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diff --git a/old/16148-8.txt b/old/16148-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d679ffd --- /dev/null +++ b/old/16148-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5927 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fray Luis de León, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Fray Luis de León + A Biographical Fragment + +Author: James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +Release Date: June 29, 2005 [EBook #16148] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEÓN *** + + + + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + + + + + + + + +HISPANIC +NOTES & MONOGRAPHS + +ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF +BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE +HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA + +I + +[Illustration: EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON] + + + + +FRAY LUIS +DE LEON + +A Biographical Fragment + +BY + +JAMES FITZMAURICE KELLY, F.B.A. + + +_With a Portrait from +an engraving after Pacheco_. + +OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +HUMPHREY MILFORD +1921 + +PRINTED IN ENGLAND +AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +BY FREDERICK HALL + + + + +PREFACE + + +This biographical sketch is, in fact, a fragment of a book which will +now never come into existence. This particular chapter has been +snatched from the burning by an accident. The name of Luis de Leon +deservedly ranks as high as that of any poet in the history of Spanish +literature; but his reputation as a poet is mostly local, while he is +known all the world over as the subject of a dubious anecdote. The +attempt is now made to render him more familiar than he has hitherto +been to English-speaking people, and to do this, to exhibit the man as +he was, it proved necessary to analyse the two volumes of his first +trial, the evidence of which is brought together in vols. X and XI of +the _Coleccion de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España_. +Edited by Miguel Salvá and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, these volumes +appeared in 1847; their value is incontestable, but, though they give +the evidence as it occurs in the register of the Inquisition, this +evidence is not arranged in consistent chronological order, nor is it +supplied with an index. The work, printed seventy-three years ago, is +not within easy reach of every reader; and of those who have access to +it not all are patient enough to read steadily through so large a mass +of somewhat incoherent matter. Should any such readers be tempted to +examine the record closely, it is hoped that this sketch will do +something to make their task easier. An attempt is made here to +picture the man as he was, full of fortitude, yet not exempt from +human weakness. I trust that I have avoided the temptation to go to +the opposite extreme, and lay the blame--as has been done--for the +irregularities of the trial at Luis de Leon's own door. + +In dealing with his Spanish poems, I have tried not to put his claims +to consideration too high. Laboulaye, in _La Liberté religieuse_, +calls Luis de Leon 'le premier lyrique de l'Europe moderne'. This +phrase dates from 1859, and was addressed to a generation which +delighted in arranging authors in something like the order of a class +list. Though I have the highest opinion of Luis de Leon's genius, I +have not felt tempted to follow Laboulaye's example; I have by +preference discussed, so far as space allows, such points as the +probable chronology of Luis de Leon's poems. Once more I repeat that +this is a chapter of a book that will now never be written. + +It may be as well to add at this point a few explanatory words +concerning the plan of accentuation adopted here. There seems to be no +valid reason for applying, in a book primarily intended for English +readers, the modern Academic system to proper names borne in the +sixteenth century by men who lived more than three hundred years +before the current system was ever invented. Except of course in the +case of quotations, that system is applied rigidly only to the names +of those who have adopted it formally (as on pp. 114 _n._ and 191 +_n._). I have gone on the theory that accents should be sparingly used +in a work of this kind, and that, as accents are almost needless for +Spaniards they should be employed only when the needs of foreigners +compel their use. It is a fundamental rule in Spanish that nearly all +words ending in a consonant should be stressed on the last syllable. +But since nobody, however slightly acquainted with Spanish, is tempted +to pronounce such words as Velazquez (p. 79) or Gomez (p. 250) +incorrectly, no graphic accent is employed in such cases. Names ending +in _s_--such as Valbás--are accentuated, however, when the stress +falls on the last syllable: this prevents all possibility of +confusion with the pronunciation of ordinary plural forms. +Place-names--such as Béjar (p. 58) and Córdoba (p. 184)--are +accentuated; so are trisyllables and polysyllables such as Góngora (p. +209) and Zúñiga (p. 57 and elsewhere). It will be seen that, in this +matter, I have been guided by strictly utilitarian principles. +Inconsistencies are perhaps unavoidable under any system. The plan +followed here, while it tends to diminish the total number of accents, +probably involves no more inconsistencies than any other. It is based +on rational grounds, and is, it may be hoped, less offensive to the +eye than the current system. Quotations, I repeat, are reproduced +exactly as they stand in the sources from which they profess to be +taken. + +With these words, I close what I have to say here on this subject and +commend these pages to the indulgent judgement of my readers. + +The following works, or articles, may be usefully consulted by the +student of Spanish. + + +EDITIONS. LUIS DE LEON: _Obras_, ed. A. Merino, Madrid, 1804-5-6-16. 6 +vols. [reprinted with a preface, by C. Muiños Sáenz, Madrid, 1885, 6 +vols.]; _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, vols. XXXV, XXXVII, LIII, +LXI, and LXII; _De los nombres de Cristo_, ed. F. de Onís, Madrid, +1914-1917 [Clásicos castellanos, vols. XXVIII and XXXIII]; _La +perfecta casada_, ed. E. Wallace, Chicago, 1903; _La perfecta casada_, +ed. A. Bonilla y San Martín, Madrid, 1917; _El perfecto predicador_, +ed. C. Muiños Saenz in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1886), vol. XI, pp. +340-348, 432-447, 527-537; (1886), vol. XII, pp. 15-25, 104-111, +211-218, 322-330, 420-427, 504-512; (1887), vol. XIII, pp. 32-38, +106-114, 213-222, 302-312; (1887), vol. XIV, pp. 9-17, 154-160, +305-315, 449-459, 581-591, 729-743; _Exposition del Miserere_ +[facsimile of the Barcelona ed. of 1632], ed. A.M. Huntington, New +York, 1903. + + +WORKS OF REFERENCE: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid +hizo al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del órden de S. Agustin_, +ed. M. Salvá and P. Sainz de Baranda, in _Coleccion de Documentos +inéditos para la Historia de España_ (Madrid, 1847), vol. X, pp. +5-575, and vol. XI, pp. 5-358; J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray +Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1863); C.A. Wilkens, _Fray Luis de Leon_ +(Halle, 1866); A. Arango y Escandon, _Frai Luis de Leon, ensayo +histórico_, 2ª ed. (Mexico, 1866) [the first edition appeared in _La +Cruz_ (Mexico, 1855-56)]; F.H. Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873); M. Gutiérrez, _El misticismo ortodoxo_ +(Valladolid, 1886); M. Gutiérrez, _Fray Luis de León y la filosofía +española del siglo_ XVI, 2ª ed. aumentada (Madrid, 1891) [_Adiciones +póstumas_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1907), vol. LXXIII, pp. 391-399, +478-494, 662-667; vol. LXXIV, pp. 49-55, 303-414, 487-496, 628-643; in +_La Ciudad de Dios_ (1908), vol. LXXV, pp. 34-47, 215-221, 291-303, +472-486]; J.M. Guardia, _Fray Luis de Leon ou la poésie dans le +cloître_, in the _Revue germanique_ (1863), vol. XXIV, pp. 307-342; M. +Menéndez y Pelayo, _Horacio en España, Solaces bibliográficas_ 2ª ed. +(Madrid, 1885), vol. I, pp. 11-24, vol. II, pp. 26-36; M. Menéndez y +Pelayo, _Estudios de crítica literaria_, 1ª serie (Madrid, 1893), pp. +1-72; F. Blanco García, _Segundo proceso instruído por la Inquisición +de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de León_ (Madrid, 1896); F. Blanco +García, _Fray Luis de León: rectificaciones biográficas_, in the +_Homenaje a Menéndez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. I, pp. 153-160; +J.D.M. Ford, _Luis de León, the Spanish poet, humanist and mystic_, in +the _Publications of the Modern Language Association of America_ +(Baltimore, 1899), vol. XIV, pp. 267-278; F. Blanco García, _Fr. Luis +de León: estudio biográfico del insigne poeta agustino_ (Madrid, +1904); _Acta de la reposición de Fray Luis de León en una cátedra de +la Universidad de Salamanca_ in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas +y Museos_, Tercera época (1900), vol. IV, pp. 680-682; L.G. Alonso +Getino, _La Causa de Fr. Luis de León ante la crítica y los nuevos +documentos históricos_, in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y +Museos_, Tercera época (1903), vol. IX, pp. 148-156, 268-279, 440-449; +(1904), vol. XI, pp. 288-306, 380-397; C. Muiños Sáenz, _El 'Decíamos +ayer' de Fray Luis de León_, (Madrid, 1905); L. Alonso Getino, _Vida y +procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de León_ (Salamanca, 1907); C. Muiños +Sáenz _El 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros excesos_, in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560; vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, +107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX pp. 99-125, 177-197; F. +de Onís _Sobre la trasmisión de la obra literaria de Fray Luis de +León_, in the _Revista de Filología Española_ (Madrid, 1915), vol. II +pp. 217-257; R. Menéndez Pidal, _Una poesia inédita de Fray Luis de +León_, in the _Revista de Filología Española_ (Madrid, 1917), vol. IV, +pp. 389-390; C. Pérez Pastor, _Bibliografía madrileña_ (Madrid, +1891-1906-1907), parte ii, pp. 254-255, and parte iii, pp. 404-409; G. +Vázquez Núñez, _El padre Francisco Zumel, general de la Merced y +catedrático de Salamanca_ (1540-1607), in _Revista de Archivos, +Bibliotecas y Museos_, Tercera época (1918), vol. XXXVIII, pp. 1-19, +170-190; (1918), vol. XXXIX, pp. 53-67, 237-266; (1919), vol. XL, pp. +447-466, 562-594. + +J. F-K. + + +PS. Had they reached me in time, the following two items would have +been included in the respective sections of the foregoing summary +bibliography: _Poesías originales de Fray Luis de León_, ed. F. de +Onís, San José de Costa Rica, 1920; Ad. Coster, _Notes pour une +édition des poésies de Luis de León_ in the _Revue hispanique_ (1919), +vol. XLVI, pp. 193-248. + + + + +I + + +We are all of us familiar with the process of 'whitewashing' +historical characters. We are past being surprised at finding Tiberius +portrayed as an austere and melancholy recluse, Henry VIII pictured as +a pietistic sentimentalist with a pedantic respect for the letter of +the law, and Napoleon depicted as a romantic idealist, seeking to +impose the Social Contract on an immature, reluctant Europe. Though +the 'whitewashing' method is probably not less paradoxical than the +opposite system, it makes a stronger and wider appeal, inasmuch as it +implies a more amiable attitude towards life, and is more consonant +with a flattering conception of the possibilities of human nature. A +prosaic narrative of established facts does not immediately recommend +itself to the average man. Possibly few have existed who were so good +and so great that they can afford to have the whole truth told about +them. At any rate, it is easier to convey a picturesque general +impression than to collect all the available evidence with the +untiring persistence of a model detective and to present it with the +impartial acumen of a competent judge. Moreover, the inertia of +pre-existing opinion has to be overcome. Once readers have been +accustomed to accept as absolutely authentic an idealized conventional +portrait of a man of genius, it is difficult to induce them to abandon +it for a more realistic likeness. In the interest of historical truth, +however, the attempt must be made. We are sometimes told that +'historical truth can afford to wait'. That may be true; but it has +waited for nearly four centuries, and, if it be divulged in English +now, the revelation lays us open to no reasonable charge of +indiscretion or indecent haste. + +It may be that the name of Luis de Leon is comparatively unknown +outside the small group of those who are regarded as specialists. +Luis de Leon is nothing like so famous as Cervantes, as Lope de Vega, +as Tirso de Molina, as Ruiz de Alarcon, and as Calderon, whose names, +if not their works, are familiar to the laity. This is one of chance's +unjust caprices. With the single exception of Cervantes perhaps no +figure in the annals of Spanish literature deserves to be more +celebrated than Luis de Leon. He was great in verse, great in prose, +great in mysticism, great in intellectual force and moral courage. +Many may recall him as the hero of a story--possibly apocryphal--in +which he figures as returning to his professorial chair after an +absence of over four years (passed in the prison-cells of the +Inquisition) and beginning his exordium to his students with the +imperturbable remark: 'We were saying yesterday.' Mainly on this +uncertain basis is constructed the current legend that Luis de Leon +was a bloodless philosopher, incapable of resentment, and, indeed, +without a touch of human weakness in his aloof and lofty nature. His +works do not lend colour to this presentation of the man, nor do the +ascertainable details of his chequered career. The conception of Luis +de Leon as a meek spirit, an unresisting victim of malignant +persecution, is not the sole view tenable of a complex character. +However, the recorded facts may be trusted to speak for themselves. + + + + +II + + +What was Luis de Leon's full name? Was it Luis Ponce de Leon? So it +would appear from the summarized results of P. Mendez printed in the +_Revista Agustiniana_.[1] The point is not without interest, for Ponce +de Leon is one of the great historic names of Spain. If Luis de Leon +was entitled to use it, he appears not to have exercised his right, +for in the report of his first trial[2] he consistently employs some +such simple formula as:--'El maestro fray Luis de Leon... digo'.[3] +The omission of the name 'Ponce' during proceedings extending over +more than four years can scarcely be accidental. It may, however, have +been due to monastic humility,[4] or to simple prudence: a desire not +to provoke opponents who declared that Luis de Leon had Jewish blood +in his veins.[5] Whether this assertion, a serious one in +sixteenth-century Spain, had any foundation in fact is disputed. It +is apparently certain that Luis de Leon's great-grandfather married a +Leonor de Villanueva, who is reported to have confessed to practising +Jewish rites and to have been duly condemned by the Inquisition in +1513 or thereabouts.[6] This does not go to the root of the matter, +for Leonor de Villanueva is alleged to have been Lope de Leon's second +wife. His first wife is stated to have been Leonor Sanchez de +Olivares, a lady of unquestioned orthodoxy, and mother of Gomez de +Leon,[7] the future grandfather of the Luis de Leon with whom we are +concerned here. If this statement be correct,[8] obviously there can +be no ground for asserting that Luis de Leon was of Jewish blood. But +it must in candour be admitted that the point is not wholly clear from +doubt.[9] + +It is now established that Luis de Leon was born at Belmonte in the +province of Cuenca: 'Belmonte de la Mancha de Aragon' as he calls +it.[10] When was he born? On his tombstone, he was stated to be +sixty-four years old when he died on August 23, 1591.[11] This is +almost the only scrap of evidence available, for no baptismal +registers dating back to the third decade of the sixteenth century are +preserved at Belmonte.[12] Did the inscription on Luis de Leon's tomb +mean that he had completed his sixty-fourth year, or did it mean that, +at the time of his death, he had entered upon his sixty-fourth year? +According to the answer given to these questions, the date of Luis de +Leon's birth must be fixed either in 1527 or 1528. + +Apart from the fact that Luis de Leon was taught singing,[13] as +became the future friend of Salinas, we know next to nothing of his +early youth. From himself we learn that he was taken from Belmonte to +Madrid when he was five or six, that at the age of fourteen he was +entered at Salamanca University, where one of his uncles--Francisco de +Leon--was lecturer on Canon Law, and that shortly afterwards he +resolved to enter a religious order.[14] The eldest son of a +judge,[15] Luis de Leon renounced most of his share of the paternal +estate,[16] and gave it up to one--or both--of his younger brothers +Cristóbal and Miguel, each of whom had been _veinticuatro_ of Granada +at some date previous to April 15, 1572.[17] On January 29, 1544, Luis +de Leon was formally professed in the Augustinian order.[18] In his +monastery we may plausibly conjecture that he led a solitary and +bookish existence, poring over his texts and attending lectures +assiduously. As early as 1546-1547 his name appears on the list of +students of theology at Salamanca; the registers of theological +students covering the years 1547-1548 to 1550-1551 are missing; Luis +de Leon's name does not appear in the register for the academic year +1551-1552, but it recurs in the University books for the years +1552-1553 and 1554-1555. He there figures still as a student of +theology.[19] He would seem, therefore, to have shown no amazing +precocity in the schools; but his application, we may be sure, was +intense, and there is nothing rash in assuming that during part of +the two years that he was absent, as he tells us,[20] from Salamanca, +he was lecturing at Soria. The remaining eighteen months he probably +devoted to exegetical studies at Alcalá de Henares, where he +matriculated in 1556.[21] He was about thirty when he rather +unexpectedly graduated as a bachelor of Arts at the University of +Toledo.[22] Why he preferred to take his degree at Toledo instead of +at Salamanca is not clear; it is plausibly conjectured that economy +may have been his motive, as the obtaining of a bachelor's degree at +Salamanca was an expensive business.[23] Confirmation of this +conjecture is afforded by the fact that he speedily returned to his +allegiance, was 'incorporated' as a bachelor at Salamanca in 1588, +graduated there as a licentiate of theology in May 1560, and in the +following month became a master of theology.[24] It soon became clear +that he did not regard a University degree as a mere distinction. The +retirement of Gregorio Gallo caused a vacancy in the chair of +Biblical Exegesis at Salamanca. Luis de Leon, though but a master of a +few months' standing, presented himself as a candidate for the post. +He failed to obtain it, being defeated by Gaspar de Grajal, a future +ally and fellow victim:[25] so far as can be ascertained, this was +Luis de Leon's sole academic check. Manifestly he was not daunted. He +claimed, and established, his right to take part in certain +examinations in his faculty,[26] and 'con mucho exceso' thwarted the +designs of the famous Domingo Bañez, whom he afterwards described as +'enemigo capital'.[27] His combativeness did him no immediate harm, +for, in December 1561, he was elected Professor of Theology at +Salamanca.[28] He was obviously not disposed to hide his light under a +bushel, nor to perform his academic duties in a spirit of humdrum +routine. Whatever he did, he did with all his might, and his strenuous +versatility made him conspicuous in University life. In 1565 he was +transferred from the theological chair to the chair of Scholastic +Theology and Biblical Criticism, in which he succeeded his old master +Juan de Guevara.[29] + +Such successes as Luis de Leon had hitherto won he owed mainly to his +own talents.[30] Brilliant as he was, there is no reason to assume +that he was personally popular in Salamanca.[31] It does not appear +that he made any effort to win popularity; nor is it certain that he +would have succeeded even if he had sought to win it. His temper was +impulsive, his disposition was critical and independent; his tongue +and pen were sharp and made enemies among members of his own order; +moreover, he contrived to alienate the Dominicans, a powerful body in +Salamanca, as in the rest of Spain. No doubt he had many admirers, +especially among his own students. Yet the University, as a whole, +stood slightly aloof from him, and before long in certain obscurantist +circles cautious hints of latitudinarianism were murmured against him. +For these mumblings there was absolutely no sort of foundation.[32] +As might be inferred from the simple fact that he was afterwards +chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, Luis de Leon was +the most orthodox of men. His selection for this piece of work may +have been due to the influence of the saint's friend and successor, +Madre Ana de Jesús, who had the highest opinion of him.[33] But it was +not often that he produced so favourable a personal impression; he had +not mastered the gentle art of ingratiation; it is even conceivable +that he did not strictly observe St. Paul's injunction to 'suffer +fools gladly'.[34] Though fundamentally humble-minded, he was +intolerant of what he thought to be nonsense: a quality which would +perhaps not endear him to all his colleagues. He set a proper value on +himself and his attainments; he was prone to sift the precious metal +of truth from the dross of uninformed assertion; he had an incurable +habit of choosing his friends from amongst those who shared his +tastes. A good Hebrew scholar, he was on terms of special intimacy +with Gaspar de Grajal and with Martin Martinez de Cantalapiedra,[35] +respectively Professors of Biblical Exegesis and of Hebrew in the +University of Salamanca. Frank to the verge of indiscretion and +suspecting no evil, Luis de Leon scattered over Salamanca fagots each +of which contained innumerable sticks that his opponents used later to +beat him with. Lastly, he had the misfortune, as it proved later, to +differ profoundly on exegetical points from a veteran Professor of +Latin, Rhetoric, and Greek.[36] This was Leon de Castro, a man of +considerable but unassimilated learning, an astute wire-puller and +incorrigible reactionary whose name figures in the bibliographies as +the author of a series of commentaries on Isaiah--a performance which +has not been widely read since its tardy first appearance in 1571. The +delay in publishing this work, and the contemporary neglect of it, +were apparently ascribed by Castro to the personal hostility of Luis +de Leon who, though he did not approve of the book, seems to have been +perfectly innocent on both heads.[37] + +The fires of these differences had smouldered for some years when, +during the University course (as it appears) of 1568-1569, Luis de +Leon gave a series of lectures wherein he discussed, with critical +respect, the authority attaching to the Vulgate. The respect passed +almost unnoticed; the criticism gave a handle to a group of vigilant +foes. Since 1569 a good deal of water has flowed under the bridges +which span the Tormes, and it is intrinsically likely that, were the +objectionable lectures before us, Luis de Leon might appear to be an +ultra-conservative in matters of Biblical criticism. But this is not +the historical method. In judging the action of Leon de Castro and his +allies we must endeavour to adjust ourselves to the sixteenth-century +point of view. Matters would seem to have developed somewhat as +follows. In 1569 a committee was formed at Salamanca for the purpose +of revising François Vatable's version of the Bible; both Luis de Leon +and Leon de Castro were members of this committee,[38] and as they +represented different schools of thought, there were lively passages +between the two. It is customary to lay at Castro's door all the blame +for the sequel. Nothing is likelier than that Leon de Castro was +incoherent in his recriminations and provocative in tone: it is +further alleged that his commentaries on Isaiah contained gratuitous +digs at the views on Scriptural interpretation ascribed to Luis de +Leon. It may well be that Luis de Leon, who had in him something of +the irritability of a poet, took umbrage at these indirect attacks, +and entered upon the discussion in a fretful state of mind. According +to Leon de Castro, whose testimony on this point is uncontradicted, +the climax came about in connexion with the text: 'Out of the mouth of +babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise.' Castro obstinately +maintained that Vatable's interpretation of this passage was an +interpretation favoured by the Jews against whom he cherished an +incorrigible prejudice. Luis de Leon is reported to have lost patience +at this assertion, and to have said that he would cause Castro's +_Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_ to be burnt. Castro, whatever his +faults, was not the man to be cowed by a threat, and he retorted with +the remark that, by God's grace, this should not come to pass, and +that if there were any burning it would be applied rather to Luis de +Leon and his family.[39] Having fired his bolt, but conscious that he +was in a minority on the committee, Castro concluded with the sulky +declaration that he did not propose to attend any further meetings of +that body. He would seem to have changed his mind later on this point, +modestly alleging that he gave way to the insistence of others who +deemed his presence indispensable, on account of his knowledge of +languages.[40] Whatever his linguistic accomplishments, they did not +produce the desired effect, for Vatable's version of the Bible was +passed as revised by the committee of Salamancan theologians in 1571, +though, for some unexplained reason, their revised text was not +published till thirteen years later. + +The quarrel between Castro and Luis de Leon soon became public +property. Passions were ablaze in a moment. Parties were formed, and +Castro found much support, especially among the body of +undergraduates, of whom one at least ingenuously described himself as +'del bando de Jesucristo'.[41] There was almost as much tumult in the +University of Salamanca as in Agramante's camp. Even if Castro thought +that the hour of his triumph was at hand, he was too experienced and +too Spanish to be precipitate. He may well have had an inkling that, +if many were repelled by Luis de Leon's austerity and implacable +righteousness, his own reputation as a pedant and reactionary did not +mark him out for leadership. His lack of expository power may also +have struck him as a disqualification.[42] Further, on tactical +grounds, he may have argued that his notorious hostility to Luis de +Leon made it advisable for him not to figure too prominently in the +ranks of the attacking party. Whatever his motive may have been, +Castro gave place to a younger and far abler man, the well-known +Dominican, Bartolomé de Medina, whose relations with Luis de Leon, +never cordial, had grown strained, owing to various checks and +disappointments. Medina honestly differed from Luis de Leon's views as +regards Scriptural interpretation; he would have been a good deal more +(or less) than human if he had not been galled by a series of small +personal mortifications. He particularly resented, as well he might, +being out-argued when he presented himself before Luis de Leon to be +examined for his licentiateship of theology; the knowledge that this +incident was talked over by mocking students did not improve +matters.[43] Medina was, however, too wily to delate Luis de Leon +directly; he reported to the Inquisition on the general situation at +Salamanca, and in this document no names were mentioned. Luis de Leon +was not in a position to counteract the manoeuvres of his opponents. +It is not certain that he could have done so, had he been continuously +in Salamanca at this time: as it happened, he was absent at Belmonte +from the beginning of 1571 till the month of March, and on his return +he fell ill. All this while, Medina and Castro were free to go about +sowing tares, making damaging suggestions, and collecting such +corroborative evidence as could be gleaned from ill-disposed +colleagues and garrulous or slow-witted students.[44] It appears that +Medina's statement, embodying seventeen propositions which (as he +averred) were taught at Salamanca, reached the Supreme Inquisition in +Madrid on December 2, 1571; on December 13 the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca was instructed to ascertain the source of the +statement,[45] and to report on the tenability of the views set forth +in the seventeen propositions.[46] Evidently the matter was regarded +as urgent: for, on December 17, the Inquisitionary Commissary opened +his preliminary inquiry at Salamanca. The sole witness called at the +first sitting was Medina,[47] who repeated his assertions, mentioning +Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de Cantalapiedra as offenders. A +committee of five persons was appointed to examine into the orthodoxy +of the views alleged to be held by these three. As Leon de Castro was +a member of this committee, and as none of the other four members was +in sympathy with Luis de Leon, the general tenor of the committee's +findings might readily be predicted. These findings were somewhat +hastily adopted by the local Inquisition at Valladolid on January 26, +1572, when the arrest of Grajal and Martinez de Cantalapiedra was +recommended.[48] Up to this point Luis de Leon would seem not to have +been officially implicated by name, though he was clearly aimed at, +especially by Castro who appeared before the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca, and reiterated Medina's charges with some +wealth of rancorous detail.[49] + +With significant promptitude effect was given to the recommendation of +the local Inquisition: Grajal was apprehended on March 1; shortly +afterwards Martinez de Cantalapiedra was likewise apprehended; and, as +these measures seemed to arouse no feeling more dangerous than +surprise in Salamanca, it was conceivably thought safe to fly at +higher game. Manifestly, Luis de Leon must have known that something +perilous was afoot when he handed in a most respectfully-worded +written statement on March 6, 1572.[50] By about this time there had +arrived in Salamanca Diego Gonzalez--an experienced official, whose +conduct of the Inquisitionary case against Bartolomé de Carranza, the +Archbishop of Toledo, has earned him an unenviable repute.[51] Under +the presidency of Gonzalez, who might be trusted to keep the weaker +brethren, if there were any, up to the mark, the local Inquisition on +March 15 resolved to recommend the arrest of Luis de Leon. Apparently +the gravity of this step was recognized. Another sitting was held on +March 19, and a vote was taken with the result that the previous +decision was confirmed by four votes to two. It should not, however, +be assumed that the vote of the two implied any marked personal +sympathy with Luis de Leon. On the contrary: the difference between +the majority and the minority was concerned solely with a question of +procedure. The minority suggested that it would cause less fuss and +less scandal to seize Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de +Cantalapiedra, to place each of them in solitary confinement for a +short while in a Valladolid monastery, and thence to remove them, +without trial, to the secret prison of the Inquisition.[52] It is +difficult to detect the humanitarian motive of this alternative +proposal. + + + + +II + + +[Footnote 1: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. III, p. 127. +'Lope Alvarez Ponce de Leon, Regidor de Segovia... casó dos veces: la +primera con Doña Leonor Sánchez de Olivares, hija de Díez Sánchez de +Olivares y hermana de aquel valiente caballero Don Pedro de Olivares, +comendador del Olmo, del orden de Calatrava en tiempo del Maestro D. +Rodrigo Téllez Girón. De este matrimonio tuvieron tres hijos. En +segundas nupcias casó con Doña Leonor de Villanueva, y tuvieron dos +hijos; pero no declaran quienes fueron del primer matrimonio, y +quienes del segundo. Solo de D. Gómez consta que es del primer +matrimonio.'] + +[Footnote 2: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid hizo +al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del orden de S. Agustin._ This +_proceso_, edited by D. Miguel Salvá and D. Pedro Sainz de Baranda, +occupies the tenth volume and pp. 5-358 of the eleventh volume of the +_Coleccion de Documentos inéditos para la historia de España_ (Madrid, +1847).] + +[Footnote 3: Ex. gr. _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-97, +184-185, 255-256; vol. XI, pp. 38, 131, 350.] + +[Footnote 4: It is established beyond doubt, however, that some +members of the family used the name Ponce. The works of Luis de Leon's +eminent nephew, Basilio, an Augustinian like himself, bear on their +title-pages the words 'Basilius Pontius Legionensis'.] + +[Footnote 5: This assertion is made emphatically by Diego de Haedo, +the prosecuting counsel on behalf of the Inquisition; he calls Luis de +Leon a 'descendiente de generacion de judíos' (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 206). An echo of the charge is faintly audible in Luis de +Leon's own testimony. It is repeated with violence by Leon de Castro: +'...enojado de la porfía el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo á este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahías, y este declarante le respondió que con la gracia de Dios que +ni él, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas á las +juntas' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 12).] + +[Footnote 6: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 157.] + +[Footnote 7: See note 1.] + +[Footnote 8: Luis de Leon apparently took no special interest in his +family history. Before the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid on +April 15, 1572, he traced his descent no further back than his +grandparents, adding that, as he entered religion when he was fourteen +years old, 'no tiene entera noticia de qué casta vienen los dichos sus +padres y agüelos, mas de haber oido decir que ciertos contrarios que +tuvo su padre, le pusieron en su hidalguía que venia de casta de +conversos. + +E preguntado si sabe que alguno de los de su descendencia ó +trasversalía haya seido preso ó peniado ó condenado por este Santo +Oficio; dijo que no lo sabe' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 182). + +By May 14, 1573, Luis de Leon had recalled further particulars: +'Porque mi padre fué un hombre muy católico y muy principal como +conoció todo el reino, y su padre que se llamó Gomez de Leon lo fué no +menos que él en su lugar, y este tuvo un hermano de padre y madre que +se llamó el licenciado Pedro de Leon, que fué collegial en el collegio +del Cardenal desta villa como se puede luego saber; y el padre de +ambos, visagüelo mio, se llamó Lope de Leon muy católico y de los mas +honrados y principales de su lugar; y el padre de este y visagüelo +mio, se llamó Pero Fernandez de Leon que le trujo el primer Señor de +Belmonte consigo á aquel lugar, y fué alcaide en la fortaleza dél todo +el tiempo que vivió, y el mas principal y mas limpio que habia en él, +desto que el mundo llama limpieza, como siendo necesario probaré +bastantemente' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 385-386). This +challenge was never taken up.] + +[Footnote 9: It is not free from doubt because, though some of the +witnesses, whose testimony is given in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +pp. 146-174, are doubtless in good faith in their evidence as to Luis +de Leon's Jewish descent, they refer to events which happened long +before; and their memories are apt to play them false and their +narratives are muddled. Luis de Leon appears to point to these +depositions when he says: 'Y no se hallará en memoria de hombres ni de +escrituras ciertas, que nombrada y señaladamente alguno de todos mis +antecesores se haya convertido á la fe de nuevo' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 386). In common fairness, it should be said that +the statement of P. Mendez [see note 1] is more in the nature of +assertion unsupported by full evidence.] + +[Footnote 10: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180.] + +[Footnote 11: M.R.P. Francisco Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: +estudio biográfico del insigne poeta agustino_, p. 254.] + +[Footnote 12: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 23. On April 15, 1572, +Luis de Leon stated that he was about forty-four (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180): '...de edad de cuarenta é cuatro años, +poco mas ó menos tiempo'. This is perhaps too vague to furnish a basis +for a conclusion.] + +[Footnote 13: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 173.] + +[Footnote 14: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 182. Luis de Leon +states that he made up his mind as to his religious vocation within +four or five months of reaching Salamanca.] + +[Footnote 15: 'El licenciado Lope de Leon, oidor que fué de la +Chancillería de Granada, defunto, y Doña Inés de Alarcon su muger, que +agora vive en Granada.' So Luis de Leon described his parents at the +first sitting of the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 16: 'Y en lo que toca á mi vida, aunque estoy lleno de +faltas y pecados mas que otro alguno; pero esto es verdad que yo tomé +el hábito de religion que tengo, de 14 años de mi edad, y dejé cuatro +mill ducados de renta que mi padre tenia vinculados en mi cabeza como +en el mayor de sus hijos' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 386).] + +[Footnote 17: Luis de Leon seems to have arranged that his brother +Miguel should pay him annually a small sum which was, apparently, to +be spent on books. This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's reply +to a claim lodged against him by one Lucas Junta, a bookseller of +Salamanca, on March 17, 1575 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 51, +52). It seems doubtful whether Miguel reached Luis's standard of +punctuality in the matter of payment (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, +p. 196). Luis de Leon had two sisters, Mencía de Tapia and María de +Alarcon. The latter had died before April, 1572. So had another +brother, Antonio, who was a priest (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. +182).] + +[Footnote 18: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. I, p. 414.] + +[Footnote 19: Blanco García, _op. cit._, pp. 47-48.] + +[Footnote 20: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 182.] + +[Footnote 21: J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray Luis de Leon_, +Madrid, 1863, p. 10.] + +[Footnote 22: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 59.] + +[Footnote 23: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 59, note I.] + +[Footnote 24: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 60.] + +[Footnote 25: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 62, note 4. Grajal was so +greatly struck with his opponent's ability that he supported Luis de +Leon in all his subsequent candidatures. On this point we have an +explicit statement from Luis de Leon: 'Es verdad que el maestro Grajal +ha sido y es mi amigo, y querelle yo bien comenzó de que habiendo sido +primero competidores en la cátreda de Biblia que él llevó, en las +demas oposiciones que yo hice, sin sabello yo, trató en mi favor con +tanto cuidado y con tan gran encarecimiento de buenas palabras, que +cuando lo supe quedé obligado á tratalle, y del trato resultó conocer +en él uno de los hombres de mas sanas y limpias entrañas y mas sin +doblez que yo he tratado; y ansí nuestra amistad fué siempre, no como +de hombres de letras para comunicar y conferir nuestros estudios, sino +como de dos hombres que trataban ambos de ser hombres de bien, y por +conocer esto el uno del otro se querian bien' (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, pp. 326-327).] + +[Footnote 26: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 21-22.] + +[Footnote 27: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 261-262.] + +[Footnote 28: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 63.] + +[Footnote 29: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 64.] + +[Footnote 30: Not altogether, for though Luis de Leon had, in an +eminent degree, the knack of success in all open competitions, the +students took part in the elections of professors at Salamanca, and +this element disturbed calculations.] + +[Footnote 31: This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's assertion: +'en aquella universidad yo tengo muchos enemigos por causa de mis +pretendencias' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 574).] + +[Footnote 32: On this head, Luis de Leon's acquittal by the Supreme +Inquisition speaks for itself.] + +[Footnote 33: 'Es muy santo... Tiene mucho caudal de Dios'. These +encomiastic phrases of the pious nun's are quoted by Blanco García +(_op. cit._, p. 245) from Angel Manrique, _Vida de la Venerable Ana de +Jesús_ (Bruselas, 1632), p. 328. Manrique's biography is not within my +reach.] + +[Footnote 34: Luis de Leon's probity was not free from a touch of +brusqueness. This is disclosed by his own description of his behaviour +to a dullard who made his life at Salamanca a burden: 'Acerca del +capítulo cuarto, demás de lo dicho digo que creo que este testigo es +un bachiller Rodriguez, y por otro nombre el doctor Sutil que en +Salamanca llaman por burla; y sospécholo de que dice en este capítulo +que le dejé sin respuesta, porque jamás dejé de responder á ninguna +persona de aquella universidad que me preguntase algo, sino a éste que +digo, con el cual por ser falto de juicio y preguntar algunas veces +cosas desatinadas, y colligir disparates de lo que oia y no entendia, +me enojaba y le decia que era tonto. Y otras veces por no enojarme ni +desconcertarme con él no le respondia nada, sino huia dél' +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 357-358).] + +[Footnote 35: This was the contention of the prosecuting counsel. Luis +de Leon, however, declared that, highly as he thought of Martinez de +Cantalapiedra's patristic learning, there was no marked intimacy +between them, and that he often did not meet Martinez de Cantalapiedra +for a year or two. 'Ni yo tenia con él trato ni conversacion +ordinaria; antes se pasaba un año y dos años que no le veia ni +hablaba.... Y siempre le tuve y tengo por el hombre mas leido en los +sanctos de cuantos hay en aquella universidad' (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 227).] + +[Footnote 36: Leon de Castro's first appointment at Salamanca is dated +March 28, 1549: he was 'jubilado' on July 5, 1561. See Vicente de la +Fuente, _Historia de las universidades, colegios y demas +establecimientos en España_ (Madrid, 1884-1889), vol. II, p. 250.] + +[Footnote 37: Francisco Sanchez, possibly _El Brocense_, testified to +Castro's saying: '_isti judæi et judaizantes_ me han echado á perder, +y por eso no se vende mi libro'. Sanchez bluntly told the Inquisitors +that he did not believe this, and attributed the book's failure to its +size and price (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 299-300). It is +suggested by Vicente de la Fuente (_op. cit._, vol. II, p. 289, note +3) that there was some basis for Castro's opinion. Luis de Leon +implicitly denied the charge, which he manifestly thought beneath +contempt: 'Y si yo hubiera tratado como Leon cree de que la +Inquisicion vedara su libro, yo hiciera que se advirtiera. Y aunque el +doctor Valbas en Alcalá á quien fué cometido por el Consejo Real, al +principio le quitó grandes pedazos adonde trataba á San Hierónimo como +me trata á mí agora, no le pudo quitar esto que yo digo, por que era +quitalle todo el libro,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 352). +Luis de Leon tried in a friendly way to convince Castro about the +errors in his book before it was published and as soon as the printing +began (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 351). This intervention +would nettle Castro, who seems to have had Jewry on the brain; he +mentioned, apparently, that Vatable, St. Jerome, and St. John +Chrysostom were all Jews or Judaizers (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 294). What probably nettled Castro still more was that Luis de Leon +found fault with his knowledge of Latin and Greek: 'lo cual él sentia +mucho porque tocaba en propio de su profesion.' Luis de Leon proposed +to call five witnesses on this point (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 256-257), but this was ruled out as irrelevant (_impertinente_) by +the Inquisitionary Tribunal.] + +[Footnote 38: The Chairman of this Committee was Francisco Sancho, +Dean of the Theological Faculty of Salamanca. The other members--at +any rate those who signed Sancho's copy of Vatable (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 521-522)--were Juan de Almeida, Don Carlos, +García del Castillo, Diego Gonzalez, Grajal, Juan de Guevara, Martinez +de Cantalapiedra, Bartolomé de Medina, Muñiz, and Juan Vique. As the +names of Luis de Leon and Juan Gallo are omitted, the list cannot be +thought exhaustive. So, also, are the names of Bravo and Muñon absent +from the list. These last two omissions are readily explained. Bravo +and Muñon had both died before December 26, 1571 (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 10).] + +[Footnote 39: Castro's statement was: 'Porfió de tal manera [fray Luis +de Leon] que no era el sentido este deste lugar, y despues de visto +que era ansí, porfió... que tambien podia ser verdadero el sentido de +los judíos...; dijo este testigo que aunque viniesen todos los +letrados del mundo, no podrian hacer que aquel sentido de los judíos +pudiese venir ni cuadrar con la letra griega, ni hebrea ni latina,... +y enojado de la porfía el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo á este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahías, y este declarante le respondió que con la gracia de Dios que +ni él, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas á las +juntas' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 11-12). Though far from +friendly to Luis de Leon, the Dominican Juan Gallo was provoked into +saying that he would pare Castro's claws till the blood streamed from +him: 'queriendo decir por las uñas que era este declarante áspero +porque les decia que era aquello de judaizantes, y que no lo decia por +ellos, sino porque defendian las cosas de judíos;...' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, P. 15).] + +[Footnote 40: 'Y el colegio de teólogos envió al maestro fray Juan de +Guevara y á otro maestro, á pedirle y mandarle que no faltase de allí +porque no podían hacer nada sin las lenguas.' This is Castro's +version. (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 12.)] + +[Footnote 41: Castro states (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 16) +that this pious student was Bernardino de Mendoza, son of the Marqués +de Mondéjar.] + +[Footnote 42: Bartolomé de Carranza mentions (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. XI, p. 279) Castro's muddle-headed knack of misunderstanding what +was said to him, and his propensity to argue points, imagining that +his opponents had said the very reverse of what they had said. As to +Castro's lack of expository power, Luis de Leon states, 'tiene falta +de lengua' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 327).] + +[Footnote 43: This is established by the evidence of Mancio, a +professor who came to Medina's rescue: '...vió este testigo quel +dicho fray Luis de Leon arguyó al dicho fray Bartolomé de Medina muy +bien, é que no le concluyó, y ques verdad que tuvo el dicho fray +Bartolomé de Medina padrino en este testigo para ayudalle y le ayudó +para los argumentos que se le ofrecieron; é que lo queste testigo +contó á los estudiantes fué que tuvo necesidad el dicho fray Bartolomé +de Medina que le ayudase, aunque sin padrinos pudiera él responder' +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 317). This must be dated before +February, 1570, when Medina took his degree as Master of Theology +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 340). In May-June, 1571, Luis de +Leon and Medina had a squabble as to the distribution of lectures. The +Rector of Salamanca decided in Medina's favour: Luis de Leon appealed +to the Consejo Real at Madrid, and won his case on September 23, 1566 +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 323-327).] + +[Footnote 44: The evidence of Alonso Rejon (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 51) seems conclusive: '...preso ya el maestro Grajal, se +llegó á este declarante el maestro fray Luis de Leon... quejándose de +algunos maestros de esta universidad y particularmente del maestro +fray Juan Gallego, que admitian dichos de estudiantes, los cuales +decian algunas cosas diferentemente de lo que las habian leido los +maestros,...' As to Medina's action, Luis de Leon wrote (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 228): 'Tambien me acuerdo que vino un +estudiante á mí, y tomándome palabra de secreto, me dijo que fray +Bartolomé de Medina andaba haciendo pesquisa de Grajal y Martinez, +aunque no me los nombró, pero entendílo de las señas que dió; y que á +él le habia preguntado, y él le habia dicho cinco ó seis cosas que les +habia oido, y acuérdome de dos dellas, porque me pareció que me tocaba +á mí tambien. La una era de la Vulgata que se podria hacer otra mejor, +y yo le dije riendo: _pues quieren atar las manos á Dios que no pueda +hacer un profeta en su iglesia_. Y la otra era que los Cantares eran +_Carmen amatorium_, y le dije: _Carmen amatorium_ ni dice bien ni mal. +Si dice _Carmen amatorium carnale_, eso es mal; pero si dice _Carmen +amatorium spirituale_, eso verdad es. Y á lo demás que me dijo, me +encogí, como cosa que oia entonces, y no entendia bien lo que queria +decir, á todo cuanto me acuerdo;...'] + +[Footnote 45: These data, given by Blanco García (_op. cit._, pp. +111-115), are derived from the record of Grajal's trial.] + +[Footnote 46: The seventeen propositions are printed in _Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 286-287; they are reproduced by Blanco García +(_op. cit._, p. 111). According to Bartolomé de Medina (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 66), the teaching of the doctrines embodied in +the seventeen propositions scandalized the Salamancan students.] + +[Footnote 47: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 5-7.] + +[Footnote 48: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 113.] + +[Footnote 49: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 7-18.] + +[Footnote 50: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-102.] + +[Footnote 51: See _Documentos inéditos_, vol. LXVIII.] + +[Footnote 52: Blanco García, _op. cit._, pp. 114-115.] + + + + +III + + +Though, in accord with the customary procedure in such cases, each +witness who appeared before Gonzalez was sworn to secrecy, it is +evident that there was no mystery in Salamanca as to the intention of +the Valladolid Inquisitors. On March 25, 1572, a day before the formal +order for the arrest of Luis de Leon was actually signed, Diego de +Valladolid was accepted as bail to the amount of two thousand ducats, +that the said Luis de Leon would go quietly to prison in Valladolid +without making any attempt at escape.[53] A document to this effect +was drawn up and was duly signed by three witnesses, of whom one was a +Familiar of the Inquisition, Francisco de Almansa. It seems likely +that Almansa may have suspected that, for the time being, the hours of +Luis de Leon's comparative freedom were already numbered; for, on the +following day (March 26, 1572), Almansa was appointed _alguacil_ of +the Valladolid Inquisitionary court, was directed to arrest Luis de +Leon wherever he might be--'in church, or monastery, or other hallowed +place'--and was further ordered to sequestrate any arms, cash, jewels, +or papers which the prisoner might have about him.[54] Almansa, to +whom Luis de Leon was perfectly well known,[55] obeyed instructions, +and reached the Valladolid jail with his captive at about six o'clock +in the evening of Thursday, March 27, 1572.[56] After being carefully +searched, Luis de Leon was lodged in the secret cells of the +Inquisition, and there, except for his appearances in court, he was +detained for over four years and eight months.[57] + +Though he was notoriously in weak health, the prisoner does not seem +to have received any special consideration. On the other hand, it +cannot be maintained that, at the outset, his judges treated him with +inhumanity. That Luis de Leon was nervous about himself, and that he +believed it possible he might die without warning is the impression +conveyed by a fervent act of faith which, though undated, was probably +written almost as soon as his imprisonment began. On March 31, Luis de +Leon asked for various things besides four books: one of them a box of +powder with which he was usually provided by a nun named Ana de +Espinosa to alleviate his heart-attacks.[58] This petition was +granted. Luis de Leon's request for a knife to cut his food with was +so clearly against all prison regulations that he can scarcely have +expected a favourable reply.[59] The Inquisitors met him half-way by +ordering that he should at once be supplied with a rounded spoon, +sufficient for his purpose, though useless to a prisoner of suicidal +tendencies.[60] At this stage, it cannot be said that Luis de Leon was +treated with any want of lenity. There was no reason why he should be. +He was arrested mainly on suspicion of being concerned in the (purely +imaginary) Jewish propaganda imputed to his colleagues Grajal and +Martinez de Cantalapiedra; the evidence against him was second-hand +and meagre. + +Before long matters began to take a graver aspect. A definite +charge[61] emerged that some ten or eleven years earlier[62] Luis de +Leon had translated from the Hebrew into Spanish the _Song of +Solomon_, to which he appended a commentary, also in Spanish. This he +did at the request of a nun whose name is incidentally revealed as +'Doña Isabel Osorio, monja de Sancti Espíritu de Salamanca'.[63] That +Luis de Leon's proceeding was most imprudent is undeniable. With +characteristic courage and candour, in his first _confesion_ of March +6, he volunteered the admission that he had made such a rendering.[64] +At this moment he was apparently unaware that the existence of this +rendering had been already brought to the notice of the Inquisition by +Medina.[65] Nobody questions Luis de Leon's good faith. Nevertheless +one gets the impression that he felt this to be a weak point in his +case. It was. He had committed a serious indiscretion by infringing +the general prohibition of vernacular versions of any part of +Scripture. No doubt it might be contended that his rendering of the +_Song of Solomon_, and his commentary on it, were originally meant to +be used by only one private person; that the prohibition referred to +the circulation of vernacular versions; that this particular version, +made for the exclusive use of Doña Isabel Osorio, did not amount to +circulation (within the four corners of the general prohibition); and +that such circulation as had taken place had occurred against the will +of the translator. This is not mere sophistry. What seems to have +happened was this. It appears that a lay brother, named Diego de Leon, +part of whose business it was to tidy Luis de Leon's cell, stumbled +one day upon the original manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Solomon_, copied it without leave or licence, and allowed so +many transcriptions of his copy to be made that it became absolutely +impossible for the translator to control or recall them +afterwards.[66] Manifestly Diego de Leon did not venture to remove the +original manuscript from its resting-place; it was still in Luis de +Leon's monastery-cell on November 7, 1573.[67] Search being made for +it, the version was found, handed over to the Inquisitionary +authorities, and retained by them when judgement was pronounced.[68] +There is evidence to show that many manuscript copies of the +vernacular _Song of Solomon_ stole into existence and were widely +distributed. On March 6, 1572, Luis de Leon, whose references to this +matter are tinged with regret, uses words which seem to imply that a +copy had reached Portugal; and an inquiry, opened at Cuzco in the +autumn of 1575, revealed the fact that a transcription of the +_Cantares que llaman de fray Luis de Leon_ had been made by Fray Luis +Alvarez and conveyed by him to South America. This transcription, +after being recopied by a Lima graduate, who appears to have left for +Spain to continue his studies at the University of Alcalá de Henares, +was deposited in the public library of Quito which was housed in the +Augustinian monastery there.[69] This episode denotes a morbid +curiosity which must have been revolting to Luis de Leon's austere +nature. He candidly avowed doubts as to the prudence of facilitating +the reading of the _Song of Solomon_ in Spanish, and would have +cancelled all manuscript copies if he could.[70] In this respect, +however, he was powerless, and no better remedy occurred to him than +to set to work on a Latin version which, when printed, should supplant +the Spanish rendering. This he hoped to be able to disown. But fate +was hostile to his design. Constant ill-health hindered him from +making rapid headway with his projected Latin translation. He +submitted himself to the Court which, naturally enough, vouchsafed no +reply to his request for alternative suggestions as to how he could +make amends for a preliminary error of judgement.[71] + +If Luis de Leon's opponents expected to overwhelm him by the +suddenness, vehemence, or volume of their attack, they must speedily +have been disillusioned. The mystic poet proved to be a formidable +fighting-man. Before very long it must have dawned upon the +Inquisitionary deputies at Valladolid that they had caught a Tartar. +Unversed in the ways of the world, Luis de Leon came of a legal stock, +and was thoroughly at home in a law-court. A master of dialectics, he +was always alert, always prompt to criticize the evidence, always +ready to deal with every point as it arose, always prepared to furnish +elaborate written or verbal explanations as to every detail concerning +which the tribunal could harbour a reasonable doubt. The official +secretaries of the Court--Celedon Gustin and the rest of them--must +have grown to dread Luis de Leon's continual demands for sheets of +paper on which to write his long, considered replies. It would be +idle to attempt to summarize the technical arguments advanced by each +side in support of conflicting views on doctrinal or exegetical +problems. In this place, it will suffice to advert to points which +help to illuminate the character of Luis de Leon, or to exemplify the +attitude of the court towards him. + +At the outset, as already stated, there seems to have existed no +decided prejudice against Luis de Leon in the minds of his judges: +they apparently administered the existing system in a not illiberal +spirit. There are indications, however, that this position of relative +impartiality was not maintained. That the court became gradually +biased against the accused seems to follow from the small but eloquent +fact of its rejecting Luis de Leon's petition that his University +chair should not be declared vacant till the end of his trial.[72] It +cannot be argued that the judges were concerned for the efficiency of +the teaching in the University of Salamanca--a matter in which they +took no sort of interest. The decision of the court in Luis de Leon's +case was in direct conflict with the ruling of the same court as +regards Barrientos, another Salamancan professor who was in custody of +the Valladolid Inquisition on May 20, 1572.[73] It was then settled +that Barrientos should not be disturbed, and that no successor to him +should be appointed so long as he was imprisoned. Luis de Leon's chair +was declared vacant as soon as his normal tenure of four years had +expired; the ordinary course of unquestioned renewal was not followed; +and, to make matters worse, his implacable opponent, Bartolomé de +Medina, was appointed to succeed Luis de Leon in his chair.[74] For +this appointment, no doubt, the University of Salamanca is entitled to +claim such credit as is due. But no such appointment would have been +possible had the Valladolid Inquisitors been consistent. What caused +the court to be more severe to Luis de Leon than to his colleague +Barrientos? + +This instance of inconsiderateness is not unique. As time went on the +bias of the court against the accused waxed rather than waned. Luis de +Leon's ill-health was notorious and, in fact, so obvious that it is +recorded by the court in an official minute.[75] His state did not +improve in jail. Suffering from fever--'como á sus mercedes les +consta'--so he says plaintively--he had nobody to look after him in +his secret cell save a sleepy-headed boy, a fellow-prisoner who was +half a simpleton. Luis de Leon had fainted from lack of food, and, in +the circumstances, it is not surprising that he should have asked to +be allowed the companionship of a monk of his order--preferably Fray +Alonso Siluente--or anybody else whom the court should think fit to +name.[76] Somewhat later, while still suffering from fever, Luis de +Leon begged that, on his providing satisfactory bail, he might be +transferred from his prison-cell to some neighbouring monastery, where +he could be detained till the end of his trial. So depressed was he +at this moment that he even welcomed the idea of being placed in a +Dominican monastery; it was true that the Dominicans were hostile to +him, yet if he died among them, he should be dying like a Christian, +surrounded by religious--not like a heathen with a blackamoor at his +bedside.[77] The first of these two requests was made to the +Valladolid judges, who passed it on to the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid; the reply of this body was discouraging, for, though the +request was granted in principle, impossible conditions, tantamount to +a refusal, were imposed.[78] Luis de Leon's second request was +addressed direct to the Inquisitor-General: this petition was +disregarded. In other matters, less urgent but not less important from +an orthodox point of view, the Inquisitionary judges at Valladolid +made no concession to the prisoner. He asked to be allowed to go to +confession, and to say Mass once a fortnight in the hall where his +case was heard.[79] Apparently a deaf ear was turned to his +entreaties. A hostile critic might be tempted to say that a vindictive +spirit prevailed in the deliberations of the Valladolid tribunal. + +It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, as the case developed, +the attitude of the Valladolid judges became less and less favourable +to Luis de Leon. Judges are mortals and liable to error. The very +pertinacity of the prisoner may have impressed them badly.[80] It is +in the highest degree improbable that they attached any importance to +his few slips. He speaks of having a naturally weak memory which, so +he declares, had grown worse while he was in prison,[81] and he was +frankly sceptical as to the possibility of any man's recalling every +incident in squabbles that happened years before.[82] As it happens, +his memory seems to have been excellent. No doubt it failed him now +and then; but seldom did it mislead him on any essential point.[83] It +is conceivable that Luis de Leon's judges at Valladolid thought him +lacking in deference. Though perfectly respectful, his attitude to +them was anything but subservient. The judges were accustomed to see +prisoners who were brought before them crushed with awe and a sense of +impending doom. Conscious of the baselessness of the charges against +him, the accused seemed to take his acquittal as certain; and he stood +so little in awe of his judges that he announced his intention of +appealing over their heads to the members of the Supreme +Inquisition.[84] Timidity was not among his failings. A priest of +Astudillo, formerly a student at Salamanca, had occasionally strayed +into Luis de Leon's densely-packed lecture-room, and retained an +abiding impression of the professor's _desenvoltura_ in his chair.[85] +Luis de Leon had not become wholly subdued during the intervening +years. He did not mince words in court, and indulged in sweeping +denunciations of large groups of men; he branded all Dominicans as +'enemies';[86] he was scarcely more indulgent in speaking of the +Jeromites (who resented his opposition to the candidature of their +representative, Hector Pinto, for a chair at Salamanca);[87] and on +general grounds, not unconnected with ancient academic rancours, he +objected to the entire faculty of theology at the University of Alcalá +de Henares.[88] The evidence of such persons should, he suggested, be +discounted in advance. Slow to think evil of his neighbours, Luis de +Leon was apt, once his suspicions were aroused, to fling his net +widely. He had some inkling that he and his had the fatal gift of +rousing antagonism. His uncle had been a practising lawyer, and Luis +de Leon argued that all who had suffered through the professional +activities of his kinsman should be debarred from testifying in his +case.[89] The unworldly man manifestly took it for granted that +witnesses who harboured any such grudge against him would willingly +admit it, if pressed on the point. + +Outspoken as was Luis de Leon with regard to groups, he was not less +outspoken with regard to individuals, and in this respect it must be +admitted that he does not appear at his best. Vehemence of language +had been the rule in the Salamancan _juntas_ of professors, and much +of this intemperate tone clung to Luis de Leon. No doubt large +allowances should be made for him. He knew that his honour was at +stake and that his life was in peril.[90] As he was persuaded--perhaps +rightly--he had been brought to this pass mainly through the intrigues +of an unscrupulous pair.[91] His provocation was extreme. It was +almost to be expected that he should use plain words when referring to +foes as malignant as Medina and Castro. These two men he accused of +deliberately organizing a conspiracy against him;[92] he spoke bluntly +of Medina's 'hatred', 'rage', 'trickery', and 'lying';[93] he was not +mealy-mouthed in describing Castro's 'malice', 'deceit', 'calumnies', +and 'perjury'.[94] Luis de Leon dealt no less faithfully with some +members of his own order who were spiteful or cowardly--or both. As +early as the beginning of August 1572 Fray Gabriel Montoya, Prior of +the Augustinian Monastery at Toledo, stated to the Inquisitors at +Valladolid that, in his opinion, certain remarks on the Vulgate, made +by Luis de Leon in the course of a lecture, were of an heretical +savour.[95] The value of this opinion is somewhat diminished by the +fact that Montoya had a personal grudge against Luis de Leon who, some +four or five years previously, had prevented Montoya's election as +Provincial of the Augustinians in Spain.[96] This check seems to have +galled Montoya, who gives the impression of being a rancorous gossip, +and, before leaving the court, he repeated a malignant rumour--derived +he knew not whence--to the effect that Luis de Leon's father had +enjoined his son to be submissive to his superiors and to follow the +current opinion in matters intellectual.[97] Luis de Leon indulges in +no circuitous phrases when he comes to deal with Montoya, whom he +describes as an enemy notorious for his untruthfulness.[98] It would +appear that much of Montoya's second-hand information came from +another Augustinian, Francisco de Arboleda,[99] who had once been a +student of Luis de Leon's,[100] and had been entrusted by the prisoner +with the delicate mission of collecting from certain theologians in +Seville opinions favourable to Luis de Leon's views upon the +Vulgate.[101] This very sensible precaution scandalized Montoya. It is +open to criticism solely on the ground that Luis de Leon chose his +agent badly. To this criticism the real answer is that Luis de Leon +had to employ what agents he could, and that nobody but Arboleda, who +was not above flattering his old master,[102] was available at the +time of his mission to Seville. Arboleda's evidence was not damaging; +it was ill-intentioned and impertinent, inasmuch as it repeated vague +rumours of the Jewish descent of the accused;[103] the gravest fact +the witness could allege was Luis de Leon's view that a friar, +despite his vow of poverty, might spend a couple of coppers without +mortal sin in buying an _Agnus Dei_.[104] Arboleda gives the +impression of being a dullard, and this is pretty much the description +of him by another member of the Augustinian order--Pedro de +Rojas,[105] son of the Marqués de Pozas and afterwards Bishop of +Astorga and Osuna. Luis de Leon apparently agreed with Rojas in his +estimate of Arboleda's ability, and this may account for his +comparative leniency to the poor numbskull. More severe treatment is +meted out to another Augustinian, Diego de Zúñiga, whom Luis de Leon +brands as a deliberate perjurer.[106] Who was this Zúñiga? He has +generally been identified with the Zúñiga who was among the first in +Spain to declare in favour of the Copernican theory;[107] this action +needed courage and Zúñiga has had his reward. As he is respectfully +quoted by Galileo, he has attained something like immortality.[108] +There is, however, no conclusive evidence to show that this +enlightened writer is the Zúñiga who came under Luis de Leon's lash. +The correctness of the current identification is, at least, doubtful. + +The fact that Diego de Zúñiga is a frequent combination of names in +Spain is an embarrassment to the investigator. It is noticeable that +Luis de Leon's references seem to imply some doubt as to his +opponent's real name; he is obviously uncertain whether his accuser +should be called Zúñiga or Rodriguez,[109] and in this uncertainty he +is not alone.[110] It appears that there were at least two +Augustinians known as Diego de Zúñiga in Luis de Leon's time; it +further appears that neither of the two inherited from his father the +surname which he habitually used. Both men claimed relationship with +the Duque de Béjar--it was to the seventh Duque de Béjar that +Cervantes dedicated the First Part of _Don Quixote_ in 1605--and both +assumed the family name of that illustrious stock.[111] The original +name of the more celebrated of these Zúñigas was Diego Arias;[112] the +original name of the less celebrated was Rodriguez.[113] This is not +decisive, but it may well be one of those small facts which speak +volumes. Chronology confirms the conclusion to be drawn from these +considerations. The Zúñiga who appeared against Luis de Leon at +Valladolid was evidently professed as early as 1559 or 1560;[114] the +more celebrated Zúñiga was not professed till 1566.[115] General +considerations point in the same direction. The views of Zúñiga +(_alias_ Arias) were approximately those of Luis de Leon;[116] he +viewed matters from the same standpoint, was himself a university +professor,[117] and had something of Luis de Leon's fearlessness.