elected to the United States Senate from Maine, his
+term beginning March 4th, 1877. The term for which Mr. Lamar, of
+Mississippi, had been elected, commenced at the same time. It was not
+possible to have a Congressional investigation of the Mississippi
+election of 1875 unless the same should be ordered by the Senate,--the
+Republicans having a small majority in that body. Each House being the
+sole judge of the elections and qualifications of its own members, the
+Senate could, of course, have Mr. Lamar's credentials referred to the
+Committee of Privileges and Elections, with instructions to make an
+investigation of the methods used to carry the election. This committee
+would ascertain and report whether or not there had been a legal and
+valid election in that State, and, pending the investigation and report
+by the committee and the disposition of the same by the Senate, the seat
+to which Mr. Lamar had been elected would remain vacant. As the result
+of a number of conferences between Republican Senators and
+representative Mississippi Republicans, this course was decided upon as
+the one to be pursued. But, in order to do this, the Senate must have
+something upon which to base its contemplated action. It could not be
+expected to take official notice of rumors or newspaper reports of what
+had taken place. It was therefore decided that a memorial should be
+drawn up and signed by a number of reputable and well-known citizens of
+the State, making specific allegations with reference to that election,
+and concluding with a request that a thorough investigation be made
+before the Senator, chosen by the Legislature that had been brought into
+existence by that election, could be admitted to the Senate.
+
+In support of this contemplated action there had been a number of
+precedents,--the recent case of Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana, being one
+of them. It fell to my lot to draw up the memorial. It was to be
+presented to the Senate and championed in that body by Senator Morton,
+of Indiana. The Republican majority in the Senate was small. The
+Democrats, of course, would bitterly oppose the Morton motion. To make
+sure of its adoption the affirmative vote of nearly every Republican
+Senator was necessary. At any rate there could be no serious defection
+in the Republican ranks, otherwise the Morton proposition could not
+prevail. That anyone on the Republican side would oppose it was not
+anticipated, for every one that had been approached expressed his
+intention of supporting it. No one of the newly elected Senators had
+been approached. It was not deemed necessary. It was not anticipated
+that any one of them would do otherwise than support the program that
+had been agreed upon by the older members of the Senate. Senator Morton
+was to submit the memorial and make the motion when the name of Mr.
+Lamar was called to take the oath of office.
+
+The names of the States were called in alphabetical order, about three
+being called at a time. Maine was reached before Mississippi, and Mr.
+Blaine was duly sworn in as a Senator from that State. No one expected
+that he would do otherwise than support the program that had been agreed
+upon, but, contrary to expectations, as soon as Mississippi was called
+Mr. Blaine was on his feet, demanding recognition. Of course he was
+recognized by the chair. He made a motion that Mr. Lamar be sworn in
+_prima facie_ as the Senator from Mississippi. His contention was that,
+since his credentials were regular, the Senator-elect should be sworn
+in; and if there should be any question about the legality of the
+election it could be made the subject of a subsequent investigation.
+
+This unexpected action on the part of Mr. Blaine took everyone by
+surprise, with the possible exception of Mr. Lamar, who, no doubt, was
+well aware of what was in contemplation. It produced consternation and
+caused a panic among the Republican leaders in the Senate. Hurried and
+excited conferences were being held while the subject was being debated.
+For the seriousness of the situation was recognized. Mr. Blaine's
+defection meant the defeat of the Morton motion should it be made, and
+the adoption of the Blaine motion by the solid vote of the Democrats, to
+which would be added a small minority of the Republicans. This division
+in the ranks of the party at the beginning of the Hayes administration
+had to be avoided if possible. That Mr. Blaine should recede from his
+position was, of course, out of the question. Nothing, therefore,
+remained to be done but for Senator Morton to refrain from making his
+motion; for a hurried canvass of the Senate had revealed the fact that
+the motion, if made and brought to a vote, would be defeated, and the
+effect of such a defeat would be worse than if the motion had not been
+made. So the Blaine motion was allowed to go by default, and Mr. Lamar
+was duly sworn in as a Senator from Mississippi. Of course it was well
+known at the time by many,--Mr. Blaine among the number,--that this
+ended the controversy and that no subsequent investigation would be
+made. That Mr. Blaine was sadly and seriously disappointed at the
+result of his action in this case, as well as in his action in defeating
+the Federal Elections Bill, will be made clear in subsequent chapters.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880. NOMINATION OF THE COMPROMISE
+CANDIDATE, GARFIELD
+
+
+Since the indications were that the Democrats would be successful in the
+Congressional elections of 1878, the election in the "shoe-string
+district" that year was allowed to go by default.
+
+In 1880, the year of the Presidential election, I decided that I would
+again measure arms with Chalmers for Representative in Congress from
+that district. It was practically a well-settled fact that there was to
+be a bitter fight for the Republican Presidential nomination that year.
+There were three prominent candidates in the field for the
+nomination,--James G. Blaine, U.S. Grant, and John Sherman. Grant was
+especially strong with southern Republicans, while Blaine had very
+little support in that section. Sherman was well thought of on account
+of the splendid record he had made as a member of the United States
+Senate, and, in addition to that, he had the influence and the support
+of the National Administration, of which he was a member,--being at that
+time Secretary of the Treasury.
+
+In the State of Mississippi Bruce, Hill and I,--the three leading
+colored men,--had formed an offensive and defensive alliance. Bruce was
+United States Senator, which position he had secured largely through the
+influence and active support of myself and Hill,--of Hill especially,
+since he was on the ground at the time of the election, which enabled
+him to take personal charge of the campaign before the Legislature in
+the interest of Mr. Bruce.
+
+Hill had been elected Secretary of State on the ticket with Ames in 1873
+and, after the expiration of his term, was, through the influence and
+support of Bruce and myself, made Collector of Internal Revenue for the
+State of Mississippi. The office of Secretary of State, to which he was
+elected in 1873, was one that the Democrats did not take possession of
+in 1876. Unlike the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, the removal of the
+incumbent was not necessary to put that party in possession of the State
+Government.
+
+I, Lynch, was at that time a member of the National House of
+Representatives, which position I was able to retain for a long time
+with the active assistance and support of Bruce and Hill,--especially of
+Bruce.
+
+That we three should work in perfect political harmony was both natural
+and proper, since, in doing so, we protected our own interests and
+secured for ourselves, and for our friends and supporters, appropriate
+official recognition. At nearly every State convention either Bruce or I
+was made chairman of the convention, with Hill as floor manager.
+
+The State committee was organized and controlled in the same way.
+Through that thorough and effective organization I was Chairman of the
+Republican State Committee from 1881 to 1892, and I could have retained
+it longer had I consented to serve; notwithstanding the dissolution of
+the combination, which took place about that time, as will be shown and
+explained later.
+
+There was a faction in the party that was opposed to the leadership of
+these three influential colored men, but it was never strong enough to
+organize or control a State Convention as long as we three worked in
+union. While this union had the effect of keeping us at the front as
+recognized leaders of the party it could not be said it was detrimental
+to the party organization, for the reason that under that leadership the
+organization never failed to support the men that the party believed to
+be the strongest. In other words, while we used the party machinery to
+prevent our own political extinction we never allowed our own ambitions
+to conflict with what was believed by other influential members of the
+party to be for the best interest of the organization.
+
+It looked for a while as if the State Convention of 1880 would result
+in a dissolution of this combination which had so successfully
+controlled the party organization in the State so many years. Bruce and
+Hill were supporters of Secretary Sherman for the Republican
+Presidential nomination, while I was favorable to the candidacy of
+ex-President Grant. That Grant was the choice of a large majority of the
+Republicans of the State could not be truthfully denied. Mr. Bruce was
+the Republican United States Senator in harmony with the administration.
+Mr. Hill was an office-holder under that administration, and Secretary
+Sherman was believed to be the administration candidate for the
+nomination.
+
+As soon as the fact was developed that Bruce and Hill were for Sherman
+and that I was for Grant, the faction which had always opposed and
+fought the leadership of the Bruce-Lynch-Hill combination took up the
+fight for Grant, with the determination to take advantage of Grant's
+strength and popularity in order to secure control of the party
+machinery. It was this that prevented at that time a dissolution of the
+Bruce-Hill-Lynch combination. The situation with which we were
+confronted made it necessary for the three to come together and, in a
+spirit of concession, agree upon a common line of action. Upon the
+suggestion of Mr. Bruce a conference soon took place at which I agreed
+that, since it was my purpose to be a candidate for the Congressional
+nomination in the Sixth or "shoe-string district," I would not be a
+candidate for delegate to the National Convention, but that I would
+support Bruce and Hill as delegates from the State at large, with the
+understanding that, if at any time Sherman's name should be withdrawn
+and Grant's nomination were possible, they should support Grant. It was
+further agreed that I should support the Bruce-Lynch-Hill combination in
+the fight for the organization of the State Convention, but that I
+should be at liberty to use my influence for the election of Grant men
+as delegates other than Bruce and Hill.
+
+At the conclusion of this conference I made public announcement of the
+fact that, since it was my purpose to become a candidate for Congress in
+the Sixth or "shoe-string district," I would not be a candidate for
+delegate to the National Convention but would give my support to Bruce
+and Hill, for two of the four places on the delegation from the State at
+large, with the understanding that the delegation, if controlled by
+them, would not be hostile to Grant. I had reasons to know that Mr.
+Bruce, in consequence of his cordial relations with Senator
+Conkling,--the national leader of the Grant forces,--was not unfriendly
+to Grant, and that he would use his influence to prevent the delegation
+from going into any combination for the sole purpose of defeating the
+nomination of Grant. In other words, Grant was Brace's second choice for
+the nomination.
+
+The fight for the delegation was waged with a good deal of heat and
+bitterness. The canvass had not progressed very far before it was
+developed that Grant was much stronger than the faction by which he was
+being supported. The fight was so bitter, and the delegates to the State
+Convention were so evenly divided, that the result was the election of a
+compromise delegation which was about evenly divided between Grant and
+Sherman. Bruce and Hill were among those that were elected.
+
+The National Convention, which was held in Chicago in June of that year,
+was one of the most exciting and interesting in the history of the
+party. It was that convention that abolished what was known as "the unit
+rule." Up to that time the right of a State Convention to elect all the
+delegates to which the State was entitled,--district as well as
+State,--and to instruct them as a body had never before been questioned.
+New York, as well as other States, had instructed the delegates to cast
+the entire vote of the State for Grant. This was the unit rule. It is a
+rule which even now is enforced in National Conventions of the
+Democratic party. It was through the enforcement of this rule that Mr.
+Cleveland was renominated, when he was so bitterly opposed by a portion
+of the delegation from his own State,--especially the Tammany
+delegates,--that General Bragg was moved to make the celebrated
+declaration that he "loved Mr. Cleveland on account of the enemies he
+had made." Notwithstanding the fact that those delegates were strongly
+opposed to Mr. Cleveland, and though they protested against having their
+votes recorded for him, they were so recorded through the application
+and enforcement of the unit rule. It was the enforcement of this rule
+upon which Mr. Conkling insisted in the National Republican Convention
+of 1880. About twenty of the New York district delegates, under the
+leadership of Judge W.H. Robertson, refused to be governed by the
+instructions of the State Convention. Their contention was that the
+State Convention had no right to bind by instructions any delegates
+except the four from the State at large. After a lengthy and heated
+debate the convention finally sustained this contention, and since that
+time the unit rule has not been recognized in a National Republican
+Convention.
+
+This action, no doubt, resulted in the defeat of General Grant for the
+nomination; for it was a well-known fact that his nomination was
+possible only through the enforcement of the unit rule. His friends and
+supporters, however, under the leadership of Senator Conkling, made a
+strong and desperate fight with the hope that the tide might ultimately
+turn in their favor, but with the intention, in any event, of
+preventing if possible the nomination of Mr. Blaine. General Grant's
+name was placed before the Convention by Senator Conkling in one of his
+most eloquent and masterly efforts.
+
+"The man whose name I shall place in nomination," he said, "does not
+hail from any particular State; he hails from the United States. It is
+not necessary to nominate a man that can carry Michigan. Any Republican
+can carry Michigan. You should nominate a man that can carry New York.
+That man is U.S. Grant."
+
+Mr. Blaine's name was placed in nomination by a delegate from Michigan
+by the name of Joy. His effort did not come up to public expectation.
+The eloquent speech of Senator Frye, of Maine, who seconded the
+nomination, made up in part for the public disappointment in Mr. Joy's
+effort. The name of Secretary John Sherman was placed before the
+Convention in one of General Garfield's most powerful and convincing
+efforts. It is safe to say that the speech delivered by General Garfield
+on that occasion made him the nominee of that convention. After drawing
+an eloquent and vivid picture of the kind of man that should be made
+President,--with the intention of naming John Sherman as the man thus
+described,--he asked in a tone of voice that was pitched in a high key:
+
+"Who is that man?"
+
+The response came from different parts of the hall, "Garfield."
+
+And sure enough it was Garfield. After a number of fruitless ballots it
+became apparent that neither of the three leading candidates could
+possibly be nominated. Very few, if any, of the Grant men would at any
+time go to either Blaine or Sherman. Very few, if any, of the Sherman
+men would go to Blaine, while Blaine men could not in any considerable
+numbers, be induced to go either to Grant or Sherman. While a number of
+Sherman men would have supported Grant in preference to Blaine, there
+were not enough of them, even with the Grant men, to constitute a
+majority. When Garfield's name was suggested as a compromise candidate
+he was found to be acceptable to both the Blaine and the Sherman men as
+well as to some of the Grant men, who had abandoned all hope of Grant's
+nomination. The result was that Garfield was finally made the unanimous
+choice of the convention. The New York delegation, being allowed to name
+the man for Vice-President, nominated Chester A. Arthur, of that State.
+
+Although General Garfield was nominated as a compromise candidate his
+election was by no means a foregone conclusion. The Democrats had
+nominated a strong and popular man, General W.S. Hancock, one of the
+most brilliant and successful generals in the Union Army. Associated on
+the ticket with him was a popular Indiana Democrat, William H. English.
+It looked for a while as if Democratic success were reasonably certain,
+especially after the September State and Congressional elections in the
+State of Maine, the result of which was virtually a Democratic victory.
+
+What was known as the celebrated Mentor Conference then took place.
+Mentor was the home of General Garfield. The conference consisted of
+General Garfield, General Grant, and Senator Conkling. Who was
+instrumental in bringing that conference into existence perhaps will
+never be known, and what was actually said and done on that occasion
+will, no doubt, remain a mystery. But it resulted in bringing the
+Grant-Conkling wing of the party,--which up to that time had been
+lukewarm and indifferent,--into the active and aggressive support of the
+ticket. Senator Conkling immediately took the stump and made a brilliant
+and successful campaign, not only in New York but also in the other
+close and doubtful States. The result was that Garfield carried New York
+by a majority of about twenty thousand and was elected. Without New York
+he would have been defeated; for the South this time was unquestionably
+solid in its support of the Democratic ticket; at least, according to
+the forms of law. It was not necessary to resort to the questionable
+expedient of an electoral commission to determine the result of that
+election. It is safe to say that, but for the active support given the
+ticket in that campaign by General Grant and Senator Conkling, New York
+would have been lost to the party and Garfield would have been defeated.
+With the election of Garfield the National House of Representatives was
+also Republican. The majority was small, but it was large enough to
+enable the party to organize the House. The Garfield administration
+started out under very favorable auspices. How it ended will be told in
+another chapter.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXI
+
+STORY OF THE MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN GARFIELD AND CONKLING
+
+
+The Garfield Administration, as I have said, started out under most
+favorable auspices. Mr. Conkling took an active part in the Senate as a
+champion and spokesman of the administration. He seemed to have taken it
+for granted, that,--although his bitter enemy, Mr. Blaine, was Secretary
+of State,--his own influence with the administration would be potential.
+In conversation with his personal friends he insisted that this was a
+part of the agreement that had been entered into at the famous Mentor
+Conference, about which so much had been said and published. If it were
+true that Mr. Conkling's control of the Federal patronage in New York in
+the event of Republican success was a part of that agreement, it
+transpired that Mr. Blaine had sufficient influence with the President
+to bring about its repudiation.
+
+It is a fact well known that the President was anxious to avoid a break
+with Senator Conkling. Judge W.H. Robertson, who was a candidate for the
+Collectorship of the port of New York was strongly supported by Mr.
+Blaine. Judge Robertson had been one of the influential leaders of the
+Blaine movement in New York. It was he who had disregarded the action of
+the State Convention in instructing the delegates to cast the vote of
+the State as a unit for General Grant. In bolting the action of the
+State Convention Judge Robertson carried about nineteen other delegates
+with him over to Mr. Blaine. Therefore Mr. Blaine insisted upon the
+appointment of Judge Robertson to the Collectorship of the port at New
+York. Senator Conkling would not consent under any circumstances to this
+appointment. Mr. Blaine, it appears, succeeded in convincing the
+President that, but for Judge Robertson's action, his, Garfield's,
+nomination would have been impossible and that consequently it would be
+base ingratitude not to appoint Robertson to the position for which he
+was an applicant. Mr. Blaine contended that the administration would not
+only be guilty of ingratitude should it refuse to appoint his candidate,
+but that it would thereby allow itself to be the medium through which
+this man was to be punished for his action in making the existence of
+the administration possible.
+
+"Can you, Mr. President, afford to do such a thing as this?" asked Mr.
+Blaine.
+
+To which the President gave a negative answer. Perhaps it did not occur
+to Mr. Blaine at that time that, while the action of Judge Robertson
+may have made the nomination of Mr. Garfield possible, the subsequent
+action of Senator Conkling made his election possible. But,
+notwithstanding this, the President decided that Judge Robertson should
+have the office for which he was an applicant.