[118] +Zúñiga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was a man of a very different type: +pedantically attached to the letter of the law, morbidly scrupulous on +points of discipline. There seems to be no touch of burlesque +intention in Luis de Leon's presentment of the man. According to Luis +de Leon, Zúñiga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was half-crazed with vanity, much +given to boasting of the esteem in which he was held at the Papal +Court. On one occasion, the fatuous Zúñiga produced a short treatise +entitled _Manera para aprender todas las ciencias_, and, stating that +he proposed sending this pamphlet to the Pope, made bold to ask what +his interlocutor thought of it. Can he have been vain enough to expect +a favourable verdict? If so, he did not know his man. Luis de Leon +drily expressed his regret that a work destined for the Pope should be +so slight and should contain a number of rather commonplace passages +such as might be found in any current book of reference--though, as he +added politely, he assumed that these passages were the fruit of +independent reading. This courteous assumption, which Zúñiga hastily +assured Luis de Leon was exact,[119] could not alter the fact that the +ambitious author had been severely snubbed, and this snub may well +have rankled in the mind of a man who is described as 'vindictive'. +Zúñiga had another grievance against Luis de Leon, who had taken a +severe view of his companion's insolence to an official superior at a +Provincial Chapter, and had joined in making representations the +upshot of which was that the culprit was publicly and ignominiously +punished.[120] It is well-nigh incredible that the Zúñiga who +championed Copernicus, and displays vigilant self-restraint in his +writings, should have been guilty of such flightiness as is brought +home to his namesake; it is by no means inconceivable that the Zúñiga +who deposed against Luis de Leon should have been guilty of occasional +lapses. He is said to have been impetuous as well as vindictive;[121] +he had the dangerous gift of pulpit eloquence[122] and may have +acquired the trick of saying rather more than he meant. His evidence +against Luis de Leon, though fluent and clear, is not what we should +expect from a man of talent, who recognized the gravity of the charges +against the prisoner. His testimony, such as it is, has less +intellectual substance than the testimony of Castro and Medina; it +turns mainly on petty personal questions or on points of morbid +scrupulousness. The more closely his evidence is scrutinized, the more +difficult is it to avoid the suspicion that Zúñiga was not a perfectly +trustworthy witness. For instance, according to his sworn statement he +was thirty-six years old when he deposed at Toledo on November 4, +1572.[123] The declaration is made positively without any of the +qualifying phrases--'about', 'nearly', 'more or less'--so frequent on +the part of witnesses. Nevertheless, it seems possible that this +assertion is erroneous. Zúñiga refers to a discussion respecting Arias +Montano which he had with Luis de Leon in the latter's cell some +thirteen years previously. At this time Zúñiga would, on his own +showing, be but twenty-three. From what we know of Luis de Leon, it +seems improbable that he would admit to his confidential intimacy a +man so much his junior. No doubt Zúñiga (or Rodriguez) was young at +the time--hardly old enough, by his own reckoning, to be an ordained +priest--a _mancebo_, as he seemed to Luis de Leon's retrospicient +eyes.[124] Yet it is very hard to believe that Zúñiga was no more than +twenty-three when he took it upon himself to cast doubts on the +orthodoxy of Benito Arias Montano;[125] nor is it likely that Luis de +Leon would discuss so delicate a topic with the most brilliant of +youths. Let it not be said that the question of Zúñiga's accuracy in +stating his age is relatively unimportant. It is highly relevant; for, +if Zúñiga were capable of making a mistake on such a point, he was +manifestly more liable to error when dealing with other matters on +which he necessarily knew less. However, Zúñiga's evidence is not +weighty enough to call for detailed examination. He may be left to +bear the burden of Luis de Leon's scorn. I am more concerned here to +suggest that, on the facts before us, we are not compelled to identify +the Zúñiga who deposed against Luis de Leon with a namesake of a +higher intellectual type. To us who read the testimony in cold blood, +more than three centuries after it was given, it seems that Luis de +Leon deals as impartially with his brethren as with members of other +religious orders. This was not his intention, at any rate. He knew his +fellow-Augustinians better than he could know the rest, and he himself +tells us not obscurely that, out of consideration for his gown, he was +silent on various matters which, if proclaimed aloud, would not make +for edification.[126] + +Members of the Valladolid Court could see for themselves that while +Luis de Leon's opponents--Dominicans, Jeromites, and the rest--were +banded solidly against him, the Augustinians were by no means +unanimous in his favour. That he was difficult to deal with personally +the Court had opportunities of knowing. His unbending fidelity to +principle and his impetuosity probably produced on the tribunal an +impression of obstinacy combined with caprice. On May 6, 1573, a +certain Dr. Ortiz de Funes was, as is recorded, nominated counsel to +the prisoner;[127] there is no reason to suppose that Ortiz de Funes +was in ability below the average level of the bar, but he was no match +for his client, and though he may have given valuable advice on purely +legal points, when these arose, it soon became plain that Luis de Leon +was the brain of the defence and that he meant to conduct that defence +in his own way. Ortiz de Funes became a nullity or, at least, a mere +figure-head whose main duty consisted in signing papers which the +prisoner had drawn up. A time came when, according to the practice of +the Inquisition, it became necessary for Luis de Leon to nominate +_patronos_, and in this matter Ortiz de Funes intervened somewhat more +prominently than was usual with him. A _patrono_ has no exact +counterpart in English ecclesiastical law; it was his business, within +narrow limits, to defend the interests of the accused from the +theological point of view. On June 26, 1574, Luis de Leon was brought +into court, and was told that he was to choose two _patronos_ out of +four men whose names were given him.[128] He was obviously taken aback +at this proposal, and replying that, since he did not know any of the +four, he was ignorant as to their qualifications, added that he had +already requested the appointment of Sebastian Perez, professor of +Theology at Párraces, as _patrono_. He renewed his request, adding +that either Dr. Cáncer or the Dominican Hernando del Castillo could be +appointed with Perez; but before any determination was taken, he +begged leave to consult his legal adviser.[129] As might have been +expected, Ortiz de Funes fell in with his client's view and two days +later made a formal application to the Court that Perez be appointed +_patrono_, with either Cáncer or Castillo to help him.[130] No +appointment was made at the moment and, as it turned out, this was +perhaps just as well; for by June 30 Luis de Leon had changed his +mind, and appeared in court to ask that Castillo's name be removed +from the list of acceptable _patronos_.[131] On July 14 Ortiz +de Funes announced his client's intention of appealing to the +Inquisitor-General against the decision forcing him to select +_patronos_ from a list of persons unknown to him.[132] Neither Luis de +Leon nor Ortiz de Funes seemed to have guessed that the Valladolid +judges were acting on instructions from the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid.[133] For a moment the step taken by Ortiz de Funes and his +client appeared to have some slight effect. Luis de Leon was informed +that he would be allowed to appoint Perez as his _patrono_ but on two +conditions: (1) he must undertake to pay all the travelling expenses +of his _patrono_, and (2) an inquiry must be held to establish the +_limpieza_ of Perez. This last proceeding, it was significantly +added, would be slow.[134] Again Ortiz de Funes was consulted; but it +is difficult to believe that he had more than a technical +responsibility for the startling decision which he announced: the +decision to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ and +either Bartolomé de Medina or Dr. Cáncer.[135] Mancio, whose pupil +Luis de Leon had once been at Alcalá, was a Dominican;[136] hence he +would be suspect--perhaps doubly 'suspect'--in the prisoner's eyes. +Medina, also a Dominican, was an overt foe; Cáncer, of whom Luis de +Leon knew nothing except that he was a professor at Salamanca, proved +to be not over friendly. Luis de Leon may conceivably have thought +that Mancio's undoubted learning would ensure his treading in the +strict path of justice, and that Mancio's advanced age[137] would +enable him to press his views on his coadjutor. It is more likely, +however, that the three names were put forward in a paroxysm of +impatience--at a moment when Luis de Leon was willing to fall in with +any arrangement which might hasten a decision of his case. + +Mancio was appointed _patrono_, and was duly sworn in at Valladolid on +October 9, 1574;[138] on October 13 he made a report favourable to the +accused.[139] The prisoner was not informed of this (as he should have +been), and took umbrage at what he thought was an act of insolent +remissness. He appeared in court on October 16, and protested against +any of his papers being entrusted to Mancio, lest he should take them +to his Dominican monastery where they ran the risk of being scanned by +hostile eyes.[140] On October 22 the prisoner showed signs of +increasing distrust, for he then requested the return of thirty-two +sheets of paper, covered with notes for his defence, which he himself +had handed to Mancio.[141] Luis de Leon's suspicions deepened rapidly. +On October 25 he asked to be allowed to cancel his nomination of +Mancio as _patrono_.[142] The local judges referred the application +to the Supreme Inquisition, and were instructed to proceed as though +nothing unusual had happened; Mancio, however, was to be told to stay +away still further notice.[143] On December 7 Luis de Leon handed in a +written explanation of his recent action. With regard to Mancio, he +complained of his _patrono's_ omission to confer with him, expressed +some suspicion that Mancio might have become a party to Medina's plot, +declined to accept as valid Mancio's excuse for not attending--that he +had to lecture in Salamanca--and vehemently declared that Mancio's +negligence amounted to very grave sin.[144] These phrases can scarcely +have been used in their natural sense, for Luis de Leon concluded his +written petition by stating that he was still willing to accept Mancio +as his _patrono_, if Mancio were able to be present at Valladolid. +Should this be impossible, the prisoner asked that Dr. Vadillo, Canon +of Plasencia, and the Augustinian Fray Francisco Cueto should be +assigned to him as _patronos_. A working arrangement thus became +possible, and the General Inquisitor at Madrid ordered that Mancio +should be given due facilities. These orders were received on December +13.[145] It appears that Mancio picked up the dropped threads of this +business on December 23, and spent another day or two in reviewing the +general situation.[146] Mancio's cautious policy was doubtless sound; +but to Luis de Leon, who maintained that the matters on which his +_patrono_ had to pronounce were as simple as could be, these tactics +seemed mistaken, and on January 13, 1575, he begged the Court to press +Mancio to give an opinion without delay.[147] On March 6 Luis de Leon +once more complained of being unable to confer with his _patrono_; but +now, rather late in the day, he came nearer to putting the blame on +the right shoulders. Hitherto he had been prone to ascribe all manner +of evil motives to Mancio, whom he should have known better: at last +it vaguely dawned on him that the obstacles might come (as, in fact, +they did come) from the tribunal which was trying him.[148] On March +15 Mancio wrote a letter to the judges, promising to attend at +Valladolid unless absolutely prevented from doing so.[149] Four days +later the General Inquisition wrote to the same judges, hinting that a +decision might be given shortly.[150] The Valladolid Court was stirred +into temporary activity. A sitting was held on March 30; Mancio was +present; a consultation took place between him and his client;[151] +and henceforth we hear no more of difficulties in connexion with Luis +de Leon's _patrono_. Nearly six months had been wasted owing to want +of tact on the part of the Inquisitionary officials. + +As the event proved, the prisoner's protests in this matter were +thoroughly justified. It is easy to perceive this now. We cannot be +sure that we should have taken the same view had we been contemporary +spectators. If appearances were not actually against Luis de Leon, +they combined to reveal him in his least attractive posture. His +comparative promptitude in accepting Mancio as _patrono_, his +unwillingness to abide by his choice, his sudden hostility to Mancio, +his final acceptance of Mancio, are all explicable variations. +Nevertheless they showed a disregard for superficial consistency which +might easily be misinterpreted as caprice. The bias of the court had +been veering away from the prisoner for some time. His series of +actions with respect to Mancio lost him all judicial favour. His +judges considered him as an unreasonable man, a gifted sophist fertile +in inventing objections in and out of season, a hair-splitter +perpetually arguing for argument's sake. Luis de Leon was, as a rule, +so unaccommodating that some of his judges may have begun to think +they understood why he was not universally popular with members of his +own order. Nor did Luis de Leon's demeanour in court serve to +dissipate the atmosphere of almost arrogant rectitude which enveloped +him. He felt bound to criticize the machinery of the Inquisition. He +may easily have seemed to be criticizing those engaged in working the +machinery. At the best of times the procedure of the Court was not +expeditious. For example, though Luis de Leon was arrested on March +27, 1572, the first hearing of his formal defence did not take place +till April 14--more than a fortnight later. More than once Luis de +Leon complained of the Court's delays without going into questions of +motive.[152] In this he was clearly right, for, as we have seen, the +Supreme Inquisition was not wholly satisfied with the progress made. +At other times the prisoner stressed the fact that constant +postponements were apt to do him injury, and he hinted rather plainly +that there was an intention to wear him down by deliberately +prolonging the proceedings.[153] In this conjecture he was almost +certainly wrong. The Valladolid judges had no power to alter the +system which they found in existence; possibly, becoming accustomed to +it, they ended by thinking well of it. Its weak points were naturally +more evident to Luis de Leon, and his torrent of critical remarks may +have seemed to reflect on the intelligence and probity of the Court. +Administrators, however exalted, are human, and even the lowliest of +magistrates is prone to take offence, if given to understand that he +is considered dull and dishonest. Luis de Leon never was betrayed into +using disrespectful language; but his polite formulae could not +conceal the fact that he had no very high opinion of those in whose +hands his fate lay. Nor did the well-meant observance of established +forms on the part of the Court do anything to modify his sentiments. +It was in strict conformity with precedent that he should be adjured +to make a clean breast of it and should be informed that, while +truthfulness would meet with clemency, lying would be severely dealt +with.[154] It is strange that it should have been thought necessary +to use this formula in the case of Luis de Leon--a highly-strung, +sensitive man, with an almost morbid passion for truth. The sole +excuse for the Inquisitors is that this warning was given at the first +sitting. But, at the second sitting, the warning was repeated in +almost identical terms.[155] It seems scarcely possible to show less +tact in the conduct of a difficult case. No doubt the explanation is +that none of the Valladolid judges was sufficiently independent to set +a precedent of his own. + +Large allowances must be made for those unhappy men. They cannot +reasonably be blamed for not taking it upon themselves to alter the +established procedure of the Court in which they sat. Their position +was always difficult, and it did not become easier as time went on. +They had good reason to know that a vocal group of influential persons +in Salamanca confidently expected them to condemn Luis de Leon; yet +some of them, at least, were uncomfortably aware that the evidence +before them would not warrant a conviction on the major charges. The +most damaging witnesses--Medina, Castro, and Zúñiga--had been called +at a very early stage of the proceedings. These heavy guns had been +fired without destroying the adversary. There was nothing for it now +but to hope for the worst from the reports of the official +_calificadores_, Dr. Cáncer, Fray Nicolas Ramos, and Dr. Frechilla, +who did their utmost to fulfil expectations.[156] Lest the +pronouncements of this trio proved unconvincing, the precaution was +taken of excluding evidence. At the beginning of the case, any sort of +second-hand gossip was admitted as evidence on the chance that its +cumulative effect might be damaging to the accused. At Murcia, on +February 4, 1573, a hostile Augustinian, Fray Juan Ciguelo, a man of +doubtful character, was permitted to retail idle chatter on the part +of another Augustinian who averred that Luis de Leon was prone to +saying _Requiems_ too often, and was in the habit of reading Latin +too quickly.[157] Ciguelo's testimony, though malignant, had done no +harm; later on, it was thought more prudent to adopt the opposite +policy and to prevent as many as possible of the witnesses for the +defence from being heard. As late as July 7, 1576, no less than three +interrogatories[158] by Luis de Leon were rejected on the ground that +they were irrelevant (_impertinentes_).[159] It is difficult to +reconcile these decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later +ruling was thought to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the +earlier one. In their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion +which was easily disproved.[160] + +Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables us +to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to supplement +the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his youth, may +easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many who had +seen him. According to that painter's _Libro de Descripcion de +verdaderos Retratos de illustres y memorables varones_, Luis de Leon +was below the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered +with thick and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his +brow was broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his +complexion was darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was +grave; and, we may add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed, +regarded Luis de Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in +mathematics, in jurisprudence, in medicine--and, though self-taught as +a painter--an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a +compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of +Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose +enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his +account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The +fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable +record of the Valladolid trial confirms Pacheco's report of the +prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in +which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When +being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the +innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts +which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself, +to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or +scoffer in him.[161] But if Luis de Leon was relatively poor in +humour, he had an abundant store of mordant sarcasm and a faculty for +ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned to their chagrin.[162] +Pacheco's opinion of Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by +the scrap of evidence given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas--the +sightless dedicatee of _El aire se serena_. Salinas bore witness that +some of Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any +University chair against all competition.[163] Evidently to those who +met him frequently Luis de Leon conveyed the impression of +irresistible talent. Though students voted in professorial elections +at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon loyally, he did nothing to +conciliate them, and expressed his opinion of them with unquestionable +candour. We gather that he was profoundly attached to the ancient +order of things[164] and that, though accused of interpreting the +Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical book.[165] +We learn that among his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and +Melchor Cano;[166] of these he would seem most to have esteemed +Cano.[167] With such masters, and being the man he was, Luis de Leon +would naturally have got together a good theological library, and he +was allowed to have some of his books in his prison-cell; it is but +natural that most of his requests should be for theological works +which would be of service in preparing his defence on technical +points. Reading was his sole solace during his imprisonment, and it +is noticeable that, whenever he asks for a book he speaks of it--not +with the dry, meticulous precision of a bibliographer but--with all +the caressing detail of a genuine book-lover. He indicates the sizes +of the various works which he needs, describes their bindings, and +mentions in what part of his monastery-cell they will be found. He +wants a Vatable with gilt edges, bound in black; it should be found in +a case for smaller volumes which lies on his writing-table. He asks +for a Bible, printed by Plantin, bound in black leather and fastened +with black silk ribbons. He demands a Biblical concordance which is in +folio. This lies on a high shelf near the window.[168] He begs to have +the works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the +left as you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for +theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds +entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity. +When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in sheep's-skin; it +will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the +monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil--of which there +are a great many ('_de que hay hartos_'), so that he does not +particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in +sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves +where the works of St. Justin are.[169] Again, besides the works of +St. Leo, bound in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf; +for a Pindar (in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with +gilt edges; and for _Le prose dil Bembo_, a volume in small quarto +with a parchment binding.[170] This throws light on Luis de Leon's +progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for an Italian book +to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know that language. In +or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the anonymous Italian work +which disturbed Zúñiga's scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though +of course able to catch the author's drift, did not really know +Italian at that time.[171] This deficiency had been made good, as he +gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573--twenty eight +months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of _Le prose +dil Bembo_ should be given to him in prison. + +The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of Luis +de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. Towards +the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary judges +there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological student +who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified that for +about two years he had discussed matters of theology, mathematics, and +astrology with Luis de Leon.[172] It may astonish some that Luis de +Leon toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have +surprised his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as +to the cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he +had read a compilation on astrology which had been lent to him by a +student named Poza, a licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have +doubted whether he ought to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de +Leon on the question. Luis de Leon dipped into the book, and came +finally to the conclusion that the whole thing was rubbish. But he +found in the work some curious observations, and was tempted to make +at least one experiment which involved the use of a pious formula. The +owner of the book left Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then +raging there. Luis de Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day, +and had intended to burn the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out +the main part of his intention by burning the work in the presence of +Fray Bartolomé de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this +holocaust. No more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's +curiosity as to the possibilities of astrology continued with but +little abatement.[173] This half-belief in astrology as a kind of +black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and vestiges of +this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected quarters till our +own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus to furnish his +adversaries with ammunition which they might use against him; but +could anything bespeak conscious innocence more strongly than his +voluntary avowal? + +Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his protestations +of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court what course it +should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought to order Leon +de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.[174] Later on, he declared +with vehemence that his detention was without a shadow of legality, +that his imprisonment ought not to continue for a single day, and that +he ought to be compensated for the injury done him.[175] These may +have been truths; but they were decidedly unpalatable, and the +expediency of making these assertions to a prejudiced bench is at +least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de Leon could +bring himself to use. He complained again and again of delays, +attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and +incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went +on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making +his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing +vehemence.[176] He impressed on his hearers the fundamental absurdity +of certain charges against him, and, waxing indignant at the statement +that he had thrown doubt on the coming of Christ, he objected to +having so senseless a jest fathered on him. There was always the +alternative that he might be supposed to have used in earnest the +words imputed to him; in which case, even if the evidence on this +point were far more decisive than it actually was, 'before believing +it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether I had gone out of my +mind at the time, or were drunk'.[177] It is, no doubt, difficult to +meet a contention of this kind; but such a contention is not +calculated to capture the sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should +it be overlooked that the judges were subjected to continual pressure +from the attacking parties. The official _calificadores_ took a +serious view of Luis de Leon's opinions on the authority of the +Vulgate; they showered reports upon the judges; naturally these +reports did not always agree with one another, but they were unanimous +in one respect; they declared against the teaching of Luis de +Leon,[178] and this perhaps decided the tribunal in giving judgement. +We may think that the court unconsciously allowed itself to be swayed +by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was at no great pains to +conceal his estimate of its capacity. However that may be, it must be +admitted that the decision of the Court had behind it a great body of +what may be called expert opinion. The question of the authority due +to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the foreground; and the report +of even so liberal-minded a man as the Dominican Hernando del Castillo +was not wholly favourable. Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion +that Luis de Leon had uttered nothing against faith; but while he +acquitted the prisoner of teaching 'erroneous, temerarious or +scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de Leon was much to blame for +dealing with the question when and where he did.[179] The opinion of +other _calificadores_ was still more hostile, though it is to be noted +that their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the +delivery of a decision drew near.[180] + +That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year after +year. This series of postponements--ordered, despite the wishes of the +prisoner and (as he contended) against his interests--had got on to +Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to occasional moods of depression, and +had betrayed him into a few irritable or intemperate outbursts. But +these results were unintentional. The Valladolid judges were well +aware from the outset that no time was to be lost. As early as July +29, 1572, they delegated a piece of work to one of their commissaries +in Salamanca, and impressed on him the urgency of dispatch.[181] They +secured from Benito Rodriguez, the commissary in question, greater +speed than they attained themselves. This may have been due to +accident, or to incompetence on their part. But the policy of +continual adjournment could not be prolonged for ever. It had lasted +too long for the patience of the Supreme Inquisition:[182] + + ...even the weariest river + Winds somewhere safe to sea. + +On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. Seven +members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, Andrés de Álava, +Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de Albornoz voted that Luis de +Leon should be put to the torture--a moderate amount of torture in +view of his frail health--and, when this was done, the court should +sit again and determine accordingly. Dr. Guijano de Mercado and Dr. +Frechilla took a more lenient view, recommending that, in +consideration of the more exculpatory reports recently given by the +_calificadores_, in consideration also of the replies made by the +prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be reprimanded for dealing +with so grave a matter (as the authority of the Vulgate) at an +unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; that he should be +called upon to renounce publicly certain views which seemed ambiguous; +that he should be told by his bishop to occupy himself with matters of +general interest; that he should cease lecturing altogether; and that +his _Song of Solomon_, done into Spanish, should be seized. The +Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to give his decision in +writing.[183] It may not have been committed to paper: at any rate, it +does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement of Guijano +and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, which +curtly ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to +reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to +confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the _Song of +Solomon_.[184] These orders, dated at Madrid on December 7, 1576, +were, of course, obeyed.[185] As the senior member of the Court, Dr. +Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up +while it was pronounced.[186] The date is not stated, but it cannot +have been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon +applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for +an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that +officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till +his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years' +tenure.[187] Both applications were granted. But the Ethiopian cannot +change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, that the +petitioner received full satisfaction.[188] + + + + +III + + +[Footnote 53: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 143-144.] + +[Footnote 54: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 174-176.] + +[Footnote 55: Luis de Leon administered a fund left by the late Doña +Ana Abarca de Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this +fund a life-pension was paid to Almansa (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears +from his request of December 20, 1572 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores estará +trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo faltará lo mas della, +porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi gente; y podrá ser tener yo +necesidad para mi negocio de algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas +agenas y que estan á mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido +darme libertad algun dia. Suplico á V. md. por amor de Dios sea +servido de enviar á mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, ó á Francisco +de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo, que la cierre y tome todas +las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo hará muy bien, porque es +hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico á V. md. no lo ponga en +olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought suspiciously warm; at +any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de Almansa, Familiar of the +Inquisition at Salamanca. + +When taken into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the +company of Fray Alonso Siluente (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. +188).] + +[Footnote 56: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough +Luis de Leon lost exact account of time during his imprisonment, and +was not very sure as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y +despues á veinte tres, ó veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo +pasado], el dicho Señor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mandó +prender,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 185).] + +[Footnote 57: Opinions differ as to whether Luis de Leon was +imprisoned in the original Inquisitionary cells on the site of which +18 and 20 calle del Obispo now stand. Blanco García thought that this +was not the case (_op. cit._, p. 129 _n_). The recurrence of such +phrases as _mandó subir de su cárcel_ (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's cell +was underground.] + +[Footnote 58: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico á sus +mercedes sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre +prior [Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise á Ana de Espinosa, monja en el +monasterio de Madrigal, que envíe una caja de unos polvos que ella +solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolías y pasiones de corazon, que +ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas necesidad que agora; +y sobre todo que me encomiende á Dios sin cansarse.'] + +[Footnote 59: The tone of his request shows that he anticipated a +refusal on the ground that he might wilfully injure himself with a +knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes fuesen servidos, torno á suplicar se +me dé un cuchillo para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de +Dios, seguramente se me puede dar; que jamás deseé la vida y las +fuerzas tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que +Dios me ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 179-180).] + +[Footnote 60: The concession of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le +dé esto que pide; y atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron +que mandaban y mandaron que el alcaide le dé un cuchillo sin punta. Lo +cual se mandó al alcaide luego en su presencia' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 61: It figures as the sixth charge in the speech of the +prosecuting counsel, Diego de Haedo (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. +208). Even at this early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the +prisoner should be tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea +puesto á quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.' +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 209).] + +[Footnote 62: The date of the translation is stated on the authority +of Luis de Leon himself (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 98).] + +[Footnote 63: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 271; see also +_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 214-215.] + +[Footnote 64: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-101.] + +[Footnote 65: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 6.] + +[Footnote 66: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-99.] + +[Footnote 67: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 489.] + +[Footnote 68: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.] + +[Footnote 69: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 505-509.] + +[Footnote 70: The exordium, the translation of the first chapter of +the _Song of Solomon_ and the commentary on this first chapter are +printed in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 449-467.] + +[Footnote 71: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no +obstante esto á algunos amigos mios, y á otros, les ha parecido tener +inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y á mí, por la misma razon, +me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo hubiera estorbado. +Y para remedio dello, el año pasado comencé á ponello en latin, para +siendo examinado y aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia +todo lo que anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de +salud que he tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y así +digo que estoy presto á hacer esta ó otra cualquier diligencia que por +V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que haya +cometido, ó en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, ó en haber dado +ocasion directa ó indirectamente á que se divulgase. Y estoy aparejado +á hacer en ello la enmienda que por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que +subjecto humilde y verdaderamente á V.m. y á este Sancto Oficio y +tribunal, ansí este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina +que ó por escrito ó por palabra, leyendo ó disputando, ó en otra +cualquier manera haya afirmado ó enseñado, para en todo ser enmendado +y corregido.] + +[Footnote 72: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 252-254. The +following occurs in a document handed in by Luis de Leon on January +26, 1573: '...digo que en fin del mes de hebrero que viene, deste +presente año de setenta y tres, ó por principio de marzo, se cumple el +cuadrienio por el cual me está proveida la cátreda de Durando que +tengo en la universidad de Salamanca, el cual cumplido como es notorio +se vacará, y no oponiéndome yo á ella otra vez, se proveerá en el que +se opusiere y los estudiantes eligieren. Y aunque es verdad que yo no +tengo deseo ni intento de tratar mas de escuelas, habiendo trabajado +en ellas tan bien como mis concurrentes, y habiendo sacado por ocasion +dellas y de sus competencias el trabajo en que estoy; pero entendiendo +que si en esta coyuntura se vacase la dicha cátreda y se proveyese en +otra persona, mucho número de gentes que en el reino y fuera dél +tienen noticia de mi prision, y presumen por ella mal de mí, sabiendo +la dicha vacatura de cátreda y provision en otra persona, no +entendiendo como no entienden, ni saben la ley y estilo de la dicha +universidad, me tendrian del todo por culpado y condenado, y quedaria +siempre en pie esta mala opinion contra mí, aunque Vs. Mds. conociendo +en la prosecucion deste pleito mi inocencia, me den por libre y me +restituyan en mi honra como espero en Dios que sucederá; porque las +sobredichas personas que no saben el estilo de la dicha universidad, +viéndome fuera destas cárceles, y fuera de las escuelas, siempre +entenderian que fué órden de Vs. Mds. y pena de mi culpa, siendo como +son los hombres fáciles á creer lo peor, en lo cual mi órden y mis +deudos, y lo que es principal, la opinion de mi fé y doctrina +recibiria notable agravio y detrimento; por tanto en la mejor manera y +conforme á derecho haya lugar, pido y suplico á Vs. Mds. sean servidos +de ó mandar á la dicha universidad que no innove cosa alguna acerca de +la dicha cátreda, ni de otra cosa que me toque hasta que Vs. Mds. +habiendo conocido los méritos deste pleito juzguen y manden lo que +fueren servidos conforme á justicia, ó me den licencia para... dar +poder á dos ó las demas personas que me pareciere en Salamanca, porque +por mí y en mi nombre, al tiempo que se vacare la dicha cátreda, se +puedan oponer y opongan á ella, y hagan por mí las demas diligencias +que conforme á las leyes y estatutos de aquella universidad fueren +necesarias.'] + +[Footnote 73: This is recorded in a letter from Francisco Sancho to +the Valladolid Inquisitors (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 135): +'Tres cartas tengo á que responder á Vs. Mds. La una es sobre la +cátedra del maestro Barrientos, en la cual mandan Vs. Mds. que diga al +rector de esta universidad, como está detenido en ese Santo Oficio, y +que en tanto que estuviere ansí detenido, no se provea su cátedra, ni +se haga mudanza en ello. Y luego que recebí la dicha carta, que fué +estando con el mesmo rector, se la mostré y dijo que ansí lo haria y +cumpliria de buena voluntad.'] + +[Footnote 74: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 44-46. No time was +wasted in filling the chair. It was declared vacant on March 30, 1573; +Medina was elected to it on April 4; he received 95 votes, and the +Augustinian Pedro de Uceda received 54. Uceda (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, pp. 85-90) testified in favour of Fray Luis de Leon; his +evidence gives the impression that he was a timid man, overawed by the +court.] + +[Footnote 75: The Inquisitioners' phrase (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +X, p. 180) has been already quoted: 'atento que es hombre +enfermo....'] + +[Footnote 76: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 188: 'E antes de ser +llevado á su cárcel, dijo quél está muy enfermo de calenturas como á +sus mercedes les consta, y no tiene quien le cure en su cárcel sino un +mochachico que está allí preso, que es simple; y para habelle de +despertar padece trabajo con él, y ha venido dia de quedarse desmayado +de hambre por no tener quien le dé la comida; y que suplica á sus +mercedes le den un fraile de su órden que le sirva, pues en esto no +hay enconveniente, si ya no quieren permitir de que muera entre cuatro +paredes solo: que por reverencia de nuestro Señor se duelan dél y le +den un fraile que esté en su compañía siquiera para que si se muere le +ayude á bien morir; y que podrá ser que fray Alonso Siluente, que á la +sazon que á este prendieron estaba en su compañía, holgaria de venir á +tenérsela si está en Salamanca, ó sino que sea quien sus mercedes +mandaren. Con tanto fué llevado á su cárcel.'] + +[Footnote 77: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 197. In a letter +which reached Madrid on November 21, 1575, Luis de Leon wrote as +follows to the Inquisitor-General: 'Por lo cual y atento... a lo +mucho que ha que estoy preso, y á mis pasiones y flaquezas, en caso +que pareciere ser conveniente que la sentencia deste pleito se dilate; +suplico á V.S. Illma. por Jesucristo sea servido, dando yo fianzas +suficientes, mandarme poner en un monasterio de los que hay en esta +villa, aunque sea en S. Pablo, en la forma que V.S. Illma. fuese +servido ordenar, hasta la sentencia deste negocio, para que si en este +tiempo el Señor me llamare, lo cual debo temer por el mucho trabajo +que paso y por mis pocas fuerzas, muera como cristiano entre personas +religiosas, ayudado de sus oraciones, y recebiendo los sacramentos, y +no como infiel solo en una cárcel y con un moro á la cabecera.'] + +[Footnote 78: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 194: 'Tambien se +consultó á su Señoría Reverendísima lo que escribís cerca de la +indispusicion del maestro fray Luis de Leon y la necesidad que tiene +de servicio, el cual pide que en el monesterio de Sant Augustin de +Salamanca ó en el de esta villa se pida un fraile que esté con él, y +ha parescido que así se haga; pero adviérteseos que el fraile que se +le hubiere de dar no ha de salir de la compañía del dicho fray Luis +hasta que se acabe su causa, y ansí será bien se le avise al que +hubiere de ser antes que entre en las cárceles.'] + +[Footnote 79: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 50-51: '...ha tres +años que estoy preso, y todo este tiempo he estado sin el uso de los +sacramentos con detrimento de mi ánima, y sin causa que conforme á +derecho obligase á Vs. Mds. á privarme dellos,... Por lo cual pido y +suplico á Vs. Mds., y si menester es les encargo las conciencias, pues +que no son servidos de pronunciar lo que en este mi negocio tienen +difinido, y lo dilatan por concluir primero otros procesos que no me +tocan, ó por los respectos que á Vs. Mds. parece y me tienen preso; +alomenos no me priven de este bien, sino que me den licencia para +confesarme con quien Vs. Mds. señalaren, y para decir misa en esta +sala siquiera de quince en quince días, en lo cual Vs. Mds. harán gran +servicio á Dios, y á mí darán grandísimo consuelo.' This is from a +document which was handed in by Luis de Leon at Valladolid on March +12, 1575. An order was made that this document should be forwarded to +the Supreme Inquisition. I have failed to trace any further reference +to it.] + +[Footnote 80: They may have thought that, owing to his +unacquaintance with legal procedure, Luis de Leon was wasting the time +of the court; at any rate, as early as May 6, 1572, Dr. Ortiz de Funes +was appointed counsel to the prisoner (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 217). No saving of time was wrought by this change.] + +[Footnote 81: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 220: '...yo tengo +flaca memoria, y despues que estoy en la cárcel he perdido gran parte +della,...'] + +[Footnote 82: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 193: 'Es imposible +acordarse memoria de hombre de todo lo que en las dichas juntas se ha +dicho, mayormente que con la cólera de la disputa, algunas veces salen +de todos los términos de razon y modestia los hombres, y se ciegan de +manera que dende á poco ellos mismos no saben lo que han dicho.'] + +[Footnote 83: Luis de Leon's memory betrayed him as regards the +signatures attached to the Vatable Bible. He was under the impression +that he had signed a copy which was handed over to Francisco Sancho. +In this he proved to be mistaken. On thinking the point over, Luis de +Leon suggested that he must have signed a copy in the possession of +the Salamancan bookseller, Gaspar de Portonariis; this impression was +likewise mistaken. (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 520-527.) + +An amazing lapse of memory led Luis de Leon astray with respect to +Bartolomé de Medina; as Medina did not take his degree till 1570 +(_Documentos inéditos_, vols. X, p. 323, and XI, p. 340), Luis de Leon +felt justified in stating that his opponent did not take part in the +revision of Vatable's Bible, which (such was the prisoner's +impression) was finished in 1569. The discovery of Medina's signature +in the Sancho copy of Vatable (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 522) +rendered this position untenable. The fact appears to be that the Old +Testament was revised in 1569; owing to the absence of Sancho and Luis +de Leon, the revision of the New Testament was suspended; it was not +finished till 1571, and thus Medina was enabled to sign the Vatable +Bible. It seems clear that Luis de Leon had no head for dates. He was, +as we have seen (p. 94), doubtful as to when he was arrested, and he +was capable of imagining that a sitting of the Valladolid court had +been held a week before, when no such sitting had taken place. +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 18.)] + +[Footnote 84: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 23, 24: '...antes +de agora yo tengo pedido que se me declaren los nombres y personas de +los Señores del Consejo de la santa y general Inquisicion, ante quien +los auctos y sentencias interlocutorias y difinitivas deste negocio +pueden ir á parar, para que sabiendo quien son yo pueda deliberar lo +que conviene á mi justicia, y si tengo justa causa para recusar á +alguno dellos; y por no se me haber declarado yo tengo apelado. Y +porque por estar preso en cárceles secretas no puedo por mí ni por +otro informarme... pido y suplico á Vs. Mds., é si necesario es, con +debido acatamiento y reverencia requiero, no se envíe cosa alguna de +lo tocante á este mi proceso á los dichos Señores del Consejo, y +protesto la nulidad de lo que en contrario se hiciere. Y si tácita ó +expresamente me fuere denegado otra vez, apelo para ante quien y con +derecho debo, y pido los apóstolos desta mi apelacion con las +instancias é ahincamientos necesarios, y pídolo por testimonio.' It +will be seen that the account given in the text is an under-statement. +Luis de Leon not only appealed over the heads of the Valladolid judges +to the General Inquisition; he was prepared also to challenge, if +necessary, individual members of the General Inquisition itself.] + +[Footnote 85: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 81-83. Diego de Gaona +states that he knew Luis de Leon in 1567 or 1568. Gaona esteemed Luis +de Leon to be 'hombre muy hábil en su facultad de teología, aunque le +tenia por hombre algo atrevido en su manera de leer, y á esta causa +este testigo... le oia muy pocas veces por ver su desenvoltura en las +liciones que leia... entraba muy pocas veces á oir al dicho fray Luis +de Leon, é que á esta causa no se le acuerda quienes estaban +presentes, mas de que estaba el general lleno de gente...'] + +[Footnote 86: Luis de Leon frequently makes this point. The following +passage (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 482) is sufficiently +categorical to render further quotations superfluous: 'Demás desto +digo que el dia pasado aquí en la audiencia entendí que algunos de mis +papeles, los cuales se veen por mandado de Vs. Mds. se han dado á ver +y examinar á fray Juan Gutierrez fraile dominico, y ansí entiendo que +se habrán dado á otros de la misma órden: y siendo notorio como es que +todos los frailes de la dicha órden son sospechosos contra mí por las +competencias que mi órden, y yo señaladamente he tenido con ellos, y +por la cátreda que les hemos quitado, y por las demas causas que yo en +este proceso tengo alegadas y probadas, por las cuales los tengo +tachados por enemigos...'] + +[Footnote 87: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 559-560: 'Que por +cuanto para hacer el juicio difinitivo acerca de la cualidad de mi +doctrina, Vs. Mds. han de consultar á teólogos doctos y +desapasionados; y porque yo tengo tachados por apasionados y +sospechosos á todos los frailes de la órden de Santo Domingo y de Sant +Hierónimo, y agora de nuevo tacho por lo mismo á los teólogos de la +universidad de Alcalá, porque como es notorio estan encontrados con +los teólogos de Salamanca por muchas causas antiguas y recientes, y +señaladamente porque el Consejo general de la Inquisicion cosas +notadas y censuradas por ellos las ha remitido á los de Salamanca, los +cuales corrigieren las censuras de los dichos, y el Consejo siguió el +parecer de los de Salamanca...' According to Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 277): 'hizo el dicho fray Luis +públicamente cuanto pudo contra Hector Pinto, fraile gerónimo, en la +sostitucion de Biblia, por el maestro Grajal; y los dichos frailes +gerónimos se quejaron dél en el monasterio de Sant Augustin'.] + +[Footnote 88: See the first part of the previous note.] + +[Footnote 89: Luis de Leon's first application on this point is dated +October 20, 1573 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 483-488): in this +he mentions his brothers (who were both lawyers) as well as his uncle. +The subsequent proceedings illustrate the leisurely methods of the +Inquisition. Nothing seems to have been done in the matter up to May +12, 1574, when Luis de Leon made another application to the Inquisitor +General; this was entrusted to the Valladolid judges to forward. +Though the Supreme Inquisition directed that an inquiry be held, no +reply had reached Luis de Leon on July 14, 1574, on which date he +renewed his application. He presented a fourth petition on the subject +on August 7: in this he substitutes his father for his brothers (who +were not included in his second and third applications). His request +was refused by the authorities in Madrid on August 13, 1574 +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 5-7, 17, 24-25).] + +[Footnote 90: _Documentos inéditos_, vols. X, XI, _passim_.] + +[Footnote 91: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 353.] + +[Footnote 92: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 318: 'Y para este +efecto [fray Bartolomé de Medina y el maestro Leon de Castro] hicieron +junta de estudiantes, y el dicho Medina llamó á su celda á muchos +dellos, y inquirió dellos si habian oido ó sabian algo, poniéndolos en +escándalo, y tomándoles firmas y juramentándolos para que no le +descubriesen. Y con el dicho maestro Leon, y ciertos frailes +hierónimos y otras personas enemigas, se concertó lo que habian de +hacer, y repartieron entre si como en caso de guerra las partes por +donde habian de acometer cada uno y lo que habia de decir, como +vuestras mercedes podrán ser informados de fulano de Alarcon, colegial +de Sanct Millan en Salamanca, que fué uno de los llamados, y él dirá +de otros; y fray Gaspar de Uceda fraile y lector en Sanct Francisco de +Salamanca sabe tambien mucho desto.' Luis de Leon repeats the +accusation of conspiracy in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 353, +with some comments on Castro's motives.] + +[Footnote 93: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 318, 321, 324, 433.] + +[Footnote 94: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 348, 439.] + +[Footnote 95: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 96: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 369: 'Habrá cuatro +años ó poco mas que por insistir yo en ello, en un capítulo provincial +de mi órden se votó secreto en la eleccion conforme al concilio, y se +atajaron los pasos á la ambicion de muchos, y resultó que este que se +tenia ya por provincial por la violencia de un su amigo, que si se +votara público como solia, era muy poderoso, quedó en vacío. Y estas +son todas sus lágrimas y mis desobediencias.'] + +[Footnote 97: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32: 'Item dijo que +este declarante ha oido decir, no se acuerda á qué personas, que el +padre de dicho fray Luis de Leon le dejó muy encargado que fuese muy +obediente á sus prelados, y que siguiese la opinion comun en las +letras...'] + +[Footnote 98: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 366, 368: '...entre +nosotros es este conocido por hombre que sino es por descuido, jamás +dice verdad.'] + +[Footnote 99: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 100: This we know from Luis de Leon himself: 'fué mi +discípulo' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 370).] + +[Footnote 101: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 35-40.] + +[Footnote 102: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 371: 'Y porque mas +claramente conozcan Vs. Mds. la mala intencion deste que depone,... +me dijo que tenia los papeles de aquella lectura de la Vulgata, y que +era la mejor cosa del mundo,... con otras palabras tan encarecidas +que no me estan á mí bien decillas.'] + +[Footnote 103: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 38.] + +[Footnote 104: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 33, 42.] + +[Footnote 105: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas is +brutally frank. After mentioning that Arboleda was annoyed at Luis de +Leon's preference for Fray Diego de Caravajal, he continues: 'y que +tiene para sí que por esta razon habrá algun resentimiento de parte +del dicho fray Francisco de Arboleda contra el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, por ser el dicho Arboleda cabezudo y no de mucho +entendimiento'.] + +[Footnote 106: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 396. The word +'perjuro' is again used by Luis de Leon of this witness in _Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 375.] + +[Footnote 107: F. Picatoste y Rodríguez, _Apuntes para una biblioteca +científica española del siglo XVI_ (Madrid, 1891), pp. 340-344.] + +[Footnote 108: Galileo Galilei, _Opere_ (Milano, 1811), vol. XIII, p. +49.] + +[Footnote 109: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 373: '...es un +fraile de mi órden que se llama fray Diego de Zúñiga, ó por otro +nombre Rodriguez, el cual me quiere mal por las causas que articularé +en su tiempo y lugar; y en esta deposicion lo muestra no obscuramente, +porque demás de no referir verdad en muchas cosas, ninguna cosa dice +en ella forzado por la consciencia, sino movido por su libre y mala +voluntad.' Other instances will be found in Luis de Leon's _Quinto +interrogatorio_ (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI): 'Item si saben etc. +que... fray Diego Rodriguez, ó de Zúñiga por otro nombre, se +desmandó..., y que allí se ordenó que castigasen al dicho fray Diego +Rodriguez ó Zúñiga' (p. 335). 'Item si saben etc. que en un acto,... +el dicho fray Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga,...' (p. 336). 'Item si saben +etc. que el dicho Rodriguez ó Zúñiga, de algunos años á esta parte, ha +mostrado en sus palabras y pláticas tener enemistad y mala voluntad al +dicho maestro fray Luis, hablando mal dél y de sus cosas, y diciendo +que el dicho maestro no habia consentido que el dicho Rodriguez +viviese en S. Augustin de Salamanca, porque sabia mas que el dicho +maestro, y otras cosas ansí' (p. 336).] + +[Footnote 110: Pedro de Rojas refers to the fact 'quel dicho fray +Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga pasó algunas palabras descorteses con el +padre Cueto,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345).] + +[Footnote 111: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Fr. Luis de Leon y Fr. Diego de +Zúñiga_ (El Escorial, [1915]), pp. 47, 245.] + +[Footnote 112: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, p. 58.] + +[Footnote 113: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 57, 64.] + +[Footnote 114: It is inferred that Zúñiga was professed when he +entered Luis de Leon's cell thirteen years before 1572 (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 67-68). There is, however, some difficulty in +adjusting the date of this profession with the statement that Zúñiga +was thirty-six when he gave evidence.] + +[Footnote 115: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, p. 48.] + +[Footnote 116: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 224-240.] + +[Footnote 117: He became professor of Scripture at Osuna in 1575. See +F. Rodríguez Marín, _Cervantes y la Universidad de Osuna_ in _Homenaje +á Menéndez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. II.] + +[Footnote 118: It needed uncommon courage to pronounce in favour of +Copernicus at the end of the sixteenth century. The assertion that +'the advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the facility with which +the theory of Copernicus... was accepted in Spain, when it was +rejected elsewhere' is in the nature of an over-statement. According +to Muiños Sáenz (_op. cit._, pp. 19-20), who refers to his +brother-Augustinian, M. Gutiérrez, 'la doctrina copernicana pugnaba +con la opinión generalizada en las escuelas, y tuvo en España +impugnadores que, como Pineda, y con referencia personal á Zúñiga, la +calificaron de _falsa_, no sin añadir que, á juicio de otros autores, +merecía las calificaciones de _temeraria, peligrosa y opuesta al +sentir de la Sagrada Escritura_.' It seems likely that Zúñiga was dead +before this sweeping condemnation appeared, but the fact that he +thought it prudent to modify the expression of his unqualified +acceptance of the Copernican theory favours the assumption that he may +have had to endure some volume of hostile private criticism. Whatever +may have been Zúñiga's reasons for qualifying his early adhesion to +the Copernican theory, it seems safe to think that timidity was not +one of them. His nerve was unshaken. Towards the end of his life he +was engaged on a task after Luis de Leon's own heart: the bringing to +book of an unreasonable Provincial.] + +[Footnote 119: Luis de Leon describes (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 374) the circumstances as follows: 'Díjome un dia ansí por estas +palabras que el Papa tenia gran noticia de su persona y le estimaba en +mucho; y trás desto refirióme un largo cuento de un mercader y de un +cardenal por cuyos medios florecia su nombre en la corte romana, lleno +todo de su vanidad; y añadió que habia enviado al Papa un tratadillo +que habia compuesto, porque Su Santidad tenia deseo como él decia, de +ver alguna cosa suya; y mostrómele para que yo le viese... Visto, +porque me pidió mi parecer y yo soy claro, díjele que quisiera que una +cosa que enviaba á lugar tan señalado por muestra de su ingenio, fuera +de mas substancia, ó que á lo menos aquel argumento lo tratara mas +copiosamente, porque traia pocos lugares, y esos ordinarios, aunque +como le dije yo creia que aquellos lugares que alegaba los habia él +sacado de su estudio y no de los libros ordinarios. Respondióme que +era gran verdad que él con su trabajo los habia notado en la Biblia +sin ayudarse de otro libro; y créolo porque no se precia de leer ni +aun á los sanctos, y promete que de improviso dirá una hora y mas +sobre cualquier paso de la Biblia que le abrieren; y si le dicen que +lea los sanctos dice que no los lee porque no le sirven de nada. +Díjele mas que no debiera, porque para su condicion fué palabra +dura.'] + +[Footnote 120: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 335-336. Luis de +Leon suggests that five Augustinians whom he mentions by name be asked +if they knew 'que en un capítulo provincial... que habrá diez ó once +años que se hizo en la villa de Dueñas, fray Diego Rodriguez, ó de +Zúñiga por otro nombre, se desmandó en palabras con fray Francisco +Cueto, el cual era en aquel capítulo definidor mayor, y que el dicho +Cueto se quejó del dicho fray Diego en definitorio al provincial fray +Diego Lopez y á los definidores presentes, de los cuales era uno el +dicho maestro fray Luis, y que allí se ordenó que castigasen al dicho +fray Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga, y que otro dia en ejecucion dello el +dicho provincial le dió en el refitorio delante de toda la provincia +una disciplina, que es cosa que se tiene por grande afrenta; y que por +esta causa el dicho Zúñiga tiene enemistad con el dicho provincial +fray Diego Lopez y con el dicho maestro que era definidor entonces, y +es amigo del dicho provincial.' As not all the five Augustinians were +called, it may be assumed that the Court considered the point +proved.] + +[Footnote 121: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas states: +'Y que sabe este testigo de cierto que por esta causa el dicho fray +Diego tuviese enemistad con el dicho fray Luis, que no lo puede saber +por ser negocio interior; pero que á lo que puede imaginar de la +condicion del dicho fray Diego [Rodriguez ó Zúñiga] no dejaria de +creer que es ansí, porque es recio de condicion y algo vengativo, y +trás esto siempre le ha visto enemigo declarado contra fray Diego +Lopez, y tambien ha visto que despues acá nunca vió amistad entre los +dichos fray Diego y fray Luis.'] + +[Footnote 122: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 67 and 71. Zúñiga is +careful to state that he is 'predicador y religioso, morador en el +monasterio de Sanct Agustin de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, de edad de +treinta y seis años', and again, 'predicador, profeso de la órden de +Sanct Agustin... de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, é dijo ser de edad de +treinta y seis años'. It appears that in the sixteenth century a very +straight line was drawn by the Augustinians between official +'preachers' and 'professors': it was thought that the qualities +needed by the one were not likely to be found in the other. There +were distinguished exceptions, no doubt. But as a general rule a +'predicador' was rarely considered eligible for a university chair. +(Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 64-67.)] + +[Footnote 123: See the previous note.] + +[Footnote 124: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 305: '...era mancebo +y melancólico, y le paresció á este que habia ido muy adelante en +imaginar mal del dicho Benito Arias;...'] + +[Footnote 125: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 68-69. The following +is Zúñiga's account of what occurred: 'Item dijo que habrá trece años +estando en Salamanca por huesped, le dijo Fr. Luis de Leon en su +celda, que habia venido á sus manos un libro estrañamente curioso, el +cual le habia dado Arias Montano... y que en el principio del libro +contaba una revelacion que habia tenido el que lo compuso, estando de +noche orando, que vió en la oscuridad una luz, y que della oyó que +salia una voz que dijo: _Quomodò obscuratum est aurum, mutatus est +color optimus!_ y que temiéndose este declarante no fuese algun mal +libro, le habia mucha instancia que le dijese si habia en él alguna +herejía, y que el dicho Fr. Luis de Leon le respondió que en lo de +confesion le parescia que decia una herejía, y que entonces este +declarante le dijo que quitase allá tal libro y tal revelacion como +decia; y que con esto no le dijo mas el dicho fray Luis de Leon; y que +despues formó este declarante escrúpulo si estaba obligado á denunciar +de aquello que le habia dicho, y que lo preguntó á dos personas de +ciencia y consciencia, religiosos de su órden, y le dijeron que +sí;... Y este declarante determinado de denunciar, preguntó al dicho +Fray Luis de Leon á solas por el dicho Arias Montano que le habia dado +el dicho libro, que si era buen cristiano; que el dicho Fr. Luis de +Leon se alteró con esta pregunta, y le dijo muy encarescidamente que +era muy buen cristiano, y en prueba dello mostró á este declarante una +carta que le habia escripto el dicho Arias Montano en que le daba muy +buenos consejos:...'] + +[Footnote 126: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 369. In relation to +Montoya, Luis de Leon says: 'Y cuanto toca al capítulo tercero, si yo +no temiera aquella sentencia _Malédici regnum Dei non possidebunt_, y +aquella _Invicem mordentes, invicem consumemini_, yo pudiera relatar +mas de dos cosas, algo mas pesadas que es dar un _agnus Dei_ un fraile +á otro sin pedir al perlado licencia, de las cuales este hombre +religioso no hace escrúpulo. Y esta fuera su merecida respuesta; pero +aunque él hable lo que ni sabe ni debe, yo miraré lo que debo á mi +hábito y á mi persona.'] + +[Footnote 127: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 217-218.] + +[Footnote 128: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 13-14.] + +[Footnote 129: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 130: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 14-15.] + +[Footnote 131: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 15.] + +[Footnote 132: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 15-16.] + +[Footnote 133: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 12-13.] + +[Footnote 134: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 21.] + +[Footnote 135: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 136: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 316-318, 325.] + +[Footnote 137: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 317.] + +[Footnote 138: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 29-30.] + +[Footnote 139: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 30-35.] + +[Footnote 140: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 35. Luis de Leon had +applied for a special hearing: '...para suplicar á sus mercedes que +ninguno de sus papeles se dé al maestro Mancio para que los lleve á su +casa por el peligro que hay de poderlos ver frailes suyos, á los +cuales tiene tachados...'] + +[Footnote 141: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 35-36.] + +[Footnote 142: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 36.] + +[Footnote 143: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 37. The instructions +of the Supreme Inquisition to the Valladolid judges were as follows: +'En lo que escrebís quel maestro fray Luis de Leon ha recusado al +maestro Mancio, que le habia nombrado por patrono, y pedido traslado +de lo que dejó escripto en su negocio; consultado con el Reverendísimo +Señor Inquisidor general, ha parecido aviseis, Señores, al dicho +maestro Mancio que no vuelva ahí hasta que otra cosa se le ordene, y +proseguiréis en la causa del dicho fray Luis de Leon sin embargo de la +dicha recusacion, y sin darle copia de lo quel dicho maestro Mancio +dejó anotado en él; y ponerse ha la dicha nota en el proceso signado y +autorizado de uno de los notarios del Secreto, para que dello conste. +Guarde nuestro Señor vuestras muy Reverendas personas.' This letter +was signed in Madrid on November 4, 1574.] + +[Footnote 144: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 41-42: 'Digo que yo +nombré por mi patron al maestro Mancio catredático de prima de +teulugía en Salamanca, el cual habiendo comenzado á ver mi negocio se +ha ausentado á leer su cátreda, y porque pudiendo fácilmente dar su +parecer se ha hecho vehementísimamente sospechoso que es partícipe y +compañero en la maldad que contra mí ha intentado fray Bartolomé de +Medina, fraile de su órden y casa, porque conforme á derecho no carece +de sociedad oculta el que deja de obrar á tan manifiesta malicia; y +siendo obligado á defenderme por el juramento que se le tomó y por +haber empezado el negocio, en desampararme cometió grandísimo pecado, +porque conforme á derecho tambien es falso testigo el que deja de +decir verdad cuando es obligado á la decir, como el que dice falso +testimonio. Y la causa de ir á leer su cátreda no le escusa, porque mi +defensa se habia de hacer en muy pocos dias, y estando él impedido por +Vs. Mds. ni habia de perder la cátreda ni multarle en ella, ni los +estudiantes recibian detrimento considerable, porque en las cátredas +de propriedad se asignan lecturas que no las acaban, y el sostituto +podia leer de lo del cabo de la asignatura si él queria leer del +principio como lo hacen los catredáticos de propiedad que al principio +de Sant Lucas están impedidos.'] + +[Footnote 145: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 44.] + +[Footnote 146: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 45-46.] + +[Footnote 147: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 46: '...suplico á +Vs. Mds. le manden que con brevedad se resuelva y dé su parecer, y +ansí mismo suplico, y con el acatamiento que debo requiero á Vs. Mds. +manden que ansí el parecer que diere en lo que vea agora, como el que +ha dado en la Vulgata el dicho maestro Mancio, los comunique conmigo +antes que se vaya; porque el fin de su oficio le obliga á ello, y yo +le nombré por patron debajo desta condicion, y no en otra manera,...'] + +[Footnote 148: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 47-48: '...como +otras veces he dicho ha mas de dos meses que persevero pidiendo +audiencia con el maestro Mancio, y no me se ha dado... Y aunque yo +tengo por cierto que el dicho maestro ha aprobado las proposiciones +[que se dicen resultar deste proceso] porque son así ciertas y llanas +las que yo he afirmado, que decir lo contrario es ó temeridad ó error; +y porque cuando las comuniqué con él, me dijo claramente delante de +Vs. Mds. que eran cosas llanas; pero si por caso hubiese otra cosa, +digo que no me dañan porque no se me ha dado en ello el lugar de +defensa que de derecho se me debe: lo uno porque no me han querido Vs. +Mds. dar audiencia para informar enteramente al dicho maestro mi +patron; lo otro porque si ha dado parecer sin haberse comunicado +conmigo no he tenido patron;... + +Demás desto digo que el mismo negocio me da á entender que este +proceso está visto por Vs. Mds. dias ha y decretada la sentencia +definitiva dél; y que no se pronuncia por una de dos cosas, ó porque +el fiscal ha apelado del dicho decreto para el Consejo general de la +Inquisicion, ó porque los Señores dél han mandado que se suspenda la +pronunciacion della hasta que se averiguen los pleitos de los demas +maestros que fueron presos cuando yo lo fuí.'] + +[Footnote 149: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 150: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 52-53.] + +[Footnote 151: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 53-55.] + +[Footnote 152: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 315: '...suplico á +Vs. Mds. sean servidos que se me dé entera noticia de todo lo que hay +contra mí, por que despues de tantos meses parece justo que yo sepa +por qué fuí preso, lo cual no alcanzo hasta agora por las deposiciones +que he visto; y que pueda responder por mí y defenderme enteramente, +lo cual no puedo hacer no se haciendo publicacion entera!' It would be +easy, but superfluous, to quote other examples of Luis de Leon's +complaints on this point; his evidence is honeycombed with them.] + +[Footnote 153: As early as January 21, 1573, Luis de Leon complained +in writing (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 250): 'que en todo el +tiempo que ha que estoy preso, que son ya poco menos de diez meses, no +se habia hecho en este mi pleito publicacion de testigos, ni se me +habia dado lugar de entera defensa, no pareciendo haber para la tal +dilacion causa ninguna jurídica ni necesaria,... y yo, dilatándose la +publicacion y el tiempo de mi defensa, corria riesgo de no poder +probar mi inocencia por los casos ordinarios de muerte y ausencia que +podrian suceder á mis testigos;...' See also _Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, pp. 474 and 563.] + +[Footnote 154: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 183: 'Fuéle dicho que +en este Santo Oficio naide se prende sin causa de culpa que tenga en +cosas que sean contra nuestra santa fe católica; por tanto que se le +amonesta por reverencia de nuestro Señor Jesucristo y su bendita +madre, que diga enteramente la verdad; y haciéndolo ansí de lo que +sabe de su persona y de otros, se usará con él de mucha misericordia: +donde no, que se hará justicia.'] + +[Footnote 155: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 184.] + +[Footnote 156: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-186.] + +[Footnote 157: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 77: 'Preguntado qué +es lo que quiere: dijo quél ha entendido quel P. maestro fray Luis de +Leon, catredático de Salamanca de la órden de Señor San Agustin, está +preso en la Inquisicion de Valladolid; y que habia un mes que estando +este en el convento de la dicha ciudad de la dicha órden, hablando con +fray Martin de Guevara, natural de Lorca, residente en el dicho +monasterio de San Agustin desta ciudad, le dijo el dicho fray Martin +quél habia ayudado muchas veces á decir misa al dicho fray Luis de +Leon en su celda en Salamanca, y que siempre se la oyó decir de +_Requiem_, aunque fuese fiesta, y que nunca le entendia lo que decia +porque hablaba tu tu tu, de manera que no lo entendia, y acababa muy +presto. Y cuando se lo dijo, estaban los dos solos paseándose en el +monasterio desta ciudad. Y en lo que dice que ha un mes que se lo +dijo, no está bien cierto, sino que de tres meses á esta parte se lo +oyó decir, y esta es la verdad, y que no hubo ocasion mas que estar +hablando de su prision.' + +It is right to add that Ciguelo, who appears to have been silly and +malignant, was not summoned by the Inquisition. He appeared as a +volunteer witness who came forward of his own accord to give evidence. +At the same date, he insinuated that Luis de Leon did not believe in +the coming of Christ. On being pressed to give the names of those who +had heard Luis de Leon say anything of the sort, Ciguelo declared that +he had not been told them.] + +[Footnote 158: The interrogatories rejected will be found in +_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 268-272, 273-275, 286-290, +293-294.] + +[Footnote 159: The Licentiate Diego Gonzalez, Doctor Guijano de +Mercado, and the Licentiate Andrés de Álava gave the following ruling +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 273): 'Dijeron que el segundo, +tercero y cuarto interrogatorios presentados por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, en esta causa dados, y otras preguntas añadidas en otras +dellos dadas, que van señalados, les paresce son impertinentes, y que +no se debe hacer diligencias por ellos.'] + +[Footnote 160: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 200.] + +[Footnote 161: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 272: 'Item si saben +que el dicho maestro fray Luis no es mofador ni murmurador, ni de los +sanctos ni de los no sanctos, sino que es de condicion modesta y +humilde.'] + +[Footnote 162: A good specimen of Luis de Leon's sarcasm is given on +pp. 320-321 of _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X: 'Los dominicos se +sintieron desto mucho; y porque yo soy particular servidor del dicho +D. Juan [de Almeida], entendieron que era cosa comunicada, y acusaron +al dicho Medina, el cual movido con el sanctísimo celo que le pudo +poner esta nueva, paresció delante de Vs. Mds. en tantos de hebrero +del dicho año [1571] á hacer esta segunda declaración, donde comenzó á +descubrir mas la piedad de su buen ánimo; y ansí como no tenía de +nuevo cosa particular que decir de mí,... dice confusamente que me +sintió inclinado á novedades agenas de la antigüedad de nuestra fe y +religion, en lo cual si este testigo tuviese conciencia..., habia de +señalar en particular algunas novedades que hubiese visto en mi +doctrina, ó oido en mis disputas;... Demás desto si es verdad que +sintió de mí lo que dice ¿por qué en la deposicion primera que hizo +por el diciembre no lo declaró? Pues ninguna cosa de las que entonces +declaró es tan pesada como es esto si fuera verdad. Y por la misma +causa no es creible que lo dejó por olvido habiéndose acordado de +cosas muy menores, y siendo verdad como he dicho, que anduvo muchos +dias tratando y ordenando esta buena obra.' Of Luis de Leon's banter a +specimen will be found a few pages further on (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 347): 'Y hecha la censura, y leyéndola yo á los sobredichos +maestros que me estaban esperando, me acuerdo que llegando á aquellas +palabras añadidas dije: "Estas puse mas de lo que Vs. Mds. ordenaron +por contentar al Señor maestro Leon"; y volvíme á él riyendo, y +díjele: "alomenos hoy no podrá decir sino que le tengo bien contento"; +y ansí con risa y muy en paz y amistad nos levantamos todos, y quedó +ordenada y firmada la dicha censura.'] + +[Footnote 163: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 303: 'A la décima +pregunta dijo que lo que sabe de la pregunta es haber oido decir quel +dicho maestro fray Luis de Leon era tan buen letrado que á cualquiera +con quien se pusiese, pudiera llevar cualquier cátreda, y mas la +d'Escriptura.'] + +[Footnote 164: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 321-322: +'Ultimamente véanse mis leturas: y si en ellas se hallare rastro de +novedades, sino antes inclinacion á todo lo antiguo y lo sancto, yo +seré mentiroso, si no es que este testigo llama novedad todo lo que no +halla en sus papeles.'] + +[Footnote 165: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 210: '...este +declarante... jamás leyó ningun rabino,...' _Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 295: 'Al capítulo octavo dijo que este nunca defendió +interpretaciones de judíos por ser de judíos, ni en su vida ha leido +comentario de judíos...'] + +[Footnote 166: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 267.] + +[Footnote 167: This inference is based on the fact that Luis de Leon +refers to Cano more often than to any of the others, that he sometimes +mentions Cano separately, and that his allusions to Cano are always +couched in the most respectful terms: '...oyendo al maestro Cano que +fué mi maestro,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 239).] + +[Footnote 168: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 388.] + +[Footnote 169: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 510.] + +[Footnote 170: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 147.] + +[Footnote 171: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 305: 'Al segundo +capítulo dijo que como tiene declarado en sus confesiones, ha once ó +doce años que desde Salamanca vino este confesante no á otra cosa, +sino á dar cuenta á los Señores Inquisidores de aquel libro en vida de +los Señores Inquisidores Guigelmo y Riego, y lo dió por escripto, +porque á este le paresció que aunque tenia el dicho libro muchas cosas +católicas, tenia otras que le parescian á este peligrosas que no las +entendia este bien, porque era en lengua toscana, la cual este no +sabia entonces. Y este no lo leia sino que se lo leian á él, como lo +declaró por el dicho escripto al cual se remite.'] + +[Footnote 172: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 303-304.] + +[Footnote 173: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 200-202: 'Tambien +estando escribiendo esto se me ha ofrecido á la memoria que habrá como +año y medio que en Salamanca un estudiante licenciado en cánones, que +se llamaba el licenciado Poza, que me leia principios de astrología, +me dijo un dia que él tenia un cartapacio de cosas curiosas, y que +tenia algun escrúpulo si le podia tener; que me rogaba le viese y le +dijese si le podia tener, porque si podia se holgaria mucho. Era un +cartapacio como de cien hojas, de ochavo de pliego, de letra menuda. +Víle á ratos, y habia en él cosas curiosas, y otras que tocaban á +sigillos astrológicos, y otras que claramente eran de cercos y +invocaciones, aunque á la verdad todo ello me parecia que aun en +aquella arte era burlería. Y acusome que leyendo este libro, para ver +la vanidad dél, probé un sigillo astrológico, y en un poco de plomo +que me dió el mismo licenciado, con un cuchillo pinté no me acuerdo +qué rayas, y dije unas palabras que eran sanctas, y protesté que las +decia al sentido que en ellas pretendió el Espíritu Sancto, +acordándome que Cayetano en la Suma cuenta de sí haber probado una +cosa semejante con la misma protestacion, para ver y mostrar la +vanidad della; y así todo aquello pareció vano. Y tambien me acuso que +otro dia de aquellos en que iba mirando lo que habia en aquel libro, +tuve casi deliberada voluntad, estando solo, de probar otra cosa que +parecia fácil, aunque de hecho no la probé, porque mudé la voluntad. +Yo quise quemar este libro en presencia de su dueño, y esperándole un +dia que me habia de venir á ver, supe que dos dias antes se habia ido +á Avila, huyendo de la enfermedad de pintas que andaba entonces en +Salamanca; y así le quemé aquella noche en mi celda en una chimenea +que hay en ella. Y á todo lo que agora me puedo acordar, me parece que +estaba conmigo entonces el padre fray Bartolomé de Carranza, y que me +preguntó por qué quemaba aquello, y se lo dije. Este estudiante me +escribió pocos dias despues preguntándome por el libro: yo no le +respondí, porque no hubo con quien, ni despues acá he sabido ni oido +mas dél, porque no volvió mas á Salamanca, ni yo me he acordado dél +hasta este punto. No me acuerdo bien si me dijo un dia que quien le +habia dado aquel libro habia experimentado lo de los conjuros. No me +dijo quien era ni yo se lo pregunté ni lo sé.'] + +[Footnote 174: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 439: 'Este testigo no +me perjudica por ser el maestro Leon á quien tengo tachado por mi +enemigo, y es singular, y es testigo falso, y como contra tal se debe +proceder contra él por ser falso en cosa tan substancial como esta, y +las demas que ha dicho contra mí, fuera de lo que yo tengo +confesado.'] + +[Footnote 175: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 193: 'Por todo lo +cual digo que es notorio y manifiesto que en mí no hay conforme á +razon y derecho, alguna color ni parte de sospecha; ni por esta causa +puedo ni debo ser detenido por vuestras mercedes ni un solo dia, y que +en ello recibo claro agravio y que debe ser por vuestras mercedes +enmendado.'] + +[Footnote 176: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 19, 142, 149.] + +[Footnote 177: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 385: 'Item ello en sí +no tiene ninguna verosimilitud ni apariencia de verdad porque ¿en qué +seso cabe que un hombre que no es hablador ni le tienen por tonto, +habia de decir un desatino semejante, y en un lugar tan público como +es un convite? Porque si lo echan á donaire, demás de ser muy necio +donaire, y muy sin órden, no era donaire que ningun hombre de juicio +lo habia de decir en los oidos de tan diferentes gentes como son las +que se juntan en un banquete donde unos son necios, y otros +escrupulosos, y otros enemigos y naturalmente malsines, y amigos de +echallo todo á la peor parte. Y si quieren decir que se dijo de veras, +lleva mucho menos camino que yo lo dijese, porque cosa cierta es que +los que tratan de semejantes males, no los dicen á voces, ni en +público, sino muy en particular y muy en secreto, y muy despues de +haber conocido y tratado á los que los dicen, y fiándose mucho dellos, +y á fin de persuadir y no de reir. Y cuando en esto hubiera +testimonios contra mí mas claros y mas ciertos que el sol, antes de +creello habian Vs. Mds. informarse de si aquel dia habia yo perdido el +seso ó si estaba borracho, porque si no era así no era creible cosa +semejante.'] + +[Footnote 178: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-171, 173-179, +179-183, 183-186, 199-214, 220-253.] + +[Footnote 179: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 228-230: '...no me +parece que hay cosa contra la fe, ni doctrina errónea, temeraria ó +escandalosa. Mas no puede el autor excusarse de gran culpa en haber +tratado materia y cuestion semejante en estos tiempos, y leídola á +multitud de estudiantes, entre los cuales los rudos, los idiotas, los +libres y los desasosegados ingenios, y los mal intencionados y los +simples y flacos no podrian sacar aprovechamiento ni edificacion, sino +atrevida osadía y poca reverencia á la edicion Vulgata que la iglesia +católica nos da por auténtica. Y aunque las palabras y razones y +autoridades de doctores con que el autor procede, no sean en sí +malas; pero piden auditorio muy pio, muy docto y muy atento para no +tomar de aquí ocasion á tener en poco nuestra Biblia latina, y +errar.... Mas no todas las verdades se han de sacar á plaza, ni todos +los oyentes son capaces dellas; y por doctrina suelen sacar errores y +escándalo, y tal es esto: porque el oficio del teólogo en públicas +lecciones no era desnudar sino vestir cuanto pudiese la edicion que el +concilio aprueba, y no dejarla tan en los huesos como la deja, que es +todo lo posible sin ser hereje, ni tener nota de error, temeridad ó +sospecha en la fe, ni ser proposiciones escandalosas. + +De la proposicion 4ª digo que es falsa,... Pero no hay cosa en todo +ello para retratar.' + +This _calificacion_ appears to be in the handwriting of Fray Hernando +de Castillo, who signed it. It is also signed by the Dominican Antonio +de Arce and by Dr. Cáncer. Cáncer appears to have been ready to put +his name to anything. Earlier in the same year, as it seems--for no +date is attached in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 122-127--Cáncer +wrote, concerning one of Luis de Leon's tenets: 'Haec propositio est +irrisoria, injuriosa, temeraria et... haeretica in 2º gradu...'] + +[Footnote 180: This mellowing of judgement is particularly the case +with the Franciscan Fray Nicolás Ramos. Cp. _Documentos inéditos_, +vol. XI, p. 231, and pp. 234-237.] + +[Footnote 181: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 295: 'Y hacersehá +todo luego porque importa la brevedad, y vendrá esta por cabeza de +todo.'] + +[Footnote 182: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 195: '...y hecho +esto pasaréis adelante con el negocio como os está ordenado, con toda +brevedad, pues veis lo que importa'. This occurs in a letter dated +'Madrid, 8 de otubre de 1575'. There seems to be a mistake in the +heading of this letter: according to this heading, the letter from the +Supreme Inquisition reached Valladolid on October 8, 1575. I cannot +say whether this is a slip of Pedro Bolivar, notary to the Holy Office +at Valladolid, or a slip in transcription made by Miguel Salvá and +Sainz de Baranda. It can scarcely be a mere misprint.] + +[Footnote 183: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 351-353: 'Al margén +se halla la siguiente nota. "_Cuando este proceso se comenzó á ver y +hasta la mitad dél, se hallaron á la vista los Señores licenciados +Juan de Ibarra y Don Hernando Niño, y no lo votaron por no poderlo +acabar de ver por estar enfermos._" En la villa de Valladolid á veinte +é ocho dias del mes de setiembre de mill y quinientos y setenta y +seis años, habiendo visto los Señores licenciado D. Francisco de +Menchaca del Consejo de S.M., é dotor Guijano de Mercado, é licenciado +Andrés de Álava Inquisidores, juntamente con los Señores licenciado +Luis Tello Maldonado, D. Pedro de Castro, Francisco de Albornoz, +oidores desta Real audiencia é chancillería, asistiendo á ello por +ordinario del obispado de Salamanca el Señor doctor Frechilla +catredático en esta universidad, por virtud del poder que para ello +tiene del Señor obispo de Salamanca, que está en el secreto deste +Sancto Oficio, el proceso criminal de fray Luis de Leon, de la órden +de Sancto Agustin; los dichos Señores le votaron en la forma +siguiente. + +Los dichos Señores licenciados Menchaca, Álava, Luis Tello y Albornoz, +dijeron que son de voto y parecer que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea +puesto á qüistion de tormento sobre la intencion y lo indiciado y +testificado, y sobre las proposiciones que estan cualificadas por +heréticas, no embargante que los teólogos digan últimamente que +satisface, entendiéndolo como él, respondiendo á ellas, dice que lo +entendió; y que el tormento se le dé moderado, atento que el reo es +delicado: y con lo que dél resultare, se torne á veer y determinar. + +Los dichos Señores Inquisidores doctor Guijano, é Frechilla, +ordinario, dijeron que atento lo que los calificadores que últimamente +vieron las proposiciones cargadas al reo, y lo que él y su patron +responden á ellas, califican; que su voto y parecer es que este reo +sea reprendido en la sala deste Sancto Oficio por la culpa que tuvo en +tratar desta materia en estos tiempos, por los inconvenientes que +dello resultan, y por el peligro y escándalo que podia causar, como lo +dicen los calificadores en la censura general que hicieron de todo el +cuaderno de donde se sacaron las diez y siete proposiciones de latin; +y que en el general grande de las escuelas mayores, estando juntos los +estudiantes y personas de la universidad, y algunos doctores del +claustro della, este reo declare las proposiciones sospechosas é +ambigüas, y que pudieron dar escándalo, que se le darán en escripto en +un memorial ordenado por los teólogos calificantes con la declaracion +que ellos ordenaren; y que extrajudicialmente se diga á su perlado que +sin privacion ni otra declaracion, mande á este reo emplear sus +estudios en otras cosas de su facultad en que aproveche á la +república, y se abstenga de leer públicamente en escuelas ni en otra +partes, y que el libro de los Cánticos, traducido en romance, se +prohiba y recoja, siendo dello servido el Illmo. Señor Inquisidor +General y Señores del Consejo. Y que los libros y papeles +pertenecientes á los cargos deste proceso se retengan en este Sancto +Oficio. + +El dicho Señor licenciado D. Pedro de Castro dijo que dará su voto por +escripto.'] + +[Footnote 184: The peremptory letter of the Supreme Inquisition to the +Valladolid tribunal is printed in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. +354: 'Aquí se ha visto el proceso contra fray Luis de Leon, de la +órden de Sant Agustin, preso en esas cárceles, y va determinado como +veréis por lo que al fin dél va asentado. Aquello se ejecutará. Y +advertiréis á este reo que guarde mucho secreto de todo lo que con él +ha pasado y toca á su proceso; y que no tenga pasion ni disensiones +con persona alguna, sospechando que haya testificado contra él en esta +su causa; porque de todo lo que á esto tocare se tratará en el Sancto +Oficio, y no se podrá dejar de proveer en ello justicia con rigor. +Hacerloéis, Señores, así. Guarde nuestro Señor vuestras muy +Reverendas personas. En Madrid siete de diciembre 1576.' + +The decision of the Supreme Inquisition is reproduced in _Documentos +inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 353: + +'En la villa de Madrid á siete dias del mes de diciembre de mill y +quinientos y setenta y seis años, habiendo visto los Señores del +Consejo de S.M. de la Sancta general Inquisicion, el proceso de pleito +criminal contra fray Luis de Leon, de la órden de Sant Agustin, preso +en las cárceles secretas del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de +Valladolid; mandaron que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea absuelto de la +instancia deste juicio, y en la sala de la audiencia sea reprendido y +advertido que de aquí adelante mire como y adonde trata cosas y +materias de la cualidad y peligro que las que deste proceso resultan, +y tenga en ellas mucha moderacion y prudencia como conviene para que +cese todo escándalo y ocasion de errores; y que se recoja el cuaderno +de los Cantares traducido en romance y ordenado por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 185: It is unnecessary to reproduce the exact terms of the +judgement (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 354-357), for this +closely follows the terms employed by the Supreme Inquisition.] + +[Footnote 186: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 356.] + +[Footnote 187: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 357-358: 'El +maestro fray Luis de Leon suplico á vuestras mercedes sean servidos +mandar que me sea dado un testimonio en manera que haga fe, por donde +conste al claustro de la universidad de Salamanca que yo por vuestras +mercedes fuí absuelto de la instancia[A] que contra mí hizo el fiscal +deste Santo Oficio delante de vuestras mercedes, y dado por libre, en +manera que pueda ejercer cualquiera de las cosas que tocan á mis +órdenes y oficio, y sin penitencia ni nota alguna. + +Item suplico á vuestras mercedes manden se me dé un mandamiento para +el pagador de las escuelas de Salamanca[B] para que pague lo corrido +de mi cátreda desde el dia de mi prision hasta el dia que vacó por el +cuadrienio. Y en todo imploro el oficio etc.--] + +[Footnote A: Al márgen se lee: "Que se le de la fee".] + +[Footnote B: Al márgen: "Que se le de mandamiento. En 15 de diciembre +de 1576".'] + +[Footnote 188: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 358: 'En 13 de +agosto de 1577 años, por mandado de los señores Inquisidores saqué +esta sentencia de fray Luis, signada, é la entregué al Señor +Inquisidor doctor Guijano. Sacóse para el maestrescuela de Salamanca.' +This sentence is probably written by the secretary, Celedon Gustin.] + + + + +IV + + +When did Luis de Leon return to Salamanca, and how was he received +there? According to an anonymous contemporary, whom Gallardo +conjectured to be a Jesuit, Luis de Leon made a sort of triumphal +entry into Salamanca, accompanied by a procession which marched along +to the sound of timbrels and trumpets.[189] This procession is alleged +to have taken place in the afternoon of December 30, 1576; but, as the +statement is made by one who has no divine idea of a date,[190] it +would be imprudent to rely on his unsupported authority in this +particular. The date of the procession may be doubtful. There is no +reason to doubt the general accuracy of the assertion that there was +some public manifestation of joy at Luis de Leon's release.[191] +Though he was not popular, his fellow-citizens were proud of him, and +there is a natural tendency to show sympathy with a man who has been +hardly used. But life is not made up of triumphal processions. On +December 31[192] Luis de Leon met the _Claustro_ of the University, +which had been duly informed of his acquittal. After congratulatory +phrases from the Rector, the released man was invited to speak. +According to the decree of the Inquisition, Luis de Leon was entitled +to claim restitution to his University chair. There were practical +difficulties in the way. Luis de Leon's tenure had lapsed while he was +in prison at Valladolid; his immediate successor had been Bartolomé de +Medina, a dangerous enemy, and the chair was subsequently occupied by +the Benedictine Fray Garcia del Castillo, another declared opponent +who had intervened at an early stage of the case. Luis de Leon +renounced all claim, present or future, to his former chair--_que la +daba por bien empleada_--so long as it was held by Castillo. He +besought the _Claustro_ to bear in mind his past services, pointed +out that his acquittal implied a general approval of his teaching, +and then left the meeting.[193] Finally the _Claustro_ of Salamanca +agreed to create a new chair for Luis de Leon, with a salary of two +hundred ducats a year, his duty being to lecture on theology.[194] + +We now come to the best-known trait in Luis de Leon's career. He would +seem to have begun lecturing in his new chair on January 29, +1577.[195] The gathering was large, and now and here--if at any time +and in any place--he must have begun his lecture with the famous +phrase: 'As we were saying yesterday' (_Dicebamus hesterna die_). +Almost everybody who hears the story for the first time takes it for +granted that the remark was made to what was left of Luis de Leon's +old class--the class which he had been instructing just previous to +his arrest: otherwise, the anecdote loses great part of its point. It +behoves us therefore to examine the circumstances in which the story +was first made public. The earliest mention of the incident occurs +apparently in the _Monasticon Augustinianum_ by the once well-known +Nicolaas Cruesen, whose work appeared at Munich in 1623.[196] The +picturesque narrative soon struck the popular imagination, and it has +been repeated times innumerable.[197] One is always reluctant to part +with a good tale, but there is no denying the fact that the evidence +in favour of the current version is slighter than one could wish it to +be. The silence of all contemporary Spaniards with respect to this +episode is not a little strange. It is singular that the anecdote +should reach Spain from abroad, and that it should not be printed till +forty-six years after it is supposed to have occurred; that is to say, +till Luis de Leon had been thirty-two years in his grave. It does not +necessarily follow that the story is untrue. Nobody imagines that +Cruesen deliberately invented it. So far as appears, Cruesen was an +absolutely upright man who recorded with fidelity such information as +he could obtain. He was not ill-placed for obtaining information. +Himself an Augustinian, he was something of a cosmopolitan. Though +Flemish by blood, Cruesen was technically a Spanish subject; he was in +full sympathy with the politico-religious aims of Spain in the Low +Countries, and during the Spanish occupation he must have had +opportunities of meeting and questioning men who were Spanish by race. +Moreover, it seems to be established that, though the story concerning +Luis de Leon's remark did not appear in print till 1623, the chapter +containing it was written previous to 1612.[198] If this be so, the +account given by Cruesen must be dated thirty-five years after the +alleged occurrence and twenty-one years after Luis de Leon's death. +Further, Cruesen, who knew Spanish, travelled in Spain. There he seems +to have made the acquaintance of Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon, Luis de +Leon's able and admiring nephew. It is by no means impossible that +Fray Basilio was Cruesen's informant,[199] and, if this were proved, +the case for the story would be greatly strengthened, since it is +inconceivable that the nephew should repeat the anecdote, for the +purposes of publication, unless he had had it direct from his famous +uncle. These, however, are conjectures, more or less probable. The +story may derive from Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon or it may not. It is +the kind of story that any unscrupulous person might easily invent and +repeat to a too credulous visitor. As it stands, the evidence in its +support is, on the face of it, unsatisfactory. The case for the story +is perhaps not quite so weak as has been supposed;[200] ingenuity has +shown that the case against it may, to some extent, be frittered +away.[201] Still, there is no getting over the fact that this charming +anecdote is first reported outside of Spain by a foreigner who related +it in print long after Luis de Leon's death. No first-hand testimony +in its favour has hitherto been produced. Those who choose to believe +in the authenticity of the current version may not unreasonably do so; +it is obvious, however, that, in the absence of direct evidence, they +will have great difficulty in persuading others to share their belief. + +To return to prosaic details. The _Claustro_ had promptly created a +chair for Luis de Leon after his release from prison; there was more +ado about granting his request--made on the ground of health--that he +should be allowed to lecture from ten till eleven o'clock. Unluckily, +this time had been already allotted to the Dean of the Theological +Faculty, Diego Rodriguez, a Dominican, who objected to the proposal. +Bartolomé de Medina not unnaturally stood by his brother-Dominican, +opposed the demand of the newly elected professor on the ground that +it could not be granted without showing disrespect to the Dean, and +suggested that Luis de Leon should be instructed to lecture from four +to five o'clock. On a vote being taken, the _Claustro_ gave Luis de +Leon a majority; but, as the Rector of the University claimed to be +the deciding authority on such questions, the matter was not finally +decided at this meeting.[202] It might seem that, in practice, Luis de +Leon carried his point for, as the clock struck ten on January 29, +1577, he began his first lecture in his new post; but this was mainly +a formal taking possession of the post, and the professor in his +fragmentary lecture took occasion to protest against not having a +lecture hour assigned to him.[203] Luis de Leon continued to occupy +the chair that had been created for him. The death of Francisco +Sancho, bishop of Segorbe, in June 1578 caused a vacancy in the +university chair of Moral Philosophy. Luis de Leon determined to +present himself as a candidate. A rival candidate came forward in the +person of Fray Francisco Zumel, Rector of the Mercenarian College. The +struggle was vehement. Zumel did not stick at trifles; he charged his +opponent with exercising undue pressure on the electors by means of +cajolery, threats, lavish hospitality (which was dispensed with the +aid of brother-Augustinians), bribery, and attempted personal +violence.[204] Luis de Leon was not behindhand: he sought to have +Zumel disqualified on technical grounds, and further accused his +opponent of breaking the law governing elections. In the heat of +conflict, the very best of men seem able to persuade themselves that +the most extravagant assertions are true. No one but the candidates +can have taken these amenities seriously. When the battle was ended on +August 14, 1578, Luis de Leon, who received 301 votes, was in a +majority of seventy-nine.[205] This check appears to have rankled in +Zumel's mind. Luis de Leon celebrated his success by taking the degree +of Master of Arts on October 11. Why? It is hard to say. He cannot +well have thought that the possession of a Master's degree would +strengthen his position as one of the members representing the +University of Salamanca on the Committee appointed to report on the +projected reform of the calendar.[206] Normally this Committee, of +which Medina and Domingo Bañez were also members, would have absorbed +much of Luis de Leon's attention. His energies were to be otherwise +exercised in the immediate future. The death of Gregorio Gallo, Bishop +of Segovia, on September 25, 1579, caused a vacancy in the Biblical +chair at Salamanca. The late bishop had viewed with no very friendly +eyes some of Luis de Leon's proceedings before the Valladolid +trial,[207] and it might have troubled him to think that Luis de Leon +was destined to follow him at Salamanca. That, however, was what +happened. The position was not carried without a stiff fight. At +Valladolid, Salinas had said it was commonly thought by some of +Luis de Leon's admirers that he could carry any University +chair--especially a chair of Scripture--against all comers.[208] It +was now to be seen whether this opinion was, or was not, well founded. +A formidable competitor appeared in the person of Fray Domingo de +Guzman, the third son of Garcilasso de la Vega. Though Guzman had not +inherited his father's poetic gift, he had a turn for versifying, and +his burlesque _glosa_ of Luis de Leon's celebrated _quintillas_-- + + Aqui la envidia y mentira + me tuvieron encerrado-- + +is not wholly forgotten, since four lines of it find a resounding echo +in Cervantes' preliminary verses at the beginning of _Don Quixote_ to +Urganda la Desconocida.[209] But the relative merits of the two +candidates for the vacant chair were not the point at issue. More +relevant was the fact that Guzman was a Dominican with all the +strength of the massed Dominican vote at his back. Whatever may have +been the case at other times and places, at this period there was no +love lost between Dominicans and Augustinians in Salamanca. Medina +represented with distinction the more rigid teaching of the Dominican +school; with at least equal distinction Luis de Leon represented the +freer tendencies of the Augustinians. He was almost imprudently loyal +to his own order. He publicly championed Augustinian candidates +whenever a suitable chair became vacant at the University of +Salamanca, and, despite the secrecy enjoined by the Inquisition, it +had probably leaked out that, at his recent trial in Valladolid, he +had repeatedly objected to all Dominicans as being so many enemies. In +the nature of things he could not be popular with the Dominicans and +their sympathizers. In this particular contest, however, his great +personal qualities were somewhat overclouded. He and Domingo de Guzman +were but standard-bearers. The conflict in which they were engaged +resolved itself into a struggle for supremacy between two potent +religious orders. Apart from the personal merits of the respective +candidates, the forces marshalled on each side were about equal. +Passions ran high. Poetasters on both sides did their part.[210] It +speedily became evident that the margin of the successful candidate +would be narrow. This prevision proved to be correct. When the poll +was declared on December 6, 1579, Luis de Leon's total of votes +amounted to 285, giving him a majority of thirty-six over his +opponent.[211] Since he stood against Grajal, and was defeated, at the +very outset of his professorial career, he had hardly ever been so +pressed in any academic struggle. Unfortunately, in the contest +against Guzman there was some irregularity in the voting; each side +accused the other of malpractices; an appeal was lodged on behalf of +Domingo de Guzman; for some unknown reason the case was not decided +till over twenty-two months later. Finally, on October 13, 1581, +judgement was delivered in favour of Luis de Leon at Valladolid.[212] +The equity of this decision has been questioned;[213] but there is no +reason to doubt the substantial justice of the verdict given by a +court with all the facts before it, and with the opportunity of +cross-examining the witnesses who appeared to give evidence. It +should be said, however, that the Dominicans never accepted the +official decision, and put about a rumour that the irregularity had +been committed by a supporter of Luis de Leon's--a supporter who (so +it was alleged) some twenty years later avowed his transgression and +sought to make amends for it by paying a sum of 8,000 _reales_ into +the Dominican chest.[214] Meanwhile Luis de Leon (who, like Domingo de +Guzman, was perfectly innocent of any share in these clandestine +manoeuvres) had taken possession of the Biblical Chair at Salamanca by +reading himself in on December 7, 1579. Hitherto his reputation, great +as it was, had been more or less local: that is to say, it depended +mainly on his University lectures, which were exploited by certain +unscrupulous persons. It was not till 1580 that, at the express +command of his superior, Fray Pedro Suarez,[215] he issued his first +book: a Latin commentary on the _Song of Songs_. On the title-page +stood a characteristic motto from his favourite Horace: _ab ipso +ferro_. Possibly at this moment Luis de Leon looked forward to a +period of learned leisure: + + O ya seguro puerto + de mi tan luengo error! o deseado + para reparo cierto + del grave mal pasado, + reposo dulce, alegre, reposado! + +If the author of this opening stanza of _Al apartamiento_ were +optimistic enough to assume that these verses might be applied to his +own case, he was destined to be speedily disillusioned. + +The Valladolid Inquisitors had not treated him in such fashion as to +make him desirous of meeting them again. This experience was, however, +awaiting him.[216] On January 20 or 21, 1582,[217] his former +opponent, the Mercenarian Fray Francisco Zumel, took the chair at a +theological meeting in Salamanca. At this meeting a Jesuit named +Prudencio de Montemayor put forward a thesis which opened up the +difficulties connected with the reconciliation of the theological +doctrines of predestination and free-will. Owing to some disturbance +in the assembly, Montemayor's voice did not reach all who were present +and, in the interest of the audience, Luis de Leon repeated +Montemayor's arguments without lending them any support; his action +was misunderstood, and many supposed that he was expressing his +personal opinions. In the ensuing discussion his vanquished opponent, +Domingo de Guzman, intervened, and with unnecessary acerbity declared +that Montemayor's views were heretical. Nothing would have been easier +than for Luis de Leon to keep out of the fray, especially as he +himself held, and had always taught, opinions opposed to those +advanced by Montemayor. If, as Pacheco reports, Luis de Leon was the +most taciturn of men, he was chivalrous to the point of quixotism. In +the circumstances silence was impossible for him. He was for as much +liberty of thought as was compatible with orthodoxy; he was persuaded +that much of the opposition of the Dominicans to Montemayor was due +to the fact that the latter was a Jesuit;[218] and no doubt he was +quite human enough to be annoyed at the intrusion of Domingo de Guzman +as the champion of doctrinal intolerance.... Be this as it may, Luis +de Leon took up the cudgels for Montemayor's views which, as he +maintained, were perfectly tenable. At a later meeting in Salamanca, +Fray Juan de Castañeda, a Benedictine,[219] advanced views very +similar to those of Montemayor; Domingo Bañez, whose relations with +Luis de Leon were never cordial, was even more emphatic than his +brother-Dominican, Domingo de Guzman, and denounced Castañeda's views +as savouring of Pelagianism. A sharp passage of arms followed between +Bañez and Luis de Leon,[220] and, after some exchange of argument, +Bañez professed to be satisfied with Castañeda's thesis, and therefore +with Luis de Leon's explanations.[221] Others were less easily +contented; even some of the Augustinian professors at Salamanca were +uneasy;[222] and finally the case came before the Inquisition of +Valladolid, though the sittings of the court were held in Salamanca. +The delator would appear to have been a Jeromite, Fray Joan de Santa +Cruz, who took objection to some sixteen propositions which, as he +alleged, were put forward by Luis de Leon.[223] Some exaggeration on +the part of Santa Cruz is conceivable. As a Jeromite, he bore a grudge +against Luis de Leon for his overt opposition to the candidature of +Hector Pinto at Salamanca University and, as Francisco de Palacios +deposed at Valladolid on February 5, 1573, Santa Cruz had been +somewhat excited by the news of Grajal's arrest and was anxious to +know if Luis de Leon had been apprehended at the same time.[224] This +incident implies no great impartiality on the part of Santa Cruz. +Still, a report made officially has to be met. On March 8, 1582, Luis +de Leon, adopting the same procedure which he had followed at +Valladolid, voluntarily presented himself before the Inquisitionary +tribunal at Salamanca, and read his account of what had occurred.[225] +In several particulars he was enabled to correct the version of Santa +Cruz, which was admittedly second-hand in part.[226] He must have +thought of 'old, unhappy, far-off things' as he entered the Court and +recognized the Inquisitionary secretary with the singular name of +Celedon Gustin; these remembrances probably led him to take additional +precautions. On March 31 he appeared a second time before the +Inquisitionary Court at Salamanca, and volunteered the statement that, +though he still believed Montemayor's thesis to be free from heretical +taint, reflection caused him to think that it was temerarious +(inasmuch as it differed from the usual scholastic teaching on the +subject); that its promulgation in a public assembly was regrettable; +and that he was ready to make amends if he had in any way exceeded in +his defence of Montemayor.[227] A little later three Augustinians, one +of them a man of some prominence in the order, appeared with a view +to disassociate themselves from Luis de Leon's action;[228] and a +fourth witness came forward in the person of Fray Francisco Zumel, who +produced fragments of a lecture on predestination delivered by Luis de +Leon at Salamanca as far back as 1571.[229] One hardly knows whether +to say that Luis de Leon was fortunate or unfortunate in his +opponents. Zumel, as we have seen, was a defeated competitor for the +chair of Moral Philosophy at the University of Salamanca in 1578. +Similarly, Domingo de Guzman was a defeated competitor for the +Biblical Chair at the University of Salamanca in 1579. So, too, at the +dawn of his professorial career, Luis de Leon had easily carried a +_substitucion de vísperas_ against Domingo Bañez.[230] These men were +the soul of the opposition to Luis de Leon in his second encounter +with the Inquisitionary tribunal; inasmuch as they had all three been +beaten in open contest by Luis de Leon, their motives were not +altogether free from some suspicion of personal animus; but their +united hostility was undoubtedly formidable. Luis de Leon's foes were +not, however, limited to the Dominicans and the Jeromite whom he had +defeated for University Chairs. Some members of his own order had been +rendered unhappy by his latest outbreak. Fray Pedro de Aragon, Fray +Martin de Coscojales, and Fray Andrés de Solana were not alone.[231] +This is obvious from a highly disagreeable letter written in Madrid on +February 15, 1582, by the well-known Augustinian Fray Lorenzo de +Villavicencio. In this letter, which was laid before the Inquisition +by Luis de Leon, Villavicencio thought it his duty to tell his +correspondent to mind his own business, to cease denouncing tyranny, +and to understand that his action, while it did good to nobody, was a +source of annoyance to many.[232] Manifestly Luis de Leon's passion +for fair play was altogether incomprehensible to his opponents, and it +may be that he made no great effort to win their support. If, +however, his experience of the Inquisition had made him more cautious +in his dealings with it, the Inquisition had learned a lesson from its +previous experience with Luis de Leon. He was not arrested, but was +allowed to go about his business as usual; no prosecuting counsel was +appointed, and when the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid called upon the +Valladolid judge to make a report,[233] Juan de Arresse confined +himself to suggesting that Luis de Leon should be severely +reprimanded, and should be called upon to express publicly from his +University chair his regret for having described as heretical opinions +which were not his.[234] This must have been signed shortly after +August 7, 1582, the date on which the request of the Supreme +Inquisition reached Valladolid. Mitigated as it was, the suggestion of +the Valladolid judge seemed too severe to the Supreme Inquisition. For +reasons which are unknown the case was not ended till February 3, +1584. On this date Luis de Leon was summoned to Toledo and was there +privately reprimanded by the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal Gaspar de +Quiroga, to whom in 1580 he had dedicated his _In Psalmum vigesimum +sextum Explanatio_, a work written during the tenth month of his +imprisonment at Valladolid. Luis de Leon appears to have thought that +he had a friend in Quiroga, but for whose intervention his +imprisonment at Valladolid would have been still further prolonged. As +Quiroga became Grand Inquisitor on April 20, 1573, and as the prisoner +in the Valladolid cells was not released till the month of December +1576, Luis de Leon's gratitude has been thought excessive.[235] +However, he knew the facts better than anybody else, and Quiroga's +attitude at Toledo was benignant. Instead of giving the severe +reprimand which was suggested by the Valladolid Inquisitors, Quiroga +'charitably and kindly' rebuked the Augustinian in private and +dismissed him with a solemn warning not to uphold such views as he +was alleged to have defended.[236] It has been held that the +Inquisition proceeded against Luis de Leon a third time.[237] No +evidence to support this view has been hitherto produced. + +Meanwhile in 1583 appeared _Los nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta +casada_. The theologian, philosopher, and poet was also a man of +affairs. That he was so esteemed by his colleagues is proved by the +fact that he was nominated by them to take in hand, and settle, a +long-standing suit between the University of Salamanca and the +_Colegios Mayores_ which had secured from Rome two concessions that +were held to be injurious to the interests of the University. This +suit, begun in 1549, was taken charge of by Luis de Leon in January +1585; in February Dr. Antonio de Solís, a learned lawyer, was +dispatched to Madrid to give advice on legal points; Solís fell ill +and was replaced by Doctor Diego de Sahagun. The business involved an +interview with Philip II and, as the king was absent from the +capital, Luis de Leon wrote to the University authorities explaining +the situation, and suggesting that, in the interests of economy, the +mission should be recalled. The University evidently acted upon this +suggestion, for on August 1 Luis de Leon was back in Salamanca.[238] +He was re-appointed to take up the same work again on November 22, +1586, and on January 17, 1588, he was able to report that the +everlasting lawsuit was at an end, and that the contention of the +University of Salamanca had been accepted.[239] The _Claustro_ was so +overjoyed that it authorized the fulfilment of its promise to pay Luis +de Leon his salary and expenses. This elation and fit of generosity +proved to be premature. On March 5, 1588, Luis de Leon was obliged to +ask for the return of the original _cédula_ and to state that no use +could meanwhile be made of it.[240] The disappointment at Salamanca +was great, and the _Claustro_ showed its irritation by ordering the +return of Luis de Leon and by voting that the payment of his salary +be suspended after October 18, if he had not returned by that date. +Owing to Luis de Leon's illness a prolongation of his absence was +agreed to, later on; but this concession implied no change of mind on +the part of the _Claustro_. A certain University Professor, Dr. +Bernal, who had acted for several years as _Regidor_ of Salamanca, and +had been from the first hostile to Luis de Leon in this matter, moved +that the absentee be ordered back to Salamanca at once with a view to +avoiding the unnecessary expense of paying the salary of a substitute +to deliver lectures. This was carried by an overwhelming majority on +January 20, 1589,[241] and three days later it was resolved that Luis +de Leon be instructed to return to his chair within a month. As Luis +de Leon was plunged in important business which could not be broken +off lightly, Philip II caused a letter to be written on March 7 in +which he requested the _Claustro_ to authorize Luis de Leon's absence +from his chair till the end of August.[242] The royal request was +refused and, as if to mark a want of confidence in Luis de Leon, +another member was nominated to conduct the negotiations at Madrid. +Luis de Leon's mission was really ended, for his delegated powers had +expired; nevertheless, he acted as though they were still in force and +with such effect that on August 23 he appeared before the _Claustro_ +with the royal warrant.[243] He was warmly complimented on his +success, but the _Claustro_ was less profuse of deeds than of words. +On August 26 Luis de Leon made three requests:[244] (_a_) that his +arrears of salary be paid for the time that he had represented the +University in Madrid; (_b_) that some compensation be paid to his +monastery for the time he had been engaged on University business +after his mandate had expired; and (_c_) that he be given two years' +leave of absence from his chair. As to the first point, Doctor Diego +Henriquez was commissioned to examine vouchers and pay the petitioner +what was due; as to the second point, the decision was referred to a +group of professors who held their chairs by a life-tenure; it was +agreed to grant the third request, if the King's approval was secured. +This sounds like satisfactory treatment. In practice the concessions +were not made. On December 20, 1589, the arrears of salary still +remained unpaid; on October 20, 1589, it appeared that the _Claustro_ +had no power to grant leave of absence.[245] It had apparently the +power to fine Luis de Leon for not lecturing, and it did so with such +insistency that the Prior of the Augustinian monastery in Salamanca +felt compelled to lodge a protest against this action, which, it was +contended, was unconstitutional. This protest was set aside on March +9, 1590, and two professors--one of whom was the Jeromite Zumel--were +appointed to defend the position taken up by the University of +Salamanca.[246] It is impossible to deny that the behaviour of the +University of Salamanca to Luis de Leon was most unhandsome, not to +say shabby. + +As his life drew to a close, and as his fame increased, constant +demands were made upon him. Apparently he refused the invitation of +Sixtus V and Philip II to join a committee appointed to revise the +Vulgate; it is not clear that he altogether approved of the project, +nor of the plan on which the revision was to be carried out.[247] Not +only was his scholarship held in honour; his rigorous, valiant +righteousness was universally recognized. On April 13, 1588, the papal +nuncio signed a brief naming Luis de Leon one of two commissaries who +were entrusted with the delicate task of inquiring into the +administration of certain funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians +in Castile. The result of this inquiry seems not to be recorded, but a +passage in an extant autograph letter of Luis de Leon's suggests that +his conclusions were unfavourable to his official superior.[248] Luis +de Leon's zeal led him to champion (perhaps inopportunely) a change in +the constitution of his order.[249] In 1588 appeared his edition of +Saint Theresa; and as the letter dedicatory to Madre Ana de Jesús is +dated September 15, 1587, it may perhaps be inferred that the editor +before this date was personally acquainted with the great saint's +successor. If not a judge of scholarship, Ana de Jesús was an +excellent judge of character. She had shown uncommon insight in +choosing Luis de Leon as editor of her great friend's writings; she +esteemed him for his eminent sanctity; he proved worthy of her +confidence, and upheld her plans for reform against Nicolás de Jesús +Maria Doria, the Provincial of the Barefooted Carmelites in Spain. +Doria was supported by Philip II and, to some extent, by Sixtus V. The +proceedings of the Carmelite nuns were conducted from this point +onwards with supreme ability. Doctor Bernabé del Mármol was sent to +Rome on a secret mission. His object was to obtain the papal sanction +for reforms which had been advocated by Saint Theresa herself. Mármol +succeeded to admiration. His antagonists had no suspicion of his +errand. A papal brief, dated June 5, 1590, granted the desired +sanction; and a second brief, dated June 27, appointed Teutonio de +Braganza, Archbishop of Evora, and Luis de Leon to carry the first +brief into effect. Braganza was too busy to do the necessary work, and +authorized Luis de Leon to act for him. Luis de Leon begged the +University of Salamanca to grant him some days' leave to attend to the +business. This petition was rejected. But the indomitable man went on. +Taken aback and irritated, Doria hastened to the Prado and easily +induced Philip II[250] (who was, in fact, already won over to approval +of Doria's scheme) to obtain from the papal nuncio an order suspending +the delegate's instructions. After a reasonable time had elapsed Luis +de Leon returned to the charge, and called a meeting of those +immediately concerned; the papal nuncio made no sign, as the King had +not spoken to him again on the subject. Meanwhile Doria, who was +better informed as to what was afoot in Madrid than as to what was +afoot in Rome, once more interviewed Philip II and urged him to stop +Luis de Leon's proceedings. Philip took action. As Luis de Leon's +supporters were filing into the room where they were to discuss the +situation, they were approached by a member of the royal household who +informed them that he had it in command from the King to bid them +suspend the execution of the brief till fresh orders came from Rome. +Annoyed at this piece of fussiness, Luis de Leon is stated to have +left the room, remarking: 'No order of His Holiness can be carried out +in Spain'[251]. This report, which comes down to us on the dubious +authority of the Carmelite chronicler, Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, +may, or may not, be correct. The impetuous Luis de Leon was no doubt +extremely capable of showing that he resented Philip II's interference +in church matters. On the other hand, Santa Maria cannot have written +with any personal knowledge of the facts, as he belonged to a much +later generation. Even had he been an exact contemporary,[252] Santa +Maria's statements would call for careful examination, for he does not +appear to have had a critical intelligence, since he commits himself +to two assertions, one of which is certainly false and the +other--intrinsically unlikely--is without a shred of corroboration. +Santa Maria avers that Philip II showed his displeasure by forbidding +the Augustinians of Castile to elect Luis de Leon as their Provincial. +It is on record, however, that Luis de Leon was elected Provincial of +the Augustinians of Castile on the earliest opportunity (August 14, +1591) that presented itself. Santa Maria further states that Luis de +Leon took the King's annoyance so much to heart that his death was +hastened in consequence. No evidence is produced to support a story +so innately improbable. This legend evidently throve in credulous +opposition circles, for something of the same sort had been set about +earlier by Fray José de Jesús y Maria, a Carmelite historian who, +unaware that Luis de Leon had declined an archbishopric, added a +calumnious insinuation that the editor of Saint Theresa's works was a +disappointed aspirant to episcopal honours.[253] Santa Maria, not +knowing that Philip II highly esteemed Luis de Leon, seems to have +been content to report such gossip as filtered down to him. + +The correspondence connected with the papal brief dragged on till +January or February 1591.[254] To all who saw Luis de Leon at this +time it must have occurred that his career was drawing to a close. He +had never been robust; his sedentary habits, his ascetic practices, +and his prolonged imprisonment combined to wear him down. His last +years were packed with troubles. The Inquisition watched him with +suspicious eyes; he had always regarded the Dominicans and Jeromites +as his enemies; he had contrived to increase the forces hostile to him +by alienating the Carmelites. Doria was not without the power to make +his resentment felt; a few well-meaning Augustinians did Luis de Leon +more harm than good by suggesting that he had extorted from the +Inquisition the admission that his doctrinal teachings were +correct;[255] he was deeply affected by the enmity of other +Augustinians whom he (perhaps too hastily) denounced by name to the +Inquisitors.[256] Many of his colleagues at Salamanca stood aloof from +him; some were openly opposed to him; one or two carried their spite +so far as to suggest that he should be deprived of his University +chair. His constant absence from Salamanca gave his foes a handle; it +is conceivable that they might have succeeded in ousting him from his +chair had his life been prolonged. Apart from public business, +connected with his own order and with the proposed reform of the +Carmelite nuns, Luis de Leon was retained in Madrid by his failing +health. On January 11, 1591, he was examined by Doctor Estrada, who +reported that his patient was suffering from a cystic tumour of the +kidney.[257] This is a malady which might last many years. No doubt +Luis de Leon had had the tumour for a long while; it is extremely +likely that at the end the growth became malignant and that he died +from it. It has been alleged that Luis de Leon's end came +suddenly.[258] This is not so. His death was lingering. For all but +himself this was fortunate, and, even for himself the pause before the +end was convenient, for it enabled him to discharge certain duties. As +editor, he was naturally in possession of many of Saint Theresa's +papers; these he had time to make over to Doctor Sobrino, Professor of +Theology in the University of Valladolid, and to Fray Agustin +Antolinez, a future bishop, with instructions to return them to Madre +Ana de Jesús. Nevertheless the saint's papers were not destined to +reach Madre Ana de Jesús, for Philip II asked both the trustees to +give him the holograph copies to be deposited in the Library at the +Escorial. The trustees complied, and the papers are now stored in the +_Camarín de Santa Teresa_.[259] Assiduous to the last in the discharge +of his duties, Luis de Leon dragged himself to Madrigal, where a +Chapter of the Augustinian Order was to be held in August 1591. The +effort was too much for him. He had to take to his bed, and was still +there on August 14 when he was elected Provincial[260]. He did not +enjoy the honour long, for he died on August 23. + +Though most people who are interested in Luis de Leon at all are +familiar with Pacheco's portrait of him, Pacheco's character-sketch is +so apt to be overlooked that it may be briefly summarized here.[261] +Pacheco reports Luis de Leon as having a special gift of silence, as +being the most taciturn of men though one of the wittiest; as being a +man most trustworthy, truthful and upright, precise in speech and in +the keeping of promises, reserved, not given to smiling; in the +gravity of his countenance his nobility of soul and, still more, his +deep humility were obvious; most cleanly, chaste, and reflective, he +was a great monk and a close observer of laws; so marked was his +devotion to the Blessed Virgin that he fasted on the eve of feasts, +dined at three, and ate no supper; in her honour he wrote the lovely +hymn _Virgen que el Sol mas pura_, very spiritually-minded and greatly +given to prayer, at the time of his severest trials God hearkened to +him. Though by nature hasty, he was very long-suffering and gentle to +those with whom he had to deal; he was most abstemious in matters of +food, drink, and sleep; indeed with regard to sleep (as was stated to +Pacheco by Fray Luis Moreno de Bohorquez, who had lived in the same +monastery as Luis de Leon for four years) he carried mortification so +far that he seldom lay down, and the monk who had to make his bed +would often find that it had not been slept in. So great were his +intellectual gifts that he seemed more meet to teach every one than to +learn things from anybody. On matters concerning government his +judgement was sound; he was highly esteemed by prominent men both in +Spain and out of it; Philip II was wont to consult him in difficult +cases, and would send messengers from Madrid to Salamanca; when he +visited Madrid on University business he was admitted to private +audience and received signal marks of royal favour; with respect to +offers of bishoprics and the Archbishopric of Mexico he displayed his +courage and magnanimous spirits not only by stripping himself of rank +(a thing seldom done) but of all he had in the world; a man of truly +evangelical temper. In those holy exercises, and in fitting sequel to +his life, he piously ended his course as Provincial of Castile, +leaving all in great affliction, but with a still greater certainty of +his glory. + +This estimate was printed in 1599, eight years after Luis de Leon's +death and one year after Philip II's death. Making some allowance for +the partiality of an admirer, Pacheco's description may stand. A dry +contemporary chronicler, like Luis Cabrera de Córdoba,[262] after +paying tribute to Luis de Leon's intellectual gifts and heroic courage +in adversity, speaks of his death as a national loss. Even in his +lifetime Luis de Leon was recognized by men of exceptional genius as +one of themselves. His poems, which were not published till forty +years after his death, must have been handed about in manuscript long +before. In 1585 Cervantes in his _Galatea_ introduced Luis de Leon +into the _Canto de Caliope_. It cannot well be maintained that +Cervantes had been impressed by Luis de Leon's Latin treatises, by _De +los nombres de Cristo_, and by _La perfecta casada_. The _Canto de +Caliope_ records the names of those only whom Cervantes considered to +be eminent poets--masters _en la alegre sciencia dela poesia_--and +hence it is to the poet that he refers when he writes in his 84th +stanza: + + Quisiera rematar mi dulce canto + en tal sazon pastores, con loaros + un ingenio que al mundo pone espanto + y que pudiera en estasis robaros. + En el cifro y recojo todo quanto + he mostrado hasta aqui, y he de mostraros + Fray Luys de Leon el que digo + a quien yo reverencio, adoro, y sigo. + + + + +IV + + +[Footnote 189: Bartolomé José Gallardo, _Ensayo de una biblioteca +española de libros raros y curiosos_ (Madrid, 1863-66-88-89), vol. IV, +col. 1328: 'En unos apuntes cronológicos que hacia en Salamanca un +curioso (jesuita?) á fines del siglo XVI, fol. 23 de un tomo de +_Papeles varios_, en folio, se lee: + +'Año de 76, Mártes 23 de diciembre dia de San Dámaso, dieron por libre +a _fr. Luis_ sin pena. Y donde a 30 de diciembre entró en Salamanca a +las tres de la tarde con atabales, trompetas y gran acompañamiento de +Caballeros, Doctores, Maestros, &c.'] + +[Footnote 190: He is clearly wrong in stating that Luis de Leon was +set free on December 23. We have already seen that Luis de Leon +presented two applications in writing on December 15. From the nature +of these applications, it is a fair inference that he was free when he +made them.] + +[Footnote 191: Especially as the fact is confirmed by a contemporary +Augustinian, Fray Juan Quijano: see Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 206, +_n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 192: This date is given on the authority of the anonymous +writer quoted by Gallardo, _op. cit._, col. 1328: 'Y lunes _adelante_ +le presentó el Comisorio al Claustro, para que se le diese su proprio +lugar, honra y cátedra de _Durando_. Él no la quiso y la Universidad +cedió 200 ducados de partido.' The date in this case is corroborated +by a summons from the Rector of the University: see P. Fr. Luis G. +Alonso Getino, O.P., _Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de León_ +(Salamanca, 1907), p. 244.] + +[Footnote 193: According to Blanco García (_op. cit._, p. 207), Luis +de Leon did not vote, but assigned his proxy to Bartolomé de Medina. +This incident occurred, but it happened at a meeting of the _Claustro_ +held two days later: see Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, pp. 252-254). +Medina seems to have thought that Luis de Leon's chair had not been +legally vacated, and that it was not in Luis de Leon's power to say +that he would assign it to Castillo.] + +[Footnote 194: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 258.] + +[Footnote 195: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...y martes +a 29 [de enero de 1577] empezó a leer. Hubo gran concurso, &c.'] + +[Footnote 196: _Monasticon Augustinianum_ (Munich, 1623), p. 208: +'Primam vero lectionem post tenebras ut auspicabatur, pleno concessu +ad novitatem evocato, inquit: _Dicebamus hesterna die_.' Blanco +García, who quotes this passage (_op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 1), refers +also to p. 119 of a reprint issued at Valladolid in 1890: this reprint +I have not seen.] + +[Footnote 197: Early instances, dating from 1636, are given by Blanco +García, _op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 2. The story first appeared in print +in Spain in 1771, when it was given in the fifth volume of Juan Josef +Lopez de Sedano, _Parnaso Español_ (Madrid, 1768-1778).] + +[Footnote 198: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 199: C. Muiños Sáenz, _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. +LXXIX, p. 29.] + +[Footnote 200: Luis G. Alonso Getino, _Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. +Luis de León_ (Salamanca, 1907), pp. 242-243, 262-263.] + +[Footnote 201: C. Muiños Sáenz, _El 'Decíamos ayer' de Fray Luis de +León_ (Madrid, 1905) and _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, +544-560; (1909), vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, +529-552; (1909), vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, and 177-197.] + +[Footnote 202: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 260-261.] + +[Footnote 203: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 262-263: 'É despues de +lo sobredicho en la dicha ciudad de Salamanca martes á la hora que dió +las diez de la mañana el relox de la iglesia mayor, al fin de la +lecion del padre mº. Pedro de Uceda, que se contaron veinti nueve dias +del mes de Enero... Antonio de Almaraz bedel puso en la posesion del +dicho salario al dicho padre mº. fray Luis de Leon en la catedra +questá en el general mayor de theologia de escuelas mayores, el qual +la tomó é apprehendió sin contradicion ninguna, y _en lugar de +posesion leyó un poco_. É dijo y protestó... que estaba y está presto +de leer el dicho salario é partido, é que si no leyere no se le pare +por ello perjuicio ni se le descuente de su salario y partido ni por +ello sea multado en cosa alguna, pues no es su culpa, hasta tanto que +le den hora en que lea, conforme á lo proveido por la junta de los +señores theologos... y le señalen lectura, é asi lo pidió é protestó, +siendo presentes por todo el Padre mº. Pedro de Uceda... é Antonio de +Almaraz bedel, é otros muchos estudiantes y personas de la universidad +é yo Bartme. Sanchez notario é vicesecretario.'] + +[Footnote 204: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 266-268.] + +[Footnote 205: Blanco García, _op. cit._, pp. 212-213.] + +[Footnote 206: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 214, _n._ 1; Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 282-301.] + +[Footnote 207: The bishop seems to have resented Luis de Leon's +opposition to the candidature of the bishop's brother, Juan Gallo, for +the _cátedra de vísperas de teología_. In this contest Juan Gallo, a +Dominican, was defeated by the Augustinian Fray Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 275-277). Guevara was present +when the bishop told Luis de Leon that 'he knew Luis de Leon's +hostility to his (the bishop's) brother had done him more harm than +all the rest' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 261). Later on, Juan +Gallo appears to have been appointed to another chair at Salamanca +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 318).] + +[Footnote 208: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 303. Salinas, it +should be noted, denied having heard that this applied specially to +opponents of the Dominican order.] + +[Footnote 209: The verses ascribed to Domingo de Guzman are reproduced +in part by Adolfo de Castro, _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles desde la +formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias_ (Madrid, 1847-1880), vol. +XXXV, p. x; they are given in full by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera +in the _Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes_ (Sevilla, 1856), vol. +II, pp. 731-741; (Sevilla, 1857), vol. III, pp. 5-22, 69-80, 209-220. +La Barrera, following Gallardo, was careful to point out that lines +37-40 of the verses to Urganda la Desconocida are practically +identical with four lines in Domingo de Guzman's _glosa_. Sr. +Rodríguez Marín, in his edition of _Don Quixote_, published at Madrid +in 1916-1917, prints the four lines (vol. I, pp. 49-50) in inverted +commas. Cervantes, if he meant to quote, must have trusted to his +memory. + + GUZMAN CERVANTES + + que don Albaro de Luna, Que don Aluaro de Lu + que Anibal Cartajines, Que Anibal el de Carta + que Francisco Rey frances, Que Rey Francisco de Espa + se queja de la fortuna. Se quexa de la fortu. + +In Guzman's case I reproduce La Barrera's transcription. In the case +of Cervantes I follow the spelling adopted in the _princeps_ of the +First Part of _Don Quixote_. + +For some readers, it may be convenient to refer to the revised but +abridged reprint in C.A. de la Barrera, _El Cachetero del Buscapié_ +(Santander, 1916), pp. 133-136.] + +[Footnote 210: The first _quintilla_ of some verses by a poetaster on +Luis de Leon's side is quoted by Fray Antolin Merino in the preface to +his edition of the _Poesías_ of Luis de Leon contained in the _Obras +del Il. Fr. Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1804-1805-1806-1816), vol. XI, p. +xxv: + + Luis y Mingo pretenden + casarse con Ana bella, + cada cual pretende habella, + mas segun todos entienden + muérese por Luis ella. + +[Footnote 211: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...En este +año (79) domingo 6 de diciembre se proveyó la (cátedra) de Biblia a +Fr. Luis de Leon, y el dia siguiente tomó la posesión: tuvo 281 votos, +y el maestro fr. Domingo de Guzman tuvo 245: llevóla con 36 votos.'] + +[Footnote 212: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328-1329: +'Reguláronse los cursos, y vino en llevarla por solo tres Cursos, y +esto fué quitando un voto señalado, que tenia cinco cursos, el cual se +sospechó era Dominico. No pudiendo conformarse con él, hubo concierto +entre los frailes, que votasen de Santo Domingo 100 y de San Agustin +50. Anduvo pleito hasta viernes 13 de Octubre de 81, que sentenciaron +en Valladolid en favor de fr. Luis de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 213: For example, by Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 268-274.] + +[Footnote 214: This is stated by Alonso Fernandez, who wrote more than +twenty years after the election. A relevant passage is given in Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 272-273.] + +[Footnote 215: The terms of Suarez's order are reproduced by Blanco +García, _op. cit._, p. 218, _n._ 3.] + +[Footnote 216: Nothing was known of this second suit by the Valladolid +Inquisitors till 1882, when a considerable part of the report of the +proceedings was published by Sr. D. Álvarez Guijarro in the _Revista +Hispano-Americana_. + +It was given later more fully in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (Madrid, 1896), +vol. XLI, pp. 15-31, by P. Francisco Blanco García. The subsequent +references are to the _tirage à part_ entitled: _Segundo Proceso +instruído por la Inquisición de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de León +con prólogo y notas del P. Francisco Blanco García_ (Madrid, 1896).] + +[Footnote 217: Zumel gives the date (Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, +p. 40) as January 21; the delator, Santa Cruz, fixes the date a day +earlier (Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 20).] + +[Footnote 218: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 31: '...mouime lo +uno por parecerme que los padres dominicos le querian oprimir por ser +de la compañia contra la qual se muestran siempre apasionados y lo +otro y principal porque me pareció gran sin razon condenar por eregía +una cosa que la presuponen por cierta muchos sanctos y otros muchos +catholicos sanctos y no sanctos la afirman y defienden...'] + +[Footnote 219: Luis de Leon merely says (Blanco García, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 31) 'un fraile benito': Castañeda's full name is given in +the report of the Valladolid Inquisitors (Blanco García, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 52).] + +[Footnote 220: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 32: '...porque se +dezia en la escuela que el maestro yuañez dezia que era error +pelagiano yo dixe que no tenia razon de ponelle aquella nota,...'] + +[Footnote 221: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 33: '...y despues +del acto me dixo el maestro Vañez que el quedaba bien satisfecho de la +manera como el sustentante auia declarado su opinion'.] + +[Footnote 222: Juan de Guevara and Pedro de Aragon, for example. This +emerges from the evidence of the Augustinian Fray Martín de Coscojales +(Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 37). Pedro de Aragon was Duns +Scotus Professor of Theology at Salamanca, a former pupil of Luis de +Leon's and a great admirer of his. He appeared as a witness against +Luis de Leon (Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-37).] + +[Footnote 223: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 20-27.] + +[Footnote 224: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 328.] + +[Footnote 225: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 28-34.] + +[Footnote 226: Even in his official _calificacion_ Joan de la Cruz +(Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 24) speaks of 'las [cosas] que +yo ví y las que oy y se por Relacion....'] + +[Footnote 227: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 35.] + +[Footnote 228: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-40.] + +[Footnote 229: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +p. 225; Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 40-45.] + +[Footnote 230: This seems to follow from a question which Luis de Leon +proposed to put to six witnesses: the Augustinians Juan de Guevara, +Pedro de Rojas, and Hernando de Peralto, and three laymen, Loarte, +Ruiz, and Madrigal: 'Item si saben etc. que el maestro fray Domingo +Ibañez, antes y al tiempo que juró y depuso en esta causa, era y es +enemigo capital del dicho fray Luis de Leon, ansí por ser fraile +dominico como porque se opuso contra él á una substitucion de +vísperas, y se la llevó fray Luis de Leon con mucho exceso, de lo cual +él y sus frailes se sintieron mucho' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 261-263). Luis de Leon was mistaken in supposing that Bañez had +deposed against him at Valladolid. Alonso Getino endeavours to show +(_op. cit._, pp. 384-386) that Luis de Leon never competed against +Bañez, and that his memory played him a trick on this point.] + +[Footnote 231: See note 222.] + +[Footnote 232: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 46-47: 'V.P. dexe +las cosas de la orden aunque esten en peor estado del que hahora +tienen, trate de su cathreda, y dexe de tomar á su cargo el remedio de +las tiranias. No llame tyrano a nadie, y sepa V.P. que publicamente +dicen muchos religiosos que V.P. no hiço bien a nadie y disgustos sí a +muchos, recibiendo buenas obras de aquellos a quien hahora maltrata, +cosa que no puede tener buen suçeso ni puede parecer bien a nadie.'] + +[Footnote 233: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 234: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 52-53: '...sea +gravemente Reprehendido, y... que en su cathedra publicamente declare +la calidad de las proposiciones que se le dieren diçiendo que en +dezir que lo contrario de lo que el sustentaba era heregía, dixo mal, +y que esto era su parezer'. The official report of the proceedings +must be incomplete, for Arresse's _parecer_ mentions that Domingo de +Guzman had spoken of receiving an apology from Luis de Leon. No +evidence by Domingo de Guzman is disclosed in the record.] + +[Footnote 235: Fr. Heinrich Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873), p. 111.] + +[Footnote 236: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53: 'En Toledo... +parescío siendo llamado, el Maestro fray Luis de Leon..., al qual su +señoría Illma reprehendío y declaro la culpa que contra el resulta +por los auctos y meritos deste processo, y le amoneste benigna y +caritativamente, que de aquí adelante se abstenga de dezir, ni +deffender publica ni secretamente, las proposiciones que paresce haver +dicho y defendido,... y el ha confesado que la sentencia dellas no +caresce de alguna temeridad, ni otras semejantes, con apercibimiento +que no lo cumpliendo se procedera contra el por todo rigor de derecho, +y el dicho fray luis de leon promettío de lo cumplir y que lo haria +assí.] + +[Footnote 237: By Sr. D. Carlos Álvarez Guijarro. Blanco García +(_Segundo proceso_, p. 54, _n._ 1) dissents from this view.] + +[Footnote 238: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 305-308.] + +[Footnote 239: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 308-315.] + +[Footnote 240: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 316.] + +[Footnote 241: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 309, 317-318.] + +[Footnote 242: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 319-320.] + +[Footnote 243: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 321.] + +[Footnote 244: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 327-329.] + +[Footnote 245: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-331.] + +[Footnote 246: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-335.] + +[Footnote 247: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico, +&c._, pp. 236-239.] + +[Footnote 248: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +pp. 239-240. The pressmark of this autograph letter in the British +Museum is Add. MSS. 28, 698.] + +[Footnote 249: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +pp. 242-244.] + +[Footnote 250: The whole episode is clearly set forth by Blanco +García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, pp. 246-250.] + +[Footnote 251: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +pp. 248-249; Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 349-351.] + +[Footnote 252: A passage in Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 349) +describes Santa Maria as 'contemporáneo de los sucesos'. This, though +literally true, is somewhat misleading. Santa Maria was twenty-four +the year that Luis de Leon died. See Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, +col. 489.] + +[Footnote 253: '...al principal de ellos [los que habían procurado el +Breve] y pretensor de mitra, le costó la vida el sentimiento que tuvo +de ver tan indignado al Rey Católico'. I have not been able to consult +Jesús y Maria's work. My quotation, like Alonso Getino's (_op. cit._, +p. 354), is taken at second-hand from Vicente de la Fuente's edition +of Saint Theresa's works.] + +[Footnote 254: January 26, 1591, is the latest date attached to the +_Documentos_ published by Cristóbal Pérez Pastor, _Bibliografía +madrileña_ (Madrid, 1907), Parte III, pp. 404-409. On January 25, +1591, Luis de Leon signed a document undertaking to accept 1,000 +_reales_ in lieu of 2,800 due to him by the estate of Cornelio Bonard, +formerly a bookseller at Salamanca; see Cristóbal Pérez Pastor, +_Bibliografía madrileña_ (Madrid, 1906), Parte II, pp. 454-455.] + +[Footnote 255: F. Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53. The +Salamancan Inquisitors reported to the Supreme Inquisition: +'...havemos entendido que los de su orden se xatan y alaban de que en +este sto offiº se a declarado ser verdad lo que el dho frai luis +sustentó...'] + +[Footnote 256: F. Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 49.] + +[Footnote 257: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540.] + +[Footnote 258: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 355.] + +[Footnote 259: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540, _n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 260: Alonso Getino writes (_op. cit._, p. 355): 'al ser +elegido Provincial, nueve dias antes de morir, no puede suponerse que +estuviera enfermo de consideración'. This is a guess very wide of the +mark. F. de Méndez, in the _Revista Agustiniana_ (1881), quoted (p. +351) Juan Quijano, a contemporary whose chronicle is now lost, as +saying that when Luis de Leon was elected Provincial he was already +confined to his bed with the illness of which he died.] + +[Footnote 261: The portrait and character-sketch will be found in the +photo-chromotype reproduction of Francisco Pacheco, _Libro de +descripcion de verdaderos retratos de illustres y memorables +varones_. The original is dated Sevilla, 1599. The reproduction, due +to José María Asensio y Toledo, was photo-chromotyped between 1881 and +1884. Owing to the rarity of the reproduction, it has been thought +desirable to reprint in an appendix the passage in which Pacheco deals +with Luis de Leon.] + +[Footnote 262: The reference is given by C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el +'Decíamos ayer'... y otros excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), +vol. LXXX, p. 119.] + + + + +V + + +By his contemporaries Luis de Leon was perhaps more esteemed as a +theologian or a scholar than as a man of letters. This judgement has +been reversed by posterity mainly on the strength of the Spanish poems +which were little known during the author's lifetime beyond a small +circle of his personal friends.[263] Experts tell us that as a +theologian he ranks below his master Melchor Cano; and in the annals +of scholarship Luis de Leon is less conspicuous than Benito Arias +Montano and than Francisco Sanchez (_el Brocense_). Few now read for +pleasure the treatises which Luis de Leon composed in a dead language: +in any case these treatises can add nothing to his reputation as a +writer of Spanish, and it is solely as a Spanish author that he +concerns us here and now. He was by no means the earliest of devout +writers to use Spanish as a literary medium. There is a long and +illustrious bead-roll of authors from Bernardino de Laredo to Saint +Theresa to prove the contrary. Much less was Luis de Leon the first +post-Renaissance scholar to recognize that Spanish had a great future +before it. Yet, if we take leave to assume that Luis de Granada was an +ascetic rather than an extatic, we may account Luis de Leon as perhaps +the first professional scholar to perceive that Spanish was adequate +to convey the subtleties of theology and the ravishments of mysticism. +His chief prose works in Castilian include the _Exposicion del libro +de Job_, a commentary dedicated to Madre Ana de Jesús, but not +published till near the end of the eighteenth century (1779). The +_provenance_ of this work calls for no explanation. Apart from the +quotation of a passage in Jorge Manrique's _Coplas_, the _Exposicion +del libro de Job_ offers few indications of Spanish origin and fewer +personal touches. Equally Biblical in origin are a rendering of the +_Song of Songs_ and a corresponding commentary; the existence of both +has a personal interest inasmuch as they prove that Luis de Leon was +enabled to carry out a long cherished design by means of which he +hoped, as he declared at Valladolid, to counterbalance the indiscreet +prying of Fray Diego de Leon. _La Perfecta Casada_ (1583) and _De los +nombres de Cristo_ (1583-1585) likewise have their roots in Scripture. +_La Perfecta Casada_ is avowedly based on the thirty-first chapter of +_Proverbs_, and _De los nombres de Cristo_, the first part of which +appeared simultaneously with _La Perfecta Casada_,[264] discusses the +various symbolic names applied to the Saviour in the Bible. + +_La Perfecta Casada_ is dedicated to Maria Varela Osorio, a recently +wedded bride, who may have been a distant kinswoman of the +author's.[265] Nowhere more clearly than in this treatise does Luis de +Leon justify the statement that he had a Hebrew soul. He takes for +granted the Oriental point of view, and illustrates his imperious +thesis with ample quotations from writers of all types--pagans, +Christians, saints, and laymen. There are references to Simonides, to +Sophocles, to Euripides, to Plutarch, to Saint Clement of Alexandria, +to Saint Cyprian, to Saint Ambrose, to Garcilasso de la Vega. It seems +likely that _La Perfecta Casada_ was written after _De los nombres de +Cristo_, which was almost certainly begun in prison. But there is +perhaps nothing in the internal evidence of the style which would +point to that conclusion. The style of _La Perfecta Casada_ is +vigorous and clear; but it is marred by gusts of rhetoric and by an +excess of copulative conjunctions. These peculiarities produce the +effect of relative inexperience, and might easily mislead a too +confident critic. + +_De los nombres de Cristo_ is cast in the Platonic form of dialogue, +and, in the section entitled _Pastor_, Plato is quoted by name. But +the Hellenic influence, though present, is not dominant. Already +Alonso de Orozco had anticipated Luis de Leon with _De los nueve +nombres de Cristo_,[266] and there are points of contact in the +handling as is inevitable from the similarity of the subject. But it +cannot be denied that Luis de Leon's work is suffused with a warmer, +more human interest than Orozco's brief sketch. These more intimate +personal elements are present on almost every page of _De los nombres +de Cristo_. Nobody can read far without perceiving that Marcello, +hindered by his _poca salud y muchas occupaciones_, is manifestly a +double of Luis de Leon; there are passages which gloss themes +developed metrically elsewhere; there are retrospicient glances at the +Valladolid trial; the scene of the dialogue is laid within view of La +Flecha, and the details of the landscape are reproduced with exact +fidelity; Luis de Leon has a freer hand in _De los nombres de Cristo_ +than in his other prose works, but here again in his paraphrases of +the Biblical passages relating to Christ his interpretation is at one +with the interpretation of the prophets. And this identity of +sentiment has in it nothing dramatic. Those who have alleged that Luis +de Leon came of Jewish stock may have been--apparently were--mistaken; +but their mistake is comprehensible, for more than any contemporary +Spanish poet--more even than Herrera in his odes--is he saturated with +the Jewish spirit. In all his work Luis de Leon adheres closely to the +Bible. In the _De los nombres de Cristo_ he is also a Platonist within +limits: not so much as regards the manner (which tends to an +oratorical pomp more reminiscent of Cicero) as in his conciliatory +method. With the Jewish and Hellenic blend of influence we must rate +the Latin influence--that of Horace and of Virgil. The influence of +Horace on Luis de Leon has been often noted. It exists no doubt, but +has perhaps been exaggerated: why should we suppose that his love of +moderation was learnt from Horace and was not partly, at least, +temperamental? May not the references to Horace be a characteristic of +humanism? An opinion backed by the weight of classical authority must +reach us with irresistible force, must it not? However this may be, +the predominant influence in _De los nombres de Cristo_, as in all +Luis de Leon's prose, is Scriptural and Christian. In maturity of +development, in intellectual force, in beauty of expression, and in +general adequateness, _De los nombres de Cristo_ exhibits Luis de +Leon's prose at its culmination. The book is dedicated to Pedro +Portocarrero,[267] Bishop of Calahorra, who had previously twice been +rector of Salamanca University. It seems probable that Luis de Leon's +friendship with him dates back to 1566-1567, when Portocarrero held +the office of rector for the second time. Besides _De los nombres de +Cristo_ Luis de Leon dedicated to Portocarrero _In Abdiam prophetam +Explanatio_ (1589) and the manuscript collection of his poems. For +some reason not very obvious this collection of verses was not +published till 1631 when it was issued by Quevedo, who hoped that it +would help to stem the current of Gongorism in Spain. The poems, +printed forty years after the author's death, appeared too late to +affect the public taste. Góngora himself had died in 1627, but his +influence was undiminished. Quevedo, who had obtained his copies of +Luis de Leon's verses from Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, a canon of +Seville cathedral, did his share as editor by writing two prefaces, +one addressed to Sarmiento de Mendoza, and the other to Olivares who +was manifestly expected to pronounce against Gongorism. Olivares, +however, had no reason to love Quevedo, and was resolved to take no +active part in what he doubtless regarded as a scribblers' quarrel. +Gongorism pursued its way unchecked. Quevedo's edition, though +incomplete and disfigured by certain errors, was reprinted at Milan +during the same year (1631), and then all interest in Luis de Leon +flickered out for a while. + +In the prefatory note of the 1631 Madrid edition--entitled _Obras +propias, y traduciones latinas, griegas y italianas_--Luis de Leon +speaks of his poems slightingly as mere playthings of his youth, now +brought together at the request of an anonymous friend--perhaps Benito +Arias Montano--to whom they had been ascribed. Luis de Leon arranges +the material in three books, containing respectively his original +compositions, his translations from authors profane, and his versions +of certain psalms, a hymn, and chapters from the Book of Job. But, +beyond the general statement as to the early date of composition, Luis +de Leon gives no precise information as to when individual poems were +written. The assertion that the poems date back almost to the author's +childhood is contradicted by concrete facts. Take, for instance, the +celebrated _Noche serena_ dedicated to Oloarte. If, as I conjecture, +the dedicatee of the _Noche serena_ is identical with the Diego de +Loarte, archdeacon of Ledesma, who gave evidence at Salamanca on +January 27, 1573, and who on that date had known Luis de Leon for +fourteen years, the _Noche serena_ cannot have been composed earlier +than 1559 when Luis de Leon was thirty-one--youthful, indeed, but long +past his _niñez_. On January 17, 1573, Francisco Salinas testified at +Salamanca to having known Luis de Leon for six years: whence it +follows that _El aire se serena_ cannot have been written before 1567, +when Luis de Leon was bordering on his fortieth year. As Don Carlos +died on July 24, 1568, the _Cancion a la muerte de don Carlos_ and the +_Epitafio al túmulo del príncipe don Carlos_ must necessarily have +been composed after that date; that is, when Luis de Leon was just +forty and had left his _niñez_ far behind him. Besides a general +dedication to Portocarrero, the collection includes three individual +poems which are dedicated to that personage: (1) _Virtud, hija del +Cielo_; (2) _No siempre es poderosa_; (3) _La cana y alta cumbre_. In +_La cana y alta cumbre_ there is a reference to + + la cruda guerra + que agora el Marte airado + despierta en la alta sierra. + +These verses can scarcely allude to anything but the Alpujarras rising +of 1568-1571, and the conjecture hardens into certainty in view of the +mention of Alonso and Poqueira: this is clearly the Alonso +Portocarrero who, as Hurtado de Mendoza records, perished at Poqueira, +'trabado del veneno usado dende los tiempos antiguos entre cazadores'. +This poem must have been written when Luis de Leon was at least +forty-one. _Virtud, hija del cielo_, in mentioning the _Miño_, refers +to Portocarrero's appointment in Galicia; and as Portocarrero's term +of office appears to have lasted from 1571 to 1580, the poem cannot be +dated earlier than 1571 when Luis de Leon was over forty-three. If the +mention of _la morisca armada_ in the lines _A Santiago_ glances at +the battle of Lepanto which was fought on October 7, 1571, then the +poem must have been written after that date, when the author was close +on forty-four. The verses dedicated to Juan de Grial, with their +closing reference to the writer's trials: + + Que yo, de un torbellino + traidor acometido, y derrocado + del medio del camino + al hondo, el plectro amado + y del vuelo las alas he quebrado; + +the fervent entreaty _A todos los santos_ and its unreserved lament: + + No niego, dulce amparo + del alma, que mis males son mayores + que aqueste desamparo; + mas cuanto son peores, + tanto resonaran mas tus loores; + +the very beautiful and justly renowned _Virgen que el sol mas pura_, +with its heart-rending supplication: + + los ojos vuelve al suelo + y mira un miserable en cárcel dura + cercado de tinieblas y tristeza: + +possibly[268] the song _Del conocimiento de si mismo_, with its +significant simile: + + el gusanillo de la gente hollado + un rey era, conmigo comparado; + +and assuredly the famous _quintillas_ beginning _Aqui la envidia y +mentira_: these compositions were probably composed during, or after, +the writer's imprisonment at Valladolid, that is to say between the +spring of 1572 and the winter of 1576, when Luis de Leon was from +forty-four or forty-five to forty-eight or forty-nine. _Del mundo y su +vanidad_ glances at + + la grave desventura + del lusitano, por su mal valiente, + la soberbia bravura + de su animosa gente + desbaratada miserablemente. + +This passage obviously recalls the disastrous defeat of Sebastian I, +King of Portugal, at Al-Kaor al-Kebir in August 1578, when Luis de +Leon was more than fifty years of age. If these inferences are valid, +it would follow that many of his original poems were not composed till +he was nearly forty or more. It is difficult to reconcile these +conclusions with the author's categorical assertion that the poems +were produced during his early years. As Luis de Leon was the least +vain, as well as the most truthful of men, an explanation must be +found, and it is perhaps permissible to suggest that Luis de Leon +wrote a prefatory note to Portocarrero intending it to be placed at +the beginning of the Second Book which contains his poems translated +from Roman and other authors. By some mischance the poet's intention +was frustrated; perhaps a leaf was out of place in Sarmiento de +Mendoza's copy; perhaps Quevedo is directly responsible for what +occurred. At any rate, the letter dedicatory was bisected, the greater +part of it being transferred to the beginning of the First Book, while +a mere morsel came to be printed at the beginning of the Third Book. +This surmise may serve till a better explanation is forthcoming. + +It is not to be inferred from the foregoing summary that all Luis de +Leon's original and graver compositions were written during his +maturity, but there is some reason to think that his earlier efforts +in verse took the form of translations. Though it is undoubtedly true +that his poems as a whole were not published till 1631, four isolated +pieces of his strayed into print as early as 1574 when they were +included by Francisco Sanchez, _el Brocense_, in the notes to his +edition of the _Obras del excelente poeta Garci-Lasso de la +Vega_.[269] At that date Luis de Leon was in the secret prison-cells +of the Inquisition at Valladolid. Sanchez had been a colleague of his +at Salamanca for some six years, was on friendly terms with him, knew +the exact turn things were taking, felt that no good, and possibly +some harm, might be done by mentioning the prisoner's name, and +accordingly gave a version of an Horatian ode with the comment: 'vn +docto destos reynos la traduxo bi[~e]'[270]. This needs +interpretation. There can be no doubt that Luis de Leon was a very +competent Latin scholar; neither is there any doubt that he had a +profound admiration for Horace. At his best, his Horatian versions, +if somewhat lacking in polish, are remarkably faithful and vigorous. +But when we find him in his translation of the eighteenth ode of the +Second Book rendering _salis avarus_ by _de sal avariento_--the second +person singular of the present indicative of the verb _salire_ being +mistaken for the genitive of the substantive _sal_[271]--we may +perhaps conclude that a boyish exercise has somehow escaped +destruction. + +It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is restricted in +his choice of themes, and it is impossible to deny that his sacred +profession acted as something of a limitation to him. Still, when the +mood was on him, he rent his chains asunder as readily as Samson broke +the seven green withs at Gaza: 'as a thread of tow is broken when it +toucheth the fire.' Perhaps nobody would guess off-hand that the +_Profecia del Tajo_ was the handiwork of a sixteenth-century monk, a +dweller in the rarefied atmosphere of mysticism. It only remained for +a friar in the opposition camp to discover nearly three hundred years +later a tendency in Luis de Leon to treat sensual themes in a sensual +fashion.[272] To deal seriously with a belated judgement based on +malignant ignorance would be a waste of time. It is the very irony of +fate that the poem which has been the subject of severe censure should +prove to be a translation from Cardinal Bembo.[273] The standard of +the twentieth century is not the standard of the sixteenth, and it is +certain that Luis de Leon has not the unfettered liberty of a godless +layman. He is restrained by his austere temperament, by his monk's +habit, by Christian doctrine. Nevertheless he moves with easy grace +and dignity on planes so far apart as those of patriotism, of +devotion, of human sympathy, of introspection. His patriotism finds +powerful expression, as already noted, in the _Profecia del Tajo_, +besprinkled with sonorous place-names, these growing fewer as the +movement is accelerated, and Father Tagus describes with a mixture of +picturesque mediaeval sentiment and martial music the onset of the +Arabs and the clangour of arms as they meet the doomed Gothic host. In +the sphere of devotional poetry Luis de Leon nowhere displays more +unction, more ecstatic piety than in the verses on the Ascension +beginning with the line: + + Y dexas, Pastor santo. + +It will be observed that the conjunction _y_, so superabundant in _La +Perfecta Casada_, is the first word of this poem, of which Churton has +supplied a well-known rendering: + + And dost Thou, holy Shepherd, leave + Thy flock in this dark vale alone, + In cheerless solitude to grieve, + Whilst Thou to endless rest art gone? + + The sheep, in Thy protection blest, + Untended wilt Thou leave to mourn? + The lambs, once cherished at Thy breast, + Forlorn,--oh! whither shall they turn? + + Where shall those eyes now find repose, + That pine Thy gracious glance to see? + What can they hear but sounds of woes, + Sad exiles from discourse with Thee? + + And who shall curb this troubled deep, + When Thou no more amidst the gloom + Shalt chide the wrathful winds to sleep, + And guide the labouring vessel home? + + For Thou art gone! that cloud so bright + That bears Thee from our gaze away, + Springs upward into dazzling light, + And leaves us here to weep and pray. + +Four additional stanzas, accepted as authentic by perhaps the most +painstaking of Luis de Leon's editors, are thus Englished by Churton: + + Our life has lost its richest store, + The balm for sorrow's inward thorn, + The hope, that, gladd'ning more and more, + Out-brighten'd all the springs of morn. + + Ah me! my soul, what hateful chain + Holds back thy freeborn spirit's flight? + Oh break it, disenthrall'd from pain, + And mount those azure depths of light. + + Why should'st thou fear? What earth-born spell + Is on thee, with thy choice at strife + The soul no dying pang can quell, + But loss of Christ is death in life. + + Dear Lord, and Friend, more dear to me + Than all the names Earth's love hath found, + Through darkest gloom I'll follow Thee, + Or cheer'd with beaming glory round. + +Now there is no question of mere executive skill and simple +craftsmanship in Luis de Leon's poems. He is, indeed, always sound and +competent in these respects; but artistry is not his supreme virtue as +a poet. He is ever prone to be a little rugged in his manner, and this +ruggedness has proved something of a trap to the unwary. Luis de Leon +has no real mannerisms, and is no more to be parodied than is +Shakespeare. Yet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish him at his +worst from his imitators at their best. Though withheld so long from +the public, Luis de Leon's poems, while still in manuscript, were +repeatedly imitated--especially by Augustinians. To my way of +thinking, he is most nearly approached by his friend Arias Montano. +But it should be said that this is not the general verdict. That goes +decisively in favour of Miguel Sanchez, _el Divino_. Miguel Sanchez is +the author of a beautiful _Cancion de Cristo Crucificado_, a poem +which, though not published till 1605 with the real writer's name +attached to it, has constantly been ascribed to Luis de Leon.[274] The +_Cancion_ is no doubt a composition of great charm and mystic unction; +but it lacks the concentrated force of Luis de Leon. Luis de Leon has +a lofty dignity of his own; he outstrips all rivalry by virtue of his +nobility, by virtue of his intellectual vigour, by virtue of sheer +excellence rather than by curious refinements of technique. These +positive qualities defy reproduction by even the most accomplished of +imitators. It has been said that Luis de Leon's verse, as well as his +prose, has noticeable roughnesses; but let us not derive a wrong +impression from this assertion. Luis de Leon is not 'finicking'. +Withal he is a master of his art. Retrograde as we may perhaps think +him in some matters, he was on the side of the reformers in the +matter of metrics. He was a partisan of Boscan's innovating methods: +so much might be expected from a man of his period. It is to be noted +that, in his best poems, he shows a decided preference for _liras_, a +form apparently invented by Bernardo Tasso before it was transplanted +to Spain by Garcilasso de la Vega. Luis de Leon was of opinion that +those who violate poetry, using it for purposes of a meretricious +kind, deserved punishment as public corrupters of two most sacred +things: poetry and morals. It is one of the curious ironies of art +that the measure which the seductive Garcilasso used for amatory +purposes should have appealed to Luis de Leon as the vehicle most +suited to enraptured chants and hymns of philosophic meditation. + +It is obvious that Luis de Leon took a keen interest in all the real +essentials of his art. It is no less obvious that he saw matters in +their actual perspective, that he attached no undue importance to +technique, as such, and that he gave no less weight to the choice of +matter than to the choice of form. Luis de Leon was not incapable of +metrical audacities: as when he divides into two separate words +adverbs in _-mente_ occurring at the end of a line. This practice was +audacious, but it was not an innovation. Juan de Almeida defended it +by citing a host of precedents from other literatures and, had Almeida +been a prophet, he might have foretold that this device was destined +to be repeated hundreds of years later by that innovating genius Rubén +Darío. But Almeida was not a prophet. His titles to remembrance are +that he was learned, and that he may rank with Miguel Sanchez, with +Alonso de Espinosa, and with Benito Arias Montano as among the least +unsuccessful of Luis de Leon's followers. They often follow his lead +with undeniable adroitness. Yet they never attain his incomparable +concentration, his majestic vision of nature and his characteristic +note of ecstatic aloofness. Nowhere is he more himself than in the +immortal stanzas dedicated to Oloarte under the title of _Noche +serena_ of which Churton has bequeathed us an English version which I +will quote, though it gives but a far-off echo of the original's magic +melody: + + When nightly through the sky + I view the stars their files unnumber'd leading, + Then see the dark earth lie + In deathlike trance, unheeding + How Life and Time with those bright orbs are speeding: + + Strong love and equal pain + Wake in my heart a fire with anguish burning; + The tear-drops fall like rain, + Mine eyes to fountains turning, + And my sad voice pours forth its tones of mourning: + + O mansion of high state, + Bright temple of bright saints in beauty dwelling, + The soul, once born to mate + With these, what force repelling + Hath bound to earth, its light in darkness quelling? + + What mortal disaccord + Hath exiled so from Truth the mind unstable? + Why of its blest reward + Forgetful, lost, unable, + Seeks it each shadowy fraud and guileful fable? + + Man lies in slumber dead, + Like one that of his danger hath no feeling, + The while with silent tread + Those restless orbs are wheeling, + And, as they fly, his hours of life are stealing. + + O mortals, wake and rise; + Think of the loss that on your lives is pressing; + The soul, that never dies, + Ordain'd for endless blessing, + How shall it live, false shows for truth caressing? + + Ah, raise your fainting eyes + To that firm sphere which still new glory weareth, + And scorn the low disguise + The flattering world prepareth, + And all the world's poor thrall hopeth or feareth. + + O what is all earth's round, + Brief scene of man's proud strife and vain endeavour, + Weigh'd with that deep profound, + That tideless Ocean-river, + That onward bears Time's fleeting forms for ever? + + Once meditate, and see + That fix'd accord in wondrous variance given, + The mighty harmony + Of courses all uneven, + Wherein each star keeps time and place in heaven. + + Who can behold that store + Of light unspent, and not, with very sighing, + Burst earth's frail bonds, and soar, + With soul unbodied flying, + From this sad place of exile and of dying? + + There dwelleth sweet Content; + There is the reign of Peace; there, throned in splendour, + As one pre-eminent, + With dove-like eyes so tender, + Sits holy Love,--honour and joy attend her. + + There is reveal'd whate'er + Of Beauty thought can reach; the source internal + Of purest Light, that ne'er + To darkness yields; eternal + Bloom the bright flowers in clime for ever vernal. + + There would my spirit be, + Those quiet fields and pleasant meads exploring, + Where Truth immortally, + Her priceless wealth outpouring, + Feeds through the blissful vales the souls of saints adoring. + +The fact that the original is cast in the _lira_ form would compel one +to assign this composition to a date not earlier than 1542, when +Garcilasso's poems were first published. Nothing, however, could be +more remote from Garcilasso's nebulous half-pagan melancholy; we are +no less distant from the pseudonymous nymphs of Cetina and Francisco +de la Torre: the elegant Amaryllis of the one, the elusive Filis of +the other, though destined to be re-incarnated by a tribe of later +poets, find no place in these stately numbers. Luis de Leon does not +emulate Alcázar's epigrammatic wit, nor Herrera's Petrarchan +sweetness, nor Ercilla's tumultuous rhetoric. He has an individuality +all his own, the moral purpose of the man is wedded to the poet's art +in such wise that he strikes a note individual and completely new in +Spanish literature--a note rarely heard in any literature till we +catch its strain in the verses of him who tells us that + + The Youth, who daily farther from the east + Must travel, still is Nature's Priest, + And by the vision splendid + Is on his way attended; + At length the Man perceives it die away, + And fade into the light of common day. + +In Luis de Leon, as in Wordsworth, art is raised to a hieratic +dignity: both have a splendid simplicity, a most lofty expression of +sublime meditation--qualities rare everywhere in every age, and rarest +of all in the flamboyant, if gloomy, Spain of the sixteenth century. + +Luis de Leon has his weak points. He does not attain to the angelic +melody of St. John of the Cross. He is apt to be indifferent to sheer +beauty of form; though he often reaches it, this success seems with +him to be a happy accident. Lucidity is not his main object; though he +uses simple terms, his immense range of knowledge tempts him at whiles +to indulge in allusions which it might tax all the ingenuity of +commentators to explain. Commentators of Luis de Leon have a +sufficiently heavy task before them in reconstructing the text of his +poems--the heavier because the originals no longer exist. Sr. de Onís +has given us some idea of the problems to be solved.[275] Whatever +flaws are revealed in Luis de Leon's manner, he is nearly always +vital, nearly always has something elevating, illuminating and +beautiful to say. As a human being, too, he is not above criticism. +There is an unpleasant savour in the story that he asked Antonio Perez +to let him have the Chrysostom manuscript which he proposed to +translate in Paris, the profits to be divided. We need not believe +this perhaps calumnious little tale. Antonio Perez is open to +suspicion of being an assassin and a traitor; he may also have been +untruthful. Luis de Leon is not a candidate for canonization. He was +no icicle of perfection. He was something vastly more interesting than +a chill intellectual: a man ardent, austere, conscious of resplendent +intellectual faculties, perhaps a little arrogant when off his guard, +incautious but wary, individualistic but self-sacrificing, emotional, +sensitive, reticent: a mass of conflicting qualities blended, unified +and held in subjection by sheer strength of will, fortified by a +professional discipline, deliberately embraced and rigorously +followed. Add to this that he had in a supreme degree the creative +impulse, an irrepressible instinct for self-expression. It is not +strange that the self-expression of a personality so fine, so complex, +so rich, so rare, should produce the series of compositions which +entitle Luis de Leon to rank among the very greatest of Spanish +poets, and beside the most glorious figures in the history of any +literature. He stands a little apart from the rest of Spanish poets in +a splendid solitude which befits him; he must perforce be solitary, +dwelling as he most often does at altitudes inaccessible to ordinary +mortals. + + Those solemn heights but to the stars are known, + But to the stars, and the cold lunar beams: + Alone the sun arises, and alone + Spring the great streams. + + + + +V + + +[Footnote 263: They must have been known to the dedicatee of the +_Noche serena_, whom I am inclined to identify with Diego de Olarte +who appeared before the Valladolid tribunal (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. XI, pp. 301-302). But the only positive evidence on this head is +given by Francisco de Salinas who testified 'que era amigo del dicho +fray Luis de Leon, el cual venia muchas veces á casa deste testigo, y +oyó deste testigo la especulativa, y comunicaba con este testigo cosas +de poesía y otras cosas del arte' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. +302-303).] + +[Footnote 264: In the early editions--those of 1583, 1585, 1587, 1595, +and 1603--_De los nombres de Cristo_ and _La Perfecta Casada_ are +bound up together. Each treatise has a separate pagination in all five +cases.] + +[Footnote 265: Luis de Leon's mother was 'Inés de Valera, hija de Juan +de Valera, vecino que fué de la villa de Belmente, escudero, que vivia +de su hacienda' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 170-171). The +substitution of Varela for Valera, or vice versa, is easy in Spanish. +An example of such a substitution in the case of Luis de Leon's mother +is given by Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León_, p. 24, _n._ 1. Blanco +García mentions a tombstone in the monastery of San Jerónimo at +Granada with the following inscription: + +'_En esta capilla está enterrado el noble hidalgo el Lic. Lope de Leon +del Cº del Rey nuestro Señor, Oidor que fué de Granada, y Asistente de +Sevilla: falleció á 24 de Julio de 1562 años: y Doña Inés Barela_ +(sic), _y Alarcon, su mujer, dotó esta capilla para entierro suyo y de +sus descendientes._' + +The name of Luis de Leon's maternal grandmother was Mencía Alvarez +Osorio. From these circumstances, it appears possible that some +relationship existed between the dedicatee of _La Perfecta Casada_ and +the author of that treatise. Luis de Leon had four maternal uncles, +three of whom were laymen--Francisco de Valera, Bernardino de Valera, +and Cristóbal de Alarcon, 'capitan que fué en Italia'. All three had +died before April 15, 1572 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 181). + +It is also possible that Isabel Osorio (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +XI, p. 271), to whom the manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Songs_ was lent, may likewise have been related to Luis de +Leon.] + +[Footnote 266: Orozco's treatise was printed in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1888), vol. XXI, pp. 393-401, and vol. XXII, pp. 543-550. It is +reproduced by Sr. D. Federico de Onís in his edition of _De los +nombres de Cristo_ in the series of _Clásicos Castellanos_ (1914), +vol. XXVIII, pp. 261-281, and (1917), vol. XXXIII, pp. 257-271.] + +[Footnote 267: Nowhere have I found an indication of Portocarrero's +birth-date. He became Bishop of Calahorra in 1587, and was translated +to Córdoba in 1594; he died on September 20, 1600.] + +[Footnote 268: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 48) writes, however: 'la +_Canción del conocimiento de sí mismo_, que es la primera cuya fecha +se puede averiguar, la escribió diez años después de entrar en +religión'. This is an inference from the closing lines of the poem: + + aunque sané del mal y su accidente + diez años há que soy convaleciente. + +In a note to the passage quoted above, Alonso Getino refers to the +_Canción al nacimiento de la hija del Marqués de Alcañices_, written, +as he thinks, 'en un tono impropio de un imberbe'. He appears to have +no doubt as to the authenticity of this composition: the correctness +of the ascription of this poem to Luis de Leon is at least +questionable.] + +[Footnote 269: The pieces printed by Sanchez are translations of Ode +X, Book II; Ode XXII, Book I; Ode XIII, Book IV; and Epode II.] + +[Footnote 270: _Obras del excelente poeta Garcilasso de la Vega_, +Salamanca, 1577. This (second) edition is the earliest to which I have +access. On pp. 91-92 Sanchez writes: 'Trato este elegantemente +Horacio, Oda 10. lib. I. Y porque un docto destos reynos la traduxo +bi[~e], y ay pocos casos destos en nuestra lengua, le pondre aqui +todo: y ansi enti[~e]do hazer en el discurso destas sentencias quando +se ofreciere'. On p. 94, Sanchez writes: 'Por traer el lugar de +Horacio, donde todo esto se toma, aure de poner toda la Oda, sacada +por el mismo que traduxo la otra'. On pp. 97-98 Sanchez writes: 'Al +reves desto se burla Horacio de una dama, motejandola de vieja: y [~q] +ya se le passo la flor, aunque ella no lo piensa. Y por estar +traduzida por el mismo [~q] las pasadas, põgo aqui la Oda, que es +del libro 4 l. 13.'] + +[Footnote 271: This slip has been pointed out by Menéndez y Pelayo in +both editions (Madrid, 1878[?] and 1885) of his _Horacio en España. +Solaceas bibliográficas_.] + +[Footnote 272: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 50) and in _El Correo +Español_ (1908). A reply to these views has been made in the form of +an open letter to Sr. Berrueta, Director of _El Lábaro_, by P. Conrado +Muiños Sáenz. The reply of Muiños Sáenz will be found in _La Ciudad de +Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560, vol. LXXIX, pp. +18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, +177-197.] + +[Footnote 273: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Antología de poetas líricos +castellanos_ (1908), vol. XIII, p. 332.] + +[Footnote 274: It is printed among Luis de Leon's poems in the +_Biblioteca de Autores Españoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta +nuestros dias_, vol. XXXVII, pp. 12-13. As this is perhaps the +best-known edition of Luis de Leon's poems, most of my quotations are +taken from it.] + +[Footnote 275: _Sobre la transmisión de la obra literaria de Fr. Luis +de León_ in _Revista de Filología española_ (1915), vol. II, pp. +217-257.] + + + + +APPENDIX + +EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON + + +Silas obras acertadas de algun Artifice le estan (como dize el Sabio) +alabando siempre, con cuanta mayor razon las de Dios nos dan motivo +para engrandecer su infinita Sabiduria. i mas cuando vemos que nacen +algunos ombres, acõpañados de tantas gracias que parece que fueron +hechos, sin otro medio, por sus divinas manos, sien alguno se puede +esto verificar, es en el gran Maestro (como veremos) sus Progenitores +fueron de Belmonte, de clarissimo linage, en el cual resplandecieron +muchos varones insignes en letras i Santidad. El Licenciado Lope de +Leon su Padre, siendo uno de los mayores letrados de su tiempo, vino +por Oidor a Sevilla, donde hizo oficio de Asistente, i en ella tuvo +(para onra de nuestra Patria) este ilustre hijo, que siendo promovido +luego ala chancilleria de Granada, nacio en ella, elaño 1528 para +engrandecer l' Andaluzia la Nacion Española, i el mundo. En lo +natural, fue pequeño de cuerpo, en devida proporcion, la cabeça +grande, bien formada, poblada de cabello algo crespo, i el cerquillo +cerrado, la frente espaciosa, el rostro mas redondo que aguileño, +(como lo muestra el Retrato) trigueño el color, los ojos verdes i +vivos. En lo moral, con especial don de Silencio, el ombre mas callado +que sea conocido, si bien de singular agudeza en sus dichos, con +estremo abstinente i templado, en la comida bevida, i sueño. de mucho +secreto, verdad, i fidelidad: puntual en palabra i promessas; +compuesto, poco onada risueño. Leiasse en la gravedad de su rostro, el +peso de la nobleza de su alma, resplandecia enmedio desto por +eccelencia una umildad profunda. fue limpissimo, mui onesto i +recogido, gran Religioso, i observante de las Leyes. Amava ala +santissima Virgen ternissimamente, ayunava las visperas de sus +fiestas, comiendo alas tres de la tar de, ino haziendo colacion. de +aqui nacio aqella regalada Cancion que comienca; _Virgen q'el Solmas +pura_. fue mui espiritual, i de mucha Oracion, i en ella en tiempo de +sus mayores trabajos, favorecido de Dios particularissimamente. con +ser de natural colerico fue mui sufrido i piadoso para los que le +tratavan. tan penitente i austero consigo, que las mas noches no se +acostava en cama, i el que la avia hecho la hallava ala mañana de la +misma manera certificalo el Padre Maestro frai Luis Moreno de +Bohorquez (onra de su Religion, que estuvo 4 años en su compañia) a +quien devemos la verdad deste discurso, Professo en el Monesterio de +San Agustin de Salamanca, en 29 de Enero de 1544, siendo de edad de 16 +años. en lo adquisito, fue gran Dialetico i Filosofo, Maestro graduado +en Artes, i Dotor en Teologia, por aquella insigne Universidad; donde +fue Catedratico mas de 36 años, en la Catedra de Santo Tomas de +Durando, de Filosofia moral, i de Prima de Sagrada Escritura, que tuvo +con crecido premio, por que leyesse una leccion, supo Escolastico tan +aventajadamente, como sino tratava de Escritura, i de Escritura, como +sino tratava de Escolastico. fue la mayor capacidad de ingenio que sea +conocida en su tiempo, para todas Ciencias i Artes; escrevia no menos +que nuestro Francisco Lucas, siendo famosso Matematico, Aritmetico, i +Geometra; i gran Astrologo, i Judiciario, (aunque lo uso con +templança) fue eminente en el uno i otro derecho, Medico superior, que +entrava en el General con los desta Facultad, i arguía en sus actos. +fue gran Poeta Latino i Castellano, como lo muestran sus versos. +estudio sin Maestro la Pintura, i la exercitò tan diestramente que +entre otras cosas hizo (cosa dificil) su mesmo Retrato. tuvo otras +infinitas abilidades, que callo por cosas mayores. La lengua Latina, +Griega, i Hebrea, la Caldea i Siria, supo como los Maestros della. +pues la muestra con cuanta grandeza? siendo el primero que escrivio +en ella con numero i elegãcia; digalo el Libro de los Nombres de +Cristo i perfeta casada, encarecido i admirado de los doctos, que no +sabe acabar de loarlo Antonio Possevino en su Biblioteca. escrivio en +Latin Comentarios sobre los Cantares, i fue el primero que allanò las +dificultades de la letra: i sobre el Psalmo 26 i el Profeta Abdias, i +la Epistola ad Galatas, i un tratado de utriusq agni: expuso otros +libros de la Escritura que no estan impressos. ai muchas obras suyas +de mano en verso, divididas en tres partes, la primera de las cosas +proprias, la segunda lo que traduxo de autores Profanos, la tercera de +los Psalmos, Cantares i Capitulos de Job. lo cual asido siempre +estimadissimo, con la carta a don Pedro Puertocarrero, a quien lo +dirige, escrivio otra en san Felipe de Madrid año 1587 alas Carmelitas +descalças, en favor del espiritu i escritos de Santa Teresa de Jesus, +que anda con su libro, digna de la eccelencia de su ingenio. Al passo +destas grandezas, fue la invidia que le persiguio, pero descubrio +altamente sus quilates, saliendo en todo superior, i con el mayor +triumfo i onra que en estos Reinos sea visto. fue varon de tanta +autoridad, que parecia mas a proposito para mostrar alos otros, que +para aprender de ninguno. grande su juizio i prudencia en materias de +govierno, alcançò mucha estimacion en España i fuera della con los +mayores ombres; consultavalo el Rei Filipo Segundo en todos los casos +graves de conciencia enviandole correos estraordinarios a Salamanca; i +despues yendo por orden de la Universidad, con particular comision, a +su Magestad, lo tratò i comunicò, haziendole especial favor imerced. i +en los acometimientos onrosos de Obispados, i del Arçobispado de +Mexico, descubrio su valor i animo grande, no solo para desnudarse de +la dignidad (cosa intentada de pocos) mas aun de todo cuanto tenia en +la tierra: varon de veras Evangelico. en estos santos exercicios i con +esta continuacion de vida, siendo Provincial de la Provincia de +Castilla, acabò su curso santamente (dexando en todos harto +desconsuelo, aun que mayor certeza de su gloria) en la villa de +Madrigal en 24 de Agosto del año 1595. de 63 años de edad. traxeronle +con la devida onra a san Agustin de Salamanca donde avia tomado el +abito, i yaze sepultado en el claustro de aquel ilustre Convento. I +para cumplimiento de su Elogio i de mi desseo no me contentè con menos +(en onra de tan insigne varon) de que los versos Latinos fuessen del +Licenciado Rodrigo Caro, i los Castellanos de Lope de Vega, en su +Laurel de Apolo, con que se encarecen bastãtem[~e]te. + + + + +EPIGRAMMA + + + Hispalis, Iliberis, Salmantica, Monta, Toletum + Municipem iactant te, Ludovice, suum. + Contigit id magno quondam certamen Homero: + Contigit Hesperio sicq3 Melesigeni. + + Agustino León, Frai Luis divino + o dulce Analogia de Agustino! + conque verdad nos diste + al Rei Profeta en verso Castellano, + que con tanta elegancia tra duziste; + ô cuanto le deviste + (como en tus mismas obras encareces) + ala invidia cruel, porquien mereces + Laureles inmortales; + tu prosa, i verso iguales + conservaran la gloria de tu nombre; + i los Nombres de Cristo Soberano + tele daran eterno, porque asombre + la dulce pluma de tu heroica mano + de tu persecusion la causa injusta, + tu fuiste gloria de Agustino Augusta, + tu el onor de la lengua Castellana, + que desseaste introduzir escrita, + viendo que ala Romana tanto imita + que puede competir con la Romana. + Si en esta edad vivieras + fuerte Leon en su defensa fueras. + + + + +INDEX + + +A + +Abarca de Sotomayor (Ana), 93 _n._ + +_Agustiniana, Revista_, _passim_ + +Alarcon (Cristóbal de), 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (fulano de), 110 _n._ + +Alarcon (Inés de), 27 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (María de), 28 _n._ + +Álava (Andrés de), 90, 128 _n._, 139 _n._ + +Albornoz (Francisco de), 90, 139 _n._ + +Alcañices (Marqués de), 235 _n._ + +Alcázar (Baltasar de), 229 + +Almansa (Francisco de), 39, 40, 93 _n._, 94 _n._ + +Almansa (Pedro de), 94 _n._ + +Almaraz (Antonio de), 189 _n._ + +Almeida (Juan de), 33 _n._, 129 _n._, 224 + +Alvarez (Luis), 44 + +Alvarez Guijarro (Carlos), 193 _n._, 198 _n._ + +Alvarez Osorio (Mencía), 234 _n._ + +Ambrose (Saint), 205 + +Ana de Jesús (La Madre) 12, 30 _n._, 174, 180, 181, 203 + +Antolinez (Agustin), 180 + +Aragon (Pedro de), 165, 194 _n._ + +Arboleda (Francisco de), 56, 57, 112 _n._ + +Arce (Antonio de), 137 _n._ + +Arias Montano (Benito), 62, 63, 83, 119 _n._, 120 _n._, 202, 210, 221, + 224 + +Arias (Diego), 59, 114 _n._ + +Aristotle, 82 + +Arresse (Juan de), 166, 197 _n._ + +Asensio y Toledo (José Maria), 201 _n._ + + +B + +Bañez (Domingo), 10, 154, 161, 164, 194 _n._, 195 _n._, 196 _n._ + +Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la), 190 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Barrientos, 48, 100 _n._ + +Béjar (Séptimo duque de), 58 + +Bembo (Pietro), 83, 84, 218 + +Bernal, Dr., 170 + +Berrueta, 237 _n._ + +Blanco García (Francisco), _passim_ + +Bolivar (Pedro), 138 _n._ + +Bonard (Cornelio), 199 _n._ + +Boscan Almogaver (Juan), 223 + +Braganza (Teutonio de), 175 + +Bravo, 33 _n._ + + +C + +Cabrera de Córdoba (Luis), 184 + +Calderon de la Barca Henao de la Barreda y Riaño (Pedro), 3 + +Cáncer, Dr., 66, 68, 77, 137 _n._ + +Cano (Melchor), 81, 131 _n._, 202 + +Caravajal (Diego de), 112 _n._ + +Carlos (el maestro Don), 33 _n._ + +Carlos (el príncipe Don), 211 + +Caro (Rodrigo), 244 + +Carranza (Bartolomé de), 21, 35 _n._, 85, 134 _n._ + +Castañeda (Juan de), 161, 194 _n._ + +Castillo (Garcia del), 33 _n._ + +Castillo (Hernando del), 66, 67, 89, 137 _n._ + +Castro (Adolfo de), 190 _n._ + +Castro (Leon de) 13, 14,15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24 _n._, 31 _n._, + 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 35 _n._, 54, 62, 77, 80, 86, 110 _n._ + +Castro (Pedro de) 91, 139 _n._, 141 _n._ + +Cayetano (_see_ Vio). + +Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de) 3, 58, 155, 184, 191 _n._ + +Cetina (Gutierre de) 228 + +Churton (Edward) 219, 220, 225 + +Cicero 207 + +Ciguelo (Juan) 77, 78, 128 _n._ + +Cipriano (el maestro) 81 + +Clement of Alexandria (Saint) 205 + +Copernicus (Nicolaus) 61, 114 _n._, 115 _n._ + +Coscojales (Martin de) 165, 194 _n._ + +Cruesen (Nicolaas) 148, 149 + +Cruz (Joan de la) (_see_ Santa Cruz) + +Cueto (Francisco) 71, 114 _n._, 117 _n._ + +Cyprian (Saint) 205 + + +D + +Darío (Rubén) 224 + +Doria (Nicolás de Jesus Maria) 174, 175, 176, 179 + + +E + +Ercilla y Zúñiga (Alonso) 229 + +Espinosa (Alonso de) 224 + +Espinosa (Ana de) 41, 95 _n._ + +Estrada (Doctor) 180 + +Euripides 205 + + +F + +Fernandez (Alonso) 193 _n._ + +Frechilla (Doctor) 77, 91, 139 _n._, 140 + + +G + +Galileo 57, 112 _n._ + +Galvan (Juan), 84 + +Gallardo (Bartolome Jose), 145, 185 _n._, 187 _n._, 191 _n._, + 192 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Gallego (Juan), 36 _n._ + +Gallo (Juan), 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 190 _n._ + +Gallo (Gregorio), 9, 154 + +Gaona (Diego de), 107 _n._ + +Garcia del Castillo, 146 + +Garcilasso, _see_ Lasso de la Vega (Garci). + +Getino (Luis G. Alonso), _passim_ + +Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco), 209, 215 + +Góngora (Luis de), 209 + +Gonzalez (Diego), 21, 39, 94 _n._, 128 _n._ + +Gonzalez de Tejada (J.), 28 _n._, 29 _n._, 100 _n._ + +Grajal (Gaspar de), 10, 13, 20, 21, 22, 29 _n._, 33 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 42, 108 _n._, 157, 162 + +Granada (Luis de), 203 + +Grial (Juan de), 213 + +Guevara (Juan de), 11, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 81, 108 _n._, 190 _n._, + 194 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Guevara (Martin de), 127 _n._ + +Guigelmo, 132 _n._ + +Guijano de Mercado (Doctor), 91, 92, 128 _n._, 139 _n._, 140 _n._, + 144 _n._ + +Gustin (Celedon), 46, 144 _n._, 163 + +Gutiérrez (Juan), 107 _n._ + +Gutiérrez (Marcelino), 115 _n._ + +Guzman (Domingo de), 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 164, 190 _n._, + 191 _n._, 192 _n._, 197 _n._ + + +H + +Haedo (Diego de), 24 _n._, 96 _n._ + +Henriquez (Dr. Diego), 171 + +Henry VIII, 1 + +Herrera (Fernando de) 207, 229 + +Homer 83 + +Horace 83, 159, 207, 208, 217, 236 _n._ + + +I + +Ibañez, _see_ Bañez. + +Ibarra (Juan de) 138 _n._ + +Isaiah 13, 15, 34 _n._ + + +J + +Jerónimo (San) 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 108 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Jesús y Maria (José de) 178, 199 _n._ + +John Chrysostom (Saint) 33 _n._ + +John of the Cross (Saint) 230 + +Junta (Lucas) 28 _n._ + +Justin (Saint) 82, 83 + + +L + +Laredo (Bernardino de) 203 + +Lasso de la Vega (Garci) 155, 205, 216 _n._, 223, 228, 236 _n._ + +Leo (Saint) 83 + +Leon (Antonio de) 28 _n._ + +Leon (Cristobal de) 8 + +Leon (Diego de) 43, 44, 204 + +Leon (Francisco de) 7 + +Leon (Gomez de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._ + +Leon (Lope de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._, 27 _n._, 234 _n._, 238 + +León (Luis de), his full name, 5; + + his Jewish descent, 5-6; + + his birthplace, 6; + + his date of birth, 7; + + he goes to Madrid, then to the University of Salamanca, 7; + + he enters a religious order, 7; + + renounces his share of the paternal estate, 8; + + professes in the Augustinian order, 8; + + his name appears on the list of theological students at Salamanca, + 8; + + he lectures at Soria, 9; + + matriculates at Alcalá de Henares, 9; + + graduates at Toledo, 9; + + graduates as licentiate of theology at Salamanca, 9; + + fails to obtain the chair of Biblical exegesis at Salamanca, 10; + + thwarts the designs of Domingo Bañez, 10; + + is elected Professor of Theology at Salamanca, 10; + + is transferred to the chair of Scholastic Theology and Biblical + Criticism, 10, 11; + + is chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, 12; + + incurs the enmity of Leon de Castro, 13, 14; + + lectures on the Vulgate, 14; + + is elected on the committee appointed to revise François Vatable's + version of the Bible, 15; + + threatens to burn Castro's _Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_, + 16; + + out-argues Bartolomé de Medina, 18; + + goes to Belmonte, 19; + + falls ill, 19; + is mentioned as an offender before the Inquisitionary Committee, 20; + + hands in a written statement to the local Inquisition, 21; + + his arrest is recommended by that body, 22; + + he finds fault with Leon de Castro's knowledge of Latin and Greek + and proposes to call witnesses to prove this point, 33 _n._; + + quarrels with Medina, 36 _n._; + + appeals to the Consejo Real at Madrid and wins his case, 36 + _n._; + + is taken to Valladolid jail by Almansa, 40; + + is lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, 40; + + is nervous about his health, 41; + + asks for books, for powders for his heart-attacks, and for a knife + to cut his food, 41; + + is charged with translating into Spanish the _Song of Solomon_, + and admits having done so, 42; + + implies that a copy may have reached Portugal, 44; + + proves a formidable foe, 46; + + petitions that his University Chair should be kept open until the + end of his trial, 47; + + his petition is refused and Medina is appointed in his place, 48; + + his health suffers from imprisonment, and he asks for the + companionship of a monk of his order, 49; + + he requests to be transferred to a Dominican Monastery, 50; + + petitions for leave to go to confession and to say Mass, 50; + + his requests are refused, 50; + + the increasing bias of the tribunal against him, 51; + + he complains of his bad memory, 51; + + his fearless attitude, 52; + + he brands all Dominicans as enemies, 52; + + objects to the Faculty of Theology at Alcalá de Henares, 53; + + inveighs against Medina and Castro, 54; + + prevents Montoya's election as Provincial of the Augustinians in + Spain, 55; + + describes Montoya as notorious for lying, 56; + + entrusts Arboleda to collect favourable evidence, 56; + + brands Diego de Zúñiga as a deliberate perjurer, 57; + + his criticism on Zúñiga's book, 60; + + his counsel, Dr. Ortiz de Funes, 65; + + his skill in drawing up his own defence, 65; + + he is told to choose two _patronos_ from four names unknown to + him, 66; + + requests that he be given Sebastian Perez as _patrono_, 66; + + suggests that Dr. Cáncer or Hernando del Castillo may be appointed + with Perez, 66; + + asks that Castillo's name be removed from the list of + _patronos_, 67; + + threatens to appeal to the Inquisitor-General against the enforced + choosing of unknown _patronos_, 67; + + decides to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus + Christi_ and either Medina or Dr. Cáncer, 68; + + Mancio is appointed _patrono_ and makes a report favourable to + him, 69; + + all information of this is withheld from him, 69; + + he protests against his papers being entrusted to Mancio, 69; + + his suspicions and distrust of Mancio, 69-71; + + he becomes reconciled with Mancio, 72; + + loses judicial favour owing to his vacillations over Mancio, 73; + + his demeanour in court, 74; + + his portrait by Pacheco, 79; + + his want of humour, 80; + + his gift of sarcasm, 80; + + his versatility, 81; his conservatism, 81; + + his teachers, 81; + + his books, 81, 82; + + his knowledge of Italian, 83; + + his curiosity about astrology, 84, 85; + + he urges the Court to prosecute Castro for perjury, 86; + + declares that his detention is illegal and demands compensation for + it, 86; + + his health declines and his irritability increases, 87; + + he is blamed by Castillo for teaching erroneous doctrine, 89; + + his moods of depression, 89; + + Menchaca, Álava, Tello Maldonado, and Albornoz recommend that he be + tortured, 90; + + a more lenient view is adopted by Guijano de Mercado and Frechilla, + 91; + + the Supreme Inquisition brushes aside the views of both parties, 91; + + he is publicly reprimanded by order of the Supreme Inquisition and + acquitted, 92; + + his Spanish version of the _Song of Solomon_ is confiscated, + 92; + + he asks for an official certificate of acquittal and for arrears of + salary as regards his chair, 92; + + his applications are granted but their fulfilment delayed, 92; + + his return to Salamanca, 145; + + he meets the _Claustro_ of the University, 146; + + renounces all claim to his Chair so long as it is occupied by + Castillo, 146; + + creation of a provisional new chair for him by the _Claustro_, + 147; + + he lectures in his new chair January 29, 1577, 147; + + his famous alleged phrase _Dicebamus hesterna die_, 147-150; + + difficulties about his lecture-hours, 151; + + he presents himself as a candidate for the Chair of Moral + Philosophy, 152; + + is strenuously opposed by Zumel, 152; + + defeats Zumel by a majority of seventy-nine votes, 153; + + takes the degree of M.A., 153; + + is appointed member of the committee for the reform of the calendar, + 153; + + his contest with Domingo de Guzman for the Biblical chair at + Salamanca, vacant by the death of Gregorio Gallo, 154-155; + + he defeats Guzman by thirty-six votes, 157; + + appeal lodged by Guzman against irregularity in voting, 157; + + judgement given in favour of Luis de Leon, 157; + + he reads himself into the chair at Salamanca, December 7, 1579, 158; + + publishes a Latin commentary on the _Song of Solomon_, 158; + + chivalrously supports Montemayor against Domingo de Guzman at a + theological meeting in Salamanca, 160-161; + + through this action he is involved in a quarrel with Domingo Bañez, + 161; + + the case comes before the Valladolid Inquisition, 162; + + he presents himself voluntarily before the Inquisitionary tribunal + at Salamanca on March 8, 163; + + appears again before it on March 31, and offers to apologize if he + has exceeded in his defence of Montemayor, 163; + + his lecture on predestination (1571) is brought before the tribunal + by Zumel, 164; + + his enemies, Zumel, Guzman, and Bañez, 164; + + he receives a severely reproachful letter from Villavicencio, 165; + + is summoned to Toledo and privately reprimanded by Quiroga, 167; + + publishes _Los Nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta + casada_, 168; + + is appointed to settle the suit between the University of Salamanca + and the _Colegios Mayores_, 168; + + progress of the suit and conduct of the _Claustro,_ 168-173; + + he refuses the invitation of Sixtus V and Philip II to join the + committee for the revision of the Vulgate, 173; + + is appointed by the papal nuncio to inquire into the administration + of funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, 173; + + begins the publication of his edition of Saint Theresa's works, 174; + + upholds Madre Ana de Jesus's reforms, 174; + + is appointed by the Pope to execute them, 175; + + is opposed by Doria and Philip II, 175-176; + + his weakening health and the continuous opposition of his enemies, + 178-179; + + he is reported to be suffering from tumour, 180; + + his lingering illness, 181; + + he is elected Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, August 14, + 1591, 181; + + his death, August 23, 1591, 181; + + his character by Pacheco, 181-183; + + his prose works, 202-210; + + his poems, 210-221; + + his versification, 221-229; + + his character, 230-232. + +Leon (Miguel de) 8, 28 _n._ + +Leon (Pedro de) 25 _n._ + +Leon (Pero Fernandez de) 26 _n._ + +Loarte (Diego de) [_see_ Oloarte and Olarte] 195 _n._, 211 + +Lopez (Diego) 117 _n._, 118 _n._ + +Lopez de Sedano (Juan Josef) 188 _n._ + +Lucas (Francisco) 241 + +Lucas (Saint) 124 _n._ + + +M + +Madrigal 195 _n._ + +Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ 35 _n._, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 81, 91, + 122 _n._, 123 _n._, 124 _n._ + +Manrique (Angel) 30 _n._ + +Manrique (Jorge) 203 + +Mármol (Dr. Bernabé del) 174, 175 + +Martínez de Cantalapiedra (Martin) 13, 20, 21, 22, 31 _n._, 33 +_n._, 37 _n._, 42 + +Medina (Bartolomé de) 18, 19, 20, 21, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 38 _n._, 42, 48, 54, 62, 68, 70, 77, 80, 100 _n._, + 105 _n._, 110 _n._, 123 _n._, 129 _n._, 146, 151, 154, 155, + 187 _n._ + +Menchaca (Francisco de) 90, 139 _n._ + +Méndez (F. de) 5, 26, 200 _n._ + +Mendoza (Bernardino de) 35 _n._ + +Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de) 212 + +Menéndez y Pelayo (Marcelino) 236 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Merino (Antolin) 191 _n._ + +Mondéjar (Marqués de) 35 _n._ + +Montemayor (Prudencio de) 159, 160, 161, 163 + +Montoya (Gabriel) 55, 56, 120 _n._ + +Moreno de Bohorquez (Luis) 182, 240 + +Muiños Sáenz (Conrado) 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 119 _n._, 188 _n._, + 200 _n._, 201 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Muñiz 33 _n._ + +Muñon 33 _n._ + + +N + +Napoleon 1 + +Niño (Hernando) 138 _n._ + + +O + +Olarte (Diego de) 233 _n._ + +Olivares (Conde-duque de) 209 + +Olivares (Pedro de) 23 _n._ + +Oloarte (_see_ Loarte and Olarte) 210, 225 + +Onís (Federico de) 230, 235 _n._ + +Orozco (Alonso de), 206, 235 _n._ + +Ortiz de Funes (Doctor), 65, 66, 67, 68, 104 _n._ + +Osorio (Isabel), 42, 43, 234 _n._ + + +P + +Pacheco (Francisco), 78, 79, 80, 160, 181, 182, 184, 200 _n._, + 201 _n._ [_and_ Appendix] + +Palacios (Francisco de), 162 + +Paul (Saint), 12 + +Peralto (Hernando de), 195 _n._ + +Perez (Antonio), 230, 231 + +Perez (Sebastian), 66, 67 + +Pérez Pastor (Cristóbal), 199 _n._ + +Philip II, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184, 243 + +Picatoste y Rodríguez (Felipe), 112 _n._ + +Pindar, 83 + +Pineda, 115 _n._ + +Pinelo (Gabriel), 95 _n._ + +Pinto (Hector), 53, 108 _n._, 162 + +Plantin, 82 + +Plato, 205 + +Plutarch, 205 + +Ponce de Leon (Basilio), 24 _n._, 149, 150 + +Portocarrero (Alonso), 212 + +Portocarrero (Pedro), 208, 211, 212, 215, 235 _n._ + +Portonariis (Gaspar de), 104 _n._ + +Possevino (Antonio), 242 + +Poza (Licenciado), 85, 132 _n._ + +Pozas (Marqués de), 57 + + +Q + +Quevedo (_see_ Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas) + +Quijano (Juan), 186 _n._, 200 _n._ + +Quiroga (Gaspar de), 167 + + +R + +Ramos (Nicolás), 77, 138 _n._ + +Rejon (Alonso), 36 _n._ + +Reusch (Heinrich), 197 _n._ + +Riego (El Inquisidore), 132 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Benito), 90 + +Rodriguez (Diego), _see_ Zúñiga, 58, 63, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 117 _n._, + 118 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Diego), 151 + +Rodríguez Marín (Francisco), 114 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Rojas (Pedro de), 57, 112 _n._, 114 _n._, 118 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza (Juan), 3 + + +S + +Sahagun (Doctor Diego de), 168 + +Sainz de Baranda (Pedro), _passim_ + +Salinas (Francisco de), 7, 80, 84, 154, 190 _n._, 211, 233 _n._ + +Salvá (Miguel), _passim_ + +Samson, 217 + +Sanchez (Bartolomé), 189 _n._ + +Sanchez (Francisco), _el Brocense_ 32 _n._, 202, 216, 236 _n._ + +Sanchez (Miguel), 222, 224 + +Sánchez de Olivares (Díez), 23 _n._ + +Sánchez de Olivares (Leonor), 6, 23 _n._ + +Sancho (Francisco, bishop of Segoibe), 152 + +Sancho (Francisco), 33 _n._, 100 _n._, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Sancho (el maestro Francisco), 93 _n._ + +Santa Cruz (Joan de), 162, 163, 193 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Santa Maria (Francisco de), 176, 177, 178, 199 _n._ + +Sarmiento de Mendoza (Manuel), 209, 215 + +Sebastian I, 214 + +Shakespeare, 221 + +Siluente (Alonso), 49, 94, 101 _n._ + +Simonides, 205 + +Sixtus V, 173, 174 + +Sobrino (Doctor), 180 + +Solana (Andrés de), 165 + +Solís (Antonio de), 168 + +Sophocles, 83, 205 + +Suarez (Pedro), 158, 193 _n._ + + +T + +Tapia (Mencía de), 28 _n._ + +Tasso (Bernardo), 223 + +Tellez Giron (Rodrigo), 23 _n._ + +Tello Maldonado (Luis), 90, 139 _n._ + +Theresa (Saint), 12, 174, 175, 178, 180, 181, 199 _n._, 203, 242 + +Tiberius, 1 + +'Tirso de Molina', 3 + +Torre (Francisco de la), 228 + + +U + +Uceda (Gaspar de), 110 _n._ + +Uceda (Pedro de), 100 _n._, 189 _n._ + +'Urganda la Desconocida', 155, 191 _n._ + + +V + +Vadillo (Doctor), 70 + +Valbás (Doctor), 32 _n._ + +Valera (Bernardino de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Francisco de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Inés de), 233 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Valera (Juan de). 