+
+As previously stated, however, the President was anxious to avoid a
+break with Senator Conkling. To get the Senator to consent to the
+appointment of Judge Robertson was the task the President had before
+him. With that end in view the President invited Mr. Conkling to a
+private conference, at which he expressed a willingness to allow the New
+York Senator to name every important Federal officer in New York except
+the Collector of the Port, if he would consent to the appointment of
+Judge Robertson to that office. But the only concession Senator Conkling
+was willing to make was to give his consent to the appointment of Judge
+Robertson to any position in the foreign service. This was not
+satisfactory, hence the conference was a failure. The President was thus
+placed in a very disagreeable dilemma, being thus forced, very much
+against his inclination, to take a decided stand in a very unpleasant
+controversy. He was thus forced to choose between Mr. Blaine, his own
+Secretary of State, on one side, and Senator Conkling on the other. To
+one he felt that he was indebted for his nomination. To the other he
+believed that his election was largely due. It was asserted by some who
+were in a position to know that, if the President had taken sides with
+Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine would have immediately tendered his
+resignation, and thus would have severed his official connection with
+the administration. While no intimation of this was made known to the
+President, yet he no doubt believed, in consequence of the deep and
+intense interest Mr. Blaine had shown in the matter, that such action on
+his part, in the event of an adverse decision, was more than probable.
+When the President saw that there was no escape,--that he was obliged to
+take a decided stand one way or the other,--he decided to sustain the
+contention of his Secretary of State. Consequently, after the fruitless
+conference between the President and Senator Conkling, the name of Judge
+Robertson for Collector of the port at New York, was sent to the Senate.
+Senator Conkling, joined by his colleague, Senator Platt, at first made
+an effort to have the nomination rejected, but the other Republican
+Senators were not willing to place themselves in open opposition to the
+administration. When the fact was developed that the nomination would be
+confirmed, Senators Conkling and Platt immediately tendered their
+resignations.
+
+This in my opinion was a grave blunder on their part, as subsequent
+events more than proved. They had before them the example of Senator
+Sumner, by which they should have profited. Senator Sumner was greatly
+humiliated, when, through the influence of the administration, he was
+supplanted by Senator Cameron as Chairman of the Senate Committee on
+Foreign Relations on account of a misunderstanding with President Grant,
+growing out of the effort on the part of the administration to bring
+about the annexation of Santo Domingo, to which Senator Sumner was
+bitterly opposed. Yet he did not,--because he was thus, as he felt,
+unjustly humiliated,--resign his seat in the Senate. He realized that
+while he was commissioned to speak for his own State, his great power
+and immense influence were not confined solely to that particular State.
+He appreciated the fact that when he spoke and voted as a Senator, he
+did so, not merely as a Senator from the State of Massachusetts, but as
+a Senator of the United States. He belonged to no one State, but to the
+United States. He had,--on account of his great intellect, power,
+influence, and ability,--long since ceased to be the spokesman and
+representative of any particular State or section; he was a
+representative of his country--recognized as such throughout the
+civilized world. Knowing these things to be true Sumner did not feel
+that he should deprive the people of his valuable services simply
+because he was not in harmony with the administration upon some one
+matter, however important that matter might be. In this Senator Sumner
+was unquestionably right.
+
+What, then, was true of Senator Sumner was equally true of Senators
+Conkling and Platt in their misunderstanding with President Garfield
+about the Collectorship of the port of New York.
+
+Mr. Conkling was one of the greatest men our country had ever produced.
+He was a man of much influence and great power. He was not only an
+intellectual giant, but he was a man of commanding presence and
+attractive personality. As an orator he had few equals and no superiors.
+As in the case of Senator Sumner he spoke and voted as a Senator not
+merely for his State, but for his country; not for any particular
+section or locality, but for the United States. He was too great a man,
+and his services were too important and valuable for his country to be
+deprived of them merely on account of a misunderstanding between the
+President and himself about Federal patronage in New York. He and his
+colleague should have retained their seats in the Senate and trusted to
+the judgment of their fellow-citizens for a vindication of their course
+and action in that as in other matters. They not only made a mistake in
+resigning their seats in the Senate, but consummated it when they went
+before the Legislature of their State, which was then in session, and
+asked for a vindication through the medium of reelection. This was
+subjecting their friends to a test to which they were not willing to
+submit. Their friends, both in the Legislature and out of it, were loyal
+to them, and this loyalty would have been demonstrated at the proper
+time and in the right way had the two Senators remained in a position
+which would have enabled their adherents to do so without serious injury
+to the party organization. But when these men were asked, as the price
+of their loyalty, to place the party organization in the State in open
+opposition to the National Administration for no other reason than a
+misunderstanding about Federal patronage in the city of New York, they
+did not think that the controversy was worth the price; hence the
+request was denied. The result was the defeat of Conkling and Platt, and
+the election of two Administration Republicans, Warner Miller and E.G.
+Lapham.
+
+This foolhardy act of Conkling's had the unfortunate effect of
+eliminating him from public life, at least so far as an active
+participation in public affairs was concerned. But this was not true of
+Mr. Platt. He was determined to come to the front again, and in this he
+was successful. At the very next National Convention (1884) he turned up
+as one of the Blaine delegates from New York, and was one of the
+speakers that seconded Mr. Blaine's nomination. That was something Mr.
+Conkling never could have been induced to do. He was proud, haughty and
+dictatorial. He would never forget a friend, nor forgive an enemy. To
+his friends he was loyal and true. To his enemies he was bitter and
+unrelenting. For his friends he could not do too much. From his enemies
+he would ask no quarter and would give none. More than one man of
+national reputation has been made to feel his power, and suffer the
+consequences resulting from his ill-will and displeasure. But for the
+unfriendliness of Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine no doubt would have attained
+the acme of his ambition in reaching the Presidency of the United
+States. It was Mr. Blaine's misfortune to have made an enemy of the one
+man who, by a stroke of destiny, was so situated as to make it possible
+for him to prevent the realization of Mr. Blaine's life ambition. It was
+due more to Mr. Conkling than to any other one man that Mr. Blaine was
+defeated for the Republican Presidential nomination in 1876,--the year
+in which he could have been elected had he been nominated.
+
+Mr. Conkling was too much of a party man to support the Democratic
+ticket under any circumstances, hence, in 1884, when Mr. Blaine was at
+length nominated for the Presidency, Mr. Conkling gave the ticket the
+benefit of his silence. That silence proved to be fatal. In consequence
+of Mr. Conkling's silence and apparent indifference in 1884, Mr. Blaine
+lost New York, the pivotal State, and was defeated by Mr. Cleveland for
+the Presidency. The falling off in the Republican vote in Mr. Conkling's
+home county alone caused the loss of the State and of the Presidency of
+the United States to the Republican party.
+
+The quarrel between Blaine and Conkling originated when both of them
+were members of the House of Representatives. In a controversy that took
+place between them on the floor of the House Mr. Blaine referred to Mr.
+Conkling as the member from New York with the "turkey gobbler strut."
+That remark made the two men enemies for life. That remark wounded Mr.
+Conkling's pride; and he could never be induced to forgive the one who
+had so hurt him.
+
+As a United States Senator Conkling was both felt and feared. No Senator
+ever desired to get into a controversy with him, because he was not only
+a speaker of great power and eloquence, but as a debater he was cutting
+and scathing in his irony. Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, who as an
+eloquent orator compared favorably with the best on both sides of the
+Chamber, had the misfortune to get into a controversy on one occasion
+with the distinguished New York Senator. In repelling an accusation that
+the Senator from Mississippi had made against him, Mr. Conkling said:
+"If it were not that this is the United States Senate I would
+characterize the member from Mississippi as a coward and a
+prevaricator."
+
+If those words had been uttered by any other Senator than Roscoe
+Conkling it is more than probable that he would have been severely
+reprimanded; no other Senator, however, cared to incur Conkling's
+displeasure by becoming the author of a resolution for that purpose.
+
+Senator John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, was the only other Senator that ever
+came near holding a similar position; for, while he was by no means the
+equal of Conkling, he was both eloquent and sarcastic. For that reason
+Senators were not anxious to get into a controversy with him. On one
+occasion it seemed that he came near getting into a dispute with Senator
+Manderson, of Nebraska. While the Senator from Nebraska was delivering a
+speech, he made a remark to which the Senator from Kansas took
+exceptions. When the Kansas Senator arose,--flushed with anger, and
+laboring under intense excitement,--to correct what he declared in words
+that were more forcible than elegant, to be a misstatement of his
+position, the Senator from Nebraska did not hesitate for a moment to
+accept the correction, remarking by way of explanation and apology that
+he had not distinctly heard the remark the Senator from Kansas had made,
+and to which he was alluding when interrupted.
+
+"Then," retorted the Senator from Kansas, "that is your misfortune."
+
+"I admit," the Senator from Nebraska quickly replied, "that it is always
+a misfortune not to hear the Senator from Kansas."
+
+The unfortunate controversy between President Garfield and Senator
+Conkling resulted in a national calamity. The bitterness that grew out
+of it had the effect of bringing a crank on the scene of action. Early
+in July, 1881,--when the President, in company with Mr. Blaine, was
+leaving Washington for his summer vacation,--this cowardly crank, who
+had waited at the railroad station for the arrival of the distinguished
+party, fired the fatal shot which a few months later terminated the
+earthly career of a President who was beloved by his countrymen without
+regard to party or section.
+
+Whatever may have been the merits of this unfortunate controversy, it
+resulted in the political death of one and the physical death of the
+other; thus depriving the country of the valuable services of two of the
+greatest and most intellectual men that our country had ever produced.
+
+When the President died I was at my home, Natchez, Mississippi, where a
+memorial meeting was held in honor of his memory, participated in by
+both races and both parties. I had the honor of being one of the
+speakers on that occasion. That part of my remarks which seemed to
+attract most attention and made the deepest impression was the
+declaration that it was my good fortune, as a member of the National
+House of Representatives, to sit within the sound of his eloquent voice
+on a certain memorable occasion when he declared that there could never
+be a permanent peace and union between the North and the South until the
+South would admit that, in the controversy that brought on the War the
+North was right and the South was wrong. Notwithstanding that
+declaration, in which he was unquestionably right, I ventured the
+opinion that, had he been spared to serve out the term for which he had
+been elected, those who had voted for him would have been proud of the
+fact that they had done so, while those who had voted against him would
+have had no occasion to regret that he had been elected.
+
+Upon the death of President Garfield Vice-President Arthur,--who had
+been named for that office by Mr. Conkling,--became President; but he,
+too, soon incurred the displeasure of Mr. Conkling. Mr. Conkling had
+occasion to make a request of the President which the latter could not
+see his way clear to grant. For this Mr. Conkling never forgave him. The
+President tried hard afterwards to regain Mr. Conkling's friendship, but
+in vain. He even went so far, it is said, as to tender Mr. Conkling a
+seat on the bench of the Supreme Court; but the tender was
+contemptuously declined.
+
+President Arthur aspired to succeed himself as President. As a whole he
+gave the country a splendid administration, for which he merited a
+renomination and election as his own successor. While there was a strong
+and well-organized effort to secure for him a renomination, the
+probabilities are that the attitude of Mr. Conkling towards him
+contributed largely to his defeat; although the ex-Senator took no
+active part in the contest. But, as in the case of Mr. Blaine, his
+silence, no doubt, was fatal to Mr. Arthur's renomination.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXII
+
+THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884
+
+
+When the Forty-seventh Congress expired March 4th, 1883, I returned to
+my home at Natchez, Mississippi. 1884 was the year of the Presidential
+election. Early in the year it was made clear that there was to be a
+bitter fight for the Presidential nomination.
+
+President Arthur was a candidate to succeed himself; but Mr. Blaine, it
+was conceded, would be the leading candidate before the Convention.
+Senator John Sherman was also a candidate. It was generally believed
+that Senator Edmunds of Vermont would get a majority of the delegates
+from the New England States. Mr. Blaine was weaker in his own section,
+New England, than in any other part of the country except the South. The
+South, however, had somewhat relented in its opposition to him, as
+previously stated, in consequence of which he had a stronger support
+from that section than in any of his previous contests for the
+nomination; to this fact may be attributed his nomination by the
+Convention. That support, it was believed, was due more to a deference
+to public opinion at the North,--the section that must be depended upon
+to elect the ticket,--than confidence in Mr. Blaine.
+
+The delegation from my own State, Mississippi, was, with one exception,
+solid in its support of President Arthur. The one exception was Hon.
+H.C. Powers, one of the delegates from the first district.
+
+Two active, aggressive, able and brilliant young men had just entered
+the field of national politics, both of them having been elected
+delegates to this convention. Those men were Theodore Roosevelt, of New
+York, and H.C. Lodge, of Massachusetts. Both were vigorously opposed to
+the nomination of Mr. Blaine. Roosevelt's election as a delegate from
+New York was in the nature of a national surprise. Mr. Blaine was
+believed to be very strong in that State. The public, therefore, was not
+prepared for the announcement that Theodore Roosevelt,--an anti-Blaine
+man,--had defeated Senator Warner Miller,--the able and popular leader
+of the Blaine forces in that State,--as delegate to the National
+Convention from the State at large. The Blaine leaders were brought to a
+realization of the fact, that, in consequence of their unexpected defeat
+in New York, it was absolutely necessary, in order to make sure of the
+nomination of their candidate, to retain the support they had among the
+Southern delegates.
+
+With that end in view the National Committee, in which the Blaine men
+had a majority, selected a Southern man, Hon. Powell Clayton, of
+Arkansas, for temporary chairman of the Convention. The anti-Blaine
+men,--under the leadership of Messrs. Roosevelt, Lodge, Hoar, Hanna,
+Geo. William Curtis and others,--decided to select another Southern man
+to run against Clayton. For that purpose a conference was
+held;--composed of many of the active supporters of Arthur, Sherman, and
+Edmunds,--to select the man to put up against Clayton.
+
+I did not attend the conference. Senator Hoar suggested my name and
+insisted that I was the man best fitted for the position. After a brief
+discussion it was decided unanimously to select me. A committee was
+appointed, of which ex-Governor Pinchback, of Louisiana, was chairman,
+to wait on me and inform me of what had been done, and to insist upon my
+acceptance of the distinguished honor which had thus been conferred upon
+me. Another committee was appointed,--of which Hon. M.A. Hanna, of Ohio,
+was chairman, to poll the Convention to find out the strength of the
+movement. This committee subsequently reported that Clayton would be
+defeated and Lynch elected by a majority of about thirty-five votes. For
+two reasons I had some doubt about the propriety of allowing my name to
+be thus used. First, I doubted the wisdom of the movement. It had been
+the uniform custom to allow the National Committee to select the
+temporary chairman of the Convention, and I was inclined to the opinion
+that a departure from that custom might not be a wise step. Second, I
+did not think it could possibly win. My opinion was that a number of
+delegates that might otherwise vote for me could not be induced to vote
+in favor of breaking what had been a custom since the organization of
+the party.
+
+I did not come to a definite decision until the morning of the day that
+the Convention was to be organized. Just before that body was called to
+order I decided to confer with Maj. William McKinley and Hon. M.A.
+Hanna, of Ohio, and act upon their advice. McKinley was for Blaine and
+Hanna was for Sherman, but my confidence in the two men was such that I
+believed their advice would not be influenced by their personal
+preference for the Presidential nomination. I did not know at that time
+that Mr. Hanna had taken an active part in the deliberations of the
+conference that resulted in my selection for temporary chairman of the
+Convention. I first consulted Major McKinley. I had served with him in
+Congress and had become very much attached to him. He frankly stated
+that, since he was a Blaine man, he would be obliged to vote against me,
+but he told me that this was an opportunity that comes to a man but once
+in a lifetime.
+
+"If you decline," he said, "the anti-Blaine men will probably put up
+someone else who would, no doubt, receive the same vote that you would
+receive. If it is possible for them to elect anyone, I know of no man I
+would rather have them thus honor than you. While, therefore, I shall
+vote against you and hope you will not be elected,--simply because I am
+a Blaine man, and a vote for you means a vote against Blaine,--I shall
+not advise you to decline the use of your name."
+
+I then approached Mr. Hanna, who appeared to be surprised that I
+hesitated about consenting to the use of my name.
+
+"We have you elected," he said, "by a majority of about thirty-five. You
+cannot decline the use of your name, for two reasons; first, since we
+know we have the votes necessary to elect you, should you now decline
+the public would never believe otherwise than that you had been
+improperly influenced. This you cannot afford. In the second place, it
+would not be treating us fairly. We have selected you in perfect good
+faith, with the expectation that you would allow your name to be thus
+used; or, if not, you would have declined in ample time to enable us to
+reconvene, and select someone else. To decline now, on the eve of the
+election, when it is impossible for us to confer and agree upon another
+man for the position, would be manifestly unfair to us as well as to
+your own candidate for the Presidential nomination, whose chances may
+be injuriously affected thereby."
+
+This argument was both impressive and effective. I then and there
+decided to allow my name to be used. I learned afterwards that it was
+under the direction and management of Mr. Hanna that the Convention had
+been so carefully and accurately polled. That his poll was entirely
+correct was demonstrated by the result. This also established the fact
+that as an organizer Mr. Hanna was a master, which was subsequently
+proved when he managed Mr. McKinley's campaign both for the nomination
+and election to the Presidency in 1896.
+
+When the Convention was called to order, and the announcement was made
+that the National Committee had selected Hon. Powell Clayton, of
+Arkansas, for temporary chairman of the Convention, an attractive young
+man in the Massachusetts delegation was recognized by the chair. He gave
+his name, as H.C. Lodge. He said he rose to place the name of another
+gentleman in nomination; and, after making a neat and appropriate speech
+in commendation of his candidate,--a speech that created a very
+favorable impression,--he named ex-Congressman John R. Lynch, of
+Mississippi, whom he believed to be a suitable man for the position. The
+ball was then opened. This was an indication of a combination of the
+field against Blaine. Many speeches were made on both sides, but they
+were temperate in tone, and free from bitterness. Among those that spoke
+in support of my candidacy were Messrs. Theodore Roosevelt, and Geo.