233 _n._ + +Valladolid (Diego de), 39 + +Vañez (_see_ Bañez) + +Varela Osorio (Maria), 204 + +Vatable (François), 15, 16, 17, 33 _n._, 82, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Vega Carpio (Felix Lope de) 3, 244 + +Velazquez 79 + +Vicente de la Fuente 31 _n._, 32 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Villanueva (Leonor de) 6, 23 _n._ + +Villavicencio (Lorenzo de) 165 + +Vio (Cardinal Thomas de), surnamed Cajetanus 133 _n._ + +Vique (Juan) 33 _n._ + +Virgil 83, 207 + + +W + +Wordsworth 229 + + +Z + +Zumel (Francisco) 152, 153, 159, 164, 172, 193 _n._ + +Zúñiga (Diego de), _see_ Arias and Rodriguez, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, + 77, 83, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 117 _n._, 118 _n._, 119 _n._ + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Fray Luis de León, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEÓN *** + +***** This file should be named 16148-8.txt or 16148-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/4/16148/ + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Fray Luis de Leon + A Biographical Fragment + +Author: James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +Release Date: June 29, 2005 [EBook #16148] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEON *** + + + + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + + + + + + + + +HISPANIC +NOTES & MONOGRAPHS + +ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF +BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE +HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA + +I + +[Illustration: EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON] + + + + +FRAY LUIS +DE LEON + +A Biographical Fragment + +BY + +JAMES FITZMAURICE KELLY, F.B.A. + + +_With a Portrait from +an engraving after Pacheco_. + +OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +HUMPHREY MILFORD +1921 + +PRINTED IN ENGLAND +AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +BY FREDERICK HALL + + + + +PREFACE + + +This biographical sketch is, in fact, a fragment of a book which will +now never come into existence. This particular chapter has been +snatched from the burning by an accident. The name of Luis de Leon +deservedly ranks as high as that of any poet in the history of Spanish +literature; but his reputation as a poet is mostly local, while he is +known all the world over as the subject of a dubious anecdote. The +attempt is now made to render him more familiar than he has hitherto +been to English-speaking people, and to do this, to exhibit the man as +he was, it proved necessary to analyse the two volumes of his first +trial, the evidence of which is brought together in vols. X and XI of +the _Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espana_. +Edited by Miguel Salva and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, these volumes +appeared in 1847; their value is incontestable, but, though they give +the evidence as it occurs in the register of the Inquisition, this +evidence is not arranged in consistent chronological order, nor is it +supplied with an index. The work, printed seventy-three years ago, is +not within easy reach of every reader; and of those who have access to +it not all are patient enough to read steadily through so large a mass +of somewhat incoherent matter. Should any such readers be tempted to +examine the record closely, it is hoped that this sketch will do +something to make their task easier. An attempt is made here to +picture the man as he was, full of fortitude, yet not exempt from +human weakness. I trust that I have avoided the temptation to go to +the opposite extreme, and lay the blame--as has been done--for the +irregularities of the trial at Luis de Leon's own door. + +In dealing with his Spanish poems, I have tried not to put his claims +to consideration too high. Laboulaye, in _La Liberte religieuse_, +calls Luis de Leon 'le premier lyrique de l'Europe moderne'. This +phrase dates from 1859, and was addressed to a generation which +delighted in arranging authors in something like the order of a class +list. Though I have the highest opinion of Luis de Leon's genius, I +have not felt tempted to follow Laboulaye's example; I have by +preference discussed, so far as space allows, such points as the +probable chronology of Luis de Leon's poems. Once more I repeat that +this is a chapter of a book that will now never be written. + +It may be as well to add at this point a few explanatory words +concerning the plan of accentuation adopted here. There seems to be no +valid reason for applying, in a book primarily intended for English +readers, the modern Academic system to proper names borne in the +sixteenth century by men who lived more than three hundred years +before the current system was ever invented. Except of course in the +case of quotations, that system is applied rigidly only to the names +of those who have adopted it formally (as on pp. 114 _n._ and 191 +_n._). I have gone on the theory that accents should be sparingly used +in a work of this kind, and that, as accents are almost needless for +Spaniards they should be employed only when the needs of foreigners +compel their use. It is a fundamental rule in Spanish that nearly all +words ending in a consonant should be stressed on the last syllable. +But since nobody, however slightly acquainted with Spanish, is tempted +to pronounce such words as Velazquez (p. 79) or Gomez (p. 250) +incorrectly, no graphic accent is employed in such cases. Names ending +in _s_--such as Valbas--are accentuated, however, when the stress +falls on the last syllable: this prevents all possibility of +confusion with the pronunciation of ordinary plural forms. +Place-names--such as Bejar (p. 58) and Cordoba (p. 184)--are +accentuated; so are trisyllables and polysyllables such as Gongora (p. +209) and Zuniga (p. 57 and elsewhere). It will be seen that, in this +matter, I have been guided by strictly utilitarian principles. +Inconsistencies are perhaps unavoidable under any system. The plan +followed here, while it tends to diminish the total number of accents, +probably involves no more inconsistencies than any other. It is based +on rational grounds, and is, it may be hoped, less offensive to the +eye than the current system. Quotations, I repeat, are reproduced +exactly as they stand in the sources from which they profess to be +taken. + +With these words, I close what I have to say here on this subject and +commend these pages to the indulgent judgement of my readers. + +The following works, or articles, may be usefully consulted by the +student of Spanish. + + +EDITIONS. LUIS DE LEON: _Obras_, ed. A. Merino, Madrid, 1804-5-6-16. 6 +vols. [reprinted with a preface, by C. Muinos Saenz, Madrid, 1885, 6 +vols.]; _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles_, vols. XXXV, XXXVII, LIII, +LXI, and LXII; _De los nombres de Cristo_, ed. F. de Onis, Madrid, +1914-1917 [Clasicos castellanos, vols. XXVIII and XXXIII]; _La +perfecta casada_, ed. E. Wallace, Chicago, 1903; _La perfecta casada_, +ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1917; _El perfecto predicador_, +ed. C. Muinos Saenz in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1886), vol. XI, pp. +340-348, 432-447, 527-537; (1886), vol. XII, pp. 15-25, 104-111, +211-218, 322-330, 420-427, 504-512; (1887), vol. XIII, pp. 32-38, +106-114, 213-222, 302-312; (1887), vol. XIV, pp. 9-17, 154-160, +305-315, 449-459, 581-591, 729-743; _Exposition del Miserere_ +[facsimile of the Barcelona ed. of 1632], ed. A.M. Huntington, New +York, 1903. + + +WORKS OF REFERENCE: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid +hizo al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del orden de S. Agustin_, +ed. M. Salva and P. Sainz de Baranda, in _Coleccion de Documentos +ineditos para la Historia de Espana_ (Madrid, 1847), vol. X, pp. +5-575, and vol. XI, pp. 5-358; J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray +Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1863); C.A. Wilkens, _Fray Luis de Leon_ +(Halle, 1866); A. Arango y Escandon, _Frai Luis de Leon, ensayo +historico_, 2ª ed. (Mexico, 1866) [the first edition appeared in _La +Cruz_ (Mexico, 1855-56)]; F.H. Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873); M. Gutierrez, _El misticismo ortodoxo_ +(Valladolid, 1886); M. Gutierrez, _Fray Luis de Leon y la filosofia +espanola del siglo_ XVI, 2ª ed. aumentada (Madrid, 1891) [_Adiciones +postumas_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1907), vol. LXXIII, pp. 391-399, +478-494, 662-667; vol. LXXIV, pp. 49-55, 303-414, 487-496, 628-643; in +_La Ciudad de Dios_ (1908), vol. LXXV, pp. 34-47, 215-221, 291-303, +472-486]; J.M. Guardia, _Fray Luis de Leon ou la poesie dans le +cloitre_, in the _Revue germanique_ (1863), vol. XXIV, pp. 307-342; M. +Menendez y Pelayo, _Horacio en Espana, Solaces bibliograficas_ 2ª ed. +(Madrid, 1885), vol. I, pp. 11-24, vol. II, pp. 26-36; M. Menendez y +Pelayo, _Estudios de critica literaria_, 1ª serie (Madrid, 1893), pp. +1-72; F. Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso instruido por la Inquisicion +de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1896); F. Blanco +Garcia, _Fray Luis de Leon: rectificaciones biograficas_, in the +_Homenaje a Menendez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. I, pp. 153-160; +J.D.M. Ford, _Luis de Leon, the Spanish poet, humanist and mystic_, in +the _Publications of the Modern Language Association of America_ +(Baltimore, 1899), vol. XIV, pp. 267-278; F. Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis +de Leon: estudio biografico del insigne poeta agustino_ (Madrid, +1904); _Acta de la reposicion de Fray Luis de Leon en una catedra de +la Universidad de Salamanca_ in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas +y Museos_, Tercera epoca (1900), vol. IV, pp. 680-682; L.G. Alonso +Getino, _La Causa de Fr. Luis de Leon ante la critica y los nuevos +documentos historicos_, in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y +Museos_, Tercera epoca (1903), vol. IX, pp. 148-156, 268-279, 440-449; +(1904), vol. XI, pp. 288-306, 380-397; C. Muinos Saenz, _El 'Deciamos +ayer' de Fray Luis de Leon_, (Madrid, 1905); L. Alonso Getino, _Vida y +procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de Leon_ (Salamanca, 1907); C. Muinos +Saenz _El 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos_, in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560; vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, +107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX pp. 99-125, 177-197; F. +de Onis _Sobre la trasmision de la obra literaria de Fray Luis de +Leon_, in the _Revista de Filologia Espanola_ (Madrid, 1915), vol. II +pp. 217-257; R. Menendez Pidal, _Una poesia inedita de Fray Luis de +Leon_, in the _Revista de Filologia Espanola_ (Madrid, 1917), vol. IV, +pp. 389-390; C. Perez Pastor, _Bibliografia madrilena_ (Madrid, +1891-1906-1907), parte ii, pp. 254-255, and parte iii, pp. 404-409; G. +Vazquez Nunez, _El padre Francisco Zumel, general de la Merced y +catedratico de Salamanca_ (1540-1607), in _Revista de Archivos, +Bibliotecas y Museos_, Tercera epoca (1918), vol. XXXVIII, pp. 1-19, +170-190; (1918), vol. XXXIX, pp. 53-67, 237-266; (1919), vol. XL, pp. +447-466, 562-594. + +J. F-K. + + +PS. Had they reached me in time, the following two items would have +been included in the respective sections of the foregoing summary +bibliography: _Poesias originales de Fray Luis de Leon_, ed. F. de +Onis, San Jose de Costa Rica, 1920; Ad. Coster, _Notes pour une +edition des poesies de Luis de Leon_ in the _Revue hispanique_ (1919), +vol. XLVI, pp. 193-248. + + + + +I + + +We are all of us familiar with the process of 'whitewashing' +historical characters. We are past being surprised at finding Tiberius +portrayed as an austere and melancholy recluse, Henry VIII pictured as +a pietistic sentimentalist with a pedantic respect for the letter of +the law, and Napoleon depicted as a romantic idealist, seeking to +impose the Social Contract on an immature, reluctant Europe. Though +the 'whitewashing' method is probably not less paradoxical than the +opposite system, it makes a stronger and wider appeal, inasmuch as it +implies a more amiable attitude towards life, and is more consonant +with a flattering conception of the possibilities of human nature. A +prosaic narrative of established facts does not immediately recommend +itself to the average man. Possibly few have existed who were so good +and so great that they can afford to have the whole truth told about +them. At any rate, it is easier to convey a picturesque general +impression than to collect all the available evidence with the +untiring persistence of a model detective and to present it with the +impartial acumen of a competent judge. Moreover, the inertia of +pre-existing opinion has to be overcome. Once readers have been +accustomed to accept as absolutely authentic an idealized conventional +portrait of a man of genius, it is difficult to induce them to abandon +it for a more realistic likeness. In the interest of historical truth, +however, the attempt must be made. We are sometimes told that +'historical truth can afford to wait'. That may be true; but it has +waited for nearly four centuries, and, if it be divulged in English +now, the revelation lays us open to no reasonable charge of +indiscretion or indecent haste. + +It may be that the name of Luis de Leon is comparatively unknown +outside the small group of those who are regarded as specialists. +Luis de Leon is nothing like so famous as Cervantes, as Lope de Vega, +as Tirso de Molina, as Ruiz de Alarcon, and as Calderon, whose names, +if not their works, are familiar to the laity. This is one of chance's +unjust caprices. With the single exception of Cervantes perhaps no +figure in the annals of Spanish literature deserves to be more +celebrated than Luis de Leon. He was great in verse, great in prose, +great in mysticism, great in intellectual force and moral courage. +Many may recall him as the hero of a story--possibly apocryphal--in +which he figures as returning to his professorial chair after an +absence of over four years (passed in the prison-cells of the +Inquisition) and beginning his exordium to his students with the +imperturbable remark: 'We were saying yesterday.' Mainly on this +uncertain basis is constructed the current legend that Luis de Leon +was a bloodless philosopher, incapable of resentment, and, indeed, +without a touch of human weakness in his aloof and lofty nature. His +works do not lend colour to this presentation of the man, nor do the +ascertainable details of his chequered career. The conception of Luis +de Leon as a meek spirit, an unresisting victim of malignant +persecution, is not the sole view tenable of a complex character. +However, the recorded facts may be trusted to speak for themselves. + + + + +II + + +What was Luis de Leon's full name? Was it Luis Ponce de Leon? So it +would appear from the summarized results of P. Mendez printed in the +_Revista Agustiniana_.[1] The point is not without interest, for Ponce +de Leon is one of the great historic names of Spain. If Luis de Leon +was entitled to use it, he appears not to have exercised his right, +for in the report of his first trial[2] he consistently employs some +such simple formula as:--'El maestro fray Luis de Leon... digo'.[3] +The omission of the name 'Ponce' during proceedings extending over +more than four years can scarcely be accidental. It may, however, have +been due to monastic humility,[4] or to simple prudence: a desire not +to provoke opponents who declared that Luis de Leon had Jewish blood +in his veins.[5] Whether this assertion, a serious one in +sixteenth-century Spain, had any foundation in fact is disputed. It +is apparently certain that Luis de Leon's great-grandfather married a +Leonor de Villanueva, who is reported to have confessed to practising +Jewish rites and to have been duly condemned by the Inquisition in +1513 or thereabouts.[6] This does not go to the root of the matter, +for Leonor de Villanueva is alleged to have been Lope de Leon's second +wife. His first wife is stated to have been Leonor Sanchez de +Olivares, a lady of unquestioned orthodoxy, and mother of Gomez de +Leon,[7] the future grandfather of the Luis de Leon with whom we are +concerned here. If this statement be correct,[8] obviously there can +be no ground for asserting that Luis de Leon was of Jewish blood. But +it must in candour be admitted that the point is not wholly clear from +doubt.[9] + +It is now established that Luis de Leon was born at Belmonte in the +province of Cuenca: 'Belmonte de la Mancha de Aragon' as he calls +it.[10] When was he born? On his tombstone, he was stated to be +sixty-four years old when he died on August 23, 1591.[11] This is +almost the only scrap of evidence available, for no baptismal +registers dating back to the third decade of the sixteenth century are +preserved at Belmonte.[12] Did the inscription on Luis de Leon's tomb +mean that he had completed his sixty-fourth year, or did it mean that, +at the time of his death, he had entered upon his sixty-fourth year? +According to the answer given to these questions, the date of Luis de +Leon's birth must be fixed either in 1527 or 1528. + +Apart from the fact that Luis de Leon was taught singing,[13] as +became the future friend of Salinas, we know next to nothing of his +early youth. From himself we learn that he was taken from Belmonte to +Madrid when he was five or six, that at the age of fourteen he was +entered at Salamanca University, where one of his uncles--Francisco de +Leon--was lecturer on Canon Law, and that shortly afterwards he +resolved to enter a religious order.[14] The eldest son of a +judge,[15] Luis de Leon renounced most of his share of the paternal +estate,[16] and gave it up to one--or both--of his younger brothers +Cristobal and Miguel, each of whom had been _veinticuatro_ of Granada +at some date previous to April 15, 1572.[17] On January 29, 1544, Luis +de Leon was formally professed in the Augustinian order.[18] In his +monastery we may plausibly conjecture that he led a solitary and +bookish existence, poring over his texts and attending lectures +assiduously. As early as 1546-1547 his name appears on the list of +students of theology at Salamanca; the registers of theological +students covering the years 1547-1548 to 1550-1551 are missing; Luis +de Leon's name does not appear in the register for the academic year +1551-1552, but it recurs in the University books for the years +1552-1553 and 1554-1555. He there figures still as a student of +theology.[19] He would seem, therefore, to have shown no amazing +precocity in the schools; but his application, we may be sure, was +intense, and there is nothing rash in assuming that during part of +the two years that he was absent, as he tells us,[20] from Salamanca, +he was lecturing at Soria. The remaining eighteen months he probably +devoted to exegetical studies at Alcala de Henares, where he +matriculated in 1556.[21] He was about thirty when he rather +unexpectedly graduated as a bachelor of Arts at the University of +Toledo.[22] Why he preferred to take his degree at Toledo instead of +at Salamanca is not clear; it is plausibly conjectured that economy +may have been his motive, as the obtaining of a bachelor's degree at +Salamanca was an expensive business.[23] Confirmation of this +conjecture is afforded by the fact that he speedily returned to his +allegiance, was 'incorporated' as a bachelor at Salamanca in 1588, +graduated there as a licentiate of theology in May 1560, and in the +following month became a master of theology.[24] It soon became clear +that he did not regard a University degree as a mere distinction. The +retirement of Gregorio Gallo caused a vacancy in the chair of +Biblical Exegesis at Salamanca. Luis de Leon, though but a master of a +few months' standing, presented himself as a candidate for the post. +He failed to obtain it, being defeated by Gaspar de Grajal, a future +ally and fellow victim:[25] so far as can be ascertained, this was +Luis de Leon's sole academic check. Manifestly he was not daunted. He +claimed, and established, his right to take part in certain +examinations in his faculty,[26] and 'con mucho exceso' thwarted the +designs of the famous Domingo Banez, whom he afterwards described as +'enemigo capital'.[27] His combativeness did him no immediate harm, +for, in December 1561, he was elected Professor of Theology at +Salamanca.[28] He was obviously not disposed to hide his light under a +bushel, nor to perform his academic duties in a spirit of humdrum +routine. Whatever he did, he did with all his might, and his strenuous +versatility made him conspicuous in University life. In 1565 he was +transferred from the theological chair to the chair of Scholastic +Theology and Biblical Criticism, in which he succeeded his old master +Juan de Guevara.[29] + +Such successes as Luis de Leon had hitherto won he owed mainly to his +own talents.[30] Brilliant as he was, there is no reason to assume +that he was personally popular in Salamanca.[31] It does not appear +that he made any effort to win popularity; nor is it certain that he +would have succeeded even if he had sought to win it. His temper was +impulsive, his disposition was critical and independent; his tongue +and pen were sharp and made enemies among members of his own order; +moreover, he contrived to alienate the Dominicans, a powerful body in +Salamanca, as in the rest of Spain. No doubt he had many admirers, +especially among his own students. Yet the University, as a whole, +stood slightly aloof from him, and before long in certain obscurantist +circles cautious hints of latitudinarianism were murmured against him. +For these mumblings there was absolutely no sort of foundation.[32] +As might be inferred from the simple fact that he was afterwards +chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, Luis de Leon was +the most orthodox of men. His selection for this piece of work may +have been due to the influence of the saint's friend and successor, +Madre Ana de Jesus, who had the highest opinion of him.[33] But it was +not often that he produced so favourable a personal impression; he had +not mastered the gentle art of ingratiation; it is even conceivable +that he did not strictly observe St. Paul's injunction to 'suffer +fools gladly'.[34] Though fundamentally humble-minded, he was +intolerant of what he thought to be nonsense: a quality which would +perhaps not endear him to all his colleagues. He set a proper value on +himself and his attainments; he was prone to sift the precious metal +of truth from the dross of uninformed assertion; he had an incurable +habit of choosing his friends from amongst those who shared his +tastes. A good Hebrew scholar, he was on terms of special intimacy +with Gaspar de Grajal and with Martin Martinez de Cantalapiedra,[35] +respectively Professors of Biblical Exegesis and of Hebrew in the +University of Salamanca. Frank to the verge of indiscretion and +suspecting no evil, Luis de Leon scattered over Salamanca fagots each +of which contained innumerable sticks that his opponents used later to +beat him with. Lastly, he had the misfortune, as it proved later, to +differ profoundly on exegetical points from a veteran Professor of +Latin, Rhetoric, and Greek.[36] This was Leon de Castro, a man of +considerable but unassimilated learning, an astute wire-puller and +incorrigible reactionary whose name figures in the bibliographies as +the author of a series of commentaries on Isaiah--a performance which +has not been widely read since its tardy first appearance in 1571. The +delay in publishing this work, and the contemporary neglect of it, +were apparently ascribed by Castro to the personal hostility of Luis +de Leon who, though he did not approve of the book, seems to have been +perfectly innocent on both heads.[37] + +The fires of these differences had smouldered for some years when, +during the University course (as it appears) of 1568-1569, Luis de +Leon gave a series of lectures wherein he discussed, with critical +respect, the authority attaching to the Vulgate. The respect passed +almost unnoticed; the criticism gave a handle to a group of vigilant +foes. Since 1569 a good deal of water has flowed under the bridges +which span the Tormes, and it is intrinsically likely that, were the +objectionable lectures before us, Luis de Leon might appear to be an +ultra-conservative in matters of Biblical criticism. But this is not +the historical method. In judging the action of Leon de Castro and his +allies we must endeavour to adjust ourselves to the sixteenth-century +point of view. Matters would seem to have developed somewhat as +follows. In 1569 a committee was formed at Salamanca for the purpose +of revising Francois Vatable's version of the Bible; both Luis de Leon +and Leon de Castro were members of this committee,[38] and as they +represented different schools of thought, there were lively passages +between the two. It is customary to lay at Castro's door all the blame +for the sequel. Nothing is likelier than that Leon de Castro was +incoherent in his recriminations and provocative in tone: it is +further alleged that his commentaries on Isaiah contained gratuitous +digs at the views on Scriptural interpretation ascribed to Luis de +Leon. It may well be that Luis de Leon, who had in him something of +the irritability of a poet, took umbrage at these indirect attacks, +and entered upon the discussion in a fretful state of mind. According +to Leon de Castro, whose testimony on this point is uncontradicted, +the climax came about in connexion with the text: 'Out of the mouth of +babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise.' Castro obstinately +maintained that Vatable's interpretation of this passage was an +interpretation favoured by the Jews against whom he cherished an +incorrigible prejudice. Luis de Leon is reported to have lost patience +at this assertion, and to have said that he would cause Castro's +_Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_ to be burnt. Castro, whatever his +faults, was not the man to be cowed by a threat, and he retorted with +the remark that, by God's grace, this should not come to pass, and +that if there were any burning it would be applied rather to Luis de +Leon and his family.[39] Having fired his bolt, but conscious that he +was in a minority on the committee, Castro concluded with the sulky +declaration that he did not propose to attend any further meetings of +that body. He would seem to have changed his mind later on this point, +modestly alleging that he gave way to the insistence of others who +deemed his presence indispensable, on account of his knowledge of +languages.[40] Whatever his linguistic accomplishments, they did not +produce the desired effect, for Vatable's version of the Bible was +passed as revised by the committee of Salamancan theologians in 1571, +though, for some unexplained reason, their revised text was not +published till thirteen years later. + +The quarrel between Castro and Luis de Leon soon became public +property. Passions were ablaze in a moment. Parties were formed, and +Castro found much support, especially among the body of +undergraduates, of whom one at least ingenuously described himself as +'del bando de Jesucristo'.[41] There was almost as much tumult in the +University of Salamanca as in Agramante's camp. Even if Castro thought +that the hour of his triumph was at hand, he was too experienced and +too Spanish to be precipitate. He may well have had an inkling that, +if many were repelled by Luis de Leon's austerity and implacable +righteousness, his own reputation as a pedant and reactionary did not +mark him out for leadership. His lack of expository power may also +have struck him as a disqualification.[42] Further, on tactical +grounds, he may have argued that his notorious hostility to Luis de +Leon made it advisable for him not to figure too prominently in the +ranks of the attacking party. Whatever his motive may have been, +Castro gave place to a younger and far abler man, the well-known +Dominican, Bartolome de Medina, whose relations with Luis de Leon, +never cordial, had grown strained, owing to various checks and +disappointments. Medina honestly differed from Luis de Leon's views as +regards Scriptural interpretation; he would have been a good deal more +(or less) than human if he had not been galled by a series of small +personal mortifications. He particularly resented, as well he might, +being out-argued when he presented himself before Luis de Leon to be +examined for his licentiateship of theology; the knowledge that this +incident was talked over by mocking students did not improve +matters.[43] Medina was, however, too wily to delate Luis de Leon +directly; he reported to the Inquisition on the general situation at +Salamanca, and in this document no names were mentioned. Luis de Leon +was not in a position to counteract the manoeuvres of his opponents. +It is not certain that he could have done so, had he been continuously +in Salamanca at this time: as it happened, he was absent at Belmonte +from the beginning of 1571 till the month of March, and on his return +he fell ill. All this while, Medina and Castro were free to go about +sowing tares, making damaging suggestions, and collecting such +corroborative evidence as could be gleaned from ill-disposed +colleagues and garrulous or slow-witted students.[44] It appears that +Medina's statement, embodying seventeen propositions which (as he +averred) were taught at Salamanca, reached the Supreme Inquisition in +Madrid on December 2, 1571; on December 13 the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca was instructed to ascertain the source of the +statement,[45] and to report on the tenability of the views set forth +in the seventeen propositions.[46] Evidently the matter was regarded +as urgent: for, on December 17, the Inquisitionary Commissary opened +his preliminary inquiry at Salamanca. The sole witness called at the +first sitting was Medina,[47] who repeated his assertions, mentioning +Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de Cantalapiedra as offenders. A +committee of five persons was appointed to examine into the orthodoxy +of the views alleged to be held by these three. As Leon de Castro was +a member of this committee, and as none of the other four members was +in sympathy with Luis de Leon, the general tenor of the committee's +findings might readily be predicted. These findings were somewhat +hastily adopted by the local Inquisition at Valladolid on January 26, +1572, when the arrest of Grajal and Martinez de Cantalapiedra was +recommended.[48] Up to this point Luis de Leon would seem not to have +been officially implicated by name, though he was clearly aimed at, +especially by Castro who appeared before the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca, and reiterated Medina's charges with some +wealth of rancorous detail.[49] + +With significant promptitude effect was given to the recommendation of +the local Inquisition: Grajal was apprehended on March 1; shortly +afterwards Martinez de Cantalapiedra was likewise apprehended; and, as +these measures seemed to arouse no feeling more dangerous than +surprise in Salamanca, it was conceivably thought safe to fly at +higher game. Manifestly, Luis de Leon must have known that something +perilous was afoot when he handed in a most respectfully-worded +written statement on March 6, 1572.[50] By about this time there had +arrived in Salamanca Diego Gonzalez--an experienced official, whose +conduct of the Inquisitionary case against Bartolome de Carranza, the +Archbishop of Toledo, has earned him an unenviable repute.[51] Under +the presidency of Gonzalez, who might be trusted to keep the weaker +brethren, if there were any, up to the mark, the local Inquisition on +March 15 resolved to recommend the arrest of Luis de Leon. Apparently +the gravity of this step was recognized. Another sitting was held on +March 19, and a vote was taken with the result that the previous +decision was confirmed by four votes to two. It should not, however, +be assumed that the vote of the two implied any marked personal +sympathy with Luis de Leon. On the contrary: the difference between +the majority and the minority was concerned solely with a question of +procedure. The minority suggested that it would cause less fuss and +less scandal to seize Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de +Cantalapiedra, to place each of them in solitary confinement for a +short while in a Valladolid monastery, and thence to remove them, +without trial, to the secret prison of the Inquisition.[52] It is +difficult to detect the humanitarian motive of this alternative +proposal. + + + + +II + + +[Footnote 1: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. III, p. 127. +'Lope Alvarez Ponce de Leon, Regidor de Segovia... caso dos veces: la +primera con Dona Leonor Sanchez de Olivares, hija de Diez Sanchez de +Olivares y hermana de aquel valiente caballero Don Pedro de Olivares, +comendador del Olmo, del orden de Calatrava en tiempo del Maestro D. +Rodrigo Tellez Giron. De este matrimonio tuvieron tres hijos. En +segundas nupcias caso con Dona Leonor de Villanueva, y tuvieron dos +hijos; pero no declaran quienes fueron del primer matrimonio, y +quienes del segundo. Solo de D. Gomez consta que es del primer +matrimonio.'] + +[Footnote 2: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid hizo +al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del orden de S. Agustin._ This +_proceso_, edited by D. Miguel Salva and D. Pedro Sainz de Baranda, +occupies the tenth volume and pp. 5-358 of the eleventh volume of the +_Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana_ (Madrid, +1847).] + +[Footnote 3: Ex. gr. _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-97, +184-185, 255-256; vol. XI, pp. 38, 131, 350.] + +[Footnote 4: It is established beyond doubt, however, that some +members of the family used the name Ponce. The works of Luis de Leon's +eminent nephew, Basilio, an Augustinian like himself, bear on their +title-pages the words 'Basilius Pontius Legionensis'.] + +[Footnote 5: This assertion is made emphatically by Diego de Haedo, +the prosecuting counsel on behalf of the Inquisition; he calls Luis de +Leon a 'descendiente de generacion de judios' (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 206). An echo of the charge is faintly audible in Luis de +Leon's own testimony. It is repeated with violence by Leon de Castro: +'...enojado de la porfia el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo a este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahias, y este declarante le respondio que con la gracia de Dios que +ni el, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas a las +juntas' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 12).] + +[Footnote 6: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 157.] + +[Footnote 7: See note 1.] + +[Footnote 8: Luis de Leon apparently took no special interest in his +family history. Before the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid on +April 15, 1572, he traced his descent no further back than his +grandparents, adding that, as he entered religion when he was fourteen +years old, 'no tiene entera noticia de que casta vienen los dichos sus +padres y agueelos, mas de haber oido decir que ciertos contrarios que +tuvo su padre, le pusieron en su hidalguia que venia de casta de +conversos. + +E preguntado si sabe que alguno de los de su descendencia o +trasversalia haya seido preso o peniado o condenado por este Santo +Oficio; dijo que no lo sabe' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 182). + +By May 14, 1573, Luis de Leon had recalled further particulars: +'Porque mi padre fue un hombre muy catolico y muy principal como +conocio todo el reino, y su padre que se llamo Gomez de Leon lo fue no +menos que el en su lugar, y este tuvo un hermano de padre y madre que +se llamo el licenciado Pedro de Leon, que fue collegial en el collegio +del Cardenal desta villa como se puede luego saber; y el padre de +ambos, visagueelo mio, se llamo Lope de Leon muy catolico y de los mas +honrados y principales de su lugar; y el padre de este y visagueelo +mio, se llamo Pero Fernandez de Leon que le trujo el primer Senor de +Belmonte consigo a aquel lugar, y fue alcaide en la fortaleza del todo +el tiempo que vivio, y el mas principal y mas limpio que habia en el, +desto que el mundo llama limpieza, como siendo necesario probare +bastantemente' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 385-386). This +challenge was never taken up.] + +[Footnote 9: It is not free from doubt because, though some of the +witnesses, whose testimony is given in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +pp. 146-174, are doubtless in good faith in their evidence as to Luis +de Leon's Jewish descent, they refer to events which happened long +before; and their memories are apt to play them false and their +narratives are muddled. Luis de Leon appears to point to these +depositions when he says: 'Y no se hallara en memoria de hombres ni de +escrituras ciertas, que nombrada y senaladamente alguno de todos mis +antecesores se haya convertido a la fe de nuevo' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 386). In common fairness, it should be said that +the statement of P. Mendez [see note 1] is more in the nature of +assertion unsupported by full evidence.] + +[Footnote 10: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180.] + +[Footnote 11: M.R.P. Francisco Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: +estudio biografico del insigne poeta agustino_, p. 254.] + +[Footnote 12: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 23. On April 15, 1572, +Luis de Leon stated that he was about forty-four (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180): '...de edad de cuarenta e cuatro anos, +poco mas o menos tiempo'. This is perhaps too vague to furnish a basis +for a conclusion.] + +[Footnote 13: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 173.] + +[Footnote 14: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 182. Luis de Leon +states that he made up his mind as to his religious vocation within +four or five months of reaching Salamanca.] + +[Footnote 15: 'El licenciado Lope de Leon, oidor que fue de la +Chancilleria de Granada, defunto, y Dona Ines de Alarcon su muger, que +agora vive en Granada.' So Luis de Leon described his parents at the +first sitting of the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 16: 'Y en lo que toca a mi vida, aunque estoy lleno de +faltas y pecados mas que otro alguno; pero esto es verdad que yo tome +el habito de religion que tengo, de 14 anos de mi edad, y deje cuatro +mill ducados de renta que mi padre tenia vinculados en mi cabeza como +en el mayor de sus hijos' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 386).] + +[Footnote 17: Luis de Leon seems to have arranged that his brother +Miguel should pay him annually a small sum which was, apparently, to +be spent on books. This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's reply +to a claim lodged against him by one Lucas Junta, a bookseller of +Salamanca, on March 17, 1575 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 51, +52). It seems doubtful whether Miguel reached Luis's standard of +punctuality in the matter of payment (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, +p. 196). Luis de Leon had two sisters, Mencia de Tapia and Maria de +Alarcon. The latter had died before April, 1572. So had another +brother, Antonio, who was a priest (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. +182).] + +[Footnote 18: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. I, p. 414.] + +[Footnote 19: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, pp. 47-48.] + +[Footnote 20: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 182.] + +[Footnote 21: J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray Luis de Leon_, +Madrid, 1863, p. 10.] + +[Footnote 22: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 59.] + +[Footnote 23: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 59, note I.] + +[Footnote 24: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 60.] + +[Footnote 25: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 62, note 4. Grajal was so +greatly struck with his opponent's ability that he supported Luis de +Leon in all his subsequent candidatures. On this point we have an +explicit statement from Luis de Leon: 'Es verdad que el maestro Grajal +ha sido y es mi amigo, y querelle yo bien comenzo de que habiendo sido +primero competidores en la catreda de Biblia que el llevo, en las +demas oposiciones que yo hice, sin sabello yo, trato en mi favor con +tanto cuidado y con tan gran encarecimiento de buenas palabras, que +cuando lo supe quede obligado a tratalle, y del trato resulto conocer +en el uno de los hombres de mas sanas y limpias entranas y mas sin +doblez que yo he tratado; y ansi nuestra amistad fue siempre, no como +de hombres de letras para comunicar y conferir nuestros estudios, sino +como de dos hombres que trataban ambos de ser hombres de bien, y por +conocer esto el uno del otro se querian bien' (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, pp. 326-327).] + +[Footnote 26: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 21-22.] + +[Footnote 27: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 261-262.] + +[Footnote 28: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 63.] + +[Footnote 29: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 64.] + +[Footnote 30: Not altogether, for though Luis de Leon had, in an +eminent degree, the knack of success in all open competitions, the +students took part in the elections of professors at Salamanca, and +this element disturbed calculations.] + +[Footnote 31: This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's assertion: +'en aquella universidad yo tengo muchos enemigos por causa de mis +pretendencias' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 574).] + +[Footnote 32: On this head, Luis de Leon's acquittal by the Supreme +Inquisition speaks for itself.] + +[Footnote 33: 'Es muy santo... Tiene mucho caudal de Dios'. These +encomiastic phrases of the pious nun's are quoted by Blanco Garcia +(_op. cit._, p. 245) from Angel Manrique, _Vida de la Venerable Ana de +Jesus_ (Bruselas, 1632), p. 328. Manrique's biography is not within my +reach.] + +[Footnote 34: Luis de Leon's probity was not free from a touch of +brusqueness. This is disclosed by his own description of his behaviour +to a dullard who made his life at Salamanca a burden: 'Acerca del +capitulo cuarto, demas de lo dicho digo que creo que este testigo es +un bachiller Rodriguez, y por otro nombre el doctor Sutil que en +Salamanca llaman por burla; y sospecholo de que dice en este capitulo +que le deje sin respuesta, porque jamas deje de responder a ninguna +persona de aquella universidad que me preguntase algo, sino a este que +digo, con el cual por ser falto de juicio y preguntar algunas veces +cosas desatinadas, y colligir disparates de lo que oia y no entendia, +me enojaba y le decia que era tonto. Y otras veces por no enojarme ni +desconcertarme con el no le respondia nada, sino huia del' +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 357-358).] + +[Footnote 35: This was the contention of the prosecuting counsel. Luis +de Leon, however, declared that, highly as he thought of Martinez de +Cantalapiedra's patristic learning, there was no marked intimacy +between them, and that he often did not meet Martinez de Cantalapiedra +for a year or two. 'Ni yo tenia con el trato ni conversacion +ordinaria; antes se pasaba un ano y dos anos que no le veia ni +hablaba.... Y siempre le tuve y tengo por el hombre mas leido en los +sanctos de cuantos hay en aquella universidad' (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 227).] + +[Footnote 36: Leon de Castro's first appointment at Salamanca is dated +March 28, 1549: he was 'jubilado' on July 5, 1561. See Vicente de la +Fuente, _Historia de las universidades, colegios y demas +establecimientos en Espana_ (Madrid, 1884-1889), vol. II, p. 250.] + +[Footnote 37: Francisco Sanchez, possibly _El Brocense_, testified to +Castro's saying: '_isti judaei et judaizantes_ me han echado a perder, +y por eso no se vende mi libro'. Sanchez bluntly told the Inquisitors +that he did not believe this, and attributed the book's failure to its +size and price (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 299-300). It is +suggested by Vicente de la Fuente (_op. cit._, vol. II, p. 289, note +3) that there was some basis for Castro's opinion. Luis de Leon +implicitly denied the charge, which he manifestly thought beneath +contempt: 'Y si yo hubiera tratado como Leon cree de que la +Inquisicion vedara su libro, yo hiciera que se advirtiera. Y aunque el +doctor Valbas en Alcala a quien fue cometido por el Consejo Real, al +principio le quito grandes pedazos adonde trataba a San Hieronimo como +me trata a mi agora, no le pudo quitar esto que yo digo, por que era +quitalle todo el libro,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 352). +Luis de Leon tried in a friendly way to convince Castro about the +errors in his book before it was published and as soon as the printing +began (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 351). This intervention +would nettle Castro, who seems to have had Jewry on the brain; he +mentioned, apparently, that Vatable, St. Jerome, and St. John +Chrysostom were all Jews or Judaizers (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 294). What probably nettled Castro still more was that Luis de Leon +found fault with his knowledge of Latin and Greek: 'lo cual el sentia +mucho porque tocaba en propio de su profesion.' Luis de Leon proposed +to call five witnesses on this point (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 256-257), but this was ruled out as irrelevant (_impertinente_) by +the Inquisitionary Tribunal.] + +[Footnote 38: The Chairman of this Committee was Francisco Sancho, +Dean of the Theological Faculty of Salamanca. The other members--at +any rate those who signed Sancho's copy of Vatable (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 521-522)--were Juan de Almeida, Don Carlos, +Garcia del Castillo, Diego Gonzalez, Grajal, Juan de Guevara, Martinez +de Cantalapiedra, Bartolome de Medina, Muniz, and Juan Vique. As the +names of Luis de Leon and Juan Gallo are omitted, the list cannot be +thought exhaustive. So, also, are the names of Bravo and Munon absent +from the list. These last two omissions are readily explained. Bravo +and Munon had both died before December 26, 1571 (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 10).] + +[Footnote 39: Castro's statement was: 'Porfio de tal manera [fray Luis +de Leon] que no era el sentido este deste lugar, y despues de visto +que era ansi, porfio... que tambien podia ser verdadero el sentido de +los judios...; dijo este testigo que aunque viniesen todos los +letrados del mundo, no podrian hacer que aquel sentido de los judios +pudiese venir ni cuadrar con la letra griega, ni hebrea ni latina,... +y enojado de la porfia el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo a este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahias, y este declarante le respondio que con la gracia de Dios que +ni el, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas a las +juntas' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 11-12). Though far from +friendly to Luis de Leon, the Dominican Juan Gallo was provoked into +saying that he would pare Castro's claws till the blood streamed from +him: 'queriendo decir por las unas que era este declarante aspero +porque les decia que era aquello de judaizantes, y que no lo decia por +ellos, sino porque defendian las cosas de judios;...' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, P. 15).] + +[Footnote 40: 'Y el colegio de teologos envio al maestro fray Juan de +Guevara y a otro maestro, a pedirle y mandarle que no faltase de alli +porque no podian hacer nada sin las lenguas.' This is Castro's +version. (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 12.)] + +[Footnote 41: Castro states (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 16) +that this pious student was Bernardino de Mendoza, son of the Marques +de Mondejar.] + +[Footnote 42: Bartolome de Carranza mentions (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. XI, p. 279) Castro's muddle-headed knack of misunderstanding what +was said to him, and his propensity to argue points, imagining that +his opponents had said the very reverse of what they had said. As to +Castro's lack of expository power, Luis de Leon states, 'tiene falta +de lengua' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 327).] + +[Footnote 43: This is established by the evidence of Mancio, a +professor who came to Medina's rescue: '...vio este testigo quel +dicho fray Luis de Leon arguyo al dicho fray Bartolome de Medina muy +bien, e que no le concluyo, y ques verdad que tuvo el dicho fray +Bartolome de Medina padrino en este testigo para ayudalle y le ayudo +para los argumentos que se le ofrecieron; e que lo queste testigo +conto a los estudiantes fue que tuvo necesidad el dicho fray Bartolome +de Medina que le ayudase, aunque sin padrinos pudiera el responder' +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 317). This must be dated before +February, 1570, when Medina took his degree as Master of Theology +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 340). In May-June, 1571, Luis de +Leon and Medina had a squabble as to the distribution of lectures. The +Rector of Salamanca decided in Medina's favour: Luis de Leon appealed +to the Consejo Real at Madrid, and won his case on September 23, 1566 +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 323-327).] + +[Footnote 44: The evidence of Alonso Rejon (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 51) seems conclusive: '...preso ya el maestro Grajal, se +llego a este declarante el maestro fray Luis de Leon... quejandose de +algunos maestros de esta universidad y particularmente del maestro +fray Juan Gallego, que admitian dichos de estudiantes, los cuales +decian algunas cosas diferentemente de lo que las habian leido los +maestros,...' As to Medina's action, Luis de Leon wrote (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 228): 'Tambien me acuerdo que vino un +estudiante a mi, y tomandome palabra de secreto, me dijo que fray +Bartolome de Medina andaba haciendo pesquisa de Grajal y Martinez, +aunque no me los nombro, pero entendilo de las senas que dio; y que a +el le habia preguntado, y el le habia dicho cinco o seis cosas que les +habia oido, y acuerdome de dos dellas, porque me parecio que me tocaba +a mi tambien. La una era de la Vulgata que se podria hacer otra mejor, +y yo le dije riendo: _pues quieren atar las manos a Dios que no pueda +hacer un profeta en su iglesia_. Y la otra era que los Cantares eran +_Carmen amatorium_, y le dije: _Carmen amatorium_ ni dice bien ni mal. +Si dice _Carmen amatorium carnale_, eso es mal; pero si dice _Carmen +amatorium spirituale_, eso verdad es. Y a lo demas que me dijo, me +encogi, como cosa que oia entonces, y no entendia bien lo que queria +decir, a todo cuanto me acuerdo;...'] + +[Footnote 45: These data, given by Blanco Garcia (_op. cit._, pp. +111-115), are derived from the record of Grajal's trial.] + +[Footnote 46: The seventeen propositions are printed in _Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 286-287; they are reproduced by Blanco Garcia +(_op. cit._, p. 111). According to Bartolome de Medina (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 66), the teaching of the doctrines embodied in +the seventeen propositions scandalized the Salamancan students.] + +[Footnote 47: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 5-7.] + +[Footnote 48: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 113.] + +[Footnote 49: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 7-18.] + +[Footnote 50: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-102.] + +[Footnote 51: See _Documentos ineditos_, vol. LXVIII.] + +[Footnote 52: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, pp. 114-115.] + + + + +III + + +Though, in accord with the customary procedure in such cases, each +witness who appeared before Gonzalez was sworn to secrecy, it is +evident that there was no mystery in Salamanca as to the intention of +the Valladolid Inquisitors. On March 25, 1572, a day before the formal +order for the arrest of Luis de Leon was actually signed, Diego de +Valladolid was accepted as bail to the amount of two thousand ducats, +that the said Luis de Leon would go quietly to prison in Valladolid +without making any attempt at escape.[53] A document to this effect +was drawn up and was duly signed by three witnesses, of whom one was a +Familiar of the Inquisition, Francisco de Almansa. It seems likely +that Almansa may have suspected that, for the time being, the hours of +Luis de Leon's comparative freedom were already numbered; for, on the +following day (March 26, 1572), Almansa was appointed _alguacil_ of +the Valladolid Inquisitionary court, was directed to arrest Luis de +Leon wherever he might be--'in church, or monastery, or other hallowed +place'--and was further ordered to sequestrate any arms, cash, jewels, +or papers which the prisoner might have about him.[54] Almansa, to +whom Luis de Leon was perfectly well known,[55] obeyed instructions, +and reached the Valladolid jail with his captive at about six o'clock +in the evening of Thursday, March 27, 1572.[56] After being carefully +searched, Luis de Leon was lodged in the secret cells of the +Inquisition, and there, except for his appearances in court, he was +detained for over four years and eight months.[57] + +Though he was notoriously in weak health, the prisoner does not seem +to have received any special consideration. On the other hand, it +cannot be maintained that, at the outset, his judges treated him with +inhumanity. That Luis de Leon was nervous about himself, and that he +believed it possible he might die without warning is the impression +conveyed by a fervent act of faith which, though undated, was probably +written almost as soon as his imprisonment began. On March 31, Luis de +Leon asked for various things besides four books: one of them a box of +powder with which he was usually provided by a nun named Ana de +Espinosa to alleviate his heart-attacks.[58] This petition was +granted. Luis de Leon's request for a knife to cut his food with was +so clearly against all prison regulations that he can scarcely have +expected a favourable reply.[59] The Inquisitors met him half-way by +ordering that he should at once be supplied with a rounded spoon, +sufficient for his purpose, though useless to a prisoner of suicidal +tendencies.[60] At this stage, it cannot be said that Luis de Leon was +treated with any want of lenity. There was no reason why he should be. +He was arrested mainly on suspicion of being concerned in the (purely +imaginary) Jewish propaganda imputed to his colleagues Grajal and +Martinez de Cantalapiedra; the evidence against him was second-hand +and meagre. + +Before long matters began to take a graver aspect. A definite +charge[61] emerged that some ten or eleven years earlier[62] Luis de +Leon had translated from the Hebrew into Spanish the _Song of +Solomon_, to which he appended a commentary, also in Spanish. This he +did at the request of a nun whose name is incidentally revealed as +'Dona Isabel Osorio, monja de Sancti Espiritu de Salamanca'.[63] That +Luis de Leon's proceeding was most imprudent is undeniable. With +characteristic courage and candour, in his first _confesion_ of March +6, he volunteered the admission that he had made such a rendering.[64] +At this moment he was apparently unaware that the existence of this +rendering had been already brought to the notice of the Inquisition by +Medina.[65] Nobody questions Luis de Leon's good faith. Nevertheless +one gets the impression that he felt this to be a weak point in his +case. It was. He had committed a serious indiscretion by infringing +the general prohibition of vernacular versions of any part of +Scripture. No doubt it might be contended that his rendering of the +_Song of Solomon_, and his commentary on it, were originally meant to +be used by only one private person; that the prohibition referred to +the circulation of vernacular versions; that this particular version, +made for the exclusive use of Dona Isabel Osorio, did not amount to +circulation (within the four corners of the general prohibition); and +that such circulation as had taken place had occurred against the will +of the translator. This is not mere sophistry. What seems to have +happened was this. It appears that a lay brother, named Diego de Leon, +part of whose business it was to tidy Luis de Leon's cell, stumbled +one day upon the original manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Solomon_, copied it without leave or licence, and allowed so +many transcriptions of his copy to be made that it became absolutely +impossible for the translator to control or recall them +afterwards.[66] Manifestly Diego de Leon did not venture to remove the +original manuscript from its resting-place; it was still in Luis de +Leon's monastery-cell on November 7, 1573.[67] Search being made for +it, the version was found, handed over to the Inquisitionary +authorities, and retained by them when judgement was pronounced.[68] +There is evidence to show that many manuscript copies of the +vernacular _Song of Solomon_ stole into existence and were widely +distributed. On March 6, 1572, Luis de Leon, whose references to this +matter are tinged with regret, uses words which seem to imply that a +copy had reached Portugal; and an inquiry, opened at Cuzco in the +autumn of 1575, revealed the fact that a transcription of the +_Cantares que llaman de fray Luis de Leon_ had been made by Fray Luis +Alvarez and conveyed by him to South America. This transcription, +after being recopied by a Lima graduate, who appears to have left for +Spain to continue his studies at the University of Alcala de Henares, +was deposited in the public library of Quito which was housed in the +Augustinian monastery there.[69] This episode denotes a morbid +curiosity which must have been revolting to Luis de Leon's austere +nature. He candidly avowed doubts as to the prudence of facilitating +the reading of the _Song of Solomon_ in Spanish, and would have +cancelled all manuscript copies if he could.[70] In this respect, +however, he was powerless, and no better remedy occurred to him than +to set to work on a Latin version which, when printed, should supplant +the Spanish rendering. This he hoped to be able to disown. But fate +was hostile to his design. Constant ill-health hindered him from +making rapid headway with his projected Latin translation. He +submitted himself to the Court which, naturally enough, vouchsafed no +reply to his request for alternative suggestions as to how he could +make amends for a preliminary error of judgement.[71] + +If Luis de Leon's opponents expected to overwhelm him by the +suddenness, vehemence, or volume of their attack, they must speedily +have been disillusioned. The mystic poet proved to be a formidable +fighting-man. Before very long it must have dawned upon the +Inquisitionary deputies at Valladolid that they had caught a Tartar. +Unversed in the ways of the world, Luis de Leon came of a legal stock, +and was thoroughly at home in a law-court. A master of dialectics, he +was always alert, always prompt to criticize the evidence, always +ready to deal with every point as it arose, always prepared to furnish +elaborate written or verbal explanations as to every detail concerning +which the tribunal could harbour a reasonable doubt. The official +secretaries of the Court--Celedon Gustin and the rest of them--must +have grown to dread Luis de Leon's continual demands for sheets of +paper on which to write his long, considered replies. It would be +idle to attempt to summarize the technical arguments advanced by each +side in support of conflicting views on doctrinal or exegetical +problems. In this place, it will suffice to advert to points which +help to illuminate the character of Luis de Leon, or to exemplify the +attitude of the court towards him. + +At the outset, as already stated, there seems to have existed no +decided prejudice against Luis de Leon in the minds of his judges: +they apparently administered the existing system in a not illiberal +spirit. There are indications, however, that this position of relative +impartiality was not maintained. That the court became gradually +biased against the accused seems to follow from the small but eloquent +fact of its rejecting Luis de Leon's petition that his University +chair should not be declared vacant till the end of his trial.[72] It +cannot be argued that the judges were concerned for the efficiency of +the teaching in the University of Salamanca--a matter in which they +took no sort of interest. The decision of the court in Luis de Leon's +case was in direct conflict with the ruling of the same court as +regards Barrientos, another Salamancan professor who was in custody of +the Valladolid Inquisition on May 20, 1572.[73] It was then settled +that Barrientos should not be disturbed, and that no successor to him +should be appointed so long as he was imprisoned. Luis de Leon's chair +was declared vacant as soon as his normal tenure of four years had +expired; the ordinary course of unquestioned renewal was not followed; +and, to make matters worse, his implacable opponent, Bartolome de +Medina, was appointed to succeed Luis de Leon in his chair.[74] For +this appointment, no doubt, the University of Salamanca is entitled to +claim such credit as is due. But no such appointment would have been +possible had the Valladolid Inquisitors been consistent. What caused +the court to be more severe to Luis de Leon than to his colleague +Barrientos? + +This instance of inconsiderateness is not unique. As time went on the +bias of the court against the accused waxed rather than waned. Luis de +Leon's ill-health was notorious and, in fact, so obvious that it is +recorded by the court in an official minute.[75] His state did not +improve in jail. Suffering from fever--'como a sus mercedes les +consta'--so he says plaintively--he had nobody to look after him in +his secret cell save a sleepy-headed boy, a fellow-prisoner who was +half a simpleton. Luis de Leon had fainted from lack of food, and, in +the circumstances, it is not surprising that he should have asked to +be allowed the companionship of a monk of his order--preferably Fray +Alonso Siluente--or anybody else whom the court should think fit to +name.[76] Somewhat later, while still suffering from fever, Luis de +Leon begged that, on his providing satisfactory bail, he might be +transferred from his prison-cell to some neighbouring monastery, where +he could be detained till the end of his trial. So depressed was he +at this moment that he even welcomed the idea of being placed in a +Dominican monastery; it was true that the Dominicans were hostile to +him, yet if he died among them, he should be dying like a Christian, +surrounded by religious--not like a heathen with a blackamoor at his +bedside.[77] The first of these two requests was made to the +Valladolid judges, who passed it on to the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid; the reply of this body was discouraging, for, though the +request was granted in principle, impossible conditions, tantamount to +a refusal, were imposed.[78] Luis de Leon's second request was +addressed direct to the Inquisitor-General: this petition was +disregarded. In other matters, less urgent but not less important from +an orthodox point of view, the Inquisitionary judges at Valladolid +made no concession to the prisoner. He asked to be allowed to go to +confession, and to say Mass once a fortnight in the hall where his +case was heard.[79] Apparently a deaf ear was turned to his +entreaties. A hostile critic might be tempted to say that a vindictive +spirit prevailed in the deliberations of the Valladolid tribunal. + +It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, as the case developed, +the attitude of the Valladolid judges became less and less favourable +to Luis de Leon. Judges are mortals and liable to error. The very +pertinacity of the prisoner may have impressed them badly.[80] It is +in the highest degree improbable that they attached any importance to +his few slips. He speaks of having a naturally weak memory which, so +he declares, had grown worse while he was in prison,[81] and he was +frankly sceptical as to the possibility of any man's recalling every +incident in squabbles that happened years before.[82] As it happens, +his memory seems to have been excellent. No doubt it failed him now +and then; but seldom did it mislead him on any essential point.[83] It +is conceivable that Luis de Leon's judges at Valladolid thought him +lacking in deference. Though perfectly respectful, his attitude to +them was anything but subservient. The judges were accustomed to see +prisoners who were brought before them crushed with awe and a sense of +impending doom. Conscious of the baselessness of the charges against +him, the accused seemed to take his acquittal as certain; and he stood +so little in awe of his judges that he announced his intention of +appealing over their heads to the members of the Supreme +Inquisition.[84] Timidity was not among his failings. A priest of +Astudillo, formerly a student at Salamanca, had occasionally strayed +into Luis de Leon's densely-packed lecture-room, and retained an +abiding impression of the professor's _desenvoltura_ in his chair.[85] +Luis de Leon had not become wholly subdued during the intervening +years. He did not mince words in court, and indulged in sweeping +denunciations of large groups of men; he branded all Dominicans as +'enemies';[86] he was scarcely more indulgent in speaking of the +Jeromites (who resented his opposition to the candidature of their +representative, Hector Pinto, for a chair at Salamanca);[87] and on +general grounds, not unconnected with ancient academic rancours, he +objected to the entire faculty of theology at the University of Alcala +de Henares.[88] The evidence of such persons should, he suggested, be +discounted in advance. Slow to think evil of his neighbours, Luis de +Leon was apt, once his suspicions were aroused, to fling his net +widely. He had some inkling that he and his had the fatal gift of +rousing antagonism. His uncle had been a practising lawyer, and Luis +de Leon argued that all who had suffered through the professional +activities of his kinsman should be debarred from testifying in his +case.[89] The unworldly man manifestly took it for granted that +witnesses who harboured any such grudge against him would willingly +admit it, if pressed on the point. + +Outspoken as was Luis de Leon with regard to groups, he was not less +outspoken with regard to individuals, and in this respect it must be +admitted that he does not appear at his best. Vehemence of language +had been the rule in the Salamancan _juntas_ of professors, and much +of this intemperate tone clung to Luis de Leon. No doubt large +allowances should be made for him. He knew that his honour was at +stake and that his life was in peril.[90] As he was persuaded--perhaps +rightly--he had been brought to this pass mainly through the intrigues +of an unscrupulous pair.[91] His provocation was extreme. It was +almost to be expected that he should use plain words when referring to +foes as malignant as Medina and Castro. These two men he accused of +deliberately organizing a conspiracy against him;[92] he spoke bluntly +of Medina's 'hatred', 'rage', 'trickery', and 'lying';[93] he was not +mealy-mouthed in describing Castro's 'malice', 'deceit', 'calumnies', +and 'perjury'.[94] Luis de Leon dealt no less faithfully with some +members of his own order who were spiteful or cowardly--or both. As +early as the beginning of August 1572 Fray Gabriel Montoya, Prior of +the Augustinian Monastery at Toledo, stated to the Inquisitors at +Valladolid that, in his opinion, certain remarks on the Vulgate, made +by Luis de Leon in the course of a lecture, were of an heretical +savour.[95] The value of this opinion is somewhat diminished by the +fact that Montoya had a personal grudge against Luis de Leon who, some +four or five years previously, had prevented Montoya's election as +Provincial of the Augustinians in Spain.[96] This check seems to have +galled Montoya, who gives the impression of being a rancorous gossip, +and, before leaving the court, he repeated a malignant rumour--derived +he knew not whence--to the effect that Luis de Leon's father had +enjoined his son to be submissive to his superiors and to follow the +current opinion in matters intellectual.[97] Luis de Leon indulges in +no circuitous phrases when he comes to deal with Montoya, whom he +describes as an enemy notorious for his untruthfulness.[98] It would +appear that much of Montoya's second-hand information came from +another Augustinian, Francisco de Arboleda,[99] who had once been a +student of Luis de Leon's,[100] and had been entrusted by the prisoner +with the delicate mission of collecting from certain theologians in +Seville opinions favourable to Luis de Leon's views upon the +Vulgate.