+William Curtis, of New York. When the debate was over the chairman
+directed that the States be called in alphabetical order,--the roll of
+delegates from each State to be called, so as to allow each individual
+delegate to cast his own vote. When Mississippi was reached, I joined
+with H.C. Powers, the Blaine member of the delegation, in voting for
+Clayton. The result was just about what Mr. Hanna said it would be.
+
+The Blaine men were discouraged and the anti-Blaine men were jubilant.
+It was claimed by the latter, and apprehended by the former, that it was
+indicative of Mr. Blaine's defeat for the nomination. It certainly
+looked that way, but the result of the election for the temporary
+chairmanship proved to be misleading. Mr. Hanna's poll was not to find
+out how many delegates would vote for the nomination of Mr. Blaine, but
+how many would vote for Lynch for temporary chairman. On that point his
+poll was substantially accurate. It was assumed that every Blaine man
+would vote for Mr. Clayton. This is where the mistake was made. It
+turned out that there were some Blaine men, especially from the South,
+that voted for Lynch. The result, therefore, was not, as it was hoped it
+would be, an accurate test of the strength of the Blaine and
+anti-Blaine forces in the Convention.
+
+Since my election had not been anticipated,--at least, by me,--my speech
+of acceptance was necessarily brief. I presided over the deliberations
+of the Convention the greater part of two days, when Hon. John B.
+Henderson, of Missouri, was introduced as the permanent chairman. This
+is the same Henderson, who, as a Republican United States Senator from
+Missouri, voted against the conviction of President Andrew Johnson, who
+had been impeached by the House of Representatives for high crimes and
+misdemeanors in office. The Democratic Senators needed but seven votes
+from the Republican side of the chamber to prevent conviction. They
+succeeded in getting the exact number, Senator Henderson being one. He
+appears to have been the only one of that number that politically
+survived that act. All others soon passed into political oblivion;
+although several of them subsequently identified themselves with the
+Democratic party. While it may be said that Senator Henderson survived
+the act, it is true that his election as a delegate to the National
+Republican Convention of 1884 and his selection as the permanent
+chairman thereof are the only prominent illustrations of that fact.
+
+During the deliberations of the Convention Mr. Bishop, one of the
+delegates from Massachusetts, introduced a resolution to change the
+basis of representation in future National Conventions of the party. His
+plan was to make the number of Republican votes cast, counted, certified
+and returned at the last preceding National election, the basis of
+representation in succeeding National Conventions.
+
+Hon. W.O. Bradley, of Kentucky, led off in a very able, eloquent, and
+convincing speech in opposition to the resolution. The colored delegates
+from the South selected me to present their side of the question. For
+that purpose I was recognized by the chair, and spoke against the
+resolution. In the first place I called attention to the fact that if
+elections were fair, and the official count honest in every State, the
+probabilities were that there would be no occasion for the proposed
+change. That the change proposed would result in a material reduction in
+the representation in future conventions chiefly from Southern States
+was because the greater part of the Republican votes in some of said
+States were suppressed by violence or nullified by fraud. The effect of
+the change proposed would be simply to make such questionable methods
+the basis of representation in future Republican National Conventions.
+This, I claimed, the Republican party could not afford to do. At the
+conclusion of my remarks the resolution was withdrawn by its author, Mr.
+Bishop, who came over to my seat, and congratulated me upon the way in
+which I had presented the case; stating at the same time that my speech
+had convinced him that his proposition was a mistake.
+
+After a hotly contested fight Mr. Blaine was finally nominated. Senator
+John A. Logan, of Illinois, was named as the candidate for
+Vice-President. It looked as if the time had at last come when the
+brilliant statesman from Maine would have the acme of his ambition
+completely realized.
+
+I was honored by the delegation from my State with being made a member
+of the National Committee, and also a member of the committee that was
+named to wait on Mr. Blaine and notify him officially of his nomination.
+The notification committee went all the way to Mr. Blaine's home,
+Augusta, Maine, to discharge that duty.
+
+The ceremony of notification took place in Mr. Blaine's front yard. The
+weather was fine. The notification speech was delivered by the chairman,
+Senator Henderson, to which Mr. Blaine briefly responded, promising to
+make a more lengthy reply in the form of a letter of acceptance. At the
+conclusion of the ceremony he called me to one side and asked what was
+the outlook in Mississippi. I informed him that he could easily carry
+the State by a substantial majority if we could have a fair election and
+an honest count; but that under the existing order of things this would
+not be possible, and that the State would be returned against him.
+
+"Oh, no," he replied, "you are mistaken about that. Mr. Lamar will see
+that I get a fair count in Mississippi."
+
+I confess that this remark surprised me very much.
+
+"Mr. Blame," I replied, "you may understand the political situation in
+Mississippi better than I do, but I know whereof I speak when I say that
+Mr. Lamar would not if he could and could not if he would, secure you a
+fair count in Mississippi. The State will be returned against you."
+
+"You will find," he said, "that you are mistaken. Mr. Lamar will see
+that I get a fair count in Mississippi."
+
+Mr. Lamar not only made an aggressive campaign against Mr. Blaine, but
+it was chiefly through his influence and efforts that the State was
+returned against Mr. Blaine by a very large majority. And yet no one who
+knew Mr. Lamar could justly accuse him of being an ingrate. He was
+essentially an appreciative man; as he never failed to demonstrate
+whenever and wherever it was possible for him to do so. No one knew
+better than did Mr. Lamar that he was under deep and lasting obligations
+to Mr. Blaine; but it seems that with all his wisdom and political
+sagacity and foresight Mr. Blaine was unable to distinguish between a
+personal and a political obligation. Mr. Lamar felt that what Mr. Blaine
+had done for him was personal, not political, and that if
+his,--Lamar's,--party was in any respect the beneficiary thereof, it
+was merely incidental. At any rate, it was utterly impossible for him to
+serve Mr. Blaine in a political way. Had he made the effort to do so he
+not only would have subjected himself to the accusation of party
+treachery, but it would have resulted in his own political downfall. To
+expect any ambitious man to make such a sacrifice as this was contrary
+to human nature.
+
+The truth was that Mr. Blaine had been chiefly instrumental in bringing
+about a condition of affairs at the South which made it impossible for
+any of his Democratic or Republican friends in that section to be of any
+material service to him at the time he most needed them. And yet, he
+could not see this until it was too late. In spite of this he would have
+been elected, but for the fact that he lost the pivotal State of New
+York by a small plurality, about eleven hundred and forty-seven, the
+reasons for which have been given in a previous chapter. It is therefore
+sad, but true, that by his own act this able and brilliant statesman,
+like Henry Clay, died without having reached the acme of his
+ambition,--the Presidency of the United States.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIII
+
+THE ELECTION OF GROVER CLEVELAND
+
+
+The Republicans of my district insisted that I make the race for
+Congress again in 1884, and I decided to do so, although I knew it would
+be useless for me to do so with any hope of being elected, for I knew
+the prospect of success was not as favorable as two years previous.
+
+Judge Van Eaton, the Democratic candidate for Congressman in 1882, was a
+representative of the better element, and would, therefore, rather be
+defeated than be declared elected through the enforcement and
+application of questionable methods. He publicly declared on several
+occasions that, as anxious as he was to be a member of Congress, he
+would rather be defeated than have a certificate of election tainted
+with fraud. In other words, if he could not be fairly and honestly
+elected he preferred to be defeated. He insisted upon a fair election
+and an honest count. This was not agreeable to many of his party
+associates. They believed and privately asserted that his open
+declarations on that point not only carried an implied reflection upon
+his party in connection with previous elections, but that he was taking
+an unnecessary risk in his own case. Chiefly for these reasons, the
+Judge, though a strong and able man, was denied the courtesy of a
+nomination for a second term. It had always been the custom to allow a
+member to serve at least two terms; but this honor was denied Judge Van
+Eaton, the nomination being given to Honorable T.R. Stockdale, of Pike
+county.
+
+Stockdale was a different type of a man from Van Eaton. He was in
+perfect accord with the dominant sentiment of his party. He felt that he
+had been nominated to go to Congress,--"peaceably and fairly," if
+possible, but to go in any event. Then, again, that was the year of the
+Presidential election, and the Democrats were as confident of success
+that year as they had been in 1876 and in 1880.
+
+For President and Vice-President the candidates were Blaine and Logan,
+Republicans, and Cleveland and Hendricks, Democrats.
+
+Mr. Cleveland had the prestige of having been elected Governor of New
+York by a majority of about one hundred thousand. New York was believed
+to be the pivotal and the decisive State, and that its votes would
+determine the election for President. That the Republicans, even with
+such a popular man as Mr. Blaine as their candidate, would be able to
+overcome the immense majority by which Mr. Cleveland had carried the
+State for Governor was not believed by any Democrat to be possible. The
+Democrats did not take into account any of the local circumstances that
+contributed to such a remarkable result; but they were well known to
+Republicans in and out of that State. One of the principal contributory
+causes was a determination on the part of thousands of Republican voters
+in that State to resent at the polls National interference in local
+State affairs.
+
+Judge Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the Treasury, was the
+Republican candidate against Mr. Cleveland for the Governorship when the
+latter was elected by such an immense majority. It was a well-known fact
+that Judge Folger could not have been nominated but for the active and
+aggressive efforts of the National Administration, and of its agents and
+representatives. The fight for the Republican nomination for Governor
+that year was the beginning of the bitter fight between the Blaine and
+the Arthur forces in the State for the delegation in 1884. In the
+nomination of Judge Folger the Blaine men were defeated. To neutralize
+the prestige which the Arthur men had thus secured, thousands of the
+Blaine men, and some who were not Blaine men, but who were against the
+National Administration for other reasons, refused to vote for Judge
+Folger, and thus allowed the State to go Democratic by default. In 1884,
+when Mr. Blaine was the candidate of the Republicans for the
+Presidency, a sufficient number of anti-Blaine men in New York,--in a
+spirit of retaliation, no doubt,--pursued the same course and thus
+allowed the State again to go Democratic by default. The loss which Mr.
+Blaine sustained in the latter case, therefore, was much greater than
+that gained by him in the former.
+
+But, let the causes, circumstances, and conditions be what they may,
+there was not a Democrat in Mississippi in 1884 who did not believe that
+Mr. Cleveland's election to the Presidency was a foregone conclusion.
+That he would have the support of the Solid South there was no doubt.
+Those States, they believed, were as certain to be returned Democratic
+as the sun would rise on the morning of the day of the election.
+
+Although I accepted the nomination for Congress, I as chairman of the
+Republican State Committee, devoted the greater part of my time to the
+campaign throughout the State. Mr. Blaine had many warm friends and
+admirers among the white men and Democrats in the State, some of them
+being outspoken in their advocacy of his election. In making up the
+electoral ticket I made every effort possible to get some of those men
+to consent to the use of their names. One of them, Joseph N. Carpenter,
+of my own home town, Natchez, gave his consent to the use of his name.
+He was one of the solid business men of the town. He was not only a
+large property owner but the principal owner of a local steamboat that
+was engaged in the trade on the Mississippi River between Natchez and
+Vicksburg. He was also the principal proprietor of one of the
+cotton-seed-oil mills of the town. In fact his name was associated with
+nearly every important enterprise in that community. Socially no family
+stood higher than his in any part of the South. His accomplished wife
+was a Miss Mellen, whose brother, William F. Mellen, was one of the most
+brilliant members of the bar that the State had ever produced. She had
+another brother who acquired quite a distinction as a minister of the
+gospel.
+
+When the announcement was made public that Joseph N. Carpenter was to be
+an elector on the Republican ticket, intense excitement was immediately
+created. The Democratic press of the State immediately turned their
+batteries upon him. Personal friends called upon him in large numbers
+and urged him to decline. But he had consented to serve, and he felt
+that it was his duty, and ought to be his privilege to do so. Besides,
+he was a sincere Blaine man. He honestly believed that the election of
+Mr. Blaine would be conducive to the best interests of the country, the
+South especially. To these appeals, therefore, he turned a deaf ear. But
+it was not long before he was obliged to yield to the pressure. The fact
+was soon made plain to him that, if he allowed his name to remain on
+that ticket, the probabilities were that he would be financially
+ruined. He would soon find that his boat would be without either
+passengers or freight; his oil mill would probably be obliged to close
+because there would be no owners of the raw material of whom he could
+make purchases at any price, and even his children at school would, no
+doubt, be subjected to taunts and insults, to say nothing of the social
+cuts to which his family might be subjected. He was, therefore, brought
+to a painful realization of the fact that he was confronted with
+conditions which he had not fully anticipated. He could then see, as he
+had never seen before, that he had been brought face to face with a
+condition and not a theory. He was thus obliged to make his choice
+between accepting those conditions upon the one hand, and on the other
+the empty and temporary honor of serving as an elector on the Blaine
+Republican ticket. His convictions, his manhood and his self-respect
+were on one side; his material interests and family obligations were on
+the other. His mental condition during that period can better be
+imagined than described. After giving thoughtful consideration and
+sleepless nights to the matter, he at length decided to yield to the
+pressure and decline the use of his name. He informed me of his decision
+through the medium of a private letter which he said he had written with
+great reluctance and sincere regret. The committee thereupon named Dr.
+Jackson, of Amite County, an old line Republican, to fill the vacancy.
+
+It will thus be seen that in pursuing a course that Mr. Blaine thought
+would place southern Democrats under obligations to him he placed a
+weapon in the hands of his own personal and political enemies by which
+they were enabled to crush and silence his friends and supporters; for
+after all it is not so much the love of fair play, as it is the fear of
+punishment, that actuates the average man in obeying the laws and
+respecting the rights and privileges of others. Mr. Blaine's friends and
+supporters at the South were the very people who stood most in need of
+that security and protection which can come only through a thorough and
+impartial enforcement of laws for the protection of citizens in the
+exercise and enjoyment of their civil and political rights, as well as
+the enforcement of laws for the protection of life, liberty and
+property.
+
+Judge H.F. Simrall, one of the most brilliant lawyers in the State,--who
+came into the Republican party under the leadership of General Alcorn in
+1869, and who had served as a Justice of the Supreme Court of the
+State,--made an effort to canvass the State for Mr. Blaine, but his
+former associates, with whom he tried to reason, treated him with such
+scanty courtesy that he soon became discouraged and abandoned the
+effort.
+
+There were two factions in the Democratic party, Mr. Lamar being the
+recognized head of one of them. His political enemies suspected and some
+of them accused him of being partial to Mr. Blaine. To save himself and
+his friends from humiliation and defeat in his own party it was
+necessary for him to dispel that suspicion, and disprove those
+accusations. With that end in view he made a thorough canvass of the
+State in the interest of Mr. Cleveland and the Democratic party. The
+State was returned for Mr. Cleveland by a large majority, for which Mr.
+Lamar was in a great measure credited. Mr. Blaine finally saw his
+mistake, which he virtually admitted in the speech delivered by him at
+his home immediately after the election; but it was then too late to
+undo the mischief that had been done. It was like locking the stable
+door after the horse had been stolen. That Mr. Blaine died without
+having attained the goal of his ambition was due chiefly to his lack of
+foresight, poor judgment, political blunders, and a lack of that
+sagacity and acumen which are so essential in a successful party leader.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIV
+
+INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY LAMAR ON THE RETAINING OF COLORED MEN IN OFFICE
+
+
+In selecting his first cabinet Mr. Cleveland did Mr. Lamar and the State
+of Mississippi the honor of making him his Secretary of the Interior.
+Early in the administration, upon the occasion of my first visit to
+Washington after the inauguration of Mr. Cleveland, I called on
+Secretary Lamar to pay him my respects and tender him my congratulations
+upon his appointment. When I entered his office he was engaged in
+conversation with some prominent New York Democrats, Mayor Grace, of New
+York City, being one of the party. The Secretary received me cordially;
+and, after introducing me to the gentlemen with whom he was conversing,
+requested me to take a seat in the adjoining room, which was used as his
+private office, until the departure of the gentlemen with whom he was
+then engaged; remarking at the same time that there was an important
+matter about which he desired to talk with me.
+
+I had been seated only a short while before he made his appearance. As
+soon as he had taken his seat he said:
+
+"Lynch, you have shown me some favors in the past, and I desire to
+manifest in a substantial way my appreciation of what you have done for
+me and the friendly interest you have taken in me. No one knows better
+than I do, or can appreciate more keenly than I can, the value of the
+services you have rendered me, and the satisfactory results of your
+friendly interest in me. In saying this I do not wish to even intimate
+that you have done anything for me that was inconsistent with the
+position occupied by you as an influential leader of the Republican
+party of our State. The truth is, you were, fortunately, placed in such
+a position that you were enabled to render a great service to a
+Mississippi Democrat without doing a single act, or giving expression to
+a single thought, that was not in harmony with your position as a leader
+of your own party. That you saw fit to make me, rather than some other
+Democrat, the beneficiary of your partiality is what I keenly
+appreciate, highly value and now desire to reciprocate. The Republican
+party is now out of power, and it is likely to remain so for the next
+quarter of a century. Fortunately for me I am now so situated that I can
+reciprocate, in a small measure, the friendly interest you have taken in
+me in the recent past; and this, I hope, you will allow me to do. I have
+an office at my disposal that I want you to accept. I know you are a
+pronounced Republican. I neither ask nor expect you to change your
+politics. Knowing you as I do, it would be useless for me to make such a
+request of you even if I desired to have you make such a change. All I
+shall ask of you is that you be not offensively active or boldly
+aggressive in political matters while you hold a commission from me. In
+other words, I want to render you a service without having you
+compromise your political standing, and without making the slightest
+change in your party affiliations. However, recognizing as you must the
+delicacy of the situation resulting from the position I occupy and the
+relation that I sustain to the administration, you will, I know, refrain
+from saying and doing anything that will place me in an embarrassing
+position before the public and before the administration with which I am
+identified. The office to which I refer is that of special agent of
+public lands. The salary is fifteen hundred a year and expenses. The
+place is worth from two thousand to two thousand five hundred a year. I
+shall not send you down South, where you may have some unpleasant and
+embarrassing experiences, but I will send you out into the Black Hills,
+where you will not be subjected to the slightest inconvenience and where
+you will have very little to do, but make your reports and draw your
+pay. If you say you will accept the appointment I shall give immediate
+directions for the commission to be made out and you can take the oath
+of office within the next twenty-four hours."
+
+Of course I listened with close attention and with deep interest to what
+the honorable Secretary said. When he had finished, I replied in about
+these words:
+
+"Mr. Secretary, I fully appreciate the friendly interest you manifest in
+me, and I also appreciate what you are willing to do for me. If I have
+rendered you any services in the past, I can assure you that they were
+not rendered with the expectation that you would thereby be placed under
+any obligations to me whatever. If I preferred you to others in your own
+party it was because I believed in you the State would have the services
+of one of its best, most brilliant and most eloquent representatives. It
+was the good of the State and the best interests of its people rather
+than the personal advancement of an individual that actuated me. The
+exalted position now occupied by you I consider a confirmation of the
+wisdom of my decision. But the fact cannot be overlooked that while you
+are an able and influential leader in the Democratic party, I am, though
+not so able nor so influential, a leader,--locally, if not
+nationally,--in the Republican party. While I can neither hope nor
+expect to reach that point of honor and distinction in the Republican
+party that you have reached in the Democratic, I am just as proud of
+the position I occupy to-day as a Republican, as it is possible for you
+to be of yours as a Democrat. Even if it be true, as you predict--of
+course I do not agree with you--that the Republican party will be out of
+power for the next quarter of a century, or even if that party should
+never again come into power, that fact cannot and will not have the
+slightest weight with me. Therefore, I do not feel that you, as a member
+of a National Democratic Administration, can afford to tender me any
+position that I can see my way clear to accept. While I fully and keenly
+appreciate your friendly interest in me and your desire and willingness
+to serve me, I cannot accept the position you have so gracefully
+tendered me, nor can I accept any other you may see fit to offer me.
+
+"But, if you want to render me a service, I can tell you wherein it can
+be done,--a service that will be just as much appreciated as any you can
+possibly render me. When I was a member of Congress I secured the
+appointment of quite a number of young colored men to clerkships in the
+Pension Bureau of your department. I understand that all these men have
+excellent records. If you will retain them in their positions I shall
+feel that you have repaid me for whatever you may think I have done for
+you in the past."
+
+"That," the Secretary replied, "is a very reasonable request. Come to
+see me again in a day or two and bring a list of their names and I will
+then see just what I can do along those lines."
+
+I then bade Mr. Lamar good-bye and left his office. A few days later I
+returned with the list. But upon that list I had placed the names of two
+men who had not been appointed on my recommendation. One was a colored
+man, a physician; the other was a white man, a lawyer. The physician
+occupied a position that was in the line of his profession. The lawyer
+was a clerk in the Pension Bureau, who had been recently appointed upon
+the recommendation of Senator Bruce. The physician had been connected
+with the public service a long time. I knew both men favorably and felt
+that it was my duty to save them if in my power. Both were married and
+had interesting families.
+
+When I placed the list in the Secretary's hands he read it over very
+carefully, and then said:
+
+"I think I can safely assure you that the name of every one on this list
+will be retained except these two"--indicating the colored physician and
+the white lawyer. "This physician," the Secretary said, "is a colored
+man, and the husband of a white wife. The lawyer is a white man, and the
+husband of a colored wife. I cannot promise you, therefore, that they
+will be retained, however capable and efficient they may be. So far as I
+am personally concerned, it would make no material difference; I should
+just as lief retain them as any of the others. But I cannot afford to
+antagonize public opinion in my State on the question of amalgamation.
+One of these men, the white lawyer, is from my own State, where he is
+well known. His case is recent, and fresh in the public mind. So far as
+he is concerned, I can see no escape. With the colored physician it may
+be different. He is not from my State and is not known in the State. I
+doubt very much if anyone in the State knows anything about him, or is
+aware of the fact that the position occupied by him is under my
+department. If attention is not called to his case, I shall let him
+alone.
+
+"But with the lawyer it is different. A representative of a Mississippi
+newspaper that is unfriendly to me is now on the ground. He has a list
+of all the Republicans,--especially the colored ones,--holding positions
+in this department. The name of this lawyer is on that list. It is the
+intention of the faction his paper represents to bring pressure to bear
+upon me to force me to turn all of these men out of office for political
+reasons, regardless of their official standing. But, so far as your
+friends are concerned, I shall defy them except in the case of this
+lawyer, and also in the case of this physician if attention is called to
+him. In their cases, or either of them, I shall be obliged, for reasons
+already given; to yield."
+
+Strange to say, attention was never called to the case of the physician
+and he remained in office during the whole of Mr. Cleveland's first
+administration. I made a strong appeal to the Secretary in behalf of my
+friend, the white lawyer. I said in substance:
+
+"Mr. Secretary, you ought not to allow this deserving man to be punished
+simply because he was brave enough to legally marry the woman of his
+choice. You know him personally. You know him to be an able and
+brilliant young man. You know that he is now discharging the responsible
+duties of the position which he occupies in your department with credit
+to himself, and to the satisfaction of his official superiors. You know
+that you have not a better nor a more capable official connected with
+the public service than you have in this able young man. Under these
+circumstances it is your duty, as the responsible head of your
+department, to protect him and his estimable family from this gross
+wrong,--this cruel injustice. For no one knows better than you do, Mr.
+Secretary, that this alleged opposition to amalgamation is both
+hypocritical and insincere. If a natural antipathy existed between the
+two races no law would be necessary to keep them apart. The law, then,
+against race intermarriage has a tendency to encourage and promote race
+intermixture, rather than to discourage and prevent it; because under
+existing circumstances local sentiment in our part of the country
+tolerates the intermixture, provided that the white husband and father
+does not lead to the altar in honorable wedlock the woman he may have
+selected as the companion of his life, and the mother of his children.
+If, instead of prohibiting race intermarriage, the law would compel
+marriage in all cases of concubinage, such a law would have a tendency
+to discourage race intermixture; because it is only when they marry
+according to the forms of law that the white husband and father is
+socially and otherwise ostracized. Under the common law,--which is the
+established and recognized rule of action in all of our States in the
+absence of a local statute by which a different rule is established,--a
+valid marriage is nothing more than a civil contract entered into
+between two persons capable of making contracts. But under our form of
+government marriage, like everything else, is what public opinion sees
+fit to make it.
+
+"It is true that in our part of the country no union of the sexes is
+looked upon as a legal marriage unless the parties to the union are
+married according to the form prescribed by the local statutes. While
+that is true it is also true that there are many unions, which, but for
+the local statutes, would be recognized and accepted as legal marriages
+and which, even under existing conditions, are tolerated by local
+sentiment and sanctioned by custom. Such unions are known to exist, and
+yet are presumed not to exist. None are so blind as those who can see
+but will not see. One of the unwritten but most effective and rigid laws
+of our section,--which everyone respects and never violates,--is that a
+man's private and domestic life must never be made the subject of
+political or public discussion or newspaper notoriety. The man, who at
+any time or under any provocation will so far forget himself as to say
+or do anything that can be construed into a violation of that unwritten
+law, will be likely to pay the penalty with his own life and that, too,
+without court, judge, or jury; and the one by whom the penalty may be
+inflicted will stand acquitted and justified before the bar of public
+opinion. If, then, this able and brilliant young man,--whose bread and
+meat you now have at your disposal,--had lived in concubinage with the
+mother of his children, no law against custom and tradition would have
+been violated, and no one would suggest that he be punished for what he
+had done. Knowing these facts as you do, you ought to rise to the
+dignity of the occasion and protect this good and innocent man from the
+cruel, unjust, and unreasonable demands that are now being made upon you
+to dispense with his valuable services. This gentleman, to my personal
+knowledge, is not only worthy of whatever you may do for him, but his
+elegant and accomplished wife is one of the finest and most cultivated
+ladies it has ever been my good fortune to know. She is not only
+remarkably intelligent, but she is a woman of fine natural ability and
+of superior attainments. She is such a brilliant conversationalist,--so
+interesting, so instructive and so entertaining,--that it is a great
+pleasure and satisfaction to have the opportunity of being in her
+delightful presence, and of sitting within the sound of her sweet,
+charming, and musical voice. In physical development she is as near
+perfection as it is possible for a woman to be. I have had the good
+fortune of knowing her well for a number of years, and I have always
+admired her for her excellent traits and admirable qualities. She is a
+woman that would ornament and grace the parlor and honor the home of the
+finest and best man that ever lived, regardless of his race or
+nationality or the station he may occupy in life, however exalted that
+station may be. She married the man of her choice because she had
+learned to love and honor him, and because, in her opinion, he possessed
+everything, except wealth, that was calculated to contribute to her
+comfort, pleasure and happiness. In a recent conversation I had with
+her, her beautiful, large dark eyes sparkled with delight, and her sweet
+and lovely face was suffused with a smile of satisfaction when she
+informed me that she had never had occasion to regret her selection of a
+husband. She was then the mother of several very handsome children, to
+whom she pointed with pardonable pride. The products of such a union
+could not possibly be otherwise than attractive, for the father was a
+remarkably handsome man, while the mother was a personification of the
+typical southern beauty. The man was devoted to his family. How could he
+be otherwise? Husband and wife were so strongly attached to each other
+that both were more than willing to make any sacrifice that cruel fate
+might have in store for them.
+
+"I therefore appeal to you, Mr. Secretary, in behalf of this charming
+and accomplished woman and her sweet and lovely children. In taking this
+position I am satisfied you will have nothing to lose, for you will not
+only have right on your side, but the interest of the public service as
+well. Rise, then, to the dignity of the occasion and assert and maintain
+your manhood and your independence. You have done this on previous
+occasions, why not do it again? As a member of the Senate of the United
+States you openly and publicly defied the well-known public sentiment of
+your party in the State which you then had the honor in part to
+represent, when you disregarded and repudiated the mandate of the State
+Legislature, instructing you to vote for the free and unlimited coinage
+of silver. It was that vote and the spirit of manly independence shown
+by you on that occasion that placed you in the high and responsible
+position you now occupy, the duties of which your friends know will be
+discharged in a way that will reflect credit upon yourself and honor
+upon your State.
+
+"You again antagonized the dominant sentiment of the Democratic party of
+your State when you pronounced an eloquent eulogy upon the life and
+character of Charles Sumner. And yet you were able to overcome the
+bitter opposition you had encountered on each of those occasions. You
+can do the same thing in this case. I therefore ask you to promise me
+that this worthy and competent public servant shall not be discharged as
+long as his official record remains good."
+
+The Secretary listened to my remarks with close and respectful
+attention. When I had finished he said:
+
+"I agree with nearly all you have said. My sympathies are with your
+friend and it is my desire to retain him in the position he now so
+satisfactorily fills. But when you ask me to disregard and openly defy
+the well-known sentiment of the white people of my State on the question
+of amalgamation, I fear you make a request of me which I cannot safely
+grant, however anxious I may be to serve you. I could defend myself
+before a public audience in my State on the silver question and on the
+Sumner eulogy much more successfully than on the question of
+amalgamation; although in the main, I recognize the force and admit the
+truth of what you have said upon that subject. Hypocritical and
+insincere as the claim may be with reference to maintaining the absolute
+separation of the two races, the sentiment on that subject is one which
+no man who is ambitious to have a political future can safely afford to
+ignore,--especially under the new order of things about which you are
+well posted. While I am sorry for your friend, and should be pleased to
+grant your request in his case, I cannot bring myself to a realization
+of the fact that it is one of sufficient national importance to justify
+me in taking the stand you have so forcibly and eloquently suggested."
+
+This ended the interview. I went to the home of my friend that evening,
+and informed him and his amiable wife of what had been said and done.
+They thanked me warmly for my efforts in their behalf, and assured me
+that there was a future before them, and that in the battle of life they
+were determined to know no such word as "fail." A few weeks later my
+friend's official connection with the public service was suddenly
+terminated. He and his family then left Washington for Kansas, I think.
+About a year thereafter he had occasion to visit Washington on business.
+I happened to be there at that time. He called to see me and informed me
+that, instead of regretting what had occurred, he had every reason to be
+thankful for it, since he had done very much better than he could have
+done had he remained at Washington. I was, of course, very much
+gratified to hear this and warmly congratulated him. Since that time,
+however, I have not seen him nor any member of his family, nor have I
+heard anything from them except indirectly, although I have made a
+number of unsuccessful efforts to find them. I am inclined to the
+opinion that, like thousands of people of the same class, their identity
+with the colored race has long since ceased and that they have been
+absorbed by the white race, as I firmly believe will be true of the
+great mass of colored Americans. It is to prevent any embarrassment
+growing out of the probability of this condition that has actuated me in
+not making public the names of the parties in question. No good could
+come of the disclosure, and much harm might follow. I can, however, most
+positively assure the public that this is not a fiction,--that it is not
+a mere picture that is painted from the vividness of my imagination, but
+that the story as related in all its details is based upon actual
+occurrences.
+
+With this one exception, Secretary Lamar retained in office every clerk
+whose name appeared on the list that I gave him. They were not only
+retained throughout the Administration but many of them were promoted.
+It can be said to the credit of Secretary Lamar that during his
+administration very few changes were made in the clerical force of the
+department for political reasons, and, as a rule, the clerks were
+treated with justice, fairness and impartiality.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXV
+
+THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS BILL
+
+
+It was during the administration of President Harrison that another
+effort was made to secure the enactment by Congress of the necessary
+legislation for the effective enforcement of the war amendments to the
+National Constitution,--a Federal Elections Bill. Mr. Lodge, of
+Massachusetts, was the author of the bill. But the fact was soon
+developed that there were so many Republicans in and out of Congress who
+lacked the courage of their convictions that it would be impossible to
+secure favorable action. In fact there were three classes of white men
+at the South who claimed to be Republicans who used their influence to
+defeat that contemplated legislation. The white men at the South who
+acted with the Republican party at that time were divided into four
+classes.
+
+First, those who were Republicans from principle and conviction--because
+they were firm believers in the principles, doctrines, and policies for
+which the party stood, and were willing to remain with it in adversity
+as well as in prosperity,--in defeat as well as in victory. This class,
+I am pleased to say, while not the most noisy and demonstrative,
+comprised over seventy-five per cent, of the white membership of the
+party in that part of the country.
+
+Second, a small but noisy and demonstrative group, comprising about
+fifteen per cent of the remainder, who labored under the honest, but
+erroneous, impression that the best and most effective way to build up a
+strong Republican party at the South was to draw the color line in the
+party. In other words, to organize a Republican party to be composed
+exclusively of white men, to the entire exclusion of colored men. What
+those men chiefly wanted,--or felt the need of for themselves and their
+families,--was social recognition by the better element of the white
+people of their respective localities. They were eager, therefore, to
+bring about such a condition of things as would make it possible for
+them to be known as Republicans without subjecting themselves and their
+families to the risk of being socially ostracized by their white
+Democratic neighbors. And then again those men believed then, and some
+of them still believe or profess to believe, that southern Democrats
+were and are honest and sincere in the declaration that the presence of
+the colored men in the Republican party prevented southern white men
+from coming into it. "Draw the race line against the colored
+man,--organize a white Republican party,--and you will find that
+thousands of white men who now act with the Democratic party will join
+the Republicans." Some white Republicans believed that the men by whom
+these declarations were made were honest and sincere,--and it may be
+that some of them were,--but it appears not to have occurred to them
+that if the votes of the colored men were suppressed the minority white
+vote, unaided and unprotected, would be powerless to prevent the
+application of methods which would nullify any organized effort on their
+part. In other words, nothing short of an effective national law, to
+protect the weak against the strong and the minority of the whites
+against the aggressive assaults of the majority of that race, would
+enable the minority of the whites to make their power and influence
+effective and potential; and even then it could be effectively done only
+in cooeperation with the blacks. Then again, they seemed to have lost
+sight of the fact,--or perhaps they did not know it to be a fact,--that
+many leading southern Democrats are insincere in their declarations upon
+the so-called race question. They keep that question before the public
+for political and party reasons only, because they find it to be the
+most effective weapon they can use to hold the white men in political
+subjection. The effort, therefore, to build up a "white" Republican
+party at the South has had a tendency, under existing circumstances, to
+discourage a strong Republican organization in that section. But, even
+if it were possible for such an organization to have a potential
+existence, it could not be otherwise than ephemeral, because it would be
+wholly out of harmony with the fundamental principles and doctrines of
+the national organization whose name it had appropriated. It would be in
+point of fact a misnomer and, therefore, wholly out of place as one of
+the branches of the national organization which stands for, defends, and
+advocates the civil and political equality of all American citizens,
+without regard to race, color, nationality, or religion. Any
+organization, therefore, claiming to be a branch of the Republican
+party, but which had repudiated and denounced the fundamental and sacred
+creed of that organization, would be looked upon by the public as a
+close, selfish and local machine that was brought into existence to
+serve the ends, and satisfy the selfish ambition of the promoters and
+organizers of the corporation. Yet there were a few well-meaning and
+honest white men in some of the Southern States who were disposed,
+through a mistaken sense of political necessity, to give such a movement
+the benefit of their countenance. But the movement has been a lamentable
+failure in States where it has been tried, and it cannot be otherwise in
+States where it may yet be tried. Men who were in sympathy with a
+movement of this sort took a pronounced stand against the proposed
+Federal Elections Bill, and used what influence they had to prevent its
+passage; their idea being that, if passed, it would have a tendency to
+prevent the accomplishment of the purposes they had in contemplation.