[101] This very sensible precaution scandalized Montoya. It is +open to criticism solely on the ground that Luis de Leon chose his +agent badly. To this criticism the real answer is that Luis de Leon +had to employ what agents he could, and that nobody but Arboleda, who +was not above flattering his old master,[102] was available at the +time of his mission to Seville. Arboleda's evidence was not damaging; +it was ill-intentioned and impertinent, inasmuch as it repeated vague +rumours of the Jewish descent of the accused;[103] the gravest fact +the witness could allege was Luis de Leon's view that a friar, +despite his vow of poverty, might spend a couple of coppers without +mortal sin in buying an _Agnus Dei_.[104] Arboleda gives the +impression of being a dullard, and this is pretty much the description +of him by another member of the Augustinian order--Pedro de +Rojas,[105] son of the Marques de Pozas and afterwards Bishop of +Astorga and Osuna. Luis de Leon apparently agreed with Rojas in his +estimate of Arboleda's ability, and this may account for his +comparative leniency to the poor numbskull. More severe treatment is +meted out to another Augustinian, Diego de Zuniga, whom Luis de Leon +brands as a deliberate perjurer.[106] Who was this Zuniga? He has +generally been identified with the Zuniga who was among the first in +Spain to declare in favour of the Copernican theory;[107] this action +needed courage and Zuniga has had his reward. As he is respectfully +quoted by Galileo, he has attained something like immortality.[108] +There is, however, no conclusive evidence to show that this +enlightened writer is the Zuniga who came under Luis de Leon's lash. +The correctness of the current identification is, at least, doubtful. + +The fact that Diego de Zuniga is a frequent combination of names in +Spain is an embarrassment to the investigator. It is noticeable that +Luis de Leon's references seem to imply some doubt as to his +opponent's real name; he is obviously uncertain whether his accuser +should be called Zuniga or Rodriguez,[109] and in this uncertainty he +is not alone.[110] It appears that there were at least two +Augustinians known as Diego de Zuniga in Luis de Leon's time; it +further appears that neither of the two inherited from his father the +surname which he habitually used. Both men claimed relationship with +the Duque de Bejar--it was to the seventh Duque de Bejar that +Cervantes dedicated the First Part of _Don Quixote_ in 1605--and both +assumed the family name of that illustrious stock.[111] The original +name of the more celebrated of these Zunigas was Diego Arias;[112] the +original name of the less celebrated was Rodriguez.[113] This is not +decisive, but it may well be one of those small facts which speak +volumes. Chronology confirms the conclusion to be drawn from these +considerations. The Zuniga who appeared against Luis de Leon at +Valladolid was evidently professed as early as 1559 or 1560;[114] the +more celebrated Zuniga was not professed till 1566.[115] General +considerations point in the same direction. The views of Zuniga +(_alias_ Arias) were approximately those of Luis de Leon;[116] he +viewed matters from the same standpoint, was himself a university +professor,[117] and had something of Luis de Leon's fearlessness.[118] +Zuniga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was a man of a very different type: +pedantically attached to the letter of the law, morbidly scrupulous on +points of discipline. There seems to be no touch of burlesque +intention in Luis de Leon's presentment of the man. According to Luis +de Leon, Zuniga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was half-crazed with vanity, much +given to boasting of the esteem in which he was held at the Papal +Court. On one occasion, the fatuous Zuniga produced a short treatise +entitled _Manera para aprender todas las ciencias_, and, stating that +he proposed sending this pamphlet to the Pope, made bold to ask what +his interlocutor thought of it. Can he have been vain enough to expect +a favourable verdict? If so, he did not know his man. Luis de Leon +drily expressed his regret that a work destined for the Pope should be +so slight and should contain a number of rather commonplace passages +such as might be found in any current book of reference--though, as he +added politely, he assumed that these passages were the fruit of +independent reading. This courteous assumption, which Zuniga hastily +assured Luis de Leon was exact,[119] could not alter the fact that the +ambitious author had been severely snubbed, and this snub may well +have rankled in the mind of a man who is described as 'vindictive'. +Zuniga had another grievance against Luis de Leon, who had taken a +severe view of his companion's insolence to an official superior at a +Provincial Chapter, and had joined in making representations the +upshot of which was that the culprit was publicly and ignominiously +punished.[120] It is well-nigh incredible that the Zuniga who +championed Copernicus, and displays vigilant self-restraint in his +writings, should have been guilty of such flightiness as is brought +home to his namesake; it is by no means inconceivable that the Zuniga +who deposed against Luis de Leon should have been guilty of occasional +lapses. He is said to have been impetuous as well as vindictive;[121] +he had the dangerous gift of pulpit eloquence[122] and may have +acquired the trick of saying rather more than he meant. His evidence +against Luis de Leon, though fluent and clear, is not what we should +expect from a man of talent, who recognized the gravity of the charges +against the prisoner. His testimony, such as it is, has less +intellectual substance than the testimony of Castro and Medina; it +turns mainly on petty personal questions or on points of morbid +scrupulousness. The more closely his evidence is scrutinized, the more +difficult is it to avoid the suspicion that Zuniga was not a perfectly +trustworthy witness. For instance, according to his sworn statement he +was thirty-six years old when he deposed at Toledo on November 4, +1572.[123] The declaration is made positively without any of the +qualifying phrases--'about', 'nearly', 'more or less'--so frequent on +the part of witnesses. Nevertheless, it seems possible that this +assertion is erroneous. Zuniga refers to a discussion respecting Arias +Montano which he had with Luis de Leon in the latter's cell some +thirteen years previously. At this time Zuniga would, on his own +showing, be but twenty-three. From what we know of Luis de Leon, it +seems improbable that he would admit to his confidential intimacy a +man so much his junior. No doubt Zuniga (or Rodriguez) was young at +the time--hardly old enough, by his own reckoning, to be an ordained +priest--a _mancebo_, as he seemed to Luis de Leon's retrospicient +eyes.[124] Yet it is very hard to believe that Zuniga was no more than +twenty-three when he took it upon himself to cast doubts on the +orthodoxy of Benito Arias Montano;[125] nor is it likely that Luis de +Leon would discuss so delicate a topic with the most brilliant of +youths. Let it not be said that the question of Zuniga's accuracy in +stating his age is relatively unimportant. It is highly relevant; for, +if Zuniga were capable of making a mistake on such a point, he was +manifestly more liable to error when dealing with other matters on +which he necessarily knew less. However, Zuniga's evidence is not +weighty enough to call for detailed examination. He may be left to +bear the burden of Luis de Leon's scorn. I am more concerned here to +suggest that, on the facts before us, we are not compelled to identify +the Zuniga who deposed against Luis de Leon with a namesake of a +higher intellectual type. To us who read the testimony in cold blood, +more than three centuries after it was given, it seems that Luis de +Leon deals as impartially with his brethren as with members of other +religious orders. This was not his intention, at any rate. He knew his +fellow-Augustinians better than he could know the rest, and he himself +tells us not obscurely that, out of consideration for his gown, he was +silent on various matters which, if proclaimed aloud, would not make +for edification.[126] + +Members of the Valladolid Court could see for themselves that while +Luis de Leon's opponents--Dominicans, Jeromites, and the rest--were +banded solidly against him, the Augustinians were by no means +unanimous in his favour. That he was difficult to deal with personally +the Court had opportunities of knowing. His unbending fidelity to +principle and his impetuosity probably produced on the tribunal an +impression of obstinacy combined with caprice. On May 6, 1573, a +certain Dr. Ortiz de Funes was, as is recorded, nominated counsel to +the prisoner;[127] there is no reason to suppose that Ortiz de Funes +was in ability below the average level of the bar, but he was no match +for his client, and though he may have given valuable advice on purely +legal points, when these arose, it soon became plain that Luis de Leon +was the brain of the defence and that he meant to conduct that defence +in his own way. Ortiz de Funes became a nullity or, at least, a mere +figure-head whose main duty consisted in signing papers which the +prisoner had drawn up. A time came when, according to the practice of +the Inquisition, it became necessary for Luis de Leon to nominate +_patronos_, and in this matter Ortiz de Funes intervened somewhat more +prominently than was usual with him. A _patrono_ has no exact +counterpart in English ecclesiastical law; it was his business, within +narrow limits, to defend the interests of the accused from the +theological point of view. On June 26, 1574, Luis de Leon was brought +into court, and was told that he was to choose two _patronos_ out of +four men whose names were given him.[128] He was obviously taken aback +at this proposal, and replying that, since he did not know any of the +four, he was ignorant as to their qualifications, added that he had +already requested the appointment of Sebastian Perez, professor of +Theology at Parraces, as _patrono_. He renewed his request, adding +that either Dr. Cancer or the Dominican Hernando del Castillo could be +appointed with Perez; but before any determination was taken, he +begged leave to consult his legal adviser.[129] As might have been +expected, Ortiz de Funes fell in with his client's view and two days +later made a formal application to the Court that Perez be appointed +_patrono_, with either Cancer or Castillo to help him.[130] No +appointment was made at the moment and, as it turned out, this was +perhaps just as well; for by June 30 Luis de Leon had changed his +mind, and appeared in court to ask that Castillo's name be removed +from the list of acceptable _patronos_.[131] On July 14 Ortiz +de Funes announced his client's intention of appealing to the +Inquisitor-General against the decision forcing him to select +_patronos_ from a list of persons unknown to him.[132] Neither Luis de +Leon nor Ortiz de Funes seemed to have guessed that the Valladolid +judges were acting on instructions from the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid.[133] For a moment the step taken by Ortiz de Funes and his +client appeared to have some slight effect. Luis de Leon was informed +that he would be allowed to appoint Perez as his _patrono_ but on two +conditions: (1) he must undertake to pay all the travelling expenses +of his _patrono_, and (2) an inquiry must be held to establish the +_limpieza_ of Perez. This last proceeding, it was significantly +added, would be slow.[134] Again Ortiz de Funes was consulted; but it +is difficult to believe that he had more than a technical +responsibility for the startling decision which he announced: the +decision to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ and +either Bartolome de Medina or Dr. Cancer.[135] Mancio, whose pupil +Luis de Leon had once been at Alcala, was a Dominican;[136] hence he +would be suspect--perhaps doubly 'suspect'--in the prisoner's eyes. +Medina, also a Dominican, was an overt foe; Cancer, of whom Luis de +Leon knew nothing except that he was a professor at Salamanca, proved +to be not over friendly. Luis de Leon may conceivably have thought +that Mancio's undoubted learning would ensure his treading in the +strict path of justice, and that Mancio's advanced age[137] would +enable him to press his views on his coadjutor. It is more likely, +however, that the three names were put forward in a paroxysm of +impatience--at a moment when Luis de Leon was willing to fall in with +any arrangement which might hasten a decision of his case. + +Mancio was appointed _patrono_, and was duly sworn in at Valladolid on +October 9, 1574;[138] on October 13 he made a report favourable to the +accused.[139] The prisoner was not informed of this (as he should have +been), and took umbrage at what he thought was an act of insolent +remissness. He appeared in court on October 16, and protested against +any of his papers being entrusted to Mancio, lest he should take them +to his Dominican monastery where they ran the risk of being scanned by +hostile eyes.[140] On October 22 the prisoner showed signs of +increasing distrust, for he then requested the return of thirty-two +sheets of paper, covered with notes for his defence, which he himself +had handed to Mancio.[141] Luis de Leon's suspicions deepened rapidly. +On October 25 he asked to be allowed to cancel his nomination of +Mancio as _patrono_.[142] The local judges referred the application +to the Supreme Inquisition, and were instructed to proceed as though +nothing unusual had happened; Mancio, however, was to be told to stay +away still further notice.[143] On December 7 Luis de Leon handed in a +written explanation of his recent action. With regard to Mancio, he +complained of his _patrono's_ omission to confer with him, expressed +some suspicion that Mancio might have become a party to Medina's plot, +declined to accept as valid Mancio's excuse for not attending--that he +had to lecture in Salamanca--and vehemently declared that Mancio's +negligence amounted to very grave sin.[144] These phrases can scarcely +have been used in their natural sense, for Luis de Leon concluded his +written petition by stating that he was still willing to accept Mancio +as his _patrono_, if Mancio were able to be present at Valladolid. +Should this be impossible, the prisoner asked that Dr. Vadillo, Canon +of Plasencia, and the Augustinian Fray Francisco Cueto should be +assigned to him as _patronos_. A working arrangement thus became +possible, and the General Inquisitor at Madrid ordered that Mancio +should be given due facilities. These orders were received on December +13.[145] It appears that Mancio picked up the dropped threads of this +business on December 23, and spent another day or two in reviewing the +general situation.[146] Mancio's cautious policy was doubtless sound; +but to Luis de Leon, who maintained that the matters on which his +_patrono_ had to pronounce were as simple as could be, these tactics +seemed mistaken, and on January 13, 1575, he begged the Court to press +Mancio to give an opinion without delay.[147] On March 6 Luis de Leon +once more complained of being unable to confer with his _patrono_; but +now, rather late in the day, he came nearer to putting the blame on +the right shoulders. Hitherto he had been prone to ascribe all manner +of evil motives to Mancio, whom he should have known better: at last +it vaguely dawned on him that the obstacles might come (as, in fact, +they did come) from the tribunal which was trying him.[148] On March +15 Mancio wrote a letter to the judges, promising to attend at +Valladolid unless absolutely prevented from doing so.[149] Four days +later the General Inquisition wrote to the same judges, hinting that a +decision might be given shortly.[150] The Valladolid Court was stirred +into temporary activity. A sitting was held on March 30; Mancio was +present; a consultation took place between him and his client;[151] +and henceforth we hear no more of difficulties in connexion with Luis +de Leon's _patrono_. Nearly six months had been wasted owing to want +of tact on the part of the Inquisitionary officials. + +As the event proved, the prisoner's protests in this matter were +thoroughly justified. It is easy to perceive this now. We cannot be +sure that we should have taken the same view had we been contemporary +spectators. If appearances were not actually against Luis de Leon, +they combined to reveal him in his least attractive posture. His +comparative promptitude in accepting Mancio as _patrono_, his +unwillingness to abide by his choice, his sudden hostility to Mancio, +his final acceptance of Mancio, are all explicable variations. +Nevertheless they showed a disregard for superficial consistency which +might easily be misinterpreted as caprice. The bias of the court had +been veering away from the prisoner for some time. His series of +actions with respect to Mancio lost him all judicial favour. His +judges considered him as an unreasonable man, a gifted sophist fertile +in inventing objections in and out of season, a hair-splitter +perpetually arguing for argument's sake. Luis de Leon was, as a rule, +so unaccommodating that some of his judges may have begun to think +they understood why he was not universally popular with members of his +own order. Nor did Luis de Leon's demeanour in court serve to +dissipate the atmosphere of almost arrogant rectitude which enveloped +him. He felt bound to criticize the machinery of the Inquisition. He +may easily have seemed to be criticizing those engaged in working the +machinery. At the best of times the procedure of the Court was not +expeditious. For example, though Luis de Leon was arrested on March +27, 1572, the first hearing of his formal defence did not take place +till April 14--more than a fortnight later. More than once Luis de +Leon complained of the Court's delays without going into questions of +motive.[152] In this he was clearly right, for, as we have seen, the +Supreme Inquisition was not wholly satisfied with the progress made. +At other times the prisoner stressed the fact that constant +postponements were apt to do him injury, and he hinted rather plainly +that there was an intention to wear him down by deliberately +prolonging the proceedings.[153] In this conjecture he was almost +certainly wrong. The Valladolid judges had no power to alter the +system which they found in existence; possibly, becoming accustomed to +it, they ended by thinking well of it. Its weak points were naturally +more evident to Luis de Leon, and his torrent of critical remarks may +have seemed to reflect on the intelligence and probity of the Court. +Administrators, however exalted, are human, and even the lowliest of +magistrates is prone to take offence, if given to understand that he +is considered dull and dishonest. Luis de Leon never was betrayed into +using disrespectful language; but his polite formulae could not +conceal the fact that he had no very high opinion of those in whose +hands his fate lay. Nor did the well-meant observance of established +forms on the part of the Court do anything to modify his sentiments. +It was in strict conformity with precedent that he should be adjured +to make a clean breast of it and should be informed that, while +truthfulness would meet with clemency, lying would be severely dealt +with.[154] It is strange that it should have been thought necessary +to use this formula in the case of Luis de Leon--a highly-strung, +sensitive man, with an almost morbid passion for truth. The sole +excuse for the Inquisitors is that this warning was given at the first +sitting. But, at the second sitting, the warning was repeated in +almost identical terms.[155] It seems scarcely possible to show less +tact in the conduct of a difficult case. No doubt the explanation is +that none of the Valladolid judges was sufficiently independent to set +a precedent of his own. + +Large allowances must be made for those unhappy men. They cannot +reasonably be blamed for not taking it upon themselves to alter the +established procedure of the Court in which they sat. Their position +was always difficult, and it did not become easier as time went on. +They had good reason to know that a vocal group of influential persons +in Salamanca confidently expected them to condemn Luis de Leon; yet +some of them, at least, were uncomfortably aware that the evidence +before them would not warrant a conviction on the major charges. The +most damaging witnesses--Medina, Castro, and Zuniga--had been called +at a very early stage of the proceedings. These heavy guns had been +fired without destroying the adversary. There was nothing for it now +but to hope for the worst from the reports of the official +_calificadores_, Dr. Cancer, Fray Nicolas Ramos, and Dr. Frechilla, +who did their utmost to fulfil expectations.[156] Lest the +pronouncements of this trio proved unconvincing, the precaution was +taken of excluding evidence. At the beginning of the case, any sort of +second-hand gossip was admitted as evidence on the chance that its +cumulative effect might be damaging to the accused. At Murcia, on +February 4, 1573, a hostile Augustinian, Fray Juan Ciguelo, a man of +doubtful character, was permitted to retail idle chatter on the part +of another Augustinian who averred that Luis de Leon was prone to +saying _Requiems_ too often, and was in the habit of reading Latin +too quickly.[157] Ciguelo's testimony, though malignant, had done no +harm; later on, it was thought more prudent to adopt the opposite +policy and to prevent as many as possible of the witnesses for the +defence from being heard. As late as July 7, 1576, no less than three +interrogatories[158] by Luis de Leon were rejected on the ground that +they were irrelevant (_impertinentes_).[159] It is difficult to +reconcile these decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later +ruling was thought to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the +earlier one. In their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion +which was easily disproved.[160] + +Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables us +to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to supplement +the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his youth, may +easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many who had +seen him. According to that painter's _Libro de Descripcion de +verdaderos Retratos de illustres y memorables varones_, Luis de Leon +was below the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered +with thick and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his +brow was broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his +complexion was darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was +grave; and, we may add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed, +regarded Luis de Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in +mathematics, in jurisprudence, in medicine--and, though self-taught as +a painter--an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a +compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of +Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose +enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his +account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The +fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable +record of the Valladolid trial confirms Pacheco's report of the +prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in +which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When +being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the +innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts +which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself, +to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or +scoffer in him.[161] But if Luis de Leon was relatively poor in +humour, he had an abundant store of mordant sarcasm and a faculty for +ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned to their chagrin.[162] +Pacheco's opinion of Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by +the scrap of evidence given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas--the +sightless dedicatee of _El aire se serena_. Salinas bore witness that +some of Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any +University chair against all competition.[163] Evidently to those who +met him frequently Luis de Leon conveyed the impression of +irresistible talent. Though students voted in professorial elections +at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon loyally, he did nothing to +conciliate them, and expressed his opinion of them with unquestionable +candour. We gather that he was profoundly attached to the ancient +order of things[164] and that, though accused of interpreting the +Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical book.[165] +We learn that among his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and +Melchor Cano;[166] of these he would seem most to have esteemed +Cano.[167] With such masters, and being the man he was, Luis de Leon +would naturally have got together a good theological library, and he +was allowed to have some of his books in his prison-cell; it is but +natural that most of his requests should be for theological works +which would be of service in preparing his defence on technical +points. Reading was his sole solace during his imprisonment, and it +is noticeable that, whenever he asks for a book he speaks of it--not +with the dry, meticulous precision of a bibliographer but--with all +the caressing detail of a genuine book-lover. He indicates the sizes +of the various works which he needs, describes their bindings, and +mentions in what part of his monastery-cell they will be found. He +wants a Vatable with gilt edges, bound in black; it should be found in +a case for smaller volumes which lies on his writing-table. He asks +for a Bible, printed by Plantin, bound in black leather and fastened +with black silk ribbons. He demands a Biblical concordance which is in +folio. This lies on a high shelf near the window.[168] He begs to have +the works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the +left as you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for +theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds +entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity. +When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in sheep's-skin; it +will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the +monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil--of which there +are a great many ('_de que hay hartos_'), so that he does not +particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in +sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves +where the works of St. Justin are.[169] Again, besides the works of +St. Leo, bound in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf; +for a Pindar (in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with +gilt edges; and for _Le prose dil Bembo_, a volume in small quarto +with a parchment binding.[170] This throws light on Luis de Leon's +progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for an Italian book +to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know that language. In +or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the anonymous Italian work +which disturbed Zuniga's scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though +of course able to catch the author's drift, did not really know +Italian at that time.[171] This deficiency had been made good, as he +gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573--twenty eight +months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of _Le prose +dil Bembo_ should be given to him in prison. + +The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of Luis +de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. Towards +the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary judges +there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological student +who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified that for +about two years he had discussed matters of theology, mathematics, and +astrology with Luis de Leon.[172] It may astonish some that Luis de +Leon toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have +surprised his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as +to the cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he +had read a compilation on astrology which had been lent to him by a +student named Poza, a licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have +doubted whether he ought to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de +Leon on the question. Luis de Leon dipped into the book, and came +finally to the conclusion that the whole thing was rubbish. But he +found in the work some curious observations, and was tempted to make +at least one experiment which involved the use of a pious formula. The +owner of the book left Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then +raging there. Luis de Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day, +and had intended to burn the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out +the main part of his intention by burning the work in the presence of +Fray Bartolome de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this +holocaust. No more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's +curiosity as to the possibilities of astrology continued with but +little abatement.[173] This half-belief in astrology as a kind of +black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and vestiges of +this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected quarters till our +own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus to furnish his +adversaries with ammunition which they might use against him; but +could anything bespeak conscious innocence more strongly than his +voluntary avowal? + +Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his protestations +of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court what course it +should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought to order Leon +de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.[174] Later on, he declared +with vehemence that his detention was without a shadow of legality, +that his imprisonment ought not to continue for a single day, and that +he ought to be compensated for the injury done him.[175] These may +have been truths; but they were decidedly unpalatable, and the +expediency of making these assertions to a prejudiced bench is at +least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de Leon could +bring himself to use. He complained again and again of delays, +attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and +incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went +on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making +his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing +vehemence.[176] He impressed on his hearers the fundamental absurdity +of certain charges against him, and, waxing indignant at the statement +that he had thrown doubt on the coming of Christ, he objected to +having so senseless a jest fathered on him. There was always the +alternative that he might be supposed to have used in earnest the +words imputed to him; in which case, even if the evidence on this +point were far more decisive than it actually was, 'before believing +it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether I had gone out of my +mind at the time, or were drunk'.[177] It is, no doubt, difficult to +meet a contention of this kind; but such a contention is not +calculated to capture the sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should +it be overlooked that the judges were subjected to continual pressure +from the attacking parties. The official _calificadores_ took a +serious view of Luis de Leon's opinions on the authority of the +Vulgate; they showered reports upon the judges; naturally these +reports did not always agree with one another, but they were unanimous +in one respect; they declared against the teaching of Luis de +Leon,[178] and this perhaps decided the tribunal in giving judgement. +We may think that the court unconsciously allowed itself to be swayed +by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was at no great pains to +conceal his estimate of its capacity. However that may be, it must be +admitted that the decision of the Court had behind it a great body of +what may be called expert opinion. The question of the authority due +to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the foreground; and the report +of even so liberal-minded a man as the Dominican Hernando del Castillo +was not wholly favourable. Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion +that Luis de Leon had uttered nothing against faith; but while he +acquitted the prisoner of teaching 'erroneous, temerarious or +scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de Leon was much to blame for +dealing with the question when and where he did.[179] The opinion of +other _calificadores_ was still more hostile, though it is to be noted +that their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the +delivery of a decision drew near.[180] + +That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year after +year. This series of postponements--ordered, despite the wishes of the +prisoner and (as he contended) against his interests--had got on to +Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to occasional moods of depression, and +had betrayed him into a few irritable or intemperate outbursts. But +these results were unintentional. The Valladolid judges were well +aware from the outset that no time was to be lost. As early as July +29, 1572, they delegated a piece of work to one of their commissaries +in Salamanca, and impressed on him the urgency of dispatch.[181] They +secured from Benito Rodriguez, the commissary in question, greater +speed than they attained themselves. This may have been due to +accident, or to incompetence on their part. But the policy of +continual adjournment could not be prolonged for ever. It had lasted +too long for the patience of the Supreme Inquisition:[182] + + ...even the weariest river + Winds somewhere safe to sea. + +On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. Seven +members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, Andres de Alava, +Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de Albornoz voted that Luis de +Leon should be put to the torture--a moderate amount of torture in +view of his frail health--and, when this was done, the court should +sit again and determine accordingly. Dr. Guijano de Mercado and Dr. +Frechilla took a more lenient view, recommending that, in +consideration of the more exculpatory reports recently given by the +_calificadores_, in consideration also of the replies made by the +prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be reprimanded for dealing +with so grave a matter (as the authority of the Vulgate) at an +unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; that he should be +called upon to renounce publicly certain views which seemed ambiguous; +that he should be told by his bishop to occupy himself with matters of +general interest; that he should cease lecturing altogether; and that +his _Song of Solomon_, done into Spanish, should be seized. The +Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to give his decision in +writing.[183] It may not have been committed to paper: at any rate, it +does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement of Guijano +and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, which +curtly ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to +reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to +confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the _Song of +Solomon_.[184] These orders, dated at Madrid on December 7, 1576, +were, of course, obeyed.[185] As the senior member of the Court, Dr. +Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up +while it was pronounced.[186] The date is not stated, but it cannot +have been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon +applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for +an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that +officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till +his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years' +tenure.[187] Both applications were granted. But the Ethiopian cannot +change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, that the +petitioner received full satisfaction.[188] + + + + +III + + +[Footnote 53: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 143-144.] + +[Footnote 54: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 174-176.] + +[Footnote 55: Luis de Leon administered a fund left by the late Dona +Ana Abarca de Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this +fund a life-pension was paid to Almansa (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears +from his request of December 20, 1572 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores estara +trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo faltara lo mas della, +porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi gente; y podra ser tener yo +necesidad para mi negocio de algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas +agenas y que estan a mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido +darme libertad algun dia. Suplico a V. md. por amor de Dios sea +servido de enviar a mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, o a Francisco +de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo, que la cierre y tome todas +las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo hara muy bien, porque es +hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico a V. md. no lo ponga en +olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought suspiciously warm; at +any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de Almansa, Familiar of the +Inquisition at Salamanca. + +When taken into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the +company of Fray Alonso Siluente (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. +188).] + +[Footnote 56: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough +Luis de Leon lost exact account of time during his imprisonment, and +was not very sure as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y +despues a veinte tres, o veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo +pasado], el dicho Senor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mando +prender,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 185).] + +[Footnote 57: Opinions differ as to whether Luis de Leon was +imprisoned in the original Inquisitionary cells on the site of which +18 and 20 calle del Obispo now stand. Blanco Garcia thought that this +was not the case (_op. cit._, p. 129 _n_). The recurrence of such +phrases as _mando subir de su carcel_ (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's cell +was underground.] + +[Footnote 58: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico a sus +mercedes sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre +prior [Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise a Ana de Espinosa, monja en el +monasterio de Madrigal, que envie una caja de unos polvos que ella +solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolias y pasiones de corazon, que +ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas necesidad que agora; +y sobre todo que me encomiende a Dios sin cansarse.'] + +[Footnote 59: The tone of his request shows that he anticipated a +refusal on the ground that he might wilfully injure himself with a +knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes fuesen servidos, torno a suplicar se +me de un cuchillo para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de +Dios, seguramente se me puede dar; que jamas desee la vida y las +fuerzas tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que +Dios me ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 179-180).] + +[Footnote 60: The concession of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le +de esto que pide; y atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron +que mandaban y mandaron que el alcaide le de un cuchillo sin punta. Lo +cual se mando al alcaide luego en su presencia' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 61: It figures as the sixth charge in the speech of the +prosecuting counsel, Diego de Haedo (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. +208). Even at this early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the +prisoner should be tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea +puesto a quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.' +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 209).] + +[Footnote 62: The date of the translation is stated on the authority +of Luis de Leon himself (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 98).] + +[Footnote 63: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 271; see also +_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 214-215.] + +[Footnote 64: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-101.] + +[Footnote 65: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 6.] + +[Footnote 66: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-99.] + +[Footnote 67: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 489.] + +[Footnote 68: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.] + +[Footnote 69: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 505-509.] + +[Footnote 70: The exordium, the translation of the first chapter of +the _Song of Solomon_ and the commentary on this first chapter are +printed in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 449-467.] + +[Footnote 71: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no +obstante esto a algunos amigos mios, y a otros, les ha parecido tener +inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y a mi, por la misma razon, +me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo hubiera estorbado. +Y para remedio dello, el ano pasado comence a ponello en latin, para +siendo examinado y aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia +todo lo que anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de +salud que he tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y asi +digo que estoy presto a hacer esta o otra cualquier diligencia que por +V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que haya +cometido, o en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, o en haber dado +ocasion directa o indirectamente a que se divulgase. Y estoy aparejado +a hacer en ello la enmienda que por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que +subjecto humilde y verdaderamente a V.m. y a este Sancto Oficio y +tribunal, ansi este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina +que o por escrito o por palabra, leyendo o disputando, o en otra +cualquier manera haya afirmado o ensenado, para en todo ser enmendado +y corregido.] + +[Footnote 72: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 252-254. The +following occurs in a document handed in by Luis de Leon on January +26, 1573: '...digo que en fin del mes de hebrero que viene, deste +presente ano de setenta y tres, o por principio de marzo, se cumple el +cuadrienio por el cual me esta proveida la catreda de Durando que +tengo en la universidad de Salamanca, el cual cumplido como es notorio +se vacara, y no oponiendome yo a ella otra vez, se proveera en el que +se opusiere y los estudiantes eligieren. Y aunque es verdad que yo no +tengo deseo ni intento de tratar mas de escuelas, habiendo trabajado +en ellas tan bien como mis concurrentes, y habiendo sacado por ocasion +dellas y de sus competencias el trabajo en que estoy; pero entendiendo +que si en esta coyuntura se vacase la dicha catreda y se proveyese en +otra persona, mucho numero de gentes que en el reino y fuera del +tienen noticia de mi prision, y presumen por ella mal de mi, sabiendo +la dicha vacatura de catreda y provision en otra persona, no +entendiendo como no entienden, ni saben la ley y estilo de la dicha +universidad, me tendrian del todo por culpado y condenado, y quedaria +siempre en pie esta mala opinion contra mi, aunque Vs. Mds. conociendo +en la prosecucion deste pleito mi inocencia, me den por libre y me +restituyan en mi honra como espero en Dios que sucedera; porque las +sobredichas personas que no saben el estilo de la dicha universidad, +viendome fuera destas carceles, y fuera de las escuelas, siempre +entenderian que fue orden de Vs. Mds. y pena de mi culpa, siendo como +son los hombres faciles a creer lo peor, en lo cual mi orden y mis +deudos, y lo que es principal, la opinion de mi fe y doctrina +recibiria notable agravio y detrimento; por tanto en la mejor manera y +conforme a derecho haya lugar, pido y suplico a Vs. Mds. sean servidos +de o mandar a la dicha universidad que no innove cosa alguna acerca de +la dicha catreda, ni de otra cosa que me toque hasta que Vs. Mds. +habiendo conocido los meritos deste pleito juzguen y manden lo que +fueren servidos conforme a justicia, o me den licencia para... dar +poder a dos o las demas personas que me pareciere en Salamanca, porque +por mi y en mi nombre, al tiempo que se vacare la dicha catreda, se +puedan oponer y opongan a ella, y hagan por mi las demas diligencias +que conforme a las leyes y estatutos de aquella universidad fueren +necesarias.'] + +[Footnote 73: This is recorded in a letter from Francisco Sancho to +the Valladolid Inquisitors (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 135): +'Tres cartas tengo a que responder a Vs. Mds. La una es sobre la +catedra del maestro Barrientos, en la cual mandan Vs. Mds. que diga al +rector de esta universidad, como esta detenido en ese Santo Oficio, y +que en tanto que estuviere ansi detenido, no se provea su catedra, ni +se haga mudanza en ello. Y luego que recebi la dicha carta, que fue +estando con el mesmo rector, se la mostre y dijo que ansi lo haria y +cumpliria de buena voluntad.'] + +[Footnote 74: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 44-46. No time was +wasted in filling the chair. It was declared vacant on March 30, 1573; +Medina was elected to it on April 4; he received 95 votes, and the +Augustinian Pedro de Uceda received 54. Uceda (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, pp. 85-90) testified in favour of Fray Luis de Leon; his +evidence gives the impression that he was a timid man, overawed by the +court.] + +[Footnote 75: The Inquisitioners' phrase (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +X, p. 180) has been already quoted: 'atento que es hombre +enfermo....'] + +[Footnote 76: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 188: 'E antes de ser +llevado a su carcel, dijo quel esta muy enfermo de calenturas como a +sus mercedes les consta, y no tiene quien le cure en su carcel sino un +mochachico que esta alli preso, que es simple; y para habelle de +despertar padece trabajo con el, y ha venido dia de quedarse desmayado +de hambre por no tener quien le de la comida; y que suplica a sus +mercedes le den un fraile de su orden que le sirva, pues en esto no +hay enconveniente, si ya no quieren permitir de que muera entre cuatro +paredes solo: que por reverencia de nuestro Senor se duelan del y le +den un fraile que este en su compania siquiera para que si se muere le +ayude a bien morir; y que podra ser que fray Alonso Siluente, que a la +sazon que a este prendieron estaba en su compania, holgaria de venir a +tenersela si esta en Salamanca, o sino que sea quien sus mercedes +mandaren. Con tanto fue llevado a su carcel.'] + +[Footnote 77: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 197. In a letter +which reached Madrid on November 21, 1575, Luis de Leon wrote as +follows to the Inquisitor-General: 'Por lo cual y atento... a lo +mucho que ha que estoy preso, y a mis pasiones y flaquezas, en caso +que pareciere ser conveniente que la sentencia deste pleito se dilate; +suplico a V.S. Illma. por Jesucristo sea servido, dando yo fianzas +suficientes, mandarme poner en un monasterio de los que hay en esta +villa, aunque sea en S. Pablo, en la forma que V.S. Illma. fuese +servido ordenar, hasta la sentencia deste negocio, para que si en este +tiempo el Senor me llamare, lo cual debo temer por el mucho trabajo +que paso y por mis pocas fuerzas, muera como cristiano entre personas +religiosas, ayudado de sus oraciones, y recebiendo los sacramentos, y +no como infiel solo en una carcel y con un moro a la cabecera.'] + +[Footnote 78: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 194: 'Tambien se +consulto a su Senoria Reverendisima lo que escribis cerca de la +indispusicion del maestro fray Luis de Leon y la necesidad que tiene +de servicio, el cual pide que en el monesterio de Sant Augustin de +Salamanca o en el de esta villa se pida un fraile que este con el, y +ha parescido que asi se haga; pero advierteseos que el fraile que se +le hubiere de dar no ha de salir de la compania del dicho fray Luis +hasta que se acabe su causa, y ansi sera bien se le avise al que +hubiere de ser antes que entre en las carceles.'] + +[Footnote 79: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 50-51: '...ha tres +anos que estoy preso, y todo este tiempo he estado sin el uso de los +sacramentos con detrimento de mi anima, y sin causa que conforme a +derecho obligase a Vs. Mds. a privarme dellos,... Por lo cual pido y +suplico a Vs. Mds., y si menester es les encargo las conciencias, pues +que no son servidos de pronunciar lo que en este mi negocio tienen +difinido, y lo dilatan por concluir primero otros procesos que no me +tocan, o por los respectos que a Vs. Mds. parece y me tienen preso; +alomenos no me priven de este bien, sino que me den licencia para +confesarme con quien Vs. Mds. senalaren, y para decir misa en esta +sala siquiera de quince en quince dias, en lo cual Vs. Mds. haran gran +servicio a Dios, y a mi daran grandisimo consuelo.' This is from a +document which was handed in by Luis de Leon at Valladolid on March +12, 1575. An order was made that this document should be forwarded to +the Supreme Inquisition. I have failed to trace any further reference +to it.] + +[Footnote 80: They may have thought that, owing to his +unacquaintance with legal procedure, Luis de Leon was wasting the time +of the court; at any rate, as early as May 6, 1572, Dr. Ortiz de Funes +was appointed counsel to the prisoner (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 217). No saving of time was wrought by this change.] + +[Footnote 81: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 220: '...yo tengo +flaca memoria, y despues que estoy en la carcel he perdido gran parte +della,...'] + +[Footnote 82: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 193: 'Es imposible +acordarse memoria de hombre de todo lo que en las dichas juntas se ha +dicho, mayormente que con la colera de la disputa, algunas veces salen +de todos los terminos de razon y modestia los hombres, y se ciegan de +manera que dende a poco ellos mismos no saben lo que han dicho.'] + +[Footnote 83: Luis de Leon's memory betrayed him as regards the +signatures attached to the Vatable Bible. He was under the impression +that he had signed a copy which was handed over to Francisco Sancho. +In this he proved to be mistaken. On thinking the point over, Luis de +Leon suggested that he must have signed a copy in the possession of +the Salamancan bookseller, Gaspar de Portonariis; this impression was +likewise mistaken. (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 520-527.) + +An amazing lapse of memory led Luis de Leon astray with respect to +Bartolome de Medina; as Medina did not take his degree till 1570 +(_Documentos ineditos_, vols. X, p. 323, and XI, p. 340), Luis de Leon +felt justified in stating that his opponent did not take part in the +revision of Vatable's Bible, which (such was the prisoner's +impression) was finished in 1569. The discovery of Medina's signature +in the Sancho copy of Vatable (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 522) +rendered this position untenable. The fact appears to be that the Old +Testament was revised in 1569; owing to the absence of Sancho and Luis +de Leon, the revision of the New Testament was suspended; it was not +finished till 1571, and thus Medina was enabled to sign the Vatable +Bible. It seems clear that Luis de Leon had no head for dates. He was, +as we have seen (p. 94), doubtful as to when he was arrested, and he +was capable of imagining that a sitting of the Valladolid court had +been held a week before, when no such sitting had taken place. +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 18.)] + +[Footnote 84: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 23, 24: '...antes +de agora yo tengo pedido que se me declaren los nombres y personas de +los Senores del Consejo de la santa y general Inquisicion, ante quien +los auctos y sentencias interlocutorias y difinitivas deste negocio +pueden ir a parar, para que sabiendo quien son yo pueda deliberar lo +que conviene a mi justicia, y si tengo justa causa para recusar a +alguno dellos; y por no se me haber declarado yo tengo apelado. Y +porque por estar preso en carceles secretas no puedo por mi ni por +otro informarme... pido y suplico a Vs. Mds., e si necesario es, con +debido acatamiento y reverencia requiero, no se envie cosa alguna de +lo tocante a este mi proceso a los dichos Senores del Consejo, y +protesto la nulidad de lo que en contrario se hiciere. Y si tacita o +expresamente me fuere denegado otra vez, apelo para ante quien y con +derecho debo, y pido los apostolos desta mi apelacion con las +instancias e ahincamientos necesarios, y pidolo por testimonio.' It +will be seen that the account given in the text is an under-statement. +Luis de Leon not only appealed over the heads of the Valladolid judges +to the General Inquisition; he was prepared also to challenge, if +necessary, individual members of the General Inquisition itself.] + +[Footnote 85: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 81-83. Diego de Gaona +states that he knew Luis de Leon in 1567 or 1568. Gaona esteemed Luis +de Leon to be 'hombre muy habil en su facultad de teologia, aunque le +tenia por hombre algo atrevido en su manera de leer, y a esta causa +este testigo... le oia muy pocas veces por ver su desenvoltura en las +liciones que leia... entraba muy pocas veces a oir al dicho fray Luis +de Leon, e que a esta causa no se le acuerda quienes estaban +presentes, mas de que estaba el general lleno de gente...'] + +[Footnote 86: Luis de Leon frequently makes this point. The following +passage (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 482) is sufficiently +categorical to render further quotations superfluous: 'Demas desto +digo que el dia pasado aqui en la audiencia entendi que algunos de mis +papeles, los cuales se veen por mandado de Vs. Mds. se han dado a ver +y examinar a fray Juan Gutierrez fraile dominico, y ansi entiendo que +se habran dado a otros de la misma orden: y siendo notorio como es que +todos los frailes de la dicha orden son sospechosos contra mi por las +competencias que mi orden, y yo senaladamente he tenido con ellos, y +por la catreda que les hemos quitado, y por las demas causas que yo en +este proceso tengo alegadas y probadas, por las cuales los tengo +tachados por enemigos...'] + +[Footnote 87: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 559-560: 'Que por +cuanto para hacer el juicio difinitivo acerca de la cualidad de mi +doctrina, Vs. Mds. han de consultar a teologos doctos y +desapasionados; y porque yo tengo tachados por apasionados y +sospechosos a todos los frailes de la orden de Santo Domingo y de Sant +Hieronimo, y agora de nuevo tacho por lo mismo a los teologos de la +universidad de Alcala, porque como es notorio estan encontrados con +los teologos de Salamanca por muchas causas antiguas y recientes, y +senaladamente porque el Consejo general de la Inquisicion cosas +notadas y censuradas por ellos las ha remitido a los de Salamanca, los +cuales corrigieren las censuras de los dichos, y el Consejo siguio el +parecer de los de Salamanca...' According to Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 277): 'hizo el dicho fray Luis +publicamente cuanto pudo contra Hector Pinto, fraile geronimo, en la +sostitucion de Biblia, por el maestro Grajal; y los dichos frailes +geronimos se quejaron del en el monasterio de Sant Augustin'.] + +[Footnote 88: See the first part of the previous note.] + +[Footnote 89: Luis de Leon's first application on this point is dated +October 20, 1573 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 483-488): in this +he mentions his brothers (who were both lawyers) as well as his uncle. +The subsequent proceedings illustrate the leisurely methods of the +Inquisition. Nothing seems to have been done in the matter up to May +12, 1574, when Luis de Leon made another application to the Inquisitor +General; this was entrusted to the Valladolid judges to forward. +Though the Supreme Inquisition directed that an inquiry be held, no +reply had reached Luis de Leon on July 14, 1574, on which date he +renewed his application. He presented a fourth petition on the subject +on August 7: in this he substitutes his father for his brothers (who +were not included in his second and third applications). His request +was refused by the authorities in Madrid on August 13, 1574 +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 5-7, 17, 24-25).] + +[Footnote 90: _Documentos ineditos_, vols. X, XI, _passim_.] + +[Footnote 91: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 353.] + +[Footnote 92: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 318: 'Y para este +efecto [fray Bartolome de Medina y el maestro Leon de Castro] hicieron +junta de estudiantes, y el dicho Medina llamo a su celda a muchos +dellos, y inquirio dellos si habian oido o sabian algo, poniendolos en +escandalo, y tomandoles firmas y juramentandolos para que no le +descubriesen. Y con el dicho maestro Leon, y ciertos frailes +hieronimos y otras personas enemigas, se concerto lo que habian de +hacer, y repartieron entre si como en caso de guerra las partes por +donde habian de acometer cada uno y lo que habia de decir, como +vuestras mercedes podran ser informados de fulano de Alarcon, colegial +de Sanct Millan en Salamanca, que fue uno de los llamados, y el dira +de otros; y fray Gaspar de Uceda fraile y lector en Sanct Francisco de +Salamanca sabe tambien mucho desto.' Luis de Leon repeats the +accusation of conspiracy in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 353, +with some comments on Castro's motives.] + +[Footnote 93: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 318, 321, 324, 433.] + +[Footnote 94: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 348, 439.] + +[Footnote 95: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 96: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 369: 'Habra cuatro +anos o poco mas que por insistir yo en ello, en un capitulo provincial +de mi orden se voto secreto en la eleccion conforme al concilio, y se +atajaron los pasos a la ambicion de muchos, y resulto que este que se +tenia ya por provincial por la violencia de un su amigo, que si se +votara publico como solia, era muy poderoso, quedo en vacio. Y estas +son todas sus lagrimas y mis desobediencias.'] + +[Footnote 97: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 32: 'Item dijo que +este declarante ha oido decir, no se acuerda a que personas, que el +padre de dicho fray Luis de Leon le dejo muy encargado que fuese muy +obediente a sus prelados, y que siguiese la opinion comun en las +letras...'] + +[Footnote 98: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 366, 368: '...entre +nosotros es este conocido por hombre que sino es por descuido, jamas +dice verdad.'] + +[Footnote 99: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 100: This we know from Luis de Leon himself: 'fue mi +discipulo' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 370).] + +[Footnote 101: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 35-40.] + +[Footnote 102: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 371: 'Y porque mas +claramente conozcan Vs. Mds. la mala intencion deste que depone,... +me dijo que tenia los papeles de aquella lectura de la Vulgata, y que +era la mejor cosa del mundo,... con otras palabras tan encarecidas +que no me estan a mi bien decillas.'] + +[Footnote 103: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 38.] + +[Footnote 104: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 33, 42.] + +[Footnote 105: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas is +brutally frank. After mentioning that Arboleda was annoyed at Luis de +Leon's preference for Fray Diego de Caravajal, he continues: 'y que +tiene para si que por esta razon habra algun resentimiento de parte +del dicho fray Francisco de Arboleda contra el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, por ser el dicho Arboleda cabezudo y no de mucho +entendimiento'.] + +[Footnote 106: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 396. The word +'perjuro' is again used by Luis de Leon of this witness in _Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 375.] + +[Footnote 107: F. Picatoste y Rodriguez, _Apuntes para una biblioteca +cientifica espanola del siglo XVI_ (Madrid, 1891), pp. 340-344.] + +[Footnote 108: Galileo Galilei, _Opere_ (Milano, 1811), vol. XIII, p. +49.] + +[Footnote 109: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 373: '...es un +fraile de mi orden que se llama fray Diego de Zuniga, o por otro +nombre Rodriguez, el cual me quiere mal por las causas que articulare +en su tiempo y lugar; y en esta deposicion lo muestra no obscuramente, +porque demas de no referir verdad en muchas cosas, ninguna cosa dice +en ella forzado por la consciencia, sino movido por su libre y mala +voluntad.' Other instances will be found in Luis de Leon's _Quinto +interrogatorio_ (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI): 'Item si saben etc. +que... fray Diego Rodriguez, o de Zuniga por otro nombre, se +desmando..., y que alli se ordeno que castigasen al dicho fray Diego +Rodriguez o Zuniga' (p. 335). 'Item si saben etc. que en un acto,... +el dicho fray Diego Rodriguez o Zuniga,...' (p. 336). 'Item si saben +etc. que el dicho Rodriguez o Zuniga, de algunos anos a esta parte, ha +mostrado en sus palabras y platicas tener enemistad y mala voluntad al +dicho maestro fray Luis, hablando mal del y de sus cosas, y diciendo +que el dicho maestro no habia consentido que el dicho Rodriguez +viviese en S. Augustin de Salamanca, porque sabia mas que el dicho +maestro, y otras cosas ansi' (p. 336).] + +[Footnote 110: Pedro de Rojas refers to the fact 'quel dicho fray +Diego Rodriguez o Zuniga paso algunas palabras descorteses con el +padre Cueto,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 345).] + +[Footnote 111: C. Muinos Saenz, _Fr. Luis de Leon y Fr. Diego de +Zuniga_ (El Escorial, [1915]), pp. 47, 245.] + +[Footnote 112: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, p. 58.] + +[Footnote 113: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, pp. 57, 64.] + +[Footnote 114: It is inferred that Zuniga was professed when he +entered Luis de Leon's cell thirteen years before 1572 (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 67-68). There is, however, some difficulty in +adjusting the date of this profession with the statement that Zuniga +was thirty-six when he gave evidence.] + +[Footnote 115: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, p. 48.] + +[Footnote 116: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, pp. 224-240.] + +[Footnote 117: He became professor of Scripture at Osuna in 1575. See +F. Rodriguez Marin, _Cervantes y la Universidad de Osuna_ in _Homenaje +a Menendez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. II.] + +[Footnote 118: It needed uncommon courage to pronounce in favour of +Copernicus at the end of the sixteenth century. The assertion that +'the advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the facility with which +the theory of Copernicus... was accepted in Spain, when it was +rejected elsewhere' is in the nature of an over-statement. According +to Muinos Saenz (_op. cit._, pp. 19-20), who refers to his +brother-Augustinian, M. Gutierrez, 'la doctrina copernicana pugnaba +con la opinion generalizada en las escuelas, y tuvo en Espana +impugnadores que, como Pineda, y con referencia personal a Zuniga, la +calificaron de _falsa_, no sin anadir que, a juicio de otros autores, +merecia las calificaciones de _temeraria, peligrosa y opuesta al +sentir de la Sagrada Escritura_.' It seems likely that Zuniga was dead +before this sweeping condemnation appeared, but the fact that he +thought it prudent to modify the expression of his unqualified +acceptance of the Copernican theory favours the assumption that he may +have had to endure some volume of hostile private criticism. Whatever +may have been Zuniga's reasons for qualifying his early adhesion to +the Copernican theory, it seems safe to think that timidity was not +one of them. His nerve was unshaken. Towards the end of his life he +was engaged on a task after Luis de Leon's own heart: the bringing to +book of an unreasonable Provincial.] + +[Footnote 119: Luis de Leon describes (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 374) the circumstances as follows: 'Dijome un dia ansi por estas +palabras que el Papa tenia gran noticia de su persona y le estimaba en +mucho; y tras desto refiriome un largo cuento de un mercader y de un +cardenal por cuyos medios florecia su nombre en la corte romana, lleno +todo de su vanidad; y anadio que habia enviado al Papa un tratadillo +que habia compuesto, porque Su Santidad tenia deseo como el decia, de +ver alguna cosa suya; y mostromele para que yo le viese... Visto, +porque me pidio mi parecer y yo soy claro, dijele que quisiera que una +cosa que enviaba a lugar tan senalado por muestra de su ingenio, fuera +de mas substancia, o que a lo menos aquel argumento lo tratara mas +copiosamente, porque traia pocos lugares, y esos ordinarios, aunque +como le dije yo creia que aquellos lugares que alegaba los habia el +sacado de su estudio y no de los libros ordinarios. Respondiome que +era gran verdad que el con su trabajo los habia notado en la Biblia +sin ayudarse de otro libro; y creolo porque no se precia de leer ni +aun a los sanctos, y promete que de improviso dira una hora y mas +sobre cualquier paso de la Biblia que le abrieren; y si le dicen que +lea los sanctos dice que no los lee porque no le sirven de nada. +Dijele mas que no debiera, porque para su condicion fue palabra +dura.'] + +[Footnote 120: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 335-336. Luis de +Leon suggests that five Augustinians whom he mentions by name be asked +if they knew 'que en un capitulo provincial... que habra diez o once +anos que se hizo en la villa de Duenas, fray Diego Rodriguez, o de +Zuniga por otro nombre, se desmando en palabras con fray Francisco +Cueto, el cual era en aquel capitulo definidor mayor, y que el dicho +Cueto se quejo del dicho fray Diego en definitorio al provincial fray +Diego Lopez y a los definidores presentes, de los cuales era uno el +dicho maestro fray Luis, y que alli se ordeno que castigasen al dicho +fray Diego Rodriguez o Zuniga, y que otro dia en ejecucion dello el +dicho provincial le dio en el refitorio delante de toda la provincia +una disciplina, que es cosa que se tiene por grande afrenta; y que por +esta causa el dicho Zuniga tiene enemistad con el dicho provincial +fray Diego Lopez y con el dicho maestro que era definidor entonces, y +es amigo del dicho provincial.' As not all the five Augustinians were +called, it may be assumed that the Court considered the point +proved.] + +[Footnote 121: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas states: +'Y que sabe este testigo de cierto que por esta causa el dicho fray +Diego tuviese enemistad con el dicho fray Luis, que no lo puede saber +por ser negocio interior; pero que a lo que puede imaginar de la +condicion del dicho fray Diego [Rodriguez o Zuniga] no dejaria de +creer que es ansi, porque es recio de condicion y algo vengativo, y +tras esto siempre le ha visto enemigo declarado contra fray Diego +Lopez, y tambien ha visto que despues aca nunca vio amistad entre los +dichos fray Diego y fray Luis.'] + +[Footnote 122: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 67 and 71. Zuniga is +careful to state that he is 'predicador y religioso, morador en el +monasterio de Sanct Agustin de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, de edad de +treinta y seis anos', and again, 'predicador, profeso de la orden de +Sanct Agustin... de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, e dijo ser de edad de +treinta y seis anos'. It appears that in the sixteenth century a very +straight line was drawn by the Augustinians between official +'preachers' and 'professors': it was thought that the qualities +needed by the one were not likely to be found in the other. There +were distinguished exceptions, no doubt. But as a general rule a +'predicador' was rarely considered eligible for a university chair. +(Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, pp. 64-67.)] + +[Footnote 123: See the previous note.] + +[Footnote 124: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 305: '...era mancebo +y melancolico, y le parescio a este que habia ido muy adelante en +imaginar mal del dicho Benito Arias;...'] + +[Footnote 125: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 68-69. The following +is Zuniga's account of what occurred: 'Item dijo que habra trece anos +estando en Salamanca por huesped, le dijo Fr. Luis de Leon en su +celda, que habia venido a sus manos un libro estranamente curioso, el +cual le habia dado Arias Montano... y que en el principio del libro +contaba una revelacion que habia tenido el que lo compuso, estando de +noche orando, que vio en la oscuridad una luz, y que della oyo que +salia una voz que dijo: _Quomodo obscuratum est aurum, mutatus est +color optimus!