+
+Third, a group that consisted of a still smaller number who were
+Republicans for revenue only,--for the purpose of getting office. If an
+office were in sight they would be quite demonstrative in their advocacy
+of the Republican party and its principles; but if they were not
+officially recognized, their activities would not only cease, but they
+would soon be back into the fold of the Democracy. But should they be
+officially recognized they would be good, faithful, and loyal
+Republicans,--at least so far as words were concerned,--until they
+ceased to be officials, when they would cease at the same time to be
+Republicans. Men of this class were, of course, opposed to the proposed
+legislation for the enforcement of the war amendments to the
+Constitution.
+
+Fourth, a group that consisted of an insignificantly small number of
+white men who claimed to be national Republicans and local
+Democrats,--that is, they claimed that they voted for the Republican
+candidate for President every four years, but for Democrats in all other
+elections. Of course they were against the proposed legislation. These
+men succeeded in inducing some well-meaning Republican members of
+Congress, like Senator Washburne, of Minnesota, for instance, to believe
+that the passage of such a bill would have a tendency to prevent the
+building up of a strong Republican organization at the South. Then
+again, the free silver question was before the public at that time. The
+Republican majority in the Senate was not large. Several of those who
+had been elected as Republicans were free silver men. On that question
+they were in harmony with a majority of the Democrats, and out of
+harmony with the great majority of Republicans. The Free Silver
+Republicans, therefore, were not inclined to support a measure that was
+particularly offensive to their friends and allies on the silver
+question. After a careful canvass of the Senate it was developed that
+the Republican leaders could not safely count on the support of any one
+of the Free Silver Republicans in their efforts to pass the bill, and,
+since they had the balance of power, any further effort to pass it was
+abandoned. It was then made plain to the friends and supporters of that
+measure that no further attempt would be made in that direction for a
+long time, if ever.
+
+I wrote and had published in the Washington _Post_ a letter in which I
+took strong grounds in favor of having the representation in
+Congress,--from States where the colored men had been practically
+disfranchised through an evasion of the Fifteenth Amendment,--reduced
+in the manner prescribed by the Fourteenth Amendment. In that letter I
+made an effort to answer every argument that had been made in opposition
+to such a proposition. It had been argued by some fairly good lawyers,
+for instance, that the subsequent ratification of the Fifteenth
+Amendment had so modified the Fourteenth as to take away from Congress
+this optional and discretionary power which had been previously
+conferred upon it by the Fourteenth Amendment. I tried in that
+letter,--and I think I succeeded,--to answer the argument on that point.
+It was also said that if Congress were to take such a step it would
+thereby give its sanction to the disfranchisement of the colored men in
+the States where that had been done. This I think I succeeded in proving
+was untrue and without foundation. The truth is that the only material
+difference between the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments on this
+particular point is that, subsequent to the ratification of the
+Fourteenth and prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, a
+State could legally disfranchise white or colored men on account of race
+or color, but, since the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, this
+cannot be legally done. If, then, Congress had the constitutional right
+under the Fourteenth Amendment to punish a State in the manner therein
+prescribed, for doing what the State then had a legal and
+constitutional right to do, I cannot see why Congress has not now the
+same power and authority to inflict the same punishment upon the State
+for doing or permitting to be done what it now has no legal and
+constitutional right to do.
+
+No State, in my opinion, should be allowed to take advantage of its own
+wrongs, and thus, by a wrongful act, augment its own power and influence
+in the government. To allow a majority of the white men in the State of
+Mississippi, for instance, to appropriate to themselves through
+questionable methods the representative strength of the colored
+population of that State, excluding the latter from all participation in
+the selection of the representatives in Congress, is a monstrous wrong,
+the continuance of which should not be tolerated.
+
+For every crime there must be a punishment; for every wrong there must
+be a remedy, and for every grievance there must be a redress. That this
+state of things is wrong and unjust, if not unlawful, no fair-minded
+person will deny. It is not only wrong and unjust to the colored people
+of the State, who are thus denied a voice in the government under which
+they live and to support which they are taxed, but it also involves a
+grave injustice to the States in which the laws are obeyed and the
+National Constitution,--including the war amendments to the same,--is
+respected and enforced. I am aware of the fact that it is claimed by
+those who are responsible for what is here complained of that, while
+the acts referred to may be an evasion if not a violation of the spirit
+of the Constitution, yet, since they do not violate the letter of the
+Constitution the complaining parties are without a remedy, and therefore
+have no redress. This contention is not only weak in logic but unsound
+in law, even as construed by the Supreme Court of the United States,
+which tribunal seems to be the last to which an appeal can be
+successfully made, having for its object the enforcement of the
+Constitution and laws so far as they relate to the political and civil
+rights of the colored Americans. That a State can do by indirection what
+it cannot do directly, is denied even by the Supreme Court of the United
+States.
+
+That doctrine was clearly and distinctly set forth in a decision of the
+Court rendered by Mr. Justice Strong, which was concurred in by a
+majority of his associates. In that decision it was held that
+affirmative State action is not necessary to constitute race
+discrimination by the State. In other words, in order to constitute
+affirmative State action in violation of the Constitutional mandate
+against distinction and discrimination based on race or color, it is not
+necessary that the State should pass a law for that purpose. The State,
+the Court declared, acts through its agents, Legislative, Executive and
+Judicial. Whenever an agent or representative of the State acts, his
+acts are binding upon the State, and the effect is the same as if the
+State had passed a law for that purpose. If a judge, for example, in the
+selection of jurors to serve in his court should knowingly and
+intentionally allow a particular race to be excluded from such service
+on account of race or color, the effect would be the same as if the
+State, through its Legislature, had passed a law for that purpose. The
+colored men in the States complained of, have been disfranchised in
+violation of the spirit if not the letter of the Constitution, either by
+affirmative State action, or through and by the State's agents and
+representatives. Their acts, therefore, constitute State action as fully
+as if the Legislature had passed a law for that purpose.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVI
+
+MISSISSIPPI AND THE NULLIFICATION OF THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT
+
+
+The defeat or abandonment of the Lodge Federal Elections Bill was
+equivalent to a declaration that no further attempts would be made for a
+good while, at least, to enforce by appropriate legislation the war
+amendments to the Constitution. Southern Democrats were not slow in
+taking advantage of the knowledge of that fact.
+
+My own State, Mississippi, was the first to give legal effect to the
+practical nullification of the Fifteenth Amendment. On that question the
+Democratic party in the State was divided into two factions. The radical
+faction, under the leadership of Senator George, advocated the adoption
+and enforcement of extreme methods. The liberal or conservative
+faction,--or what was known as the Lamar wing of the party under the
+leadership of Senator Walthall,--was strongly opposed to such methods.
+Senator George advocated the calling of a Constitutional Convention, to
+frame a new Constitution for the State. Senator Walthall opposed it,
+contending that the then Constitution, though framed by Republicans,
+was, in the main, unobjectionable and should be allowed to stand. But
+Senator George was successful, and a convention was called to meet in
+the fall of 1890. In order to take no chances the Senator had himself
+nominated and elected a member of the Convention.
+
+When the Convention met, it was found that there were two strong
+factions, one in favor of giving legal effect to the nullification of
+the Fifteenth Amendment, and the other opposed to it. The George faction
+was slightly in the majority, resulting in one of their
+number,--nullificationists, as they were called,--Judge S.S. Calhoun,
+being elected President of the Convention. The plan advocated and
+supported by the George faction, of which Senator George was the author,
+provided that no one be allowed to register as a voter, or vote if
+registered, unless he could read and write, or unless he could
+understand any section of the Constitution when read to him and give a
+reasonable interpretation thereof. This was known as the "understanding
+clause." It was plain to every one that its purpose was to evade the
+Fifteenth Amendment, and disfranchise the illiterate voters of one race
+without disfranchising those of the other.
+
+The opposition to this scheme was under the leadership of one of the
+ablest and most brilliant members of the bar, Judge J.B. Christman, of
+Lincoln County. As a substitute for the George plan or understanding
+clause, he ably and eloquently advocated the adoption of a fair and
+honest educational qualification as a condition precedent to
+registration and voting, to be equally applicable to whites and blacks.
+
+The speeches on both sides were able and interesting. It looked for a
+while as if the substitute clause proposed by Judge Christman would be
+adopted. In consequence of such an apprehension, Judge Calhoun, the
+President of the Convention, took the floor in opposition to the
+Christman plan, and in support of the one proposed by Senator George.
+The substance of his speech was that the Convention had been called for
+the purpose of insuring the ascendency of the white race,--the
+Democratic party,--in the administration of the State Government through
+some other methods than those which had been enforced since 1875.
+
+"If you fail in the discharge of your duties in this matter," he
+declared, "the blood of every negro that will be killed in an election
+riot hereafter will be upon your shoulders."
+
+In other words, the speaker frankly admitted, what everyone knew to be a
+fact, that the ascendency of the Democratic party in the State had been
+maintained since 1875 through methods which, in his opinion, should no
+longer be sanctioned and tolerated. These methods, he contended, were
+corrupting the morals of the people of the State and should be
+discontinued; but the ascendency of the Democratic party must be
+maintained at any cost. The George plan, he urged, would accomplish this
+result, because if the negroes were disfranchised according to the forms
+of law, there would be no occasion to suppress his vote by violence
+because he would have no vote to suppress; and there would be no
+occasion to commit fraud in the count or perjury in the returns.
+
+Notwithstanding this frank speech, which was intended to arouse the
+fears of the members of the Convention from a party standpoint, the
+defeat of the Christman substitute was by no means an assured fact. But
+the advocates of the George plan,--the "understanding clause,"--were
+both desperate and determined. Contrary to public expectation two
+Republicans, Geo. B. Melchoir and I.T. Montgomery, had been elected to
+the Convention from Bolivar County. But their seats were contested, and
+it was assumed that their Democratic contestants would be seated. Still,
+pending the final disposition of the case, the two Republicans were the
+sitting members. Montgomery was colored and Melchoir was white. But the
+George faction needed those two votes. No one suspected, however, that
+they would get them in any other way than by seating the contestants.
+The advocates and supporters of the Christman substitute were,
+therefore, very much surprised and disappointed when they learned that
+Mr. Montgomery, the only colored member of the Convention, intended to
+make a speech in favor of the adoption of the George plan, and vote for
+it; which he did. Why this man, who had the reputation of being honest
+and honorable, and who in point of intelligence was considerably above
+the average of his race, should have thus acted and voted has always
+been an inexplicable mystery. It is difficult to believe that he was
+willing to pay such a price for the retention of his seat in the
+Convention, still it is a fact that the contest was never called and
+Montgomery and his colleague were allowed to retain their seats.
+
+The adoption of the George plan was thus assured, but not without a
+desperate fight. The opponents of that scheme made a brave, though
+unsuccessful, fight against it. But it was soon made plain to the
+advocates of the George plan that what they had succeeded in forcing
+through the Convention would be defeated by the people at the
+ballot-box. In fact, a storm of protest was raised throughout the State.
+The Democratic press, as well as the members of that party, were
+believed to be about equally divided on the question of the ratification
+of the Constitution as thus framed. Since it was well known that the
+Republicans would be solid in their opposition to ratification, the
+rejection of the proposed Constitution was an assured fact. But the
+supporters of the George scheme felt that they could not afford to have
+the results of their labors go down in defeat. In order to prevent this
+they decided to deny the people the right of passing judgment upon the
+work of the Convention. The decision, therefore, was that the Convention
+by which the Constitution was framed should declare it duly ratified and
+approved, and to go into effect upon a day therein named. The people of
+that unfortunate State, therefore, have never had an opportunity to pass
+judgment upon the Constitution under which they are living and which
+they are required to obey and support, that right having been denied
+them because it was known that a majority of them were opposed to its
+ratification and would have voted against it.
+
+But this so-called "understanding clause," or George scheme, is much
+more sweeping than was intended by its author. The intent of that clause
+was to make it possible to disfranchise the illiterate blacks without
+disfranchising the illiterate whites. But as construed and enforced it
+is not confined to illiterates but to persons of intelligence as well.
+No man, for instance, however intelligent he may be, can be registered
+as a voter or vote if registered, if the registering officers or the
+election officers are of the opinion that he does not understand the
+Constitution. It is true, the instrument is so worded that no allusion
+is made to the race or color of those seeking to be registered and to
+vote; still, it is perfectly plain to everyone that the purpose was to
+enable the State to do, through its authorized and duly appointed agents
+and representatives, the very thing the Fifteenth Amendment declares
+shall not be done. According to the decision of the Supreme Court, as
+rendered by Mr. Justice Strong, the effect is the same as if the
+instrument had declared in so many words that race or color should be
+the basis of discrimination and exclusion.
+
+The bitter and desperate struggle between the two factions of the
+Democratic party in the State of Mississippi in this contest, forcibly
+illustrates the fact that the National Republican party made a grave
+mistake when it abandoned any further effort to enforce by appropriate
+legislation the war amendments to the Constitution. In opposing and
+denouncing the questionable methods of the extreme and radical faction
+of their own party, the conservative faction of the Democrats believed,
+expected, and predicted that such methods would not be acquiesced in by
+the Republican party, nor would they be tolerated by the National
+Government. If those expectations and predictions had been verified they
+would have given the conservative element a justifiable excuse to break
+away from the radicals, and this would have resulted in having two
+strong political parties in that section to-day instead of one. But
+when it was seen that the National Republican party made no further
+opposition to the enforcement of those extraneous, radical and
+questionable methods, that fact not only had the effect of preventing
+further opposition on the part of the conservative Democrats, but it
+also resulted in many of the politically ambitious among them joining
+the ranks of the radicals, since that was then the only channel through
+which it was possible for their political aspirations to be gratified.
+
+The reader cannot fail to see that under the plan in force in
+Mississippi there is no incentive to intelligence; because intelligence
+does not secure access to the ballot-box, nor does the lack of it
+prevent such access. It is not an incentive to the accumulation of
+wealth; because the ownership of property does not secure to the owner
+access to the ballot-box, nor does the lack of it prevent such access.
+It is not a question of intelligence, wealth or character, nor can it be
+said that it is wholly a question of party. It is simply a question of
+factional affiliation. The standard of qualification is confined to such
+white men as may be in harmony with the faction that may happen to have
+control for the time being of the election machinery. What is true of
+Mississippi in this respect is equally true of the other States in which
+schemes of various sorts have been invented and adopted to evade the
+Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVII
+
+EFFECT OF THE MCKINLEY TARIFF BILL ON BOTH POLITICAL PARTIES
+
+
+The Congressional elections of 1890 resulted in a crushing defeat for
+the Republicans. This was due, no doubt, to the McKinley Tariff Bill
+which became a law only about a month before the elections of that year.
+Congress convened the first Monday in December, 1889, and that session
+did not come to a close until the following October. The Democrats in
+Congress made a bitter fight against the McKinley Tariff Bill, and,
+since it was a very complete and comprehensive measure, a great deal of
+time was necessarily consumed in its consideration and discussion. When
+it finally became a law the time between its passage and the elections
+was so short that the friends of the measure did not have time to
+explain and defend it before the elections took place. This placed the
+Republicans at a great disadvantage. They were on the defensive from the
+beginning. The result was a sweeping Democratic victory.
+
+But, strange to say, the same issues that produced Democratic success
+and Republican defeat at that election brought about Republican success
+and Democratic defeat at the Presidential and Congressional elections in
+1896. The McKinley Tariff Bill of 1890 was so popular six years later,
+that the author of that measure was deemed the strongest and most
+available man to place at the head of the Republican ticket as the
+candidate of that party for President. His election was a complete
+vindication of the wisdom of the measure of which he was the author and
+champion. In 1890 his bill was so unpopular that it resulted in his own
+defeat for reelection to Congress. But this did not cause him to lose
+faith in the wisdom and the ultimate popularity of the bill which he was
+proud to have bear his name.
+
+"A little time," said McKinley, "will prove the wisdom of the measure."
+In this he was not mistaken. His defeat for reelection to Congress
+ultimately made him President of the United States; for the following
+year the Republicans of his State elected him Governor, which was a
+stepping-stone to the Presidency. All that was needed was an opportunity
+for the merits of his bill to be thoroughly tested. Shortly after its
+passage, but before it could be enforced or even explained, the people
+were led to believe that it was a harsh, cruel, and unjust measure,
+imposing heavy, unreasonable, and unnecessary taxes upon them,
+increasing the prices of the necessaries of life without a
+corresponding increase in the price of labor. The people were in an
+ugly mood in anticipation of what was never fully realized.
+
+It is true that the tariff was not the sole issue that resulted in such
+a sweeping Republican victory in the National elections of 1896. The
+financial issue, which was prominent before the people at that time, was
+one of the contributory causes of that result. Still it cannot be denied
+that McKinley's connection with the Tariff Bill of 1890 was what gave
+him the necessary national prominence to make him the most available man
+to be placed at the head of his party ticket for the Presidency that
+year.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVIII
+
+INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND SECRETARY
+GRESHAM
+
+
+When Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated in 1893, I was Auditor of the
+Treasury for the Navy Department. Hon. J.G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, had
+been made Secretary of the Treasury. My resignation had been tendered,
+the acceptance of which I expected to see announced any day, but the
+change did not take place until August of that year.
+
+While seated at my desk one day a messenger from the White House made
+his appearance, and I was informed that the President desired to see me
+in person. When I arrived at the White House I was immediately ushered
+into the President's private office, where he was seated alone at a desk
+engaged in reading a book or a magazine. It was at an hour when he was
+not usually accessible to the public. He received me in a very cordial
+way. He informed me that there was an important matter about which he
+desired to talk with me--to get the benefit of my opinion and
+experience. He assured me of his friendly interest in the colored
+people. It was his determination that they should have suitable and
+appropriate recognition under his administration. He said he was very
+much opposed to the color line in politics. There was no more reason why
+a man should be opposed or discriminated against on account of his race
+than on account of his religion. He believed it to be the duty of the
+Democratic party to encourage the colored voters to divide their votes,
+and the best way to do this was to accord to that race the same relative
+consideration, the same treatment, and to give the race the same
+recognition that is given other races and classes of which our
+citizenship is composed. The party line is the only one that should be
+drawn. He would not appoint a colored Republican to office merely for
+the purpose of giving official recognition to the colored race, nor
+would he refuse to appoint a colored Democrat simply because he was
+colored. If this course were pursued, and this policy adopted and
+adhered to by the Democratic party, the colored voters who are in
+harmony with that party on questions about which white men usually
+divide, could see their way clear to vote in accordance with their
+convictions upon such issues, and would not be obliged to vote against
+the party with which they may be in harmony on account of that party's
+attitude towards them as a race. "In other words," he said, "it is a
+well-known fact that there are thousands of colored men who vote the
+Republican ticket at many important elections,--not from choice but
+from what they believe to be a necessity. If the views entertained by me
+on this subject should be accepted by the Democratic party, as I hope
+and believe they will be, that necessity,--real or imaginary,--would no
+longer exist, and the gradual division of the colored vote would
+necessarily follow."
+
+He went on to say that he had not hesitated to express himself fully,
+freely and frankly with members of his own party on the subject, and
+that he had informed them of the course he intended to pursue; but that
+he had been advised against appointing any colored man to an office in
+which white women were employed.
+
+"Now," said the President, "since you have been at the head of an
+important bureau in the Treasury Department during the past four years,
+a bureau in which a number of white women are employed as clerks, I
+desire very much to know what has been your experiences along those
+lines." I informed the President that I would take pleasure in giving
+him the information desired. I assured him that if my occupancy of that
+office had been the occasion of the slightest embarrassment to anyone
+connected with the public service,--whether in the office over which I
+presided or any other,--that fact had never been brought to my notice.
+On the contrary, I had every reason to believe that no one who had
+previously occupied the position enjoyed the respect, good-will and
+friendship of the clerks and other employees to a greater extent than
+was enjoyed by me. My occupancy of that office had more than
+demonstrated the fact, if such were necessary, that official position
+and social contact were separate and distinct. My contact with the
+clerks and other employees of the office was official, not social.
+During office hours they were subject to my direction and supervision in
+the discharge of their official duties, and I am pleased to say that all
+of them, without a single exception, have shown me that courtesy,
+deference and respect due to the head of the office. After office hours
+they went their way and I went mine. No new social ties were created and
+none were broken or changed as the result of the official position
+occupied by me. I assured the President, that, judging from my own
+experience, he need not have the slightest apprehension of any
+embarrassment, friction or unpleasantness growing out of the appointment
+of a colored man of intelligence, good judgment and wise discretion as
+head of any bureau in which white women were employed.
+
+I could not allow the interview to close without expressing to the
+President my warm appreciation of his fair, just, reasonable and
+dignified position on the so-called race question.
+
+"Your attitude," I said, "if accepted in good faith by your party, will
+prove to be the solution of this mythical race problem. Although I am a
+pronounced Republican, yet, as a colored American, I am anxious to have
+such a condition of things brought about as will allow a colored man to
+be a Democrat if he so desires. I believe you have stated the case
+accurately when you say that thousands of colored men have voted the
+Republican ticket at important elections, from necessity and not from
+choice. As a Republican, it is my hope that colored as well as white
+men, act with and vote for the candidates of that party when worthy and
+meritorious, but as a colored American, I want them to be so situated
+that they can vote that way from choice and not from necessity. No man
+can be a free and independent American citizen who is obliged to
+sacrifice his convictions upon the altar of his personal safety. The
+attitude of the Democratic party upon this so-called race question has
+made the colored voter a dependent, and not an independent, American
+citizen. The Republican party emancipated him from physical bondage, for
+which he is grateful. It remains for the Democratic party to emancipate
+him from political bondage, for which he will be equally grateful. You
+are engaged, Mr. President, in a good and glorious work. As a colored
+man I thank you for the brave and noble stand you have taken. God grant
+that you, as a Democrat, may have influence enough to get the Democratic
+party as an organization to support you in the noble stand you have so
+bravely taken."
+
+The President thanked me for my expressions of good-will, and thus
+terminated what to me was a remarkable as well as a pleasant and most
+agreeable interview.
+
+A few days later a messenger from the State Department called at my
+office and informed me that the Secretary of State, Judge Gresham,
+desired to see me. Judge Gresham and I had been warm personal friends
+for many years. He had occupied many positions of prominence and
+responsibility. He had been a major-general in the Union army, and was
+with Sherman's army during that celebrated March through Georgia. He was
+one of the leading candidates for the Presidential nomination before the
+National Republican Convention at Chicago in 1888, when General Benjamin
+Harrison, of Indiana, was nominated.
+
+I was a member of that Convention and one of Judge Gresham's active
+supporters. In the campaign that followed Judge Gresham gave General
+Harrison his active and loyal support, but, for some unaccountable
+reason, he supported Mr. Cleveland against General Harrison in 1892. Mr.
+Cleveland was not only elected, but, contrary to public expectation, he
+carried the State of Illinois,--a State in which Judge Gresham was known
+to be very popular, especially among the colored people of Chicago;
+many of whom, it was said, voted for Mr. Cleveland through the efforts
+and influence of Judge Gresham. Mr. Cleveland evidently believed that
+his success in Illinois was due largely to Judge Gresham, and as
+evidence of that fact, and because Judge Gresham was known to be a very
+able man, Mr. Cleveland paid him the distinguished honor of appointing
+him to the leading position in his cabinet,--that of Secretary of State.
+
+When I called at the State Department the Judge invited me to a seat in
+his private office. He said there was an important matter about which he
+desired to talk with me. My name, he said, had been the subject of a
+recent conversation between the President and himself. The President, he
+said, was well aware of the cordial relations existing between us, and
+believed that if any man could influence my action he, Gresham, was that
+man.
+
+"Now," said the Judge, "the President has formed a very favorable
+opinion of you. He is anxious to have you remain at the head of the
+important bureau over which you are now presiding in such a creditable
+and satisfactory manner. But you understand that it is a political
+office. As anxious as the President is to retain you, and as anxious as
+I am to have him do so, he could not do it and you could neither ask nor
+expect him to do it, unless you were known to be in sympathy with, and a
+supporter of, his administration,--at least in the main. Now, you know
+that I am not only your friend, but that I am a friend to the colored
+people. I know you are a Republican. So am I; but I am a Cleveland man.
+Cleveland is a better Republican than Harrison. In supporting Cleveland
+against Harrison I am no less a Republican. As your friend I would not
+advise you to do anything that would militate against your interests.
+Knowing, as you do, that I am not only your friend but also a good
+Republican, you can at least afford to follow where I lead. I want you,
+then, to authorize me to say to the President that you are in sympathy
+with the main purposes of his administration as explained to you by me,
+and that his decision to retain you in your present position will be
+fully and keenly appreciated by you."
+
+In my reply I stated that while I was very grateful to the Judge for his
+friendly interest in me, and while I highly appreciated the President's
+good opinion of me, it would not be possible for me to consent to retain
+the position I then occupied upon the conditions named.
+
+"If," I said, "it is the desire of the President to have me remain in
+charge of that office during his administration or any part thereof, I
+would be perfectly willing to do so if I should be permitted to remain
+free from any conditions, pledges, promises or obligations. The
+conditions suggested mean nothing more nor less than that I shall
+identify myself with the Democratic party. The President has no office
+at his disposal the acceptance or retention of which could be a
+sufficient inducement for me to take such a step as that. I agree with
+what you have said about Mr. Cleveland, so far as he is personally
+concerned. I have every reason to believe that he has a friendly
+interest in the colored people and that he means to do the fair thing by
+them so far as it may be in his power. But he was elected as a Democrat.
+He is the head of a National Democratic Administration. No man can be
+wholly independent of his party,--a fact recognized in the conditions
+suggested in my own case. I don't think that Mr. Cleveland is what would
+be called in my part of the country a good Democrat, because I believe
+he is utterly devoid of race prejudice, and is not in harmony with those
+who insist upon drawing the color line in the Democratic party. In my
+opinion he is in harmony with the Democratic party only on one important
+public question,--the tariff. On all others,--the so-called race
+question not excepted,--he is in harmony with what I believe to be
+genuine Republicanism. Still, as I have already stated, he was elected
+as a Democrat; and, since he holds that the office now occupied by me is
+a political one, it ought to be filled by one who is in political
+harmony with the administration. I am not that man; for I cannot
+truthfully say that I am in harmony with the main purposes of the
+administration."
+
+The Judge remarked that my decision was a disappointment to him, and he
+believed that I would some day regret having made it, but that he would
+communicate to the President the result of our interview. In spite of
+this, my successor, Morton, a Democrat from Maine, was not appointed
+until the following August.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIX
+
+THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1900
+
+
+As a delegate to the National Republican Convention of 1900, I was
+honored by my delegation with being selected to represent Mississippi on
+the Committee on Platform and Resolutions; and by the chairman of that
+committee, Senator Fairbanks, I was made a member of the sub-committee
+that drafted the platform. At the first meeting of the sub-committee,
+the Ohio member, Senator J.B. Foraker, submitted the draft of a platform
+that had been prepared at Washington which was made the basis of quite a
+lengthy and interesting discussion. This discussion developed the fact
+that the Washington draft was not at all satisfactory to a majority of
+the sub-committee. The New York member, Hon. L.E. Quigg, was especially
+pronounced in his objections, not so much to what was declared, but to
+the manner and form in which the declarations were made. In his opinion,
+the principles of the party were not set forth in the Washington draft
+in language that would make them clearly understood and easily
+comprehended by the reading public. After every member who desired to
+speak had done so, it was agreed that those who desired amendments,
+changes, or additions should submit the same in writing, and that these
+with the Washington draft be turned over to Mr. Quigg as a sub-committee
+of one. A platform in harmony with the views expressed by members of the
+committee would then be carefully prepared, and the same submitted to
+the sub-committee at an adjourned meeting to be held at an early hour
+the next morning.
+
+The only amendment suggested by me was one, the purpose of which was to
+express more clearly the attitude of the party with reference to the
+enforcement of the war amendments to the National Constitution. When the
+sub-committee met the next morning Mr. Quigg submitted an entirely new
+draft, which he had prepared the afternoon and night before, using the
+Washington draft and the amendments submitted by members of the
+sub-committee as the basis of what he had done. His draft proved to be
+so satisfactory to the sub-committee that it was accepted and adopted
+with very slight modifications. Mr. Quigg seemed to have been very
+careful in the preparation of his draft, not only giving expression to
+the views of the sub-committee, which had been developed in the
+discussion, and as had been set forth in the suggested amendments
+referred to him, but the manner and form of expression used by him
+impressed the committee as being a decided improvement upon the
+Washington draft, although the subject matter in both drafts was
+substantially the same. Mr. Quigg's draft, with very slight changes and
+alterations, was not only accepted and adopted, but he was the recipient
+of the thanks of the other members for the excellent manner in which he
+had discharged the important duty that had been assigned him.
+
+The full committee was then convened by which the unanimous report of
+the sub-committee was adopted without opposition and without change. But
+I had anticipated a renewal of the effort to change the basis of
+representation in future National Republican Conventions, and had,
+therefore, made some little mental preparation to take a leading part in
+opposition to its adoption. Such a proposition had been submitted at
+nearly every National Convention of the party since 1884. That a similar
+effort would be made at this convention I had good reasons to believe.
+In this I was not mistaken. It was introduced by Senator Quay, of
+Pennsylvania. His proposition, like the others, was that in the future
+delegates to the National Convention should be apportioned among the
+different States upon the basis of the votes polled for the party
+candidates at the last preceding national election, instead of upon the
+basis of the States' representation in Congress. On the first view this
+proposition seems to be both reasonable and fair, but it cannot stand
+the test of an intelligent analysis. As soon as I sought and secured
+the recognition of the chair, I offered an amendment in the nature of a
+substitute, declaring it to be the judgment of the party that in all
+States in which there had been an evasion of the Fifteenth Amendment by
+State action, that there should be a reduction in the representation in
+Congress from such State or States in the manner and for the purpose
+expressed in the Fourteenth Amendment. A point of order was immediately
+made against the amendment, but the occupant of the chair, Senator
+Lodge, stated that he would hold his decision in reserve pending an
+explanation by me of the amendment I had submitted. At that time a
+suggestion was made that the whole subject be postponed until the next
+day, to which I assented, and then yielded the floor. But it was not
+again called up, hence my speech was never delivered. Since it may be of
+some interest to the reader to get an idea of what I had in mind, I
+shall here set down in the main what I intended to say on that occasion
+had the opportunity been presented.
+
+"Mr. Chairman, while there may be some doubt, in a parliamentary sense,
+as to whether or not the amendment I have submitted can be entertained
+as a substitute for the original proposition, it cannot be denied that
+it relates to the same subject matter. I hope, therefore, that the
+Convention will have an opportunity in some way of voting upon it in
+lieu of the one that has been presented by the distinguished gentleman
+from Pennsylvania. It is a well-known fact that under the present system
+each State is entitled to double the number of delegates that it has
+Senators and Representatives in Congress. The plan now proposed is that
+the apportionment in future conventions be based upon the number of
+votes polled for the candidates of the party at the last preceding
+National election, according to what is known as the 'official returns,'
+although it may be a fact, as is unquestionably true in some States,
+that the 'official returns' may not be free from fraud,--that they may
+represent in some instances not the actual party vote polled, but the
+party vote counted, certified, and returned. This plan, therefore, means
+that representation from some States in future National Republican
+Conventions will not be based upon Republican strength, nor determined
+by Republican votes, but will be fixed and determined by Democratic
+election officials. In other words, Democrats, and not Republicans, will
+fix and determine in a large measure, representation in future
+Conventions of the Republican party.
+
+"The proposed change is predicated upon the assumption that elections
+are fair and returns are honest in all the States at each and every
+National election. If that were true the difference in the
+representation from the several States would be unimportant and
+immaterial, even under the proposed change, hence there would be no
+occasion for the change. The fact that this assumption is not true
+furnishes the basis for the alleged inequality in representation, and
+the apparent necessity for the change proposed. In addition to this it
+is a well-known fact that in several of the Southern States,--my own,
+Mississippi, among the number,--the Fifteenth Amendment to the National
+Constitution has been practically nullified, and that the colored men in
+such States have been as effectually disfranchised as if the Fifteenth
+Amendment were not a part of the organic law of the land. If the plan
+that is now proposed by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania
+should be adopted, the National Republican party by accepting them and
+making them the basis of representation in future National Conventions
+of the party will have thereby placed itself on record as having given
+its sanction to the questionable methods by which these results have
+been accomplished. I frankly confess that the plan I have presented is
+based upon the humiliating confession that the Government is without
+power under the Constitution as construed by the Supreme Court to
+effectually enforce the war amendments; and that in consequence thereof
+nothing is left to be done but to fall back upon the plan prescribed by
+the Fourteenth Amendment, which is to reduce the representation in
+Congress from such States in the manner and for the purposes therein
+stated.
+
+"It is true that the Fourteenth Amendment having been proposed and
+submitted prior to the Fifteenth, the provision with reference to
+reduction of representation in Congress was predicated upon the
+assumption that the different States could then legally make race or
+color a ground of discrimination in prescribing the qualification of
+electors. Still, it occurs to me that if a State could be thus punished
+for doing that which it had a legal right to do, the same punishment can
+now be inflicted for doing that which it can no longer legally do. If
+the plan proposed by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania
+should be adopted, the Republican party will not only have placed itself
+on record as having given its sanction to the methods by which these
+results will have been accomplished, but it will be notice to the
+different States, north as well as south, that any of them that may see
+fit to take advantage of their own wrongs will have no occasion to fear
+any future punishment being inflicted upon the State for so doing. Under
+the plan thus proposed the State that may thus take advantage of its own
+wrongs will not only receive no punishment in the reduction of its
+representation in Congress, but its methods and practices will have been
+approved and adopted by the Republican party.
+
+"On the other hand, the plan I propose is one which is equivalent to a
+notice to the different States that, while the National Government may
+not be able to enforce by appropriate legislation the war amendments to
+the Constitution, the Legislative department of the Government can
+prevent a State from taking advantage of its own wrongs, through the
+infliction of a punishment upon the State in the reduction of its
+representation in Congress. Since representation in the National
+Convention is based upon the States' representation in Congress, it will
+be seen that if the representation in Congress from such States should
+be reduced, it would result in a reduction in the representation from
+such States in the National Convention. The main purpose, therefore,
+which the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania seems to have in
+view will have been practically accomplished, but in a far different and
+in a much less objectionable way. It will be some satisfaction to
+southern Republicans, who are denied access to the ballot-box through an
+evasion of the National Constitution, to know that if they are to be
+denied a voice in future National Conventions of the party to which they
+belong, because they are unable to make their votes effective at the
+ballot-box, the party or State by which they are thus wronged will not
+be allowed to take advantage of, and enjoy the fruits thereof. They will
+at least have the satisfaction of knowing that if they cannot vote
+themselves, others cannot vote for them, and thus appropriate to
+themselves the increased representation in Congress and in the electoral
+college to which the State is entitled, based upon their representative
+strength.
+
+"The strongest point in favor of this proposed change, as I have
+endeavored to show, grows out of the apparent inequality in
+representation in the National Convention due to the denial of access to
+the ballot-box to Republicans through an evasion of the Fifteenth
+Amendment. I cannot believe, Mr. Chairman, that this convention can be
+induced to favorably consider any proposition, the effect of which will
+be to sanction and approve the questionable methods by which the colored
+Republicans in several Southern States have been disfranchised. I cannot
+believe that this convention can be induced to favorably consider any
+proposition, the effect of which will be the sending of a message of
+sympathy and encouragement to the Democrats of North Carolina, who are
+now engaged in an effort to disfranchise the colored Republicans of that
+State.
+
+"The colored Americans ask no special favors as a class,--and no special
+protection as a race. All they ask and insist upon is equal civil and
+political rights, and a voice in the government under which they live,
+and to which they owe allegiance, and for the support of which they are
+taxed. They feel that they are entitled to such consideration and
+treatment, not as a matter of favor but as a matter of right. They came
+to the rescue of their country when its flag was trailing in the dust of
+treason and rebellion, and freely watered the tree of liberty with the
+precious and patriotic blood that flowed from their loyal veins.
+
+"There sits upon the floor of this convention to-day a distinguished
+gentleman whose name is upon the lips of every patriotic American
+citizen. The gentleman to whom I refer, is the member from the great and
+important State of New York, Theodore Roosevelt, who, as the brave
+leader of the American troops, led the charge upon San Juan Hill. In
+following the lead of that gallant officer on that momentous occasion,
+the colored American again vindicated his right to a voice in the
+government of his country. In his devotion to the cause of liberty and
+justice the colored American has shown that he was not only willing and
+ready at any and all times to sacrifice his life upon the altar of his
+own country, but that he is also willing to fight side by side with his
+white American brother in an effort to plant the tree of liberty upon a
+foreign soil. Must it now be said, that, in spite of all this, the
+colored American finds himself without a home, without a country,
+without friends, and even without a party? God forbid!
+
+"Mr. Chairman, the colored American has been taught to believe that when
+all other parties and organizations are against him, he can always look
+with hope and encouragement to conventions of the Republican party. Must
+that hope now be destroyed? Must he now be made to feel and to realize
+the unpleasant fact that, as an American citizen, his ambition, his
+hopes and his aspirations are to be buried beneath the sod of
+disappointment and despair? Mr. Chairman, the achievements of the
+Republican party as the friend and champion of equal civil and political
+rights for all classes of American citizens, constitute one of the most
+brilliant chapters in the history of that grand and magnificent
+organization. Must that chapter now be blotted out? Are you now prepared
+to confess that in these grand and glorious achievements the party made
+a grave mistake?
+
+"It was a most beautiful and imposing scene that took place yesterday
+when a number of venerable men who took part in the organization of the
+Republican party, occupied seats upon the platform of this convention.
+The presence of those men brought to mind pleasant and agreeable
+recollections of the past. Until the Republican party was organized, the
+middle classes, the laboring people, the oppressed and the slave had no
+channel through which to reach the bar of public opinion. The Democratic
+party was controlled by the slave oligarchy of the South, whilst the
+Whig party had not the courage of its convictions. The Republican party
+came to the front with a determination to secure, if possible, freedom
+for the slave, liberty for the oppressed, and justice and fair play for
+all classes and races of our population. That its efforts in these
+directions have not been wholly in vain are among the most glorious and
+brilliant achievements that will constitute a most important part of the
+history of our country; for it had been the unmistakable determination
+of that party to make this beautiful country of ours in truth and in
+fact the land of the free and the home of the brave. Surely it is not
+your purpose now to reverse and undo any part of the grand and noble
+work that has been so successfully and so well done along these lines.
+
+"And yet that is just what you will have done if you adopt the
+proposition presented by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania.
+While I do not assert and cannot believe that such was or is the purpose
+and desire of the author of that proposition, yet no one that will give
+the matter careful consideration can fail to see that the effect of it
+will be to undo, in part at least, what the Republican party has
+accomplished since its organization. As a colored Republican, speaking
+in behalf of that class of our fellow citizens who honor and revere the
+Republican party for what it has accomplished in the past, I feel that I
+have a right to appeal to you not to cloud the magnificent record which
+this grand organization has made. So far as the colored man is
+concerned, you found him a slave; you have made him a free man. You
+found him a serf; you have made him a sovereign. You found him a
+dependent menial; you have made him a soldier. I therefore appeal to the
+members of this Convention, in the name of the history of the Republican
+party, and in behalf of justice and fair-play, to vote down this unjust,
+unfair, unwise and unnecessary proposition which has been presented by
+the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXX
+
+ARGUMENT ON PROPOSED CHANGE OF REPRESENTATION IN CONVENTION
+
+
+In addition to the reasons already given there are many others that
+might be urged against the proposed change of representation.
+
+In the first place, the present plan is based upon the sound and stable
+principle upon which the Government was organized. Representation in
+Congress is not based upon votes or voters, but upon population. The
+same is true of the different State Legislatures. All political
+parties,--or, at any rate, the principal ones,--have adopted the same
+system in the make-up of their State and National Conventions. The
+membership of the National Convention being based upon each State's
+representation in Congress, the State Conventions, with perhaps a few
+exceptions, are based upon the representation in the State Legislatures
+from each county, parish, or other civil division. It is the fairest,
+safest, best, and most equitable plan that can be devised or adopted.
+
+Under this plan or system, no State, section or locality can gain or
+lose representation in any party convention through the application of
+extraneous or questionable methods, either by the action of the
+government or of a political party. The representation in Congress and
+in the different State Legislatures, which is based upon population,
+fixes the representation from each State in the different National
+Conventions and in many of the State Conventions. Any other plan or
+system,--especially that which is based upon the number of votes cast
+for the candidates of the party as officially ascertained and
+declared,--would have a tendency to work serious injustice to certain
+States and sections. In fact, it would have a tendency to sectionalize
+the party by which the change is made.
+
+Under the present system, for instance, Pennsylvania and Texas have the
+same representation in a National Democratic Convention that they have
+in a National Republican Convention, although one is usually Republican
+in National elections and the other Democratic. And why should not the
+representation from those States be the same in both conventions? Why
+should Texas, because it is believed to be safely Democratic, have more
+power and influence in a Democratic Convention on that account than the
+Republican State of Pennsylvania? The answer may be because one is a
+Democratic and the other a Republican State--because one can be relied
+upon to give its electoral votes to the candidates of the Democratic
+party while the other cannot. But this is not in harmony with our
+governmental system. Representation in Congress being based upon
+population, every State, section and locality has its relative weight
+and influence in the government in accordance with the number of its
+inhabitants.
+
+That this is the correct principle will not be seriously questioned when
+it is carefully considered. What is true of Pennsylvania and Texas in a
+National Democratic Convention is equally true of the same States in a
+National Republican Convention, and for the same reasons. The argument
+that Pennsylvania should have relatively a larger representation in a
+National Republican Convention than Texas, because the former is
+reliably Republican while the latter is hopelessly Democratic, is just
+as fallacious in this case as in the other. But it is said that
+delegates from States that cannot contribute to the success of the
+ticket should not have a potential voice in nominating a ticket that
+other States must be depended upon to elect. Then why not exclude them
+altogether, and also those from the territories and the District of
+Columbia?
+
+The argument is unsound, and unreasonable; a State may be reliably
+Republican at one election and yet go Democratic at the next. In 1872
+General Grant, the Republican candidate for President, carried nearly
+every State in the Union, in the South as well as in the North. Four
+years later Governor Hayes, the Republican candidate for President,
+came within one vote of being defeated in the electoral college; and
+even then his election was made possible only through the decision of
+the Electoral Commission. In 1880 General Garfield, the Republican
+candidate for President, carried New York, and was elected; while four
+years later Mr. Blaine, the candidate of the same party, lost it and was
+defeated. In 1888 Harrison, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+carried New York, and was elected; four years later he not only lost New
+York, but also such important States as Indiana and Illinois, and came
+within a few votes of losing Ohio. This was due to a slump in the
+Republican vote throughout the country, which would have made a very
+radical change in the National Convention of 1896 if the apportionment
+of delegates to that convention had been based upon the votes cast for
+Harrison in 1892. While McKinley, the Republican Presidential candidate,
+was elected by a large majority in 1896, he lost such important Western
+States as Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Montana, Washington and Nevada.
+While he was reelected four years later by an increased majority, he
+again lost some of the same States. While Roosevelt, the Republican
+Presidential candidate in 1904, carried every State that McKinley
+carried in 1900, and several others besides, Mr. Bryan, the Democratic
+candidate in 1908, though defeated by a large majority, regained some
+of the Western States that Roosevelt carried in 1904,--notably his own
+State of Nebraska.
+
+There was a time when such States as Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia,
+Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee were as safely Democratic as Texas and
+Georgia. Will anyone assert that such is true of them now? There also
+was a time when such States as Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada were as
+reliably Republican as Pennsylvania and Vermont. Is that true of them
+now? In addition to these, taking into consideration important elections
+that have been held since 1880, the Republicans cannot absolutely rely
+upon the support of such States as Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut,
+New York, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, Kansas, and even Ohio. Even the
+strong Republican State of Pennsylvania has occasionally gone Democratic
+in what is called an "off year." Other Republican States,--or States
+that usually go Republican,--have gone Democratic when it was not an off
+year,--Illinois, for instance, in 1892. All of this goes to prove how
+unreliable, unsafe, unsatisfactory, unjust and unfair would be the
+change in the basis of representation as thus proposed.
+
+Another argument in support of the proposed change is that delegates
+from Democratic States are, as a rule, controlled by the administration
+then in power, if Republican, and that such delegates can be depended
+upon to support the administration candidate whoever he may be,
+regardless of merit, strength or availability. This argument, of course,
+is based upon the assumption that what is true of Democratic States in
+this respect is not true of Republican States. The slightest
+investigation will easily establish the fallacy of this assumption. The
+truth is that the federal office-holders--especially those holding
+appointive offices,--can, with a few exceptions, always be depended upon
+to support the Administration candidate, whoever he may be. The only
+difference between the North and the South in this respect is that in
+some of the Southern States, where but one party is allowed to
+exist,--the Democratic party,--the Republican office-holders can more
+easily manipulate and control the conventions of their party in such
+States. But that the office-holders of all sections constitute an
+important factor in the election of delegates to the National
+Conventions will not be denied by those who are familiar with the facts,
+and are honest enough to admit them.
+
+For purposes of illustration we will take the National Republican
+Convention of 1908, which nominated Judge Taft. It was known that Judge
+Taft was the man whose candidacy was supported by the Administration.
+The proceedings of the Convention revealed the fact that outside of five
+States that had what were called "favorite son" candidates of their
+own, there were perhaps not more than fifty votes in the whole
+Convention that were opposed to the administration candidate, although
+it is more than probable that Judge Taft would not have been nominated
+but for the fact that he was the choice of the administration.
+
+I am sure no fair-minded person will assert that, in thus voting, the
+delegates from the Democratic States were influenced by the
+administration, while those from Republican States were not. It is not
+my purpose to assert or even intimate that any questionable methods were
+used to influence the election, or control the votes of the delegates in
+the interest of any one candidate. Nothing of that sort was necessary,
+since human nature is the same the world over.
+
+That the office-holders should be loyal to the administration to which
+they belong is perfectly natural. That those who wish to become
+office-holders should be anxious to be on the winning side is also
+natural, and that, too, without regard to the locality or section in
+which they live. It is a fact, therefore, that up to 1908 no candidate
+has ever been nominated by a Republican National Convention who did not
+finally receive a sufficient number of votes from all sections of the
+country to make his nomination practically the choice of the party
+without regard to sectional lines.
+
+If, then, it be a fact that in 1908, for instance, delegates to the
+National Republican Convention were elected and controlled through
+administration influences in the interest of any one candidate, such
+influences were no less potential in Republican than in Democratic
+States. Outside of the administration candidate there were at that
+Convention five very important States that presented candidates of their
+own. They were New York, Indiana, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
+That the delegation from each of said States were practically solid in
+the support of its "favorite son" was due largely to the wise decision
+of the managers of the administration candidate to concede to each of
+said "favorite sons" the delegation from his own State without a
+contest. But for this decision, which was wisely made in the interest of
+party harmony, no one of those "favorite sons" would have had the solid
+delegation from his own State. As it was, a large majority of the
+delegates from the five States named was not unfriendly to the
+Administration candidate. These delegates voted for their "favorite
+sons" simply because they knew that in doing so they were not
+antagonizing the administration. There never was a time, therefore, when
+they could have been united upon any one candidate in opposition to the
+one that had at his back the powerful support of the Administration. Our
+government has reached that point in its growth, where it is not only
+possible, but comparatively easy, for an administration to secure the
+nomination of the one by whom it desires to be succeeded,--especially
+under the present system of electing delegates. It was in anticipation
+of this, and to prevent any one man from perpetuating himself in power,
+that Washington established the precedent against a third successive
+term.
+
+If the advocates of this proposed change are to be believed, and if they
+wish to be consistent, they should include the National Committee. The
+composition of that body is somewhat similar to that of the United
+States Senate. In the Senate Nevada and Delaware have the same
+representation as New York and Pennsylvania. In the National Committee
+each State, territory, and the District of Columbia has one vote. If any
+change in the interest of reform is necessary, the National Republican
+Committee is the organization where it should first be made; for it
+often happens that that committee can not only shape the policy of the
+party but control the nomination as well,--especially when the result
+between opposing candidates is close and doubtful. In such a contest the
+candidate that has the support of a majority of the National Committee
+has a decided advantage over his rivals for the nomination. If the
+result should be close that advantage will be more than likely to secure
+him the nomination.
+
+The National Committee prepares the roll of the delegates to the
+Convention, and, in doing so, it decides primarily every contested
+seat. If the contests thus decided should give any one candidate a
+majority, that majority will be sure to retain the advantage thus
+secured. It will thus be seen that if any change is necessary this is
+the place where it should first be made. It occurs to me that instead of
+changing the basis of representation the most effective remedy for the
+evils now complained of is to have the delegates to National Conventions
+elected at popular primaries, instead of by State and district
+conventions.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXXI
+
+COMPARISON OF BRYAN AND CLEVELAND
+
+
+It was upon the territory which now comprises the States of Kansas and
+Nebraska that the preliminary battles in the interest of freedom were
+successfully fought. This is especially true of that part of the
+territory which now comprises the State of Kansas. But not only for that
+reason has that State occupied a prominent place before the public;
+other events of national importance have had their birth there. It was
+Kansas that furnished one of the Republican United State Senators who
+voted against the conviction, of Andrew Johnson,--who had been impeached
+by the House of Representatives for high crimes and misdemeanors in
+office,--and thus secured the President's acquittal. That State also
+furnished one of the most remarkable men that ever occupied a seat in
+the United States Senate, John J. Ingalls.
+
+I distinctly remember him as an able and brilliant young Senator
+when,--in 1875, under the leadership of Senator George F. Edmunds, of
+Vermont,--he took a prominent part in the successful fight that was made
+in that body to secure the passage of the Sumner Civil Rights Bill. It
+was this fight that demonstrated his fitness for the position he
+subsequently occupied as one of the distinguished leaders on the
+Republican side of the Senate. He was a natural born orator, having a
+wonderful command of the English language; and, while he was somewhat
+superficial and not always logical, he never failed to be interesting,
+though he was seldom instructive. For severe satire and irony he had few
+equals and no superiors. It was on this account that no Senator was
+anxious to get into a controversy with him. But for two unfortunate
+events in the career of John J. Ingalls he would have filled a much more
+important position in the history of his country than it is now possible
+for the impartial historian to give him.
+
+Kansas, unfortunately, proved to be a fertile field for the growth and
+development of that ephemeral organization known as the Populist
+party,--a party that had secured a majority in the Legislature that was
+to elect the successor to Mr. Ingalls. The Senator evidently had great
+confidence in his own oratorical ability. He appeared to have conceived
+the idea that it was possible for him to make a speech on the floor of
+the Senate that would insure his reelection even by a Populist
+Legislature. In this,--as he soon found out, to his bitter
+disappointment,--he was mistaken. He no doubt came to the same
+conclusion that many of his friends and admirers had already come to,
+that in bidding for the support of the Populists of his State he had
+made the mistake of his life. The impression he made upon the public
+mind was that he was devoid of principle, and that he was willing to
+sacrifice his own party upon the altar of his ambition.
+
+But it was neither known nor suspected that he contemplated making a bid
+for the support of the Populist members of the Legislature until he
+delivered his speech. When, therefore, it was announced that Senator
+Ingalls would address the Senate on a certain day, he was greeted, as on
+previous occasions, with a large audience. But this was the first time
+that his hearers had been sadly disappointed. This was due more to what
+was said than how it was said. Then it was plain to those who heard him
+that his heart was not in what he was saying; hence the speech was
+devoid of that fiery eloquence which on previous occasions had charmed
+and electrified his hearers. But, after that speech, when one of his
+auditors would ask another what he thought of it, the reply invariably
+was a groan of disappointment. When the immense crowd dispersed at the
+conclusion of the speech instead of smiling faces and pleasing
+countenances as on previous occasions, one could not help noticing
+marked evidences of disappointment in every face. The impression that
+had been made was, that it was an appeal to the Populist members of the
+Legislature of his State to return him to the Senate, in exchange for
+which he was willing to turn his back upon the party which he was then
+serving. It was almost equivalent to an open declaration of his
+willingness to identify himself with the Populists, and champion their
+cause if they would reelect him to the seat he then occupied. From the
+effects of that fatal blunder the Senator never recovered.
+
+Another thing that lessened the distinguished orator and Senator in the
+estimation of the public was his radically changed attitude upon
+questions affecting the political, social and industrial status of the
+colored Americans. From a brilliant and eloquent champion and defender
+of their civil and political rights he became one of their most severe
+critics. From his latest utterances upon that subject it was clear to
+those who heard what he said that the colored Americans merited nothing
+that had been said and done in their behalf, but nearly everything that
+had been said and done against them. Why there had been such a radical
+change in his attitude upon that subject, has been an inexplicable
+mystery. The only explanation that I have heard from the lips of some of
+his former friends and admirers was that it was in the nature of an
+experiment,--the expectation being that it would give him a sensational
+fame throughout the country, which could be utilized to his financial
+advantage upon his retirement to private life. This explanation would
+have been rejected without serious consideration, but for the fact that
+some others have pursued the same course for the same reason, and their
+hopes have been, in a large measure, realized. In his bid for the
+support of the Populist members of the Legislature of his State the
+Senator had established the fact that he did not have very strong
+convictions upon any subject, and that those he had could be easily
+changed to suit the times and the occasion.
+
+Nebraska, though not very strong politically, is one of the most
+important States in the West. It has sent a number of men to the front
+who have made an impression upon the public mind. For many years no
+State in the Union was more reliably Republican than Nebraska. A large
+majority of its voters, I am sure, are not now in harmony with the
+Democratic party,--nor have they ever been so,--but it is true, at the
+same time, that thousands of those who for many years acted with the
+Republican party, and voted for its candidates, have become alienated,
+thus making Republican success at any election in the State close and
+doubtful, and that, too, regardless of the merits of opposing candidates
+or the platform declarations of opposing parties.
+
+For this remarkable change there must be a good and sufficient reason.
+The State in its early history was sparsely populated, and stood very
+much in need of railroads for the development of its resources. In
+those days, railroads were very popular, and the people were in a mood
+to offer liberal inducements to those who would raise the means to
+furnish them with the necessary transportation facilities.
+
+For the same reason the Federal Government made valuable concessions in
+the interest of railroad construction in the Western States. Since the
+railroads, thus aided, were in a large measure the creatures of the
+State and Nation they thereby acquired an interest in the administration
+of the National and State Governments,--especially those of the
+State,--that they otherwise would not have had.
+
+The construction of the roads went on at such a rapid rate that they
+soon acquired such a power and influence in the administration of the
+State Government that the people looked upon it as being dangerous to
+their liberties. In fact it was claimed,--a claim, no doubt, largely
+supported by the facts,--that the State Government was actually
+dominated by railroad influence. No one, it was said, could be elected
+or appointed to an important office who was not acceptable to the
+railroad interests. This state of affairs produced a revulsion among the
+common people; thousands of whom decided that they would vote against
+the Republican party, which was then,--as it had been for many
+years,--in control of the State Government because of its having
+allowed such a state of affairs to be brought about.
+
+Edward Rosewater, editor and proprietor of the Omaha _Bee_, the most
+influential Republican paper in the State, took sides against the
+railroad interests. The result was that Nebraska, for the first time,
+elected a Democratic governor.
+
+But many of the Republicans who acted with the Democrats on that
+occasion could not see their way clear to remain in that party, though
+some of them were not willing to return to the ranks of the Republicans.
+So they decided to cast their lot with the Populist party, which in the
+meantime had made its appearance upon the field of political activity.
+While the Democratic party remained the minority party in the State, it
+was seldom that the Republicans could poll more votes than the Democrats
+and Populists combined, and since, under the then leadership of the
+Democratic party in the State, that party and the Populist stood
+practically for the same things, it was not difficult to bring about
+fusion of the two parties against the Republicans. This gave the
+Fusionists control of the State Government for a number of years.
+
+In the meantime a brilliant, eloquent and talented young man had come
+upon the stage of political activity. This man was William J. Bryan. His
+first entry into public life was his election to Congress as a Democrat
+from a Republican district. While a member of the House he made a
+speech on the tariff question which gave him national fame. As a speaker
+William Jennings Bryan has always been plausible and captivating. He can
+clothe his thoughts in such beautiful and eloquent language that he
+seldom fails to make a favorable impression upon those who hear him. It
+was this wonderful faculty that secured him his first nomination for the
+Presidency. His name was hardly thought of in connection with the
+nomination by that convention. In fact his right to a seat as a member
+of the convention was disputed and contested. But, after he had
+delivered his cross of gold and crown of thorns speech before that body,
+he carried the Convention by storm. His nomination was then a foregone
+conclusion.
+
+It was under the leadership and chiefly through the influence of Mr.
+Bryan that the fusion between the Democrats and the Populists of his
+State was brought about. But for his advocacy of Free Silver and his
+affiliation with the Populists, he might have reached the goal of his
+ambition. The result of the election showed that while he commanded and
+received the support of not less than eighty per cent of his own party,
+the remaining twenty per cent proved to be strong enough to insure his
+defeat. In fact the business interests of the country were almost solid
+against him; and it is safe to say that no man can ever hope to become
+President of the United States who cannot at least divide the
+substantial and solid business interests. The business men were
+apprehensive that the election of Mr. Bryan would bring about financial
+and commercial disaster, hence they, almost regardless of previous party
+affiliations, practically united in an effort to defeat him.
+
+The State of Nebraska, therefore, will always occupy a prominent place
+in the history of the country, because,--though young, small, and
+politically weak,--it has produced the most remarkable man of whom the
+Democratic party can boast. It has also produced a number of very able
+men on the Republican side, such men, for instance, as C.F. Manderson,
+and John M. Thurston,--who both served the State in the United States
+Senate, and made brilliant records. But Mr. Bryan had an advantage over
+these two when he stood before a popular audience in Nebraska, because
+they had been identified with the railroad interests, while he had not.
+
+That Mr. Bryan is a strong man and has a wonderful hold upon his party
+is shown by the fact that he has been three times the party candidate
+for the Presidency. While it may be true that he can never be elected to
+the Presidency, it is no doubt equally true that while he lives no other
+Democrat can become President who is not acceptable to him and to his
+friends.
+
+In one respect at least, Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Bryan were very much
+alike. As already stated, Mr. Bryan is a Democrat. The same was true of
+Mr. Cleveland; and yet they were as radically different as it is
+possible for two men to be. They were not only different in temperament
+and disposition, but also in their views and convictions upon public
+questions,--at least, so far as the public is informed,--with the
+possible exception of the tariff. There was another question that came
+to the front after the Spanish American war,--the question of
+"Imperialism,"--upon which they may have been in accord; but this is not
+positively known to be a fact. Indeed, the tariff is such a complicated
+subject that they may not have been in perfect accord even on that. Mr.
+Cleveland was elected President in 1892 upon a platform pledged to a
+tariff for revenue only. The Democrats had a majority in both Houses of
+Congress; but when that majority passed a tariff bill, it fell so far
+short of Mr. Cleveland's idea of a tariff for revenue only that he not
+only denounced it in strong language, but refused to sign it. Whether or
+not Mr. Bryan was with the President or with the Democratic majority in
+Congress in that fight is not known; but, judging from his previous
+public utterances upon the subject, it is to be presumed that he was in
+accord with the President.
+
+It is claimed by the friends and admirers of both Mr. Cleveland and Mr.
+Bryan that each could be truly called a Jeffersonian Democrat; which
+means a strong advocate and defender of what is called States Rights, a
+doctrine on which is based one of the principal differences between the
+Republican and Democratic parties. Yet President Cleveland did not
+hesitate to use the military force of the government to suppress
+domestic violence within the boundaries of a State, and that too against
+the protest of the Governor of the State, for the alleged reason that
+such action was necessary to prevent the interruption of the carrying of
+the United States mail. Mr. Bryan's views upon the same subject appear
+to be sufficiently elastic to justify the National Government, in his
+opinion, in becoming the owner and operator of the principal railroads
+of the country. His views along those lines are so far in advance of
+those of his party that he was obliged, for reasons of political
+expediency and party exigency, to hold them in abeyance during the
+Presidential campaign of 1908. Jeffersonian democracy, therefore, seems
+now to be nothing more than a meaningless form of expression.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXXII
+
+THE SOLID SOUTH, PAST AND PRESENT. FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
+
+
+To turn again to the South. This section has been a fertile field for
+political experimental purposes by successive Republican
+administrations, ever since the second administration of President
+Grant. The Solid South, so-called, has been a serious menace to the
+peace and prosperity of the country. How to bring about such a condition
+of affairs as would do away with the supposed necessity for its
+continuance has been the problem, the solution of which has been the
+cause of political experiments. President Hayes was the first to try the
+experiment of appointing Democrats to many of the most important
+offices, hoping that the solution would thus be found. But he was not
+given credit for honest motives in doing so, for the reason that the
+public was impressed with the belief that such action on his part was
+one of the conditions upon which he was allowed to be peaceably
+inaugurated. At any rate the experiment was a complete failure, hence,
+so far as the more important offices were concerned, that policy was not
+continued by Republican administrations that came into power subsequent
+to the Hayes administration, and prior to that of Taft's.
+
+I do not mean to say that no Democrats were appointed to important
+offices at the South by the administrations referred to, but such
+appointments were not made with the belief or expectation that they
+would contribute to a solution of the problem that was involved in what
+was known as the Solid South. Political and social conditions in that
+section of the country are such that the appointment to some of the
+federal offices of men who are not identified with the Republican party
+is inevitable. The impression that the writer desires to make upon the
+mind of the reader is that, between the administration of Hayes and that
+of Taft no Republican administrations made such appointments with the
+expectation that they would contribute to a breaking up of the solid
+south. President Roosevelt tried the experiment of offering
+encouragement and inducements in that direction to what was known as the
+Gold-standard Democrats, but even that was barren of satisfactory
+results. President Taft seems to be the only Republican President since
+Mr. Hayes who has allowed himself to labor under the delusion that the
+desired result could be accomplished through the use and distribution of
+Federal patronage. The chief mistake on the part of those who thus
+believe, and who act in accordance with that belief, grows out of a
+serious lack of information about the actual situation. In the first
+place their action is based upon the assumption that the Solid
+South,--or what remains of it,--is an outgrowth of an honest expression
+of the wishes of the people of that section, whereas, in point of fact,
+the masses had very little to do with bringing about present conditions
+and know less about them. Those conditions are not due primarily to the
+fact that colored men are intimidated by white men, but that white men
+are intimidated by the Democratic party. They are not due primarily to
+the fact that colored men are disfranchised, but that white men are
+prevented from giving effective expression to their honest political
+opinions and convictions.
+
+The disfranchisement of the colored men is one of the results growing
+out of those conditions, which would not and could not exist if there
+were absolute freedom of thought and action in political matters among
+the white people. The only part that the so-called Race Question plays
+in this business is that it is used as a pretext to justify the coercive
+and proscriptive methods thus used. The fact that the colored man is
+disfranchised and has no voice in the creation and administration of the
+government under which he lives and by which he is taxed does not change
+the situation in this respect. His presence,--whether he can vote or
+not,--furnishes the occasion for the continuance of such methods, and,
+as long as intelligent persons, especially at the North and particularly
+in the Republican party, can be thus fooled and deceived they will not
+be discontinued.
+
+The announcement of President Taft's Southern policy, therefore, was
+received by the present leaders of the Democratic party at the South
+with satisfaction and delight, not on account of the official
+recognition that members of their party were to receive, for that was of
+secondary importance, but on account of the fact that they could clearly
+see that their contention about the so-called race question was thus
+given a national sanction, which would have the effect of making that
+question serve them for several more Presidential campaigns. It was
+giving a new market value to this "watered stock," from which they would
+derive political dividends for a much longer period than they otherwise
+would. They could thus see to their unbounded glee that if a man of
+President Taft's intelligence and experience could thus be deceived as
+to conditions at the South, they would not have very much difficulty in
+deceiving others who were not believed to be so well informed.
+
+To solve this problem, therefore, the disposition of the federal
+patronage will cut a very small figure. The patronage question is not
+half so important, in a political or party sense, as many have been led
+to believe. It really makes very little difference by whom the few
+offices are held, whether they be all Democrats, all Republicans, some
+white, some colored, provided they be honest, capable, and efficient For
+political, personal or party reasons some feeling may be created, and
+some prejudice may be aroused on account of the appointment of a certain
+person to an office; but if no attention should be paid to it, and the
+fact should be developed that the duties of the same are being
+discharged in a creditable and satisfactory manner the public will soon
+forget all about it. The fact remains, however, that the disposition of
+the federal patronage will not produce the slightest change in the
+political situation in such localities. If a national Republican
+administration should refuse to appoint a colored man, for instance, to
+any office in any one of the Southern States for the alleged reason that
+it might be objectionable to the white people of the community,--and
+therefore might have a tendency to prevent white men from coming into
+the Republican party,--at the very next election in that community the
+fact would be demonstrated that the Republican party had not gained and
+that the Democratic party had not lost a single vote as a result
+thereof. The reason for this result would be in the first place that the
+excuse given was insincere and untrue, and in the second place, because
+the incumbent of the office, whoever he might be, would produce no
+effect whatsoever in the local situation in consequence of his
+appointment to the office and his acceptance of it. If there should be
+any change at all in the situation it would doubtless be to the
+detriment of the Republican party; for there would, no doubt, be some
+who would be disposed to resent what would seem to them to be political
+or party ingratitude.
+
+So far as the colored Republicans are concerned they have been in the
+past, and must be in the future, nothing more than party allies. They
+have never dominated a State, nor have they controlled the Republican
+organization of any State to the exclusion of the white men thereof.
+They have simply been the allies of white men who could be induced to
+come forward and assume the leadership. This is all they have been in
+the past; it is all they desire to be in the future. They are perfectly
+willing to follow where others lead provided those others lead wisely
+and in the right direction. All they ask, desire and insist upon is to
+be recognized as political allies upon terms of equality and to have a
+voice in the councils of the party of their choice and in the creation
+and administration of the government under which they live, and by which
+they are taxed, and also a fair and reasonable recognition as a result
+of party success, based, all things else being equal, upon merit,
+fitness, ability and capacity. Even in States where it is possible for
+them to wield a sufficient influence to be potential in party
+conventions, and to help shape the policy and select the candidates of
+that party, they never fail to support the strongest and best men among
+the white members of the organization. If it be true that they were
+sometimes the victims of misplaced confidence, it cannot, and will not,
+be denied that the same is equally true of white men of far more
+experience in such matters.
+
+If there is ever to be again, as there once was, a strong and
+substantial Republican party at the South, or a party by any other name
+that will openly oppose the ruling oligarchy of that section,--as I have
+every reason to believe will eventually take place,--it will not be
+through the disposition of federal patronage, but in consequence of the
+acceptance by the people of that section of the principles and policies
+for which the National Organization stands. For the accomplishment of
+this purpose and for the attainment of this end time is the most
+important factor. Questionable methods that have been used to hold in
+abeyance the advancing civilization of the age will eventually be
+overcome and effectually destroyed. The wheels of progress, of
+intelligence, and of right cannot and will not move backwards, but will
+go forward in spite of all that can be said and done. In the mean time
+the exercise of patience, forbearance, and good judgment are all that
+will be required.
+
+Another fact which seems to be overlooked by many is that the so-called
+Solid South of to-day is not the menace to the country that it was
+between 1875 and 1888. During that period the Solid South included the
+States of Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri.
+Those States at that time were as reliably Democratic as Texas and
+Georgia. Such does not seem to be true of them now, and yet I venture
+the assertion that the disposition of the federal patronage in them had
+very little, if anything, to do with bringing about the change. What has
+been done and is being done in those States can be done in others that
+are located south of them. As strong as the Republican party is there is
+one thing it cannot afford to do, and that is to encourage or tolerate
+the drawing of the race or color line in any efforts that may be made to
+break up and dissolve what now remains of the Solid South. One of the
+cardinal principles and doctrines of the Republican party,--the
+principle that has, more than any other, secured for it the loyal and
+consistent support of those who represent the moral sentiment of the
+country,--is its bold and aggressive advocacy and defense of liberty,
+justice, and equal civil and political rights for all classes of
+American citizens. From that grand and noble position it cannot afford
+to descend in an effort to find new and doubtful allies. If it should in
+an evil moment allow itself to make such a grave blunder, such a
+criminal mistake, it will thereby forfeit the confidence and support of
+the major part of those upon whom in the past it has relied,--and never
+in vain,--for its continuance in power. There is nothing in the
+situation that would justify the experiment, even if it were thought
+that a little temporary and local advantage would be secured thereby.
+
+The Fifteenth Amendment to the National Constitution was not intended to
+confer suffrage upon any particular race or class of persons, but merely
+to place a limit upon the National Government and that of the several
+States in prescribing the qualifications of electors. Whatever power the
+national or any state government may have had in prescribing the
+qualification of electors prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth
+Amendment it still has, save that it cannot legally and constitutionally
+make race or color a ground of disqualification. In other words,
+whatever qualifications may be prescribed and fixed as a condition
+precedent to voting, must be applicable to white and colored alike. A
+few States, under the false plea of political necessity, have resorted
+to certain schemes of doubtful constitutionality, for the sole purpose
+of evading this plain provision of the National Constitution. They may
+stand for a while, but, even if they could stand indefinitely, that fact
+would furnish no excuse for the party,--a party that has stood so long,
+and fought so hard for liberty, justice, equal rights, and fair
+play,--to enter into a political alliance with any other party or
+faction which would involve a compromise or an abandonment of those
+grand and noble principles. The Republican party is still in the prime
+and glory of its usefulness. It is still strong in the confidence and
+affections of the masses of the people, at least such was the case in
+1908, because it had not up to that time allowed itself to compromise or
+abandon,--so far as its platform utterances were concerned,--the
+fundamental principles which called it into existence and which caused
+it to be placed in control of the National Government, and which have
+caused its continuance in power for so many years. Whether or not the
+unwise and unfortunate southern policy inaugurated by the Taft
+Administration will result in disaster to the party is not and cannot be
+known at this writing. We can only hope.
+
+
+THE END
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Facts of Reconstruction, by John R. Lynch
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