_ y que temiendose este declarante no fuese algun mal +libro, le habia mucha instancia que le dijese si habia en el alguna +herejia, y que el dicho Fr. Luis de Leon le respondio que en lo de +confesion le parescia que decia una herejia, y que entonces este +declarante le dijo que quitase alla tal libro y tal revelacion como +decia; y que con esto no le dijo mas el dicho fray Luis de Leon; y que +despues formo este declarante escrupulo si estaba obligado a denunciar +de aquello que le habia dicho, y que lo pregunto a dos personas de +ciencia y consciencia, religiosos de su orden, y le dijeron que +si;... Y este declarante determinado de denunciar, pregunto al dicho +Fray Luis de Leon a solas por el dicho Arias Montano que le habia dado +el dicho libro, que si era buen cristiano; que el dicho Fr. Luis de +Leon se altero con esta pregunta, y le dijo muy encarescidamente que +era muy buen cristiano, y en prueba dello mostro a este declarante una +carta que le habia escripto el dicho Arias Montano en que le daba muy +buenos consejos:...'] + +[Footnote 126: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 369. In relation to +Montoya, Luis de Leon says: 'Y cuanto toca al capitulo tercero, si yo +no temiera aquella sentencia _Maledici regnum Dei non possidebunt_, y +aquella _Invicem mordentes, invicem consumemini_, yo pudiera relatar +mas de dos cosas, algo mas pesadas que es dar un _agnus Dei_ un fraile +a otro sin pedir al perlado licencia, de las cuales este hombre +religioso no hace escrupulo. Y esta fuera su merecida respuesta; pero +aunque el hable lo que ni sabe ni debe, yo mirare lo que debo a mi +habito y a mi persona.'] + +[Footnote 127: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 217-218.] + +[Footnote 128: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 13-14.] + +[Footnote 129: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 130: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 14-15.] + +[Footnote 131: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 15.] + +[Footnote 132: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 15-16.] + +[Footnote 133: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 12-13.] + +[Footnote 134: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 21.] + +[Footnote 135: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 136: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 316-318, 325.] + +[Footnote 137: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 317.] + +[Footnote 138: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 29-30.] + +[Footnote 139: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 30-35.] + +[Footnote 140: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 35. Luis de Leon had +applied for a special hearing: '...para suplicar a sus mercedes que +ninguno de sus papeles se de al maestro Mancio para que los lleve a su +casa por el peligro que hay de poderlos ver frailes suyos, a los +cuales tiene tachados...'] + +[Footnote 141: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 35-36.] + +[Footnote 142: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 36.] + +[Footnote 143: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 37. The instructions +of the Supreme Inquisition to the Valladolid judges were as follows: +'En lo que escrebis quel maestro fray Luis de Leon ha recusado al +maestro Mancio, que le habia nombrado por patrono, y pedido traslado +de lo que dejo escripto en su negocio; consultado con el Reverendisimo +Senor Inquisidor general, ha parecido aviseis, Senores, al dicho +maestro Mancio que no vuelva ahi hasta que otra cosa se le ordene, y +proseguireis en la causa del dicho fray Luis de Leon sin embargo de la +dicha recusacion, y sin darle copia de lo quel dicho maestro Mancio +dejo anotado en el; y ponerse ha la dicha nota en el proceso signado y +autorizado de uno de los notarios del Secreto, para que dello conste. +Guarde nuestro Senor vuestras muy Reverendas personas.' This letter +was signed in Madrid on November 4, 1574.] + +[Footnote 144: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 41-42: 'Digo que yo +nombre por mi patron al maestro Mancio catredatico de prima de +teulugia en Salamanca, el cual habiendo comenzado a ver mi negocio se +ha ausentado a leer su catreda, y porque pudiendo facilmente dar su +parecer se ha hecho vehementisimamente sospechoso que es participe y +companero en la maldad que contra mi ha intentado fray Bartolome de +Medina, fraile de su orden y casa, porque conforme a derecho no carece +de sociedad oculta el que deja de obrar a tan manifiesta malicia; y +siendo obligado a defenderme por el juramento que se le tomo y por +haber empezado el negocio, en desampararme cometio grandisimo pecado, +porque conforme a derecho tambien es falso testigo el que deja de +decir verdad cuando es obligado a la decir, como el que dice falso +testimonio. Y la causa de ir a leer su catreda no le escusa, porque mi +defensa se habia de hacer en muy pocos dias, y estando el impedido por +Vs. Mds. ni habia de perder la catreda ni multarle en ella, ni los +estudiantes recibian detrimento considerable, porque en las catredas +de propriedad se asignan lecturas que no las acaban, y el sostituto +podia leer de lo del cabo de la asignatura si el queria leer del +principio como lo hacen los catredaticos de propiedad que al principio +de Sant Lucas estan impedidos.'] + +[Footnote 145: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 44.] + +[Footnote 146: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 45-46.] + +[Footnote 147: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 46: '...suplico a +Vs. Mds. le manden que con brevedad se resuelva y de su parecer, y +ansi mismo suplico, y con el acatamiento que debo requiero a Vs. Mds. +manden que ansi el parecer que diere en lo que vea agora, como el que +ha dado en la Vulgata el dicho maestro Mancio, los comunique conmigo +antes que se vaya; porque el fin de su oficio le obliga a ello, y yo +le nombre por patron debajo desta condicion, y no en otra manera,...'] + +[Footnote 148: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 47-48: '...como +otras veces he dicho ha mas de dos meses que persevero pidiendo +audiencia con el maestro Mancio, y no me se ha dado... Y aunque yo +tengo por cierto que el dicho maestro ha aprobado las proposiciones +[que se dicen resultar deste proceso] porque son asi ciertas y llanas +las que yo he afirmado, que decir lo contrario es o temeridad o error; +y porque cuando las comunique con el, me dijo claramente delante de +Vs. Mds. que eran cosas llanas; pero si por caso hubiese otra cosa, +digo que no me danan porque no se me ha dado en ello el lugar de +defensa que de derecho se me debe: lo uno porque no me han querido Vs. +Mds. dar audiencia para informar enteramente al dicho maestro mi +patron; lo otro porque si ha dado parecer sin haberse comunicado +conmigo no he tenido patron;... + +Demas desto digo que el mismo negocio me da a entender que este +proceso esta visto por Vs. Mds. dias ha y decretada la sentencia +definitiva del; y que no se pronuncia por una de dos cosas, o porque +el fiscal ha apelado del dicho decreto para el Consejo general de la +Inquisicion, o porque los Senores del han mandado que se suspenda la +pronunciacion della hasta que se averiguen los pleitos de los demas +maestros que fueron presos cuando yo lo fui.'] + +[Footnote 149: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 150: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 52-53.] + +[Footnote 151: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 53-55.] + +[Footnote 152: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 315: '...suplico a +Vs. Mds. sean servidos que se me de entera noticia de todo lo que hay +contra mi, por que despues de tantos meses parece justo que yo sepa +por que fui preso, lo cual no alcanzo hasta agora por las deposiciones +que he visto; y que pueda responder por mi y defenderme enteramente, +lo cual no puedo hacer no se haciendo publicacion entera!' It would be +easy, but superfluous, to quote other examples of Luis de Leon's +complaints on this point; his evidence is honeycombed with them.] + +[Footnote 153: As early as January 21, 1573, Luis de Leon complained +in writing (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 250): 'que en todo el +tiempo que ha que estoy preso, que son ya poco menos de diez meses, no +se habia hecho en este mi pleito publicacion de testigos, ni se me +habia dado lugar de entera defensa, no pareciendo haber para la tal +dilacion causa ninguna juridica ni necesaria,... y yo, dilatandose la +publicacion y el tiempo de mi defensa, corria riesgo de no poder +probar mi inocencia por los casos ordinarios de muerte y ausencia que +podrian suceder a mis testigos;...' See also _Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, pp. 474 and 563.] + +[Footnote 154: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 183: 'Fuele dicho que +en este Santo Oficio naide se prende sin causa de culpa que tenga en +cosas que sean contra nuestra santa fe catolica; por tanto que se le +amonesta por reverencia de nuestro Senor Jesucristo y su bendita +madre, que diga enteramente la verdad; y haciendolo ansi de lo que +sabe de su persona y de otros, se usara con el de mucha misericordia: +donde no, que se hara justicia.'] + +[Footnote 155: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 184.] + +[Footnote 156: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-186.] + +[Footnote 157: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 77: 'Preguntado que +es lo que quiere: dijo quel ha entendido quel P. maestro fray Luis de +Leon, catredatico de Salamanca de la orden de Senor San Agustin, esta +preso en la Inquisicion de Valladolid; y que habia un mes que estando +este en el convento de la dicha ciudad de la dicha orden, hablando con +fray Martin de Guevara, natural de Lorca, residente en el dicho +monasterio de San Agustin desta ciudad, le dijo el dicho fray Martin +quel habia ayudado muchas veces a decir misa al dicho fray Luis de +Leon en su celda en Salamanca, y que siempre se la oyo decir de +_Requiem_, aunque fuese fiesta, y que nunca le entendia lo que decia +porque hablaba tu tu tu, de manera que no lo entendia, y acababa muy +presto. Y cuando se lo dijo, estaban los dos solos paseandose en el +monasterio desta ciudad. Y en lo que dice que ha un mes que se lo +dijo, no esta bien cierto, sino que de tres meses a esta parte se lo +oyo decir, y esta es la verdad, y que no hubo ocasion mas que estar +hablando de su prision.' + +It is right to add that Ciguelo, who appears to have been silly and +malignant, was not summoned by the Inquisition. He appeared as a +volunteer witness who came forward of his own accord to give evidence. +At the same date, he insinuated that Luis de Leon did not believe in +the coming of Christ. On being pressed to give the names of those who +had heard Luis de Leon say anything of the sort, Ciguelo declared that +he had not been told them.] + +[Footnote 158: The interrogatories rejected will be found in +_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 268-272, 273-275, 286-290, +293-294.] + +[Footnote 159: The Licentiate Diego Gonzalez, Doctor Guijano de +Mercado, and the Licentiate Andres de Alava gave the following ruling +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 273): 'Dijeron que el segundo, +tercero y cuarto interrogatorios presentados por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, en esta causa dados, y otras preguntas anadidas en otras +dellos dadas, que van senalados, les paresce son impertinentes, y que +no se debe hacer diligencias por ellos.'] + +[Footnote 160: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 200.] + +[Footnote 161: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 272: 'Item si saben +que el dicho maestro fray Luis no es mofador ni murmurador, ni de los +sanctos ni de los no sanctos, sino que es de condicion modesta y +humilde.'] + +[Footnote 162: A good specimen of Luis de Leon's sarcasm is given on +pp. 320-321 of _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X: 'Los dominicos se +sintieron desto mucho; y porque yo soy particular servidor del dicho +D. Juan [de Almeida], entendieron que era cosa comunicada, y acusaron +al dicho Medina, el cual movido con el sanctisimo celo que le pudo +poner esta nueva, parescio delante de Vs. Mds. en tantos de hebrero +del dicho ano [1571] a hacer esta segunda declaracion, donde comenzo a +descubrir mas la piedad de su buen animo; y ansi como no tenia de +nuevo cosa particular que decir de mi,... dice confusamente que me +sintio inclinado a novedades agenas de la antigueedad de nuestra fe y +religion, en lo cual si este testigo tuviese conciencia..., habia de +senalar en particular algunas novedades que hubiese visto en mi +doctrina, o oido en mis disputas;... Demas desto si es verdad que +sintio de mi lo que dice ?por que en la deposicion primera que hizo +por el diciembre no lo declaro? Pues ninguna cosa de las que entonces +declaro es tan pesada como es esto si fuera verdad. Y por la misma +causa no es creible que lo dejo por olvido habiendose acordado de +cosas muy menores, y siendo verdad como he dicho, que anduvo muchos +dias tratando y ordenando esta buena obra.' Of Luis de Leon's banter a +specimen will be found a few pages further on (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 347): 'Y hecha la censura, y leyendola yo a los sobredichos +maestros que me estaban esperando, me acuerdo que llegando a aquellas +palabras anadidas dije: "Estas puse mas de lo que Vs. Mds. ordenaron +por contentar al Senor maestro Leon"; y volvime a el riyendo, y +dijele: "alomenos hoy no podra decir sino que le tengo bien contento"; +y ansi con risa y muy en paz y amistad nos levantamos todos, y quedo +ordenada y firmada la dicha censura.'] + +[Footnote 163: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 303: 'A la decima +pregunta dijo que lo que sabe de la pregunta es haber oido decir quel +dicho maestro fray Luis de Leon era tan buen letrado que a cualquiera +con quien se pusiese, pudiera llevar cualquier catreda, y mas la +d'Escriptura.'] + +[Footnote 164: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 321-322: +'Ultimamente veanse mis leturas: y si en ellas se hallare rastro de +novedades, sino antes inclinacion a todo lo antiguo y lo sancto, yo +sere mentiroso, si no es que este testigo llama novedad todo lo que no +halla en sus papeles.'] + +[Footnote 165: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 210: '...este +declarante... jamas leyo ningun rabino,...' _Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 295: 'Al capitulo octavo dijo que este nunca defendio +interpretaciones de judios por ser de judios, ni en su vida ha leido +comentario de judios...'] + +[Footnote 166: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 267.] + +[Footnote 167: This inference is based on the fact that Luis de Leon +refers to Cano more often than to any of the others, that he sometimes +mentions Cano separately, and that his allusions to Cano are always +couched in the most respectful terms: '...oyendo al maestro Cano que +fue mi maestro,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 239).] + +[Footnote 168: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 388.] + +[Footnote 169: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 510.] + +[Footnote 170: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 147.] + +[Footnote 171: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 305: 'Al segundo +capitulo dijo que como tiene declarado en sus confesiones, ha once o +doce anos que desde Salamanca vino este confesante no a otra cosa, +sino a dar cuenta a los Senores Inquisidores de aquel libro en vida de +los Senores Inquisidores Guigelmo y Riego, y lo dio por escripto, +porque a este le parescio que aunque tenia el dicho libro muchas cosas +catolicas, tenia otras que le parescian a este peligrosas que no las +entendia este bien, porque era en lengua toscana, la cual este no +sabia entonces. Y este no lo leia sino que se lo leian a el, como lo +declaro por el dicho escripto al cual se remite.'] + +[Footnote 172: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 303-304.] + +[Footnote 173: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 200-202: 'Tambien +estando escribiendo esto se me ha ofrecido a la memoria que habra como +ano y medio que en Salamanca un estudiante licenciado en canones, que +se llamaba el licenciado Poza, que me leia principios de astrologia, +me dijo un dia que el tenia un cartapacio de cosas curiosas, y que +tenia algun escrupulo si le podia tener; que me rogaba le viese y le +dijese si le podia tener, porque si podia se holgaria mucho. Era un +cartapacio como de cien hojas, de ochavo de pliego, de letra menuda. +Vile a ratos, y habia en el cosas curiosas, y otras que tocaban a +sigillos astrologicos, y otras que claramente eran de cercos y +invocaciones, aunque a la verdad todo ello me parecia que aun en +aquella arte era burleria. Y acusome que leyendo este libro, para ver +la vanidad del, probe un sigillo astrologico, y en un poco de plomo +que me dio el mismo licenciado, con un cuchillo pinte no me acuerdo +que rayas, y dije unas palabras que eran sanctas, y proteste que las +decia al sentido que en ellas pretendio el Espiritu Sancto, +acordandome que Cayetano en la Suma cuenta de si haber probado una +cosa semejante con la misma protestacion, para ver y mostrar la +vanidad della; y asi todo aquello parecio vano. Y tambien me acuso que +otro dia de aquellos en que iba mirando lo que habia en aquel libro, +tuve casi deliberada voluntad, estando solo, de probar otra cosa que +parecia facil, aunque de hecho no la probe, porque mude la voluntad. +Yo quise quemar este libro en presencia de su dueno, y esperandole un +dia que me habia de venir a ver, supe que dos dias antes se habia ido +a Avila, huyendo de la enfermedad de pintas que andaba entonces en +Salamanca; y asi le queme aquella noche en mi celda en una chimenea +que hay en ella. Y a todo lo que agora me puedo acordar, me parece que +estaba conmigo entonces el padre fray Bartolome de Carranza, y que me +pregunto por que quemaba aquello, y se lo dije. Este estudiante me +escribio pocos dias despues preguntandome por el libro: yo no le +respondi, porque no hubo con quien, ni despues aca he sabido ni oido +mas del, porque no volvio mas a Salamanca, ni yo me he acordado del +hasta este punto. No me acuerdo bien si me dijo un dia que quien le +habia dado aquel libro habia experimentado lo de los conjuros. No me +dijo quien era ni yo se lo pregunte ni lo se.'] + +[Footnote 174: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 439: 'Este testigo no +me perjudica por ser el maestro Leon a quien tengo tachado por mi +enemigo, y es singular, y es testigo falso, y como contra tal se debe +proceder contra el por ser falso en cosa tan substancial como esta, y +las demas que ha dicho contra mi, fuera de lo que yo tengo +confesado.'] + +[Footnote 175: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 193: 'Por todo lo +cual digo que es notorio y manifiesto que en mi no hay conforme a +razon y derecho, alguna color ni parte de sospecha; ni por esta causa +puedo ni debo ser detenido por vuestras mercedes ni un solo dia, y que +en ello recibo claro agravio y que debe ser por vuestras mercedes +enmendado.'] + +[Footnote 176: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 19, 142, 149.] + +[Footnote 177: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 385: 'Item ello en si +no tiene ninguna verosimilitud ni apariencia de verdad porque ?en que +seso cabe que un hombre que no es hablador ni le tienen por tonto, +habia de decir un desatino semejante, y en un lugar tan publico como +es un convite? Porque si lo echan a donaire, demas de ser muy necio +donaire, y muy sin orden, no era donaire que ningun hombre de juicio +lo habia de decir en los oidos de tan diferentes gentes como son las +que se juntan en un banquete donde unos son necios, y otros +escrupulosos, y otros enemigos y naturalmente malsines, y amigos de +echallo todo a la peor parte. Y si quieren decir que se dijo de veras, +lleva mucho menos camino que yo lo dijese, porque cosa cierta es que +los que tratan de semejantes males, no los dicen a voces, ni en +publico, sino muy en particular y muy en secreto, y muy despues de +haber conocido y tratado a los que los dicen, y fiandose mucho dellos, +y a fin de persuadir y no de reir. Y cuando en esto hubiera +testimonios contra mi mas claros y mas ciertos que el sol, antes de +creello habian Vs. Mds. informarse de si aquel dia habia yo perdido el +seso o si estaba borracho, porque si no era asi no era creible cosa +semejante.'] + +[Footnote 178: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-171, 173-179, +179-183, 183-186, 199-214, 220-253.] + +[Footnote 179: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 228-230: '...no me +parece que hay cosa contra la fe, ni doctrina erronea, temeraria o +escandalosa. Mas no puede el autor excusarse de gran culpa en haber +tratado materia y cuestion semejante en estos tiempos, y leidola a +multitud de estudiantes, entre los cuales los rudos, los idiotas, los +libres y los desasosegados ingenios, y los mal intencionados y los +simples y flacos no podrian sacar aprovechamiento ni edificacion, sino +atrevida osadia y poca reverencia a la edicion Vulgata que la iglesia +catolica nos da por autentica. Y aunque las palabras y razones y +autoridades de doctores con que el autor procede, no sean en si +malas; pero piden auditorio muy pio, muy docto y muy atento para no +tomar de aqui ocasion a tener en poco nuestra Biblia latina, y +errar.... Mas no todas las verdades se han de sacar a plaza, ni todos +los oyentes son capaces dellas; y por doctrina suelen sacar errores y +escandalo, y tal es esto: porque el oficio del teologo en publicas +lecciones no era desnudar sino vestir cuanto pudiese la edicion que el +concilio aprueba, y no dejarla tan en los huesos como la deja, que es +todo lo posible sin ser hereje, ni tener nota de error, temeridad o +sospecha en la fe, ni ser proposiciones escandalosas. + +De la proposicion 4ª digo que es falsa,... Pero no hay cosa en todo +ello para retratar.' + +This _calificacion_ appears to be in the handwriting of Fray Hernando +de Castillo, who signed it. It is also signed by the Dominican Antonio +de Arce and by Dr. Cancer. Cancer appears to have been ready to put +his name to anything. Earlier in the same year, as it seems--for no +date is attached in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 122-127--Cancer +wrote, concerning one of Luis de Leon's tenets: 'Haec propositio est +irrisoria, injuriosa, temeraria et... haeretica in 2º gradu...'] + +[Footnote 180: This mellowing of judgement is particularly the case +with the Franciscan Fray Nicolas Ramos. Cp. _Documentos ineditos_, +vol. XI, p. 231, and pp. 234-237.] + +[Footnote 181: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 295: 'Y hacerseha +todo luego porque importa la brevedad, y vendra esta por cabeza de +todo.'] + +[Footnote 182: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 195: '...y hecho +esto pasareis adelante con el negocio como os esta ordenado, con toda +brevedad, pues veis lo que importa'. This occurs in a letter dated +'Madrid, 8 de otubre de 1575'. There seems to be a mistake in the +heading of this letter: according to this heading, the letter from the +Supreme Inquisition reached Valladolid on October 8, 1575. I cannot +say whether this is a slip of Pedro Bolivar, notary to the Holy Office +at Valladolid, or a slip in transcription made by Miguel Salva and +Sainz de Baranda. It can scarcely be a mere misprint.] + +[Footnote 183: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 351-353: 'Al margen +se halla la siguiente nota. "_Cuando este proceso se comenzo a ver y +hasta la mitad del, se hallaron a la vista los Senores licenciados +Juan de Ibarra y Don Hernando Nino, y no lo votaron por no poderlo +acabar de ver por estar enfermos._" En la villa de Valladolid a veinte +e ocho dias del mes de setiembre de mill y quinientos y setenta y +seis anos, habiendo visto los Senores licenciado D. Francisco de +Menchaca del Consejo de S.M., e dotor Guijano de Mercado, e licenciado +Andres de Alava Inquisidores, juntamente con los Senores licenciado +Luis Tello Maldonado, D. Pedro de Castro, Francisco de Albornoz, +oidores desta Real audiencia e chancilleria, asistiendo a ello por +ordinario del obispado de Salamanca el Senor doctor Frechilla +catredatico en esta universidad, por virtud del poder que para ello +tiene del Senor obispo de Salamanca, que esta en el secreto deste +Sancto Oficio, el proceso criminal de fray Luis de Leon, de la orden +de Sancto Agustin; los dichos Senores le votaron en la forma +siguiente. + +Los dichos Senores licenciados Menchaca, Alava, Luis Tello y Albornoz, +dijeron que son de voto y parecer que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea +puesto a queistion de tormento sobre la intencion y lo indiciado y +testificado, y sobre las proposiciones que estan cualificadas por +hereticas, no embargante que los teologos digan ultimamente que +satisface, entendiendolo como el, respondiendo a ellas, dice que lo +entendio; y que el tormento se le de moderado, atento que el reo es +delicado: y con lo que del resultare, se torne a veer y determinar. + +Los dichos Senores Inquisidores doctor Guijano, e Frechilla, +ordinario, dijeron que atento lo que los calificadores que ultimamente +vieron las proposiciones cargadas al reo, y lo que el y su patron +responden a ellas, califican; que su voto y parecer es que este reo +sea reprendido en la sala deste Sancto Oficio por la culpa que tuvo en +tratar desta materia en estos tiempos, por los inconvenientes que +dello resultan, y por el peligro y escandalo que podia causar, como lo +dicen los calificadores en la censura general que hicieron de todo el +cuaderno de donde se sacaron las diez y siete proposiciones de latin; +y que en el general grande de las escuelas mayores, estando juntos los +estudiantes y personas de la universidad, y algunos doctores del +claustro della, este reo declare las proposiciones sospechosas e +ambigueas, y que pudieron dar escandalo, que se le daran en escripto en +un memorial ordenado por los teologos calificantes con la declaracion +que ellos ordenaren; y que extrajudicialmente se diga a su perlado que +sin privacion ni otra declaracion, mande a este reo emplear sus +estudios en otras cosas de su facultad en que aproveche a la +republica, y se abstenga de leer publicamente en escuelas ni en otra +partes, y que el libro de los Canticos, traducido en romance, se +prohiba y recoja, siendo dello servido el Illmo. Senor Inquisidor +General y Senores del Consejo. Y que los libros y papeles +pertenecientes a los cargos deste proceso se retengan en este Sancto +Oficio. + +El dicho Senor licenciado D. Pedro de Castro dijo que dara su voto por +escripto.'] + +[Footnote 184: The peremptory letter of the Supreme Inquisition to the +Valladolid tribunal is printed in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. +354: 'Aqui se ha visto el proceso contra fray Luis de Leon, de la +orden de Sant Agustin, preso en esas carceles, y va determinado como +vereis por lo que al fin del va asentado. Aquello se ejecutara. Y +advertireis a este reo que guarde mucho secreto de todo lo que con el +ha pasado y toca a su proceso; y que no tenga pasion ni disensiones +con persona alguna, sospechando que haya testificado contra el en esta +su causa; porque de todo lo que a esto tocare se tratara en el Sancto +Oficio, y no se podra dejar de proveer en ello justicia con rigor. +Hacerloeis, Senores, asi. Guarde nuestro Senor vuestras muy +Reverendas personas. En Madrid siete de diciembre 1576.' + +The decision of the Supreme Inquisition is reproduced in _Documentos +ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 353: + +'En la villa de Madrid a siete dias del mes de diciembre de mill y +quinientos y setenta y seis anos, habiendo visto los Senores del +Consejo de S.M. de la Sancta general Inquisicion, el proceso de pleito +criminal contra fray Luis de Leon, de la orden de Sant Agustin, preso +en las carceles secretas del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de +Valladolid; mandaron que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea absuelto de la +instancia deste juicio, y en la sala de la audiencia sea reprendido y +advertido que de aqui adelante mire como y adonde trata cosas y +materias de la cualidad y peligro que las que deste proceso resultan, +y tenga en ellas mucha moderacion y prudencia como conviene para que +cese todo escandalo y ocasion de errores; y que se recoja el cuaderno +de los Cantares traducido en romance y ordenado por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 185: It is unnecessary to reproduce the exact terms of the +judgement (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 354-357), for this +closely follows the terms employed by the Supreme Inquisition.] + +[Footnote 186: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 356.] + +[Footnote 187: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 357-358: 'El +maestro fray Luis de Leon suplico a vuestras mercedes sean servidos +mandar que me sea dado un testimonio en manera que haga fe, por donde +conste al claustro de la universidad de Salamanca que yo por vuestras +mercedes fui absuelto de la instancia[A] que contra mi hizo el fiscal +deste Santo Oficio delante de vuestras mercedes, y dado por libre, en +manera que pueda ejercer cualquiera de las cosas que tocan a mis +ordenes y oficio, y sin penitencia ni nota alguna. + +Item suplico a vuestras mercedes manden se me de un mandamiento para +el pagador de las escuelas de Salamanca[B] para que pague lo corrido +de mi catreda desde el dia de mi prision hasta el dia que vaco por el +cuadrienio. Y en todo imploro el oficio etc.--] + +[Footnote A: Al margen se lee: "Que se le de la fee".] + +[Footnote B: Al margen: "Que se le de mandamiento. En 15 de diciembre +de 1576".'] + +[Footnote 188: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 358: 'En 13 de +agosto de 1577 anos, por mandado de los senores Inquisidores saque +esta sentencia de fray Luis, signada, e la entregue al Senor +Inquisidor doctor Guijano. Sacose para el maestrescuela de Salamanca.' +This sentence is probably written by the secretary, Celedon Gustin.] + + + + +IV + + +When did Luis de Leon return to Salamanca, and how was he received +there? According to an anonymous contemporary, whom Gallardo +conjectured to be a Jesuit, Luis de Leon made a sort of triumphal +entry into Salamanca, accompanied by a procession which marched along +to the sound of timbrels and trumpets.[189] This procession is alleged +to have taken place in the afternoon of December 30, 1576; but, as the +statement is made by one who has no divine idea of a date,[190] it +would be imprudent to rely on his unsupported authority in this +particular. The date of the procession may be doubtful. There is no +reason to doubt the general accuracy of the assertion that there was +some public manifestation of joy at Luis de Leon's release.[191] +Though he was not popular, his fellow-citizens were proud of him, and +there is a natural tendency to show sympathy with a man who has been +hardly used. But life is not made up of triumphal processions. On +December 31[192] Luis de Leon met the _Claustro_ of the University, +which had been duly informed of his acquittal. After congratulatory +phrases from the Rector, the released man was invited to speak. +According to the decree of the Inquisition, Luis de Leon was entitled +to claim restitution to his University chair. There were practical +difficulties in the way. Luis de Leon's tenure had lapsed while he was +in prison at Valladolid; his immediate successor had been Bartolome de +Medina, a dangerous enemy, and the chair was subsequently occupied by +the Benedictine Fray Garcia del Castillo, another declared opponent +who had intervened at an early stage of the case. Luis de Leon +renounced all claim, present or future, to his former chair--_que la +daba por bien empleada_--so long as it was held by Castillo. He +besought the _Claustro_ to bear in mind his past services, pointed +out that his acquittal implied a general approval of his teaching, +and then left the meeting.[193] Finally the _Claustro_ of Salamanca +agreed to create a new chair for Luis de Leon, with a salary of two +hundred ducats a year, his duty being to lecture on theology.[194] + +We now come to the best-known trait in Luis de Leon's career. He would +seem to have begun lecturing in his new chair on January 29, +1577.[195] The gathering was large, and now and here--if at any time +and in any place--he must have begun his lecture with the famous +phrase: 'As we were saying yesterday' (_Dicebamus hesterna die_). +Almost everybody who hears the story for the first time takes it for +granted that the remark was made to what was left of Luis de Leon's +old class--the class which he had been instructing just previous to +his arrest: otherwise, the anecdote loses great part of its point. It +behoves us therefore to examine the circumstances in which the story +was first made public. The earliest mention of the incident occurs +apparently in the _Monasticon Augustinianum_ by the once well-known +Nicolaas Cruesen, whose work appeared at Munich in 1623.[196] The +picturesque narrative soon struck the popular imagination, and it has +been repeated times innumerable.[197] One is always reluctant to part +with a good tale, but there is no denying the fact that the evidence +in favour of the current version is slighter than one could wish it to +be. The silence of all contemporary Spaniards with respect to this +episode is not a little strange. It is singular that the anecdote +should reach Spain from abroad, and that it should not be printed till +forty-six years after it is supposed to have occurred; that is to say, +till Luis de Leon had been thirty-two years in his grave. It does not +necessarily follow that the story is untrue. Nobody imagines that +Cruesen deliberately invented it. So far as appears, Cruesen was an +absolutely upright man who recorded with fidelity such information as +he could obtain. He was not ill-placed for obtaining information. +Himself an Augustinian, he was something of a cosmopolitan. Though +Flemish by blood, Cruesen was technically a Spanish subject; he was in +full sympathy with the politico-religious aims of Spain in the Low +Countries, and during the Spanish occupation he must have had +opportunities of meeting and questioning men who were Spanish by race. +Moreover, it seems to be established that, though the story concerning +Luis de Leon's remark did not appear in print till 1623, the chapter +containing it was written previous to 1612.[198] If this be so, the +account given by Cruesen must be dated thirty-five years after the +alleged occurrence and twenty-one years after Luis de Leon's death. +Further, Cruesen, who knew Spanish, travelled in Spain. There he seems +to have made the acquaintance of Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon, Luis de +Leon's able and admiring nephew. It is by no means impossible that +Fray Basilio was Cruesen's informant,[199] and, if this were proved, +the case for the story would be greatly strengthened, since it is +inconceivable that the nephew should repeat the anecdote, for the +purposes of publication, unless he had had it direct from his famous +uncle. These, however, are conjectures, more or less probable. The +story may derive from Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon or it may not. It is +the kind of story that any unscrupulous person might easily invent and +repeat to a too credulous visitor. As it stands, the evidence in its +support is, on the face of it, unsatisfactory. The case for the story +is perhaps not quite so weak as has been supposed;[200] ingenuity has +shown that the case against it may, to some extent, be frittered +away.[201] Still, there is no getting over the fact that this charming +anecdote is first reported outside of Spain by a foreigner who related +it in print long after Luis de Leon's death. No first-hand testimony +in its favour has hitherto been produced. Those who choose to believe +in the authenticity of the current version may not unreasonably do so; +it is obvious, however, that, in the absence of direct evidence, they +will have great difficulty in persuading others to share their belief. + +To return to prosaic details. The _Claustro_ had promptly created a +chair for Luis de Leon after his release from prison; there was more +ado about granting his request--made on the ground of health--that he +should be allowed to lecture from ten till eleven o'clock. Unluckily, +this time had been already allotted to the Dean of the Theological +Faculty, Diego Rodriguez, a Dominican, who objected to the proposal. +Bartolome de Medina not unnaturally stood by his brother-Dominican, +opposed the demand of the newly elected professor on the ground that +it could not be granted without showing disrespect to the Dean, and +suggested that Luis de Leon should be instructed to lecture from four +to five o'clock. On a vote being taken, the _Claustro_ gave Luis de +Leon a majority; but, as the Rector of the University claimed to be +the deciding authority on such questions, the matter was not finally +decided at this meeting.[202] It might seem that, in practice, Luis de +Leon carried his point for, as the clock struck ten on January 29, +1577, he began his first lecture in his new post; but this was mainly +a formal taking possession of the post, and the professor in his +fragmentary lecture took occasion to protest against not having a +lecture hour assigned to him.[203] Luis de Leon continued to occupy +the chair that had been created for him. The death of Francisco +Sancho, bishop of Segorbe, in June 1578 caused a vacancy in the +university chair of Moral Philosophy. Luis de Leon determined to +present himself as a candidate. A rival candidate came forward in the +person of Fray Francisco Zumel, Rector of the Mercenarian College. The +struggle was vehement. Zumel did not stick at trifles; he charged his +opponent with exercising undue pressure on the electors by means of +cajolery, threats, lavish hospitality (which was dispensed with the +aid of brother-Augustinians), bribery, and attempted personal +violence.[204] Luis de Leon was not behindhand: he sought to have +Zumel disqualified on technical grounds, and further accused his +opponent of breaking the law governing elections. In the heat of +conflict, the very best of men seem able to persuade themselves that +the most extravagant assertions are true. No one but the candidates +can have taken these amenities seriously. When the battle was ended on +August 14, 1578, Luis de Leon, who received 301 votes, was in a +majority of seventy-nine.[205] This check appears to have rankled in +Zumel's mind. Luis de Leon celebrated his success by taking the degree +of Master of Arts on October 11. Why? It is hard to say. He cannot +well have thought that the possession of a Master's degree would +strengthen his position as one of the members representing the +University of Salamanca on the Committee appointed to report on the +projected reform of the calendar.[206] Normally this Committee, of +which Medina and Domingo Banez were also members, would have absorbed +much of Luis de Leon's attention. His energies were to be otherwise +exercised in the immediate future. The death of Gregorio Gallo, Bishop +of Segovia, on September 25, 1579, caused a vacancy in the Biblical +chair at Salamanca. The late bishop had viewed with no very friendly +eyes some of Luis de Leon's proceedings before the Valladolid +trial,[207] and it might have troubled him to think that Luis de Leon +was destined to follow him at Salamanca. That, however, was what +happened. The position was not carried without a stiff fight. At +Valladolid, Salinas had said it was commonly thought by some of +Luis de Leon's admirers that he could carry any University +chair--especially a chair of Scripture--against all comers.[208] It +was now to be seen whether this opinion was, or was not, well founded. +A formidable competitor appeared in the person of Fray Domingo de +Guzman, the third son of Garcilasso de la Vega. Though Guzman had not +inherited his father's poetic gift, he had a turn for versifying, and +his burlesque _glosa_ of Luis de Leon's celebrated _quintillas_-- + + Aqui la envidia y mentira + me tuvieron encerrado-- + +is not wholly forgotten, since four lines of it find a resounding echo +in Cervantes' preliminary verses at the beginning of _Don Quixote_ to +Urganda la Desconocida.[209] But the relative merits of the two +candidates for the vacant chair were not the point at issue. More +relevant was the fact that Guzman was a Dominican with all the +strength of the massed Dominican vote at his back. Whatever may have +been the case at other times and places, at this period there was no +love lost between Dominicans and Augustinians in Salamanca. Medina +represented with distinction the more rigid teaching of the Dominican +school; with at least equal distinction Luis de Leon represented the +freer tendencies of the Augustinians. He was almost imprudently loyal +to his own order. He publicly championed Augustinian candidates +whenever a suitable chair became vacant at the University of +Salamanca, and, despite the secrecy enjoined by the Inquisition, it +had probably leaked out that, at his recent trial in Valladolid, he +had repeatedly objected to all Dominicans as being so many enemies. In +the nature of things he could not be popular with the Dominicans and +their sympathizers. In this particular contest, however, his great +personal qualities were somewhat overclouded. He and Domingo de Guzman +were but standard-bearers. The conflict in which they were engaged +resolved itself into a struggle for supremacy between two potent +religious orders. Apart from the personal merits of the respective +candidates, the forces marshalled on each side were about equal. +Passions ran high. Poetasters on both sides did their part.[210] It +speedily became evident that the margin of the successful candidate +would be narrow. This prevision proved to be correct. When the poll +was declared on December 6, 1579, Luis de Leon's total of votes +amounted to 285, giving him a majority of thirty-six over his +opponent.[211] Since he stood against Grajal, and was defeated, at the +very outset of his professorial career, he had hardly ever been so +pressed in any academic struggle. Unfortunately, in the contest +against Guzman there was some irregularity in the voting; each side +accused the other of malpractices; an appeal was lodged on behalf of +Domingo de Guzman; for some unknown reason the case was not decided +till over twenty-two months later. Finally, on October 13, 1581, +judgement was delivered in favour of Luis de Leon at Valladolid.[212] +The equity of this decision has been questioned;[213] but there is no +reason to doubt the substantial justice of the verdict given by a +court with all the facts before it, and with the opportunity of +cross-examining the witnesses who appeared to give evidence. It +should be said, however, that the Dominicans never accepted the +official decision, and put about a rumour that the irregularity had +been committed by a supporter of Luis de Leon's--a supporter who (so +it was alleged) some twenty years later avowed his transgression and +sought to make amends for it by paying a sum of 8,000 _reales_ into +the Dominican chest.[214] Meanwhile Luis de Leon (who, like Domingo de +Guzman, was perfectly innocent of any share in these clandestine +manoeuvres) had taken possession of the Biblical Chair at Salamanca by +reading himself in on December 7, 1579. Hitherto his reputation, great +as it was, had been more or less local: that is to say, it depended +mainly on his University lectures, which were exploited by certain +unscrupulous persons. It was not till 1580 that, at the express +command of his superior, Fray Pedro Suarez,[215] he issued his first +book: a Latin commentary on the _Song of Songs_. On the title-page +stood a characteristic motto from his favourite Horace: _ab ipso +ferro_. Possibly at this moment Luis de Leon looked forward to a +period of learned leisure: + + O ya seguro puerto + de mi tan luengo error! o deseado + para reparo cierto + del grave mal pasado, + reposo dulce, alegre, reposado! + +If the author of this opening stanza of _Al apartamiento_ were +optimistic enough to assume that these verses might be applied to his +own case, he was destined to be speedily disillusioned. + +The Valladolid Inquisitors had not treated him in such fashion as to +make him desirous of meeting them again. This experience was, however, +awaiting him.[216] On January 20 or 21, 1582,[217] his former +opponent, the Mercenarian Fray Francisco Zumel, took the chair at a +theological meeting in Salamanca. At this meeting a Jesuit named +Prudencio de Montemayor put forward a thesis which opened up the +difficulties connected with the reconciliation of the theological +doctrines of predestination and free-will. Owing to some disturbance +in the assembly, Montemayor's voice did not reach all who were present +and, in the interest of the audience, Luis de Leon repeated +Montemayor's arguments without lending them any support; his action +was misunderstood, and many supposed that he was expressing his +personal opinions. In the ensuing discussion his vanquished opponent, +Domingo de Guzman, intervened, and with unnecessary acerbity declared +that Montemayor's views were heretical. Nothing would have been easier +than for Luis de Leon to keep out of the fray, especially as he +himself held, and had always taught, opinions opposed to those +advanced by Montemayor. If, as Pacheco reports, Luis de Leon was the +most taciturn of men, he was chivalrous to the point of quixotism. In +the circumstances silence was impossible for him. He was for as much +liberty of thought as was compatible with orthodoxy; he was persuaded +that much of the opposition of the Dominicans to Montemayor was due +to the fact that the latter was a Jesuit;[218] and no doubt he was +quite human enough to be annoyed at the intrusion of Domingo de Guzman +as the champion of doctrinal intolerance.... Be this as it may, Luis +de Leon took up the cudgels for Montemayor's views which, as he +maintained, were perfectly tenable. At a later meeting in Salamanca, +Fray Juan de Castaneda, a Benedictine,[219] advanced views very +similar to those of Montemayor; Domingo Banez, whose relations with +Luis de Leon were never cordial, was even more emphatic than his +brother-Dominican, Domingo de Guzman, and denounced Castaneda's views +as savouring of Pelagianism. A sharp passage of arms followed between +Banez and Luis de Leon,[220] and, after some exchange of argument, +Banez professed to be satisfied with Castaneda's thesis, and therefore +with Luis de Leon's explanations.[221] Others were less easily +contented; even some of the Augustinian professors at Salamanca were +uneasy;[222] and finally the case came before the Inquisition of +Valladolid, though the sittings of the court were held in Salamanca. +The delator would appear to have been a Jeromite, Fray Joan de Santa +Cruz, who took objection to some sixteen propositions which, as he +alleged, were put forward by Luis de Leon.[223] Some exaggeration on +the part of Santa Cruz is conceivable. As a Jeromite, he bore a grudge +against Luis de Leon for his overt opposition to the candidature of +Hector Pinto at Salamanca University and, as Francisco de Palacios +deposed at Valladolid on February 5, 1573, Santa Cruz had been +somewhat excited by the news of Grajal's arrest and was anxious to +know if Luis de Leon had been apprehended at the same time.[224] This +incident implies no great impartiality on the part of Santa Cruz. +Still, a report made officially has to be met. On March 8, 1582, Luis +de Leon, adopting the same procedure which he had followed at +Valladolid, voluntarily presented himself before the Inquisitionary +tribunal at Salamanca, and read his account of what had occurred.[225] +In several particulars he was enabled to correct the version of Santa +Cruz, which was admittedly second-hand in part.[226] He must have +thought of 'old, unhappy, far-off things' as he entered the Court and +recognized the Inquisitionary secretary with the singular name of +Celedon Gustin; these remembrances probably led him to take additional +precautions. On March 31 he appeared a second time before the +Inquisitionary Court at Salamanca, and volunteered the statement that, +though he still believed Montemayor's thesis to be free from heretical +taint, reflection caused him to think that it was temerarious +(inasmuch as it differed from the usual scholastic teaching on the +subject); that its promulgation in a public assembly was regrettable; +and that he was ready to make amends if he had in any way exceeded in +his defence of Montemayor.[227] A little later three Augustinians, one +of them a man of some prominence in the order, appeared with a view +to disassociate themselves from Luis de Leon's action;[228] and a +fourth witness came forward in the person of Fray Francisco Zumel, who +produced fragments of a lecture on predestination delivered by Luis de +Leon at Salamanca as far back as 1571.[229] One hardly knows whether +to say that Luis de Leon was fortunate or unfortunate in his +opponents. Zumel, as we have seen, was a defeated competitor for the +chair of Moral Philosophy at the University of Salamanca in 1578. +Similarly, Domingo de Guzman was a defeated competitor for the +Biblical Chair at the University of Salamanca in 1579. So, too, at the +dawn of his professorial career, Luis de Leon had easily carried a +_substitucion de visperas_ against Domingo Banez.[230] These men were +the soul of the opposition to Luis de Leon in his second encounter +with the Inquisitionary tribunal; inasmuch as they had all three been +beaten in open contest by Luis de Leon, their motives were not +altogether free from some suspicion of personal animus; but their +united hostility was undoubtedly formidable. Luis de Leon's foes were +not, however, limited to the Dominicans and the Jeromite whom he had +defeated for University Chairs. Some members of his own order had been +rendered unhappy by his latest outbreak. Fray Pedro de Aragon, Fray +Martin de Coscojales, and Fray Andres de Solana were not alone.[231] +This is obvious from a highly disagreeable letter written in Madrid on +February 15, 1582, by the well-known Augustinian Fray Lorenzo de +Villavicencio. In this letter, which was laid before the Inquisition +by Luis de Leon, Villavicencio thought it his duty to tell his +correspondent to mind his own business, to cease denouncing tyranny, +and to understand that his action, while it did good to nobody, was a +source of annoyance to many.[232] Manifestly Luis de Leon's passion +for fair play was altogether incomprehensible to his opponents, and it +may be that he made no great effort to win their support. If, +however, his experience of the Inquisition had made him more cautious +in his dealings with it, the Inquisition had learned a lesson from its +previous experience with Luis de Leon. He was not arrested, but was +allowed to go about his business as usual; no prosecuting counsel was +appointed, and when the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid called upon the +Valladolid judge to make a report,[233] Juan de Arresse confined +himself to suggesting that Luis de Leon should be severely +reprimanded, and should be called upon to express publicly from his +University chair his regret for having described as heretical opinions +which were not his.[234] This must have been signed shortly after +August 7, 1582, the date on which the request of the Supreme +Inquisition reached Valladolid. Mitigated as it was, the suggestion of +the Valladolid judge seemed too severe to the Supreme Inquisition. For +reasons which are unknown the case was not ended till February 3, +1584. On this date Luis de Leon was summoned to Toledo and was there +privately reprimanded by the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal Gaspar de +Quiroga, to whom in 1580 he had dedicated his _In Psalmum vigesimum +sextum Explanatio_, a work written during the tenth month of his +imprisonment at Valladolid. Luis de Leon appears to have thought that +he had a friend in Quiroga, but for whose intervention his +imprisonment at Valladolid would have been still further prolonged. As +Quiroga became Grand Inquisitor on April 20, 1573, and as the prisoner +in the Valladolid cells was not released till the month of December +1576, Luis de Leon's gratitude has been thought excessive.[235] +However, he knew the facts better than anybody else, and Quiroga's +attitude at Toledo was benignant. Instead of giving the severe +reprimand which was suggested by the Valladolid Inquisitors, Quiroga +'charitably and kindly' rebuked the Augustinian in private and +dismissed him with a solemn warning not to uphold such views as he +was alleged to have defended.[236] It has been held that the +Inquisition proceeded against Luis de Leon a third time.[237] No +evidence to support this view has been hitherto produced. + +Meanwhile in 1583 appeared _Los nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta +casada_. The theologian, philosopher, and poet was also a man of +affairs. That he was so esteemed by his colleagues is proved by the +fact that he was nominated by them to take in hand, and settle, a +long-standing suit between the University of Salamanca and the +_Colegios Mayores_ which had secured from Rome two concessions that +were held to be injurious to the interests of the University. This +suit, begun in 1549, was taken charge of by Luis de Leon in January +1585; in February Dr. Antonio de Solis, a learned lawyer, was +dispatched to Madrid to give advice on legal points; Solis fell ill +and was replaced by Doctor Diego de Sahagun. The business involved an +interview with Philip II and, as the king was absent from the +capital, Luis de Leon wrote to the University authorities explaining +the situation, and suggesting that, in the interests of economy, the +mission should be recalled. The University evidently acted upon this +suggestion, for on August 1 Luis de Leon was back in Salamanca.[238] +He was re-appointed to take up the same work again on November 22, +1586, and on January 17, 1588, he was able to report that the +everlasting lawsuit was at an end, and that the contention of the +University of Salamanca had been accepted.[239] The _Claustro_ was so +overjoyed that it authorized the fulfilment of its promise to pay Luis +de Leon his salary and expenses. This elation and fit of generosity +proved to be premature. On March 5, 1588, Luis de Leon was obliged to +ask for the return of the original _cedula_ and to state that no use +could meanwhile be made of it.[240] The disappointment at Salamanca +was great, and the _Claustro_ showed its irritation by ordering the +return of Luis de Leon and by voting that the payment of his salary +be suspended after October 18, if he had not returned by that date. +Owing to Luis de Leon's illness a prolongation of his absence was +agreed to, later on; but this concession implied no change of mind on +the part of the _Claustro_. A certain University Professor, Dr. +Bernal, who had acted for several years as _Regidor_ of Salamanca, and +had been from the first hostile to Luis de Leon in this matter, moved +that the absentee be ordered back to Salamanca at once with a view to +avoiding the unnecessary expense of paying the salary of a substitute +to deliver lectures. This was carried by an overwhelming majority on +January 20, 1589,[241] and three days later it was resolved that Luis +de Leon be instructed to return to his chair within a month. As Luis +de Leon was plunged in important business which could not be broken +off lightly, Philip II caused a letter to be written on March 7 in +which he requested the _Claustro_ to authorize Luis de Leon's absence +from his chair till the end of August.[242] The royal request was +refused and, as if to mark a want of confidence in Luis de Leon, +another member was nominated to conduct the negotiations at Madrid. +Luis de Leon's mission was really ended, for his delegated powers had +expired; nevertheless, he acted as though they were still in force and +with such effect that on August 23 he appeared before the _Claustro_ +with the royal warrant.[243] He was warmly complimented on his +success, but the _Claustro_ was less profuse of deeds than of words. +On August 26 Luis de Leon made three requests:[244] (_a_) that his +arrears of salary be paid for the time that he had represented the +University in Madrid; (_b_) that some compensation be paid to his +monastery for the time he had been engaged on University business +after his mandate had expired; and (_c_) that he be given two years' +leave of absence from his chair. As to the first point, Doctor Diego +Henriquez was commissioned to examine vouchers and pay the petitioner +what was due; as to the second point, the decision was referred to a +group of professors who held their chairs by a life-tenure; it was +agreed to grant the third request, if the King's approval was secured. +This sounds like satisfactory treatment. In practice the concessions +were not made. On December 20, 1589, the arrears of salary still +remained unpaid; on October 20, 1589, it appeared that the _Claustro_ +had no power to grant leave of absence.[245] It had apparently the +power to fine Luis de Leon for not lecturing, and it did so with such +insistency that the Prior of the Augustinian monastery in Salamanca +felt compelled to lodge a protest against this action, which, it was +contended, was unconstitutional. This protest was set aside on March +9, 1590, and two professors--one of whom was the Jeromite Zumel--were +appointed to defend the position taken up by the University of +Salamanca.[246] It is impossible to deny that the behaviour of the +University of Salamanca to Luis de Leon was most unhandsome, not to +say shabby. + +As his life drew to a close, and as his fame increased, constant +demands were made upon him. Apparently he refused the invitation of +Sixtus V and Philip II to join a committee appointed to revise the +Vulgate; it is not clear that he altogether approved of the project, +nor of the plan on which the revision was to be carried out.[247] Not +only was his scholarship held in honour; his rigorous, valiant +righteousness was universally recognized. On April 13, 1588, the papal +nuncio signed a brief naming Luis de Leon one of two commissaries who +were entrusted with the delicate task of inquiring into the +administration of certain funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians +in Castile. The result of this inquiry seems not to be recorded, but a +passage in an extant autograph letter of Luis de Leon's suggests that +his conclusions were unfavourable to his official superior.[248] Luis +de Leon's zeal led him to champion (perhaps inopportunely) a change in +the constitution of his order.[249] In 1588 appeared his edition of +Saint Theresa; and as the letter dedicatory to Madre Ana de Jesus is +dated September 15, 1587, it may perhaps be inferred that the editor +before this date was personally acquainted with the great saint's +successor. If not a judge of scholarship, Ana de Jesus was an +excellent judge of character. She had shown uncommon insight in +choosing Luis de Leon as editor of her great friend's writings; she +esteemed him for his eminent sanctity; he proved worthy of her +confidence, and upheld her plans for reform against Nicolas de Jesus +Maria Doria, the Provincial of the Barefooted Carmelites in Spain. +Doria was supported by Philip II and, to some extent, by Sixtus V. The +proceedings of the Carmelite nuns were conducted from this point +onwards with supreme ability. Doctor Bernabe del Marmol was sent to +Rome on a secret mission. His object was to obtain the papal sanction +for reforms which had been advocated by Saint Theresa herself. Marmol +succeeded to admiration. His antagonists had no suspicion of his +errand. A papal brief, dated June 5, 1590, granted the desired +sanction; and a second brief, dated June 27, appointed Teutonio de +Braganza, Archbishop of Evora, and Luis de Leon to carry the first +brief into effect. Braganza was too busy to do the necessary work, and +authorized Luis de Leon to act for him. Luis de Leon begged the +University of Salamanca to grant him some days' leave to attend to the +business. This petition was rejected. But the indomitable man went on. +Taken aback and irritated, Doria hastened to the Prado and easily +induced Philip II[250] (who was, in fact, already won over to approval +of Doria's scheme) to obtain from the papal nuncio an order suspending +the delegate's instructions. After a reasonable time had elapsed Luis +de Leon returned to the charge, and called a meeting of those +immediately concerned; the papal nuncio made no sign, as the King had +not spoken to him again on the subject. Meanwhile Doria, who was +better informed as to what was afoot in Madrid than as to what was +afoot in Rome, once more interviewed Philip II and urged him to stop +Luis de Leon's proceedings. Philip took action. As Luis de Leon's +supporters were filing into the room where they were to discuss the +situation, they were approached by a member of the royal household who +informed them that he had it in command from the King to bid them +suspend the execution of the brief till fresh orders came from Rome. +Annoyed at this piece of fussiness, Luis de Leon is stated to have +left the room, remarking: 'No order of His Holiness can be carried out +in Spain'[251]. This report, which comes down to us on the dubious +authority of the Carmelite chronicler, Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, +may, or may not, be correct. The impetuous Luis de Leon was no doubt +extremely capable of showing that he resented Philip II's interference +in church matters. On the other hand, Santa Maria cannot have written +with any personal knowledge of the facts, as he belonged to a much +later generation. Even had he been an exact contemporary,[252] Santa +Maria's statements would call for careful examination, for he does not +appear to have had a critical intelligence, since he commits himself +to two assertions, one of which is certainly false and the +other--intrinsically unlikely--is without a shred of corroboration. +Santa Maria avers that Philip II showed his displeasure by forbidding +the Augustinians of Castile to elect Luis de Leon as their Provincial. +It is on record, however, that Luis de Leon was elected Provincial of +the Augustinians of Castile on the earliest opportunity (August 14, +1591) that presented itself. Santa Maria further states that Luis de +Leon took the King's annoyance so much to heart that his death was +hastened in consequence. No evidence is produced to support a story +so innately improbable. This legend evidently throve in credulous +opposition circles, for something of the same sort had been set about +earlier by Fray Jose de Jesus y Maria, a Carmelite historian who, +unaware that Luis de Leon had declined an archbishopric, added a +calumnious insinuation that the editor of Saint Theresa's works was a +disappointed aspirant to episcopal honours.[253] Santa Maria, not +knowing that Philip II highly esteemed Luis de Leon, seems to have +been content to report such gossip as filtered down to him. + +The correspondence connected with the papal brief dragged on till +January or February 1591.[254] To all who saw Luis de Leon at this +time it must have occurred that his career was drawing to a close. He +had never been robust; his sedentary habits, his ascetic practices, +and his prolonged imprisonment combined to wear him down. His last +years were packed with troubles. The Inquisition watched him with +suspicious eyes; he had always regarded the Dominicans and Jeromites +as his enemies; he had contrived to increase the forces hostile to him +by alienating the Carmelites. Doria was not without the power to make +his resentment felt; a few well-meaning Augustinians did Luis de Leon +more harm than good by suggesting that he had extorted from the +Inquisition the admission that his doctrinal teachings were +correct;[255] he was deeply affected by the enmity of other +Augustinians whom he (perhaps too hastily) denounced by name to the +Inquisitors.[256] Many of his colleagues at Salamanca stood aloof from +him; some were openly opposed to him; one or two carried their spite +so far as to suggest that he should be deprived of his University +chair. His constant absence from Salamanca gave his foes a handle; it +is conceivable that they might have succeeded in ousting him from his +chair had his life been prolonged. Apart from public business, +connected with his own order and with the proposed reform of the +Carmelite nuns, Luis de Leon was retained in Madrid by his failing +health. On January 11, 1591, he was examined by Doctor Estrada, who +reported that his patient was suffering from a cystic tumour of the +kidney.[257] This is a malady which might last many years. No doubt +Luis de Leon had had the tumour for a long while; it is extremely +likely that at the end the growth became malignant and that he died +from it. It has been alleged that Luis de Leon's end came +suddenly.[258] This is not so. His death was lingering. For all but +himself this was fortunate, and, even for himself the pause before the +end was convenient, for it enabled him to discharge certain duties. As +editor, he was naturally in possession of many of Saint Theresa's +papers; these he had time to make over to Doctor Sobrino, Professor of +Theology in the University of Valladolid, and to Fray Agustin +Antolinez, a future bishop, with instructions to return them to Madre +Ana de Jesus. Nevertheless the saint's papers were not destined to +reach Madre Ana de Jesus, for Philip II asked both the trustees to +give him the holograph copies to be deposited in the Library at the +Escorial. The trustees complied, and the papers are now stored in the +_Camarin de Santa Teresa_.[259] Assiduous to the last in the discharge +of his duties, Luis de Leon dragged himself to Madrigal, where a +Chapter of the Augustinian Order was to be held in August 1591. The +effort was too much for him. He had to take to his bed, and was still +there on August 14 when he was elected Provincial[260]. He did not +enjoy the honour long, for he died on August 23. + +Though most people who are interested in Luis de Leon at all are +familiar with Pacheco's portrait of him, Pacheco's character-sketch is +so apt to be overlooked that it may be briefly summarized here.[261] +Pacheco reports Luis de Leon as having a special gift of silence, as +being the most taciturn of men though one of the wittiest; as being a +man most trustworthy, truthful and upright, precise in speech and in +the keeping of promises, reserved, not given to smiling; in the +gravity of his countenance his nobility of soul and, still more, his +deep humility were obvious; most cleanly, chaste, and reflective, he +was a great monk and a close observer of laws; so marked was his +devotion to the Blessed Virgin that he fasted on the eve of feasts, +dined at three, and ate no supper; in her honour he wrote the lovely +hymn _Virgen que el Sol mas pura_, very spiritually-minded and greatly +given to prayer, at the time of his severest trials God hearkened to +him. Though by nature hasty, he was very long-suffering and gentle to +those with whom he had to deal; he was most abstemious in matters of +food, drink, and sleep; indeed with regard to sleep (as was stated to +Pacheco by Fray Luis Moreno de Bohorquez, who had lived in the same +monastery as Luis de Leon for four years) he carried mortification so +far that he seldom lay down, and the monk who had to make his bed +would often find that it had not been slept in. So great were his +intellectual gifts that he seemed more meet to teach every one than to +learn things from anybody. On matters concerning government his +judgement was sound; he was highly esteemed by prominent men both in +Spain and out of it; Philip II was wont to consult him in difficult +cases, and would send messengers from Madrid to Salamanca; when he +visited Madrid on University business he was admitted to private +audience and received signal marks of royal favour; with respect to +offers of bishoprics and the Archbishopric of Mexico he displayed his +courage and magnanimous spirits not only by stripping himself of rank +(a thing seldom done) but of all he had in the world; a man of truly +evangelical temper. In those holy exercises, and in fitting sequel to +his life, he piously ended his course as Provincial of Castile, +leaving all in great affliction, but with a still greater certainty of +his glory. + +This estimate was printed in 1599, eight years after Luis de Leon's +death and one year after Philip II's death. Making some allowance for +the partiality of an admirer, Pacheco's description may stand. A dry +contemporary chronicler, like Luis Cabrera de Cordoba,[262] after +paying tribute to Luis de Leon's intellectual gifts and heroic courage +in adversity, speaks of his death as a national loss. Even in his +lifetime Luis de Leon was recognized by men of exceptional genius as +one of themselves. His poems, which were not published till forty +years after his death, must have been handed about in manuscript long +before. In 1585 Cervantes in his _Galatea_ introduced Luis de Leon +into the _Canto de Caliope_. It cannot well be maintained that +Cervantes had been impressed by Luis de Leon's Latin treatises, by _De +los nombres de Cristo_, and by _La perfecta casada_. The _Canto de +Caliope_ records the names of those only whom Cervantes considered to +be eminent poets--masters _en la alegre sciencia dela poesia_--and +hence it is to the poet that he refers when he writes in his 84th +stanza: + + Quisiera rematar mi dulce canto + en tal sazon pastores, con loaros + un ingenio que al mundo pone espanto + y que pudiera en estasis robaros. + En el cifro y recojo todo quanto + he mostrado hasta aqui, y he de mostraros + Fray Luys de Leon el que digo + a quien yo reverencio, adoro, y sigo. + + + + +IV + + +[Footnote 189: Bartolome Jose Gallardo, _Ensayo de una biblioteca +espanola de libros raros y curiosos_ (Madrid, 1863-66-88-89), vol. IV, +col. 1328: 'En unos apuntes cronologicos que hacia en Salamanca un +curioso (jesuita?) a fines del siglo XVI, fol. 23 de un tomo de +_Papeles varios_, en folio, se lee: + +'Ano de 76, Martes 23 de diciembre dia de San Damaso, dieron por libre +a _fr. Luis_ sin pena. Y donde a 30 de diciembre entro en Salamanca a +las tres de la tarde con atabales, trompetas y gran acompanamiento de +Caballeros, Doctores, Maestros, &c.'] + +[Footnote 190: He is clearly wrong in stating that Luis de Leon was +set free on December 23. We have already seen that Luis de Leon +presented two applications in writing on December 15. From the nature +of these applications, it is a fair inference that he was free when he +made them.] + +[Footnote 191: Especially as the fact is confirmed by a contemporary +Augustinian, Fray Juan Quijano: see Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 206, +_n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 192: This date is given on the authority of the anonymous +writer quoted by Gallardo, _op. cit._, col. 1328: 'Y lunes _adelante_ +le presento el Comisorio al Claustro, para que se le diese su proprio +lugar, honra y catedra de _Durando_. El no la quiso y la Universidad +cedio 200 ducados de partido.' The date in this case is corroborated +by a summons from the Rector of the University: see P. Fr. Luis G. +Alonso Getino, O.P., _Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de Leon_ +(Salamanca, 1907), p. 244.] + +[Footnote 193: According to Blanco Garcia (_op. cit._, p. 207), Luis +de Leon did not vote, but assigned his proxy to Bartolome de Medina. +This incident occurred, but it happened at a meeting of the _Claustro_ +held two days later: see Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, pp. 252-254). +Medina seems to have thought that Luis de Leon's chair had not been +legally vacated, and that it was not in Luis de Leon's power to say +that he would assign it to Castillo.] + +[Footnote 194: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 258.] + +[Footnote 195: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...y martes +a 29 [de enero de 1577] empezo a leer. Hubo gran concurso, &c.'] + +[Footnote 196: _Monasticon Augustinianum_ (Munich, 1623), p. 208: +'Primam vero lectionem post tenebras ut auspicabatur, pleno concessu +ad novitatem evocato, inquit: _Dicebamus hesterna die_.' Blanco +Garcia, who quotes this passage (_op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 1), refers +also to p. 119 of a reprint issued at Valladolid in 1890: this reprint +I have not seen.] + +[Footnote 197: Early instances, dating from 1636, are given by Blanco +Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 2. The story first appeared in print +in Spain in 1771, when it was given in the fifth volume of Juan Josef +Lopez de Sedano, _Parnaso Espanol_ (Madrid, 1768-1778).] + +[Footnote 198: C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 199: C. Muinos Saenz, _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. +LXXIX, p. 29.] + +[Footnote 200: Luis G. Alonso Getino, _Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. +Luis de Leon_ (Salamanca, 1907), pp. 242-243, 262-263.] + +[Footnote 201: C. Muinos Saenz, _El 'Deciamos ayer' de Fray Luis de +Leon_ (Madrid, 1905) and _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, +544-560; (1909), vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, +529-552; (1909), vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, and 177-197.] + +[Footnote 202: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 260-261.] + +[Footnote 203: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 262-263: 'E despues de +lo sobredicho en la dicha ciudad de Salamanca martes a la hora que dio +las diez de la manana el relox de la iglesia mayor, al fin de la +lecion del padre mº. Pedro de Uceda, que se contaron veinti nueve dias +del mes de Enero... Antonio de Almaraz bedel puso en la posesion del +dicho salario al dicho padre mº. fray Luis de Leon en la catedra +questa en el general mayor de theologia de escuelas mayores, el qual +la tomo e apprehendio sin contradicion ninguna, y _en lugar de +posesion leyo un poco_. E dijo y protesto... que estaba y esta presto +de leer el dicho salario e partido, e que si no leyere no se le pare +por ello perjuicio ni se le descuente de su salario y partido ni por +ello sea multado en cosa alguna, pues no es su culpa, hasta tanto que +le den hora en que lea, conforme a lo proveido por la junta de los +senores theologos... y le senalen lectura, e asi lo pidio e protesto, +siendo presentes por todo el Padre mº. Pedro de Uceda... e Antonio de +Almaraz bedel, e otros muchos estudiantes y personas de la universidad +e yo Bartme. Sanchez notario e vicesecretario.'] + +[Footnote 204: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 266-268.] + +[Footnote 205: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, pp. 212-213.] + +[Footnote 206: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 214, _n._ 1; Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 282-301.] + +[Footnote 207: The bishop seems to have resented Luis de Leon's +opposition to the candidature of the bishop's brother, Juan Gallo, for +the _catedra de visperas de teologia_. In this contest Juan Gallo, a +Dominican, was defeated by the Augustinian Fray Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 275-277). Guevara was present +when the bishop told Luis de Leon that 'he knew Luis de Leon's +hostility to his (the bishop's) brother had done him more harm than +all the rest' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 261). Later on, Juan +Gallo appears to have been appointed to another chair at Salamanca +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 318).] + +[Footnote 208: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 303. Salinas, it +should be noted, denied having heard that this applied specially to +opponents of the Dominican order.] + +[Footnote 209: The verses ascribed to Domingo de Guzman are reproduced +in part by Adolfo de Castro, _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles desde la +formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias_ (Madrid, 1847-1880), vol. +XXXV, p. x; they are given in full by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera +in the _Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes_ (Sevilla, 1856), vol. +II, pp. 731-741; (Sevilla, 1857), vol. III, pp. 5-22, 69-80, 209-220. +La Barrera, following Gallardo, was careful to point out that lines +37-40 of the verses to Urganda la Desconocida are practically +identical with four lines in Domingo de Guzman's _glosa_. Sr. +Rodriguez Marin, in his edition of _Don Quixote_, published at Madrid +in 1916-1917, prints the four lines (vol. I, pp. 49-50) in inverted +commas. Cervantes, if he meant to quote, must have trusted to his +memory. + + GUZMAN CERVANTES + + que don Albaro de Luna, Que don Aluaro de Lu + que Anibal Cartajines, Que Anibal el de Carta + que Francisco Rey frances, Que Rey Francisco de Espa + se queja de la fortuna. Se quexa de la fortu. + +In Guzman's case I reproduce La Barrera's transcription. In the case +of Cervantes I follow the spelling adopted in the _princeps_ of the +First Part of _Don Quixote_. + +For some readers, it may be convenient to refer to the revised but +abridged reprint in C.A. de la Barrera, _El Cachetero del Buscapie_ +(Santander, 1916), pp. 133-136.] + +[Footnote 210: The first _quintilla_ of some verses by a poetaster on +Luis de Leon's side is quoted by Fray Antolin Merino in the preface to +his edition of the _Poesias_ of Luis de Leon contained in the _Obras +del Il. Fr. Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1804-1805-1806-1816), vol. XI, p. +xxv: + + Luis y Mingo pretenden + casarse con Ana bella, + cada cual pretende habella, + mas segun todos entienden + muerese por Luis ella. + +[Footnote 211: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...En este +ano (79) domingo 6 de diciembre se proveyo la (catedra) de Biblia a +Fr. Luis de Leon, y el dia siguiente tomo la posesion: tuvo 281 votos, +y el maestro fr. Domingo de Guzman tuvo 245: llevola con 36 votos.'] + +[Footnote 212: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328-1329: +'Regularonse los cursos, y vino en llevarla por solo tres Cursos, y +esto fue quitando un voto senalado, que tenia cinco cursos, el cual se +sospecho era Dominico. No pudiendo conformarse con el, hubo concierto +entre los frailes, que votasen de Santo Domingo 100 y de San Agustin +50. Anduvo pleito hasta viernes 13 de Octubre de 81, que sentenciaron +en Valladolid en favor de fr. Luis de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 213: For example, by Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 268-274.] + +[Footnote 214: This is stated by Alonso Fernandez, who wrote more than +twenty years after the election. A relevant passage is given in Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 272-273.] + +[Footnote 215: The terms of Suarez's order are reproduced by Blanco +Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 218, _n._ 3.] + +[Footnote 216: Nothing was known of this second suit by the Valladolid +Inquisitors till 1882, when a considerable part of the report of the +proceedings was published by Sr. D. Alvarez Guijarro in the _Revista +Hispano-Americana_. + +It was given later more fully in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (Madrid, 1896), +vol. XLI, pp. 15-31, by P. Francisco Blanco Garcia. The subsequent +references are to the _tirage a part_ entitled: _Segundo Proceso +instruido por la Inquisicion de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de Leon +con prologo y notas del P. Francisco Blanco Garcia_ (Madrid, 1896).] + +[Footnote 217: Zumel gives the date (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, +p. 40) as January 21; the delator, Santa Cruz, fixes the date a day +earlier (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 20).] + +[Footnote 218: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 31: '...mouime lo +uno por parecerme que los padres dominicos le querian oprimir por ser +de la compania contra la qual se muestran siempre apasionados y lo +otro y principal porque me parecio gran sin razon condenar por eregia +una cosa que la presuponen por cierta muchos sanctos y otros muchos +catholicos sanctos y no sanctos la afirman y defienden...'] + +[Footnote 219: Luis de Leon merely says (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 31) 'un fraile benito': Castaneda's full name is given in +the report of the Valladolid Inquisitors (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 52).] + +[Footnote 220: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 32: '...porque se +dezia en la escuela que el maestro yuanez dezia que era error +pelagiano yo dixe que no tenia razon de ponelle aquella nota,...'] + +[Footnote 221: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 33: '...y despues +del acto me dixo el maestro Vanez que el quedaba bien satisfecho de la +manera como el sustentante auia declarado su opinion'.] + +[Footnote 222: Juan de Guevara and Pedro de Aragon, for example. This +emerges from the evidence of the Augustinian Fray Martin de Coscojales +(Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 37). Pedro de Aragon was Duns +Scotus Professor of Theology at Salamanca, a former pupil of Luis de +Leon's and a great admirer of his. He appeared as a witness against +Luis de Leon (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-37).] + +[Footnote 223: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 20-27.] + +[Footnote 224: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 328.] + +[Footnote 225: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 28-34.] + +[Footnote 226: Even in his official _calificacion_ Joan de la Cruz +(Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 24) speaks of 'las [cosas] que +yo vi y las que oy y se por Relacion....'] + +[Footnote 227: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 35.] + +[Footnote 228: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-40.] + +[Footnote 229: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +p. 225; Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 40-45.] + +[Footnote 230: This seems to follow from a question which Luis de Leon +proposed to put to six witnesses: the Augustinians Juan de Guevara, +Pedro de Rojas, and Hernando de Peralto, and three laymen, Loarte, +Ruiz, and Madrigal: 'Item si saben etc. que el maestro fray Domingo +Ibanez, antes y al tiempo que juro y depuso en esta causa, era y es +enemigo capital del dicho fray Luis de Leon, ansi por ser fraile +dominico como porque se opuso contra el a una substitucion de +visperas, y se la llevo fray Luis de Leon con mucho exceso, de lo cual +el y sus frailes se sintieron mucho' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 261-263). Luis de Leon was mistaken in supposing that Banez had +deposed against him at Valladolid. Alonso Getino endeavours to show +(_op. cit._, pp. 384-386) that Luis de Leon never competed against +Banez, and that his memory played him a trick on this point.] + +[Footnote 231: See note 222.] + +[Footnote 232: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 46-47: 'V.P. dexe +las cosas de la orden aunque esten en peor estado del que hahora +tienen, trate de su cathreda, y dexe de tomar a su cargo el remedio de +las tiranias. No llame tyrano a nadie, y sepa V.P. que publicamente +dicen muchos religiosos que V.P. no hico bien a nadie y disgustos si a +muchos, recibiendo buenas obras de aquellos a quien hahora maltrata, +cosa que no puede tener buen suceso ni puede parecer bien a nadie.'] + +[Footnote 233: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 234: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 52-53: '...sea +gravemente Reprehendido, y... que en su cathedra publicamente declare +la calidad de las proposiciones que se le dieren diciendo que en +dezir que lo contrario de lo que el sustentaba era heregia, dixo mal, +y que esto era su parezer'. The official report of the proceedings +must be incomplete, for Arresse's _parecer_ mentions that Domingo de +Guzman had spoken of receiving an apology from Luis de Leon. No +evidence by Domingo de Guzman is disclosed in the record.] + +[Footnote 235: Fr. Heinrich Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873), p. 111.] + +[Footnote 236: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53: 'En Toledo... +parescio siendo llamado, el Maestro fray Luis de Leon..., al qual su +senoria Illma reprehendio y declaro la culpa que contra el resulta +por los auctos y meritos deste processo, y le amoneste benigna y +caritativamente, que de aqui adelante se abstenga de dezir, ni +deffender publica ni secretamente, las proposiciones que paresce haver +dicho y defendido,... y el ha confesado que la sentencia dellas no +caresce de alguna temeridad, ni otras semejantes, con apercibimiento +que no lo cumpliendo se procedera contra el por todo rigor de derecho, +y el dicho fray luis de leon promettio de lo cumplir y que lo haria +assi.] + +[Footnote 237: By Sr. D. Carlos Alvarez Guijarro. Blanco Garcia +(_Segundo proceso_, p. 54, _n._ 1) dissents from this view.] + +[Footnote 238: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 305-308.] + +[Footnote 239: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 308-315.] + +[Footnote 240: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 316.] + +[Footnote 241: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 309, 317-318.] + +[Footnote 242: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 319-320.] + +[Footnote 243: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 321.] + +[Footnote 244: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 327-329.] + +[Footnote 245: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-331.] + +[Footnote 246: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-335.] + +[Footnote 247: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, +&c._, pp. 236-239.] + +[Footnote 248: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +pp. 239-240. The pressmark of this autograph letter in the British +Museum is Add. MSS. 28, 698.] + +[Footnote 249: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +pp. 242-244.] + +[Footnote 250: The whole episode is clearly set forth by Blanco +Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, pp. 246-250.] + +[Footnote 251: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +pp. 248-249; Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 349-351.] + +[Footnote 252: A passage in Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 349) +describes Santa Maria as 'contemporaneo de los sucesos'. This, though +literally true, is somewhat misleading. Santa Maria was twenty-four +the year that Luis de Leon died. See Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, +col. 489.] + +[Footnote 253: '...al principal de ellos [los que habian procurado el +Breve] y pretensor de mitra, le costo la vida el sentimiento que tuvo +de ver tan indignado al Rey Catolico'. I have not been able to consult +Jesus y Maria's work. My quotation, like Alonso Getino's (_op. cit._, +p. 354), is taken at second-hand from Vicente de la Fuente's edition +of Saint Theresa's works.] + +[Footnote 254: January 26, 1591, is the latest date attached to the +_Documentos_ published by Cristobal Perez Pastor, _Bibliografia +madrilena_ (Madrid, 1907), Parte III, pp. 404-409. On January 25, +1591, Luis de Leon signed a document undertaking to accept 1,000 +_reales_ in lieu of 2,800 due to him by the estate of Cornelio Bonard, +formerly a bookseller at Salamanca; see Cristobal Perez Pastor, +_Bibliografia madrilena_ (Madrid, 1906), Parte II, pp. 454-455.] + +[Footnote 255: F. Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53. The +Salamancan Inquisitors reported to the Supreme Inquisition: +'...havemos entendido que los de su orden se xatan y alaban de que en +este sto offiº se a declarado ser verdad lo que el dho frai luis +sustento...'] + +[Footnote 256: F. Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 49.] + +[Footnote 257: C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540.] + +[Footnote 258: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 355.] + +[Footnote 259: C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540, _n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 260: Alonso Getino writes (_op. cit._, p. 355): 'al ser +elegido Provincial, nueve dias antes de morir, no puede suponerse que +estuviera enfermo de consideracion'. This is a guess very wide of the +mark. F. de Mendez, in the _Revista Agustiniana_ (1881), quoted (p. +351) Juan Quijano, a contemporary whose chronicle is now lost, as +saying that when Luis de Leon was elected Provincial he was already +confined to his bed with the illness of which he died.] + +[Footnote 261: The portrait and character-sketch will be found in the +photo-chromotype reproduction of Francisco Pacheco, _Libro de +descripcion de verdaderos retratos de illustres y memorables +varones_. The original is dated Sevilla, 1599. The reproduction, due +to Jose Maria Asensio y Toledo, was photo-chromotyped between 1881 and +1884. Owing to the rarity of the reproduction, it has been thought +desirable to reprint in an appendix the passage in which Pacheco deals +with Luis de Leon.] + +[Footnote 262: The reference is given by C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el +'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), +vol. LXXX, p. 119.] + + + + +V + + +By his contemporaries Luis de Leon was perhaps more esteemed as a +theologian or a scholar than as a man of letters. This judgement has +been reversed by posterity mainly on the strength of the Spanish poems +which were little known during the author's lifetime beyond a small +circle of his personal friends.[263] Experts tell us that as a +theologian he ranks below his master Melchor Cano; and in the annals +of scholarship Luis de Leon is less conspicuous than Benito Arias +Montano and than Francisco Sanchez (_el Brocense_). Few now read for +pleasure the treatises which Luis de Leon composed in a dead language: +in any case these treatises can add nothing to his reputation as a +writer of Spanish, and it is solely as a Spanish author that he +concerns us here and now. He was by no means the earliest of devout +writers to use Spanish as a literary medium. There is a long and +illustrious bead-roll of authors from Bernardino de Laredo to Saint +Theresa to prove the contrary. Much less was Luis de Leon the first +post-Renaissance scholar to recognize that Spanish had a great future +before it. Yet, if we take leave to assume that Luis de Granada was an +ascetic rather than an extatic, we may account Luis de Leon as perhaps +the first professional scholar to perceive that Spanish was adequate +to convey the subtleties of theology and the ravishments of mysticism. +His chief prose works in Castilian include the _Exposicion del libro +de Job_, a commentary dedicated to Madre Ana de Jesus, but not +published till near the end of the eighteenth century (1779). The +_provenance_ of this work calls for no explanation. Apart from the +quotation of a passage in Jorge Manrique's _Coplas_, the _Exposicion +del libro de Job_ offers few indications of Spanish origin and fewer +personal touches. Equally Biblical in origin are a rendering of the +_Song of Songs_ and a corresponding commentary; the existence of both +has a personal interest inasmuch as they prove that Luis de Leon was +enabled to carry out a long cherished design by means of which he +hoped, as he declared at Valladolid, to counterbalance the indiscreet +prying of Fray Diego de Leon. _La Perfecta Casada_ (1583) and _De los +nombres de Cristo_ (1583-1585) likewise have their roots in Scripture. +_La Perfecta Casada_ is avowedly based on the thirty-first chapter of +_Proverbs_, and _De los nombres de Cristo_, the first part of which +appeared simultaneously with _La Perfecta Casada_,[264] discusses the +various symbolic names applied to the Saviour in the Bible. + +_La Perfecta Casada_ is dedicated to Maria Varela Osorio, a recently +wedded bride, who may have been a distant kinswoman of the +author's.[265] Nowhere more clearly than in this treatise does Luis de +Leon justify the statement that he had a Hebrew soul. He takes for +granted the Oriental point of view, and illustrates his imperious +thesis with ample quotations from writers of all types--pagans, +Christians, saints, and laymen. There are references to Simonides, to +Sophocles, to Euripides, to Plutarch, to Saint Clement of Alexandria, +to Saint Cyprian, to Saint Ambrose, to Garcilasso de la Vega. It seems +likely that _La Perfecta Casada_ was written after _De los nombres de +Cristo_, which was almost certainly begun in prison. But there is +perhaps nothing in the internal evidence of the style which would +point to that conclusion. The style of _La Perfecta Casada_ is +vigorous and clear; but it is marred by gusts of rhetoric and by an +excess of copulative conjunctions. These peculiarities produce the +effect of relative inexperience, and might easily mislead a too +confident critic. + +_De los nombres de Cristo_ is cast in the Platonic form of dialogue, +and, in the section entitled _Pastor_, Plato is quoted by name. But +the Hellenic influence, though present, is not dominant. Already +Alonso de Orozco had anticipated Luis de Leon with _De los nueve +nombres de Cristo_,[266] and there are points of contact in the +handling as is inevitable from the similarity of the subject. But it +cannot be denied that Luis de Leon's work is suffused with a warmer, +more human interest than Orozco's brief sketch. These more intimate +personal elements are present on almost every page of _De los nombres +de Cristo_. Nobody can read far without perceiving that Marcello, +hindered by his _poca salud y muchas occupaciones_, is manifestly a +double of Luis de Leon; there are passages which gloss themes +developed metrically elsewhere; there are retrospicient glances at the +Valladolid trial; the scene of the dialogue is laid within view of La +Flecha, and the details of the landscape are reproduced with exact +fidelity; Luis de Leon has a freer hand in _De los nombres de Cristo_ +than in his other prose works, but here again in his paraphrases of +the Biblical passages relating to Christ his interpretation is at one +with the interpretation of the prophets. And this identity of +sentiment has in it nothing dramatic. Those who have alleged that Luis +de Leon came of Jewish stock may have been--apparently were--mistaken; +but their mistake is comprehensible, for more than any contemporary +Spanish poet--more even than Herrera in his odes--is he saturated with +the Jewish spirit. In all his work Luis de Leon adheres closely to the +Bible. In the _De los nombres de Cristo_ he is also a Platonist within +limits: not so much as regards the manner (which tends to an +oratorical pomp more reminiscent of Cicero) as in his conciliatory +method. With the Jewish and Hellenic blend of influence we must rate +the Latin influence--that of Horace and of Virgil. The influence of +Horace on Luis de Leon has been often noted. It exists no doubt, but +has perhaps been exaggerated: why should we suppose that his love of +moderation was learnt from Horace and was not partly, at least, +temperamental? May not the references to Horace be a characteristic of +humanism? An opinion backed by the weight of classical authority must +reach us with irresistible force, must it not? However this may be, +the predominant influence in _De los nombres de Cristo_, as in all +Luis de Leon's prose, is Scriptural and Christian. In maturity of +development, in intellectual force, in beauty of expression, and in +general adequateness, _De los nombres de Cristo_ exhibits Luis de +Leon's prose at its culmination. The book is dedicated to Pedro +Portocarrero,[267] Bishop of Calahorra, who had previously twice been +rector of Salamanca University. It seems probable that Luis de Leon's +friendship with him dates back to 1566-1567, when Portocarrero held +the office of rector for the second time. Besides _De los nombres de +Cristo_ Luis de Leon dedicated to Portocarrero _In Abdiam prophetam +Explanatio_ (1589) and the manuscript collection of his poems. For +some reason not very obvious this collection of verses was not +published till 1631 when it was issued by Quevedo, who hoped that it +would help to stem the current of Gongorism in Spain. The poems, +printed forty years after the author's death, appeared too late to +affect the public taste. Gongora himself had died in 1627, but his +influence was undiminished. Quevedo, who had obtained his copies of +Luis de Leon's verses from Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, a canon of +Seville cathedral, did his share as editor by writing two prefaces, +one addressed to Sarmiento de Mendoza, and the other to Olivares who +was manifestly expected to pronounce against Gongorism. Olivares, +however, had no reason to love Quevedo, and was resolved to take no +active part in what he doubtless regarded as a scribblers' quarrel. +Gongorism pursued its way unchecked. Quevedo's edition, though +incomplete and disfigured by certain errors, was reprinted at Milan +during the same year (1631), and then all interest in Luis de Leon +flickered out for a while. + +In the prefatory note of the 1631 Madrid edition--entitled _Obras +propias, y traduciones latinas, griegas y italianas_--Luis de Leon +speaks of his poems slightingly as mere playthings of his youth, now +brought together at the request of an anonymous friend--perhaps Benito +Arias Montano--to whom they had been ascribed. Luis de Leon arranges +the material in three books, containing respectively his original +compositions, his translations from authors profane, and his versions +of certain psalms, a hymn, and chapters from the Book of Job. But, +beyond the general statement as to the early date of composition, Luis +de Leon gives no precise information as to when individual poems were +written. The assertion that the poems date back almost to the author's +childhood is contradicted by concrete facts. Take, for instance, the +celebrated _Noche serena_ dedicated to Oloarte. If, as I conjecture, +the dedicatee of the _Noche serena_ is identical with the Diego de +Loarte, archdeacon of Ledesma, who gave evidence at Salamanca on +January 27, 1573, and who on that date had known Luis de Leon for +fourteen years, the _Noche serena_ cannot have been composed earlier +than 1559 when Luis de Leon was thirty-one--youthful, indeed, but long +past his _ninez_. On January 17, 1573, Francisco Salinas testified at +Salamanca to having known Luis de Leon for six years: whence it +follows that _El aire se serena_ cannot have been written before 1567, +when Luis de Leon was bordering on his fortieth year. As Don Carlos +died on July 24, 1568, the _Cancion a la muerte de don Carlos_ and the +_Epitafio al tumulo del principe don Carlos_ must necessarily have +been composed after that date; that is, when Luis de Leon was just +forty and had left his _ninez_ far behind him. Besides a general +dedication to Portocarrero, the collection includes three individual +poems which are dedicated to that personage: (1) _Virtud, hija del +Cielo_; (2) _No siempre es poderosa_; (3) _La cana y alta cumbre_. In +_La cana y alta cumbre_ there is a reference to + + la cruda guerra + que agora el Marte airado + despierta en la alta sierra. + +These verses can scarcely allude to anything but the Alpujarras rising +of 1568-1571, and the conjecture hardens into certainty in view of the +mention of Alonso and Poqueira: this is clearly the Alonso +Portocarrero who, as Hurtado de Mendoza records, perished at Poqueira, +'trabado del veneno usado dende los tiempos antiguos entre cazadores'. +This poem must have been written when Luis de Leon was at least +forty-one. _Virtud, hija del cielo_, in mentioning the _Mino_, refers +to Portocarrero's appointment in Galicia; and as Portocarrero's term +of office appears to have lasted from 1571 to 1580, the poem cannot be +dated earlier than 1571 when Luis de Leon was over forty-three. If the +mention of _la morisca armada_ in the lines _A Santiago_ glances at +the battle of Lepanto which was fought on October 7, 1571, then the +poem must have been written after that date, when the author was close +on forty-four. The verses dedicated to Juan de Grial, with their +closing reference to the writer's trials: + + Que yo, de un torbellino + traidor acometido, y derrocado + del medio del camino + al hondo, el plectro amado + y del vuelo las alas he quebrado; + +the fervent entreaty _A todos los santos_ and its unreserved lament: + + No niego, dulce amparo + del alma, que mis males son mayores + que aqueste desamparo; + mas cuanto son peores, + tanto resonaran mas tus loores; + +the very beautiful and justly renowned _Virgen que el sol mas pura_, +with its heart-rending supplication: + + los ojos vuelve al suelo + y mira un miserable en carcel dura + cercado de tinieblas y tristeza: + +possibly[268] the song _Del conocimiento de si mismo_, with its +significant simile: + + el gusanillo de la gente hollado + un rey era, conmigo comparado; + +and assuredly the famous _quintillas_ beginning _Aqui la envidia y +mentira_: these compositions were probably composed during, or after, +the writer's imprisonment at Valladolid, that is to say between the +spring of 1572 and the winter of 1576, when Luis de Leon was from +forty-four or forty-five to forty-eight or forty-nine. _Del mundo y su +vanidad_ glances at + + la grave desventura + del lusitano, por su mal valiente, + la soberbia bravura + de su animosa gente + desbaratada miserablemente. + +This passage obviously recalls the disastrous defeat of Sebastian I, +King of Portugal, at Al-Kaor al-Kebir in August 1578, when Luis de +Leon was more than fifty years of age. If these inferences are valid, +it would follow that many of his original poems were not composed till +he was nearly forty or more. It is difficult to reconcile these +conclusions with the author's categorical assertion that the poems +were produced during his early years. As Luis de Leon was the least +vain, as well as the most truthful of men, an explanation must be +found, and it is perhaps permissible to suggest that Luis de Leon +wrote a prefatory note to Portocarrero intending it to be placed at +the beginning of the Second Book which contains his poems translated +from Roman and other authors. By some mischance the poet's intention +was frustrated; perhaps a leaf was out of place in Sarmiento de +Mendoza's copy; perhaps Quevedo is directly responsible for what +occurred. At any rate, the letter dedicatory was bisected, the greater +part of it being transferred to the beginning of the First Book, while +a mere morsel came to be printed at the beginning of the Third Book. +This surmise may serve till a better explanation is forthcoming. + +It is not to be inferred from the foregoing summary that all Luis de +Leon's original and graver compositions were written during his +maturity, but there is some reason to think that his earlier efforts +in verse took the form of translations. Though it is undoubtedly true +that his poems as a whole were not published till 1631, four isolated +pieces of his strayed into print as early as 1574 when they were +included by Francisco Sanchez, _el Brocense_, in the notes to his +edition of the _Obras del excelente poeta Garci-Lasso de la +Vega_.[269] At that date Luis de Leon was in the secret prison-cells +of the Inquisition at Valladolid. Sanchez had been a colleague of his +at Salamanca for some six years, was on friendly terms with him, knew +the exact turn things were taking, felt that no good, and possibly +some harm, might be done by mentioning the prisoner's name, and +accordingly gave a version of an Horatian ode with the comment: 'vn +docto destos reynos la traduxo bi[~e]'[270]. This needs +interpretation. There can be no doubt that Luis de Leon was a very +competent Latin scholar; neither is there any doubt that he had a +profound admiration for Horace. At his best, his Horatian versions, +if somewhat lacking in polish, are remarkably faithful and vigorous. +But when we find him in his translation of the eighteenth ode of the +Second Book rendering _salis avarus_ by _de sal avariento_--the second +person singular of the present indicative of the verb _salire_ being +mistaken for the genitive of the substantive _sal_[271]--we may +perhaps conclude that a boyish exercise has somehow escaped +destruction. + +It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is restricted in +his choice of themes, and it is impossible to deny that his sacred +profession acted as something of a limitation to him. Still, when the +mood was on him, he rent his chains asunder as readily as Samson broke +the seven green withs at Gaza: 'as a thread of tow is broken when it +toucheth the fire.' Perhaps nobody would guess off-hand that the +_Profecia del Tajo_ was the handiwork of a sixteenth-century monk, a +dweller in the rarefied atmosphere of mysticism. It only remained for +a friar in the opposition camp to discover nearly three hundred years +later a tendency in Luis de Leon to treat sensual themes in a sensual +fashion.[272] To deal seriously with a belated judgement based on +malignant ignorance would be a waste of time. It is the very irony of +fate that the poem which has been the subject of severe censure should +prove to be a translation from Cardinal Bembo.[273] The standard of +the twentieth century is not the standard of the sixteenth, and it is +certain that Luis de Leon has not the unfettered liberty of a godless +layman. He is restrained by his austere temperament, by his monk's +habit, by Christian doctrine. Nevertheless he moves with easy grace +and dignity on planes so far apart as those of patriotism, of +devotion, of human sympathy, of introspection. His patriotism finds +powerful expression, as already noted, in the _Profecia del Tajo_, +besprinkled with sonorous place-names, these growing fewer as the +movement is accelerated, and Father Tagus describes with a mixture of +picturesque mediaeval sentiment and martial music the onset of the +Arabs and the clangour of arms as they meet the doomed Gothic host. In +the sphere of devotional poetry Luis de Leon nowhere displays more +unction, more ecstatic piety than in the verses on the Ascension +beginning with the line: + + Y dexas, Pastor santo. + +It will be observed that the conjunction _y_, so superabundant in _La +Perfecta Casada_, is the first word of this poem, of which Churton has +supplied a well-known rendering: + + And dost Thou, holy Shepherd, leave + Thy flock in this dark vale alone, + In cheerless solitude to grieve, + Whilst Thou to endless rest art gone? + + The sheep, in Thy protection blest, + Untended wilt Thou leave to mourn? + The lambs, once cherished at Thy breast, + Forlorn,--oh! whither shall they turn? + + Where shall those eyes now find repose, + That pine Thy gracious glance to see? + What can they hear but sounds of woes, + Sad exiles from discourse with Thee? + + And who shall curb this troubled deep, + When Thou no more amidst the gloom + Shalt chide the wrathful winds to sleep, + And guide the labouring vessel home? + + For Thou art gone! that cloud so bright + That bears Thee from our gaze away, + Springs upward into dazzling light, + And leaves us here to weep and pray. + +Four additional stanzas, accepted as authentic by perhaps the most +painstaking of Luis de Leon's editors, are thus Englished by Churton: + + Our life has lost its richest store, + The balm for sorrow's inward thorn, + The hope, that, gladd'ning more and more, + Out-brighten'd all the springs of morn. + + Ah me! my soul, what hateful chain + Holds back thy freeborn spirit's flight? + Oh break it, disenthrall'd from pain, + And mount those azure depths of light. + + Why should'st thou fear? What earth-born spell + Is on thee, with thy choice at strife + The soul no dying pang can quell, + But loss of Christ is death in life. + + Dear Lord, and Friend, more dear to me + Than all the names Earth's love hath found, + Through darkest gloom I'll follow Thee, + Or cheer'd with beaming glory round. + +Now there is no question of mere executive skill and simple +craftsmanship in Luis de Leon's poems. He is, indeed, always sound and +competent in these respects; but artistry is not his supreme virtue as +a poet. He is ever prone to be a little rugged in his manner, and this +ruggedness has proved something of a trap to the unwary. Luis de Leon +has no real mannerisms, and is no more to be parodied than is +Shakespeare. Yet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish him at his +worst from his imitators at their best. Though withheld so long from +the public, Luis de Leon's poems, while still in manuscript, were +repeatedly imitated--especially by Augustinians. To my way of +thinking, he is most nearly approached by his friend Arias Montano. +But it should be said that this is not the general verdict. That goes +decisively in favour of Miguel Sanchez, _el Divino_. Miguel Sanchez is +the author of a beautiful _Cancion de Cristo Crucificado_, a poem +which, though not published till 1605 with the real writer's name +attached to it, has constantly been ascribed to Luis de Leon.[274] The +_Cancion_ is no doubt a composition of great charm and mystic unction; +but it lacks the concentrated force of Luis de Leon. Luis de Leon has +a lofty dignity of his own; he outstrips all rivalry by virtue of his +nobility, by virtue of his intellectual vigour, by virtue of sheer +excellence rather than by curious refinements of technique. These +positive qualities defy reproduction by even the most accomplished of +imitators. It has been said that Luis de Leon's verse, as well as his +prose, has noticeable roughnesses; but let us not derive a wrong +impression from this assertion. Luis de Leon is not 'finicking'. +Withal he is a master of his art. Retrograde as we may perhaps think +him in some matters, he was on the side of the reformers in the +matter of metrics. He was a partisan of Boscan's innovating methods: +so much might be expected from a man of his period. It is to be noted +that, in his best poems, he shows a decided preference for _liras_, a +form apparently invented by Bernardo Tasso before it was transplanted +to Spain by Garcilasso de la Vega. Luis de Leon was of opinion that +those who violate poetry, using it for purposes of a meretricious +kind, deserved punishment as public corrupters of two most sacred +things: poetry and morals. It is one of the curious ironies of art +that the measure which the seductive Garcilasso used for amatory +purposes should have appealed to Luis de Leon as the vehicle most +suited to enraptured chants and hymns of philosophic meditation. + +It is obvious that Luis de Leon took a keen interest in all the real +essentials of his art. It is no less obvious that he saw matters in +their actual perspective, that he attached no undue importance to +technique, as such, and that he gave no less weight to the choice of +matter than to the choice of form. Luis de Leon was not incapable of +metrical audacities: as when he divides into two separate words +adverbs in _-mente_ occurring at the end of a line. This practice was +audacious, but it was not an innovation. Juan de Almeida defended it +by citing a host of precedents from other literatures and, had Almeida +been a prophet, he might have foretold that this device was destined +to be repeated hundreds of years later by that innovating genius Ruben +Dario. But Almeida was not a prophet. His titles to remembrance are +that he was learned, and that he may rank with Miguel Sanchez, with +Alonso de Espinosa, and with Benito Arias Montano as among the least +unsuccessful of Luis de Leon's followers. They often follow his lead +with undeniable adroitness. Yet they never attain his incomparable +concentration, his majestic vision of nature and his characteristic +note of ecstatic aloofness. Nowhere is he more himself than in the +immortal stanzas dedicated to Oloarte under the title of _Noche +serena_ of which Churton has bequeathed us an English version which I +will quote, though it gives but a far-off echo of the original's magic +melody: + + When nightly through the sky + I view the stars their files unnumber'd leading, + Then see the dark earth lie + In deathlike trance, unheeding + How Life and Time with those bright orbs are speeding: + + Strong love and equal pain + Wake in my heart a fire with anguish burning; + The tear-drops fall like rain, + Mine eyes to fountains turning, + And my sad voice pours forth its tones of mourning: + + O mansion of high state, + Bright temple of bright saints in beauty dwelling, + The soul, once born to mate + With these, what force repelling + Hath bound to earth, its light in darkness quelling? + + What mortal disaccord + Hath exiled so from Truth the mind unstable? + Why of its blest reward + Forgetful, lost, unable, + Seeks it each shadowy fraud and guileful fable? + + Man lies in slumber dead, + Like one that of his danger hath no feeling, + The while with silent tread + Those restless orbs are wheeling, + And, as they fly, his hours of life are stealing. + + O mortals, wake and rise; + Think of the loss that on your lives is pressing; + The soul, that never dies, + Ordain'd for endless blessing, + How shall it live, false shows for truth caressing? + + Ah, raise your fainting eyes + To that firm sphere which still new glory weareth, + And scorn the low disguise + The flattering world prepareth, + And all the world's poor thrall hopeth or feareth. + + O what is all earth's round, + Brief scene of man's proud strife and vain endeavour, + Weigh'd with that deep profound, + That tideless Ocean-river, + That onward bears Time's fleeting forms for ever? + + Once meditate, and see + That fix'd accord in wondrous variance given, + The mighty harmony + Of courses all uneven, + Wherein each star keeps time and place in heaven. + + Who can behold that store + Of light unspent, and not, with very sighing, + Burst earth's frail bonds, and soar, + With soul unbodied flying, + From this sad place of exile and of dying? + + There dwelleth sweet Content; + There is the reign of Peace; there, throned in splendour, + As one pre-eminent, + With dove-like eyes so tender, + Sits holy Love,--honour and joy attend her. + + There is reveal'd whate'er + Of Beauty thought can reach; the source internal + Of purest Light, that ne'er + To darkness yields; eternal + Bloom the bright flowers in clime for ever vernal. + + There would my spirit be, + Those quiet fields and pleasant meads exploring, + Where Truth immortally, + Her priceless wealth outpouring, + Feeds through the blissful vales the souls of saints adoring. + +The fact that the original is cast in the _lira_ form would compel one +to assign this composition to a date not earlier than 1542, when +Garcilasso's poems were first published. Nothing, however, could be +more remote from Garcilasso's nebulous half-pagan melancholy; we are +no less distant from the pseudonymous nymphs of Cetina and Francisco +de la Torre: the elegant Amaryllis of the one, the elusive Filis of +the other, though destined to be re-incarnated by a tribe of later +poets, find no place in these stately numbers. Luis de Leon does not +emulate Alcazar's epigrammatic wit, nor Herrera's Petrarchan +sweetness, nor Ercilla's tumultuous rhetoric. He has an individuality +all his own, the moral purpose of the man is wedded to the poet's art +in such wise that he strikes a note individual and completely new in +Spanish literature--a note rarely heard in any literature till we +catch its strain in the verses of him who tells us that + + The Youth, who daily farther from the east + Must travel, still is Nature's Priest, + And by the vision splendid + Is on his way attended; + At length the Man perceives it die away, + And fade into the light of common day. + +In Luis de Leon, as in Wordsworth, art is raised to a hieratic +dignity: both have a splendid simplicity, a most lofty expression of +sublime meditation--qualities rare everywhere in every age, and rarest +of all in the flamboyant, if gloomy, Spain of the sixteenth century. + +Luis de Leon has his weak points. He does not attain to the angelic +melody of St. John of the Cross. He is apt to be indifferent to sheer +beauty of form; though he often reaches it, this success seems with +him to be a happy accident. Lucidity is not his main object; though he +uses simple terms, his immense range of knowledge tempts him at whiles +to indulge in allusions which it might tax all the ingenuity of +commentators to explain. Commentators of Luis de Leon have a +sufficiently heavy task before them in reconstructing the text of his +poems--the heavier because the originals no longer exist. Sr. de Onis +has given us some idea of the problems to be solved.[275] Whatever +flaws are revealed in Luis de Leon's manner, he is nearly always +vital, nearly always has something elevating, illuminating and +beautiful to say. As a human being, too, he is not above criticism. +There is an unpleasant savour in the story that he asked Antonio Perez +to let him have the Chrysostom manuscript which he proposed to +translate in Paris, the profits to be divided. We need not believe +this perhaps calumnious little tale. Antonio Perez is open to +suspicion of being an assassin and a traitor; he may also have been +untruthful. Luis de Leon is not a candidate for canonization. He was +no icicle of perfection. He was something vastly more interesting than +a chill intellectual: a man ardent, austere, conscious of resplendent +intellectual faculties, perhaps a little arrogant when off his guard, +incautious but wary, individualistic but self-sacrificing, emotional, +sensitive, reticent: a mass of conflicting qualities blended, unified +and held in subjection by sheer strength of will, fortified by a +professional discipline, deliberately embraced and rigorously +followed. Add to this that he had in a supreme degree the creative +impulse, an irrepressible instinct for self-expression. It is not +strange that the self-expression of a personality so fine, so complex, +so rich, so rare, should produce the series of compositions which +entitle Luis de Leon to rank among the very greatest of Spanish +poets, and beside the most glorious figures in the history of any +literature. He stands a little apart from the rest of Spanish poets in +a splendid solitude which befits him; he must perforce be solitary, +dwelling as he most often does at altitudes inaccessible to ordinary +mortals. + + Those solemn heights but to the stars are known, + But to the stars, and the cold lunar beams: + Alone the sun arises, and alone + Spring the great streams. + + + + +V + + +[Footnote 263: They must have been known to the dedicatee of the +_Noche serena_, whom I am inclined to identify with Diego de Olarte +who appeared before the Valladolid tribunal (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. XI, pp. 301-302). But the only positive evidence on this head is +given by Francisco de Salinas who testified 'que era amigo del dicho +fray Luis de Leon, el cual venia muchas veces a casa deste testigo, y +oyo deste testigo la especulativa, y comunicaba con este testigo cosas +de poesia y otras cosas del arte' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. +302-303).] + +[Footnote 264: In the early editions--those of 1583, 1585, 1587, 1595, +and 1603--_De los nombres de Cristo_ and _La Perfecta Casada_ are +bound up together. Each treatise has a separate pagination in all five +cases.] + +[Footnote 265: Luis de Leon's mother was 'Ines de Valera, hija de Juan +de Valera, vecino que fue de la villa de Belmente, escudero, que vivia +de su hacienda' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 170-171). The +substitution of Varela for Valera, or vice versa, is easy in Spanish. +An example of such a substitution in the case of Luis de Leon's mother +is given by Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon_, p. 24, _n._ 1. Blanco +Garcia mentions a tombstone in the monastery of San Jeronimo at +Granada with the following inscription: + +'_En esta capilla esta enterrado el noble hidalgo el Lic. Lope de Leon +del Cº del Rey nuestro Senor, Oidor que fue de Granada, y Asistente de +Sevilla: fallecio a 24 de Julio de 1562 anos: y Dona Ines Barela_ +(sic), _y Alarcon, su mujer, doto esta capilla para entierro suyo y de +sus descendientes._' + +The name of Luis de Leon's maternal grandmother was Mencia Alvarez +Osorio. From these circumstances, it appears possible that some +relationship existed between the dedicatee of _La Perfecta Casada_ and +the author of that treatise. Luis de Leon had four maternal uncles, +three of whom were laymen--Francisco de Valera, Bernardino de Valera, +and Cristobal de Alarcon, 'capitan que fue en Italia'. All three had +died before April 15, 1572 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 181). + +It is also possible that Isabel Osorio (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +XI, p. 271), to whom the manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Songs_ was lent, may likewise have been related to Luis de +Leon.] + +[Footnote 266: Orozco's treatise was printed in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1888), vol. XXI, pp. 393-401, and vol. XXII, pp. 543-550. It is +reproduced by Sr. D. Federico de Onis in his edition of _De los +nombres de Cristo_ in the series of _Clasicos Castellanos_ (1914), +vol. XXVIII, pp. 261-281, and (1917), vol. XXXIII, pp. 257-271.] + +[Footnote 267: Nowhere have I found an indication of Portocarrero's +birth-date. He became Bishop of Calahorra in 1587, and was translated +to Cordoba in 1594; he died on September 20, 1600.] + +[Footnote 268: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 48) writes, however: 'la +_Cancion del conocimiento de si mismo_, que es la primera cuya fecha +se puede averiguar, la escribio diez anos despues de entrar en +religion'. This is an inference from the closing lines of the poem: + + aunque sane del mal y su accidente + diez anos ha que soy convaleciente. + +In a note to the passage quoted above, Alonso Getino refers to the +_Cancion al nacimiento de la hija del Marques de Alcanices_, written, +as he thinks, 'en un tono impropio de un imberbe'. He appears to have +no doubt as to the authenticity of this composition: the correctness +of the ascription of this poem to Luis de Leon is at least +questionable.] + +[Footnote 269: The pieces printed by Sanchez are translations of Ode +X, Book II; Ode XXII, Book I; Ode XIII, Book IV; and Epode II.] + +[Footnote 270: _Obras del excelente poeta Garcilasso de la Vega_, +Salamanca, 1577. This (second) edition is the earliest to which I have +access. On pp. 91-92 Sanchez writes: 'Trato este elegantemente +Horacio, Oda 10. lib. I. Y porque un docto destos reynos la traduxo +bi[~e], y ay pocos casos destos en nuestra lengua, le pondre aqui +todo: y ansi enti[~e]do hazer en el discurso destas sentencias quando +se ofreciere'. On p. 94, Sanchez writes: 'Por traer el lugar de +Horacio, donde todo esto se toma, aure de poner toda la Oda, sacada +por el mismo que traduxo la otra'. On pp. 97-98 Sanchez writes: 'Al +reves desto se burla Horacio de una dama, motejandola de vieja: y [~q] +ya se le passo la flor, aunque ella no lo piensa. Y por estar +traduzida por el mismo [~q] las pasadas, pogo aqui la Oda, que es +del libro 4 l. 13.'] + +[Footnote 271: This slip has been pointed out by Menendez y Pelayo in +both editions (Madrid, 1878[?] and 1885) of his _Horacio en Espana. +Solaceas bibliograficas_.] + +[Footnote 272: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 50) and in _El Correo +Espanol_ (1908). A reply to these views has been made in the form of +an open letter to Sr. Berrueta, Director of _El Labaro_, by P. Conrado +Muinos Saenz. The reply of Muinos Saenz will be found in _La Ciudad de +Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560, vol. LXXIX, pp. +18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, +177-197.] + +[Footnote 273: M. Menendez y Pelayo, _Antologia de poetas liricos +castellanos_ (1908), vol. XIII, p. 332.] + +[Footnote 274: It is printed among Luis de Leon's poems in the +_Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta +nuestros dias_, vol. XXXVII, pp. 12-13. As this is perhaps the +best-known edition of Luis de Leon's poems, most of my quotations are +taken from it.] + +[Footnote 275: _Sobre la transmision de la obra literaria de Fr. Luis +de Leon_ in _Revista de Filologia espanola_ (1915), vol. II, pp. +217-257.] + + + + +APPENDIX + +EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON + + +Silas obras acertadas de algun Artifice le estan (como dize el Sabio) +alabando siempre, con cuanta mayor razon las de Dios nos dan motivo +para engrandecer su infinita Sabiduria. i mas cuando vemos que nacen +algunos ombres, acopanados de tantas gracias que parece que fueron +hechos, sin otro medio, por sus divinas manos, sien alguno se puede +esto verificar, es en el gran Maestro (como veremos) sus Progenitores +fueron de Belmonte, de clarissimo linage, en el cual resplandecieron +muchos varones insignes en letras i Santidad. El Licenciado Lope de +Leon su Padre, siendo uno de los mayores letrados de su tiempo, vino +por Oidor a Sevilla, donde hizo oficio de Asistente, i en ella tuvo +(para onra de nuestra Patria) este ilustre hijo, que siendo promovido +luego ala chancilleria de Granada, nacio en ella, elano 1528 para +engrandecer l' Andaluzia la Nacion Espanola, i el mundo. En lo +natural, fue pequeno de cuerpo, en devida proporcion, la cabeca +grande, bien formada, poblada de cabello algo crespo, i el cerquillo +cerrado, la frente espaciosa, el rostro mas redondo que aguileno, +(como lo muestra el Retrato) trigueno el color, los ojos verdes i +vivos. En lo moral, con especial don de Silencio, el ombre mas callado +que sea conocido, si bien de singular agudeza en sus dichos, con +estremo abstinente i templado, en la comida bevida, i sueno. de mucho +secreto, verdad, i fidelidad: puntual en palabra i promessas; +compuesto, poco onada risueno. Leiasse en la gravedad de su rostro, el +peso de la nobleza de su alma, resplandecia enmedio desto por +eccelencia una umildad profunda. fue limpissimo, mui onesto i +recogido, gran Religioso, i observante de las Leyes. Amava ala +santissima Virgen ternissimamente, ayunava las visperas de sus +fiestas, comiendo alas tres de la tar de, ino haziendo colacion. de +aqui nacio aqella regalada Cancion que comienca; _Virgen q'el Solmas +pura_. fue mui espiritual, i de mucha Oracion, i en ella en tiempo de +sus mayores trabajos, favorecido de Dios particularissimamente. con +ser de natural colerico fue mui sufrido i piadoso para los que le +tratavan. tan penitente i austero consigo, que las mas noches no se +acostava en cama, i el que la avia hecho la hallava ala manana de la +misma manera certificalo el Padre Maestro frai Luis Moreno de +Bohorquez (onra de su Religion, que estuvo 4 anos en su compania) a +quien devemos la verdad deste discurso, Professo en el Monesterio de +San Agustin de Salamanca, en 29 de Enero de 1544, siendo de edad de 16 +anos. en lo adquisito, fue gran Dialetico i Filosofo, Maestro graduado +en Artes, i Dotor en Teologia, por aquella insigne Universidad; donde +fue Catedratico mas de 36 anos, en la Catedra de Santo Tomas de +Durando, de Filosofia moral, i de Prima de Sagrada Escritura, que tuvo +con crecido premio, por que leyesse una leccion, supo Escolastico tan +aventajadamente, como sino tratava de Escritura, i de Escritura, como +sino tratava de Escolastico. fue la mayor capacidad de ingenio que sea +conocida en su tiempo, para todas Ciencias i Artes; escrevia no menos +que nuestro Francisco Lucas, siendo famosso Matematico, Aritmetico, i +Geometra; i gran Astrologo, i Judiciario, (aunque lo uso con +templanca) fue eminente en el uno i otro derecho, Medico superior, que +entrava en el General con los desta Facultad, i arguia en sus actos. +fue gran Poeta Latino i Castellano, como lo muestran sus versos. +estudio sin Maestro la Pintura, i la exercito tan diestramente que +entre otras cosas hizo (cosa dificil) su mesmo Retrato. tuvo otras +infinitas abilidades, que callo por cosas mayores. La lengua Latina, +Griega, i Hebrea, la Caldea i Siria, supo como los Maestros della. +pues la muestra con cuanta grandeza? siendo el primero que escrivio +en ella con numero i elegacia; digalo el Libro de los Nombres de +Cristo i perfeta casada, encarecido i admirado de los doctos, que no +sabe acabar de loarlo Antonio Possevino en su Biblioteca. escrivio en +Latin Comentarios sobre los Cantares, i fue el primero que allano las +dificultades de la letra: i sobre el Psalmo 26 i el Profeta Abdias, i +la Epistola ad Galatas, i un tratado de utriusq agni: expuso otros +libros de la Escritura que no estan impressos. ai muchas obras suyas +de mano en verso, divididas en tres partes, la primera de las cosas +proprias, la segunda lo que traduxo de autores Profanos, la tercera de +los Psalmos, Cantares i Capitulos de Job. lo cual asido siempre +estimadissimo, con la carta a don Pedro Puertocarrero, a quien lo +dirige, escrivio otra en san Felipe de Madrid ano 1587 alas Carmelitas +descalcas, en favor del espiritu i escritos de Santa Teresa de Jesus, +que anda con su libro, digna de la eccelencia de su ingenio. Al passo +destas grandezas, fue la invidia que le persiguio, pero descubrio +altamente sus quilates, saliendo en todo superior, i con el mayor +triumfo i onra que en estos Reinos sea visto. fue varon de tanta +autoridad, que parecia mas a proposito para mostrar alos otros, que +para aprender de ninguno. grande su juizio i prudencia en materias de +govierno, alcanco mucha estimacion en Espana i fuera della con los +mayores ombres; consultavalo el Rei Filipo Segundo en todos los casos +graves de conciencia enviandole correos estraordinarios a Salamanca; i +despues yendo por orden de la Universidad, con particular comision, a +su Magestad, lo trato i comunico, haziendole especial favor imerced. i +en los acometimientos onrosos de Obispados, i del Arcobispado de +Mexico, descubrio su valor i animo grande, no solo para desnudarse de +la dignidad (cosa intentada de pocos) mas aun de todo cuanto tenia en +la tierra: varon de veras Evangelico. en estos santos exercicios i con +esta continuacion de vida, siendo Provincial de la Provincia de +Castilla, acabo su curso santamente (dexando en todos harto +desconsuelo, aun que mayor certeza de su gloria) en la villa de +Madrigal en 24 de Agosto del ano 1595. de 63 anos de edad. traxeronle +con la devida onra a san Agustin de Salamanca donde avia tomado el +abito, i yaze sepultado en el claustro de aquel ilustre Convento. I +para cumplimiento de su Elogio i de mi desseo no me contente con menos +(en onra de tan insigne varon) de que los versos Latinos fuessen del +Licenciado Rodrigo Caro, i los Castellanos de Lope de Vega, en su +Laurel de Apolo, con que se encarecen bastatem[~e]te. + + + + +EPIGRAMMA + + + Hispalis, Iliberis, Salmantica, Monta, Toletum + Municipem iactant te, Ludovice, suum. + Contigit id magno quondam certamen Homero: + Contigit Hesperio sicq3 Melesigeni. + + Agustino Leon, Frai Luis divino + o dulce Analogia de Agustino! + conque verdad nos diste + al Rei Profeta en verso Castellano, + que con tanta elegancia tra duziste; + o cuanto le deviste + (como en tus mismas obras encareces) + ala invidia cruel, porquien mereces + Laureles inmortales; + tu prosa, i verso iguales + conservaran la gloria de tu nombre; + i los Nombres de Cristo Soberano + tele daran eterno, porque asombre + la dulce pluma de tu heroica mano + de tu persecusion la causa injusta, + tu fuiste gloria de Agustino Augusta, + tu el onor de la lengua Castellana, + que desseaste introduzir escrita, + viendo que ala Romana tanto imita + que puede competir con la Romana. + Si en esta edad vivieras + fuerte Leon en su defensa fueras. + + + + +INDEX + + +A + +Abarca de Sotomayor (Ana), 93 _n._ + +_Agustiniana, Revista_, _passim_ + +Alarcon (Cristobal de), 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (fulano de), 110 _n._ + +Alarcon (Ines de), 27 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (Maria de), 28 _n._ + +Alava (Andres de), 90, 128 _n._, 139 _n._ + +Albornoz (Francisco de), 90, 139 _n._ + +Alcanices (Marques de), 235 _n._ + +Alcazar (Baltasar de), 229 + +Almansa (Francisco de), 39, 40, 93 _n._, 94 _n._ + +Almansa (Pedro de), 94 _n._ + +Almaraz (Antonio de), 189 _n._ + +Almeida (Juan de), 33 _n._, 129 _n._, 224 + +Alvarez (Luis), 44 + +Alvarez Guijarro (Carlos), 193 _n._, 198 _n._ + +Alvarez Osorio (Mencia), 234 _n._ + +Ambrose (Saint), 205 + +Ana de Jesus (La Madre) 12, 30 _n._, 174, 180, 181, 203 + +Antolinez (Agustin), 180 + +Aragon (Pedro de), 165, 194 _n._ + +Arboleda (Francisco de), 56, 57, 112 _n._ + +Arce (Antonio de), 137 _n._ + +Arias Montano (Benito), 62, 63, 83, 119 _n._, 120 _n._, 202, 210, 221, + 224 + +Arias (Diego), 59, 114 _n._ + +Aristotle, 82 + +Arresse (Juan de), 166, 197 _n._ + +Asensio y Toledo (Jose Maria), 201 _n._ + + +B + +Banez (Domingo), 10, 154, 161, 164, 194 _n._, 195 _n._, 196 _n._ + +Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la), 190 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Barrientos, 48, 100 _n._ + +Bejar (Septimo duque de), 58 + +Bembo (Pietro), 83, 84, 218 + +Bernal, Dr., 170 + +Berrueta, 237 _n._ + +Blanco Garcia (Francisco), _passim_ + +Bolivar (Pedro), 138 _n._ + +Bonard (Cornelio), 199 _n._ + +Boscan Almogaver (Juan), 223 + +Braganza (Teutonio de), 175 + +Bravo, 33 _n._ + + +C + +Cabrera de Cordoba (Luis), 184 + +Calderon de la Barca Henao de la Barreda y Riano (Pedro), 3 + +Cancer, Dr., 66, 68, 77, 137 _n._ + +Cano (Melchor), 81, 131 _n._, 202 + +Caravajal (Diego de), 112 _n._ + +Carlos (el maestro Don), 33 _n._ + +Carlos (el principe Don), 211 + +Caro (Rodrigo), 244 + +Carranza (Bartolome de), 21, 35 _n._, 85, 134 _n._ + +Castaneda (Juan de), 161, 194 _n._ + +Castillo (Garcia del), 33 _n._ + +Castillo (Hernando del), 66, 67, 89, 137 _n._ + +Castro (Adolfo de), 190 _n._ + +Castro (Leon de) 13, 14,15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24 _n._, 31 _n._, + 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 35 _n._, 54, 62, 77, 80, 86, 110 _n._ + +Castro (Pedro de) 91, 139 _n._, 141 _n._ + +Cayetano (_see_ Vio). + +Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de) 3, 58, 155, 184, 191 _n._ + +Cetina (Gutierre de) 228 + +Churton (Edward) 219, 220, 225 + +Cicero 207 + +Ciguelo (Juan) 77, 78, 128 _n._ + +Cipriano (el maestro) 81 + +Clement of Alexandria (Saint) 205 + +Copernicus (Nicolaus) 61, 114 _n._, 115 _n._ + +Coscojales (Martin de) 165, 194 _n._ + +Cruesen (Nicolaas) 148, 149 + +Cruz (Joan de la) (_see_ Santa Cruz) + +Cueto (Francisco) 71, 114 _n._, 117 _n._ + +Cyprian (Saint) 205 + + +D + +Dario (Ruben) 224 + +Doria (Nicolas de Jesus Maria) 174, 175, 176, 179 + + +E + +Ercilla y Zuniga (Alonso) 229 + +Espinosa (Alonso de) 224 + +Espinosa (Ana de) 41, 95 _n._ + +Estrada (Doctor) 180 + +Euripides 205 + + +F + +Fernandez (Alonso) 193 _n._ + +Frechilla (Doctor) 77, 91, 139 _n._, 140 + + +G + +Galileo 57, 112 _n._ + +Galvan (Juan), 84 + +Gallardo (Bartolome Jose), 145, 185 _n._, 187 _n._, 191 _n._, + 192 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Gallego (Juan), 36 _n._ + +Gallo (Juan), 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 190 _n._ + +Gallo (Gregorio), 9, 154 + +Gaona (Diego de), 107 _n._ + +Garcia del Castillo, 146 + +Garcilasso, _see_ Lasso de la Vega (Garci). + +Getino (Luis G. Alonso), _passim_ + +Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco), 209, 215 + +Gongora (Luis de), 209 + +Gonzalez (Diego), 21, 39, 94 _n._, 128 _n._ + +Gonzalez de Tejada (J.), 28 _n._, 29 _n._, 100 _n._ + +Grajal (Gaspar de), 10, 13, 20, 21, 22, 29 _n._, 33 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 42, 108 _n._, 157, 162 + +Granada (Luis de), 203 + +Grial (Juan de), 213 + +Guevara (Juan de), 11, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 81, 108 _n._, 190 _n._, + 194 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Guevara (Martin de), 127 _n._ + +Guigelmo, 132 _n._ + +Guijano de Mercado (Doctor), 91, 92, 128 _n._, 139 _n._, 140 _n._, + 144 _n._ + +Gustin (Celedon), 46, 144 _n._, 163 + +Gutierrez (Juan), 107 _n._ + +Gutierrez (Marcelino), 115 _n._ + +Guzman (Domingo de), 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 164, 190 _n._, + 191 _n._, 192 _n._, 197 _n._ + + +H + +Haedo (Diego de), 24 _n._, 96 _n._ + +Henriquez (Dr. Diego), 171 + +Henry VIII, 1 + +Herrera (Fernando de) 207, 229 + +Homer 83 + +Horace 83, 159, 207, 208, 217, 236 _n._ + + +I + +Ibanez, _see_ Banez. + +Ibarra (Juan de) 138 _n._ + +Isaiah 13, 15, 34 _n._ + + +J + +Jeronimo (San) 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 108 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Jesus y Maria (Jose de) 178, 199 _n._ + +John Chrysostom (Saint) 33 _n._ + +John of the Cross (Saint) 230 + +Junta (Lucas) 28 _n._ + +Justin (Saint) 82, 83 + + +L + +Laredo (Bernardino de) 203 + +Lasso de la Vega (Garci) 155, 205, 216 _n._, 223, 228, 236 _n._ + +Leo (Saint) 83 + +Leon (Antonio de) 28 _n._ + +Leon (Cristobal de) 8 + +Leon (Diego de) 43, 44, 204 + +Leon (Francisco de) 7 + +Leon (Gomez de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._ + +Leon (Lope de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._, 27 _n._, 234 _n._, 238 + +Leon (Luis de), his full name, 5; + + his Jewish descent, 5-6; + + his birthplace, 6; + + his date of birth, 7; + + he goes to Madrid, then to the University of Salamanca, 7; + + he enters a religious order, 7; + + renounces his share of the paternal estate, 8; + + professes in the Augustinian order, 8; + + his name appears on the list of theological students at Salamanca, + 8; + + he lectures at Soria, 9; + + matriculates at Alcala de Henares, 9; + + graduates at Toledo, 9; + + graduates as licentiate of theology at Salamanca, 9; + + fails to obtain the chair of Biblical exegesis at Salamanca, 10; + + thwarts the designs of Domingo Banez, 10; + + is elected Professor of Theology at Salamanca, 10; + + is transferred to the chair of Scholastic Theology and Biblical + Criticism, 10, 11; + + is chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, 12; + + incurs the enmity of Leon de Castro, 13, 14; + + lectures on the Vulgate, 14; + + is elected on the committee appointed to revise Francois Vatable's + version of the Bible, 15; + + threatens to burn Castro's _Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_, + 16; + + out-argues Bartolome de Medina, 18; + + goes to Belmonte, 19; + + falls ill, 19; + is mentioned as an offender before the Inquisitionary Committee, 20; + + hands in a written statement to the local Inquisition, 21; + + his arrest is recommended by that body, 22; + + he finds fault with Leon de Castro's knowledge of Latin and Greek + and proposes to call witnesses to prove this point, 33 _n._; + + quarrels with Medina, 36 _n._; + + appeals to the Consejo Real at Madrid and wins his case, 36 + _n._; + + is taken to Valladolid jail by Almansa, 40; + + is lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, 40; + + is nervous about his health, 41; + + asks for books, for powders for his heart-attacks, and for a knife + to cut his food, 41; + + is charged with translating into Spanish the _Song of Solomon_, + and admits having done so, 42; + + implies that a copy may have reached Portugal, 44; + + proves a formidable foe, 46; + + petitions that his University Chair should be kept open until the + end of his trial, 47; + + his petition is refused and Medina is appointed in his place, 48; + + his health suffers from imprisonment, and he asks for the + companionship of a monk of his order, 49; + + he requests to be transferred to a Dominican Monastery, 50; + + petitions for leave to go to confession and to say Mass, 50; + + his requests are refused, 50; + + the increasing bias of the tribunal against him, 51; + + he complains of his bad memory, 51; + + his fearless attitude, 52; + + he brands all Dominicans as enemies, 52; + + objects to the Faculty of Theology at Alcala de Henares, 53; + + inveighs against Medina and Castro, 54; + + prevents Montoya's election as Provincial of the Augustinians in + Spain, 55; + + describes Montoya as notorious for lying, 56; + + entrusts Arboleda to collect favourable evidence, 56; + + brands Diego de Zuniga as a deliberate perjurer, 57; + + his criticism on Zuniga's book, 60; + + his counsel, Dr. Ortiz de Funes, 65; + + his skill in drawing up his own defence, 65; + + he is told to choose two _patronos_ from four names unknown to + him, 66; + + requests that he be given Sebastian Perez as _patrono_, 66; + + suggests that Dr. Cancer or Hernando del Castillo may be appointed + with Perez, 66; + + asks that Castillo's name be removed from the list of + _patronos_, 67; + + threatens to appeal to the Inquisitor-General against the enforced + choosing of unknown _patronos_, 67; + + decides to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus + Christi_ and either Medina or Dr. Cancer, 68; + + Mancio is appointed _patrono_ and makes a report favourable to + him, 69; + + all information of this is withheld from him, 69; + + he protests against his papers being entrusted to Mancio, 69; + + his suspicions and distrust of Mancio, 69-71; + + he becomes reconciled with Mancio, 72; + + loses judicial favour owing to his vacillations over Mancio, 73; + + his demeanour in court, 74; + + his portrait by Pacheco, 79; + + his want of humour, 80; + + his gift of sarcasm, 80; + + his versatility, 81; his conservatism, 81; + + his teachers, 81; + + his books, 81, 82; + + his knowledge of Italian, 83; + + his curiosity about astrology, 84, 85; + + he urges the Court to prosecute Castro for perjury, 86; + + declares that his detention is illegal and demands compensation for + it, 86; + + his health declines and his irritability increases, 87; + + he is blamed by Castillo for teaching erroneous doctrine, 89; + + his moods of depression, 89; + + Menchaca, Alava, Tello Maldonado, and Albornoz recommend that he be + tortured, 90; + + a more lenient view is adopted by Guijano de Mercado and Frechilla, + 91; + + the Supreme Inquisition brushes aside the views of both parties, 91; + + he is publicly reprimanded by order of the Supreme Inquisition and + acquitted, 92; + + his Spanish version of the _Song of Solomon_ is confiscated, + 92; + + he asks for an official certificate of acquittal and for arrears of + salary as regards his chair, 92; + + his applications are granted but their fulfilment delayed, 92; + + his return to Salamanca, 145; + + he meets the _Claustro_ of the University, 146; + + renounces all claim to his Chair so long as it is occupied by + Castillo, 146; + + creation of a provisional new chair for him by the _Claustro_, + 147; + + he lectures in his new chair January 29, 1577, 147; + + his famous alleged phrase _Dicebamus hesterna die_, 147-150; + + difficulties about his lecture-hours, 151; + + he presents himself as a candidate for the Chair of Moral + Philosophy, 152; + + is strenuously opposed by Zumel, 152; + + defeats Zumel by a majority of seventy-nine votes, 153; + + takes the degree of M.A., 153; + + is appointed member of the committee for the reform of the calendar, + 153; + + his contest with Domingo de Guzman for the Biblical chair at + Salamanca, vacant by the death of Gregorio Gallo, 154-155; + + he defeats Guzman by thirty-six votes, 157; + + appeal lodged by Guzman against irregularity in voting, 157; + + judgement given in favour of Luis de Leon, 157; + + he reads himself into the chair at Salamanca, December 7, 1579, 158; + + publishes a Latin commentary on the _Song of Solomon_, 158; + + chivalrously supports Montemayor against Domingo de Guzman at a + theological meeting in Salamanca, 160-161; + + through this action he is involved in a quarrel with Domingo Banez, + 161; + + the case comes before the Valladolid Inquisition, 162; + + he presents himself voluntarily before the Inquisitionary tribunal + at Salamanca on March 8, 163; + + appears again before it on March 31, and offers to apologize if he + has exceeded in his defence of Montemayor, 163; + + his lecture on predestination (1571) is brought before the tribunal + by Zumel, 164; + + his enemies, Zumel, Guzman, and Banez, 164; + + he receives a severely reproachful letter from Villavicencio, 165; + + is summoned to Toledo and privately reprimanded by Quiroga, 167; + + publishes _Los Nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta + casada_, 168; + + is appointed to settle the suit between the University of Salamanca + and the _Colegios Mayores_, 168; + + progress of the suit and conduct of the _Claustro,_ 168-173; + + he refuses the invitation of Sixtus V and Philip II to join the + committee for the revision of the Vulgate, 173; + + is appointed by the papal nuncio to inquire into the administration + of funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, 173; + + begins the publication of his edition of Saint Theresa's works, 174; + + upholds Madre Ana de Jesus's reforms, 174; + + is appointed by the Pope to execute them, 175; + + is opposed by Doria and Philip II, 175-176; + + his weakening health and the continuous opposition of his enemies, + 178-179; + + he is reported to be suffering from tumour, 180; + + his lingering illness, 181; + + he is elected Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, August 14, + 1591, 181; + + his death, August 23, 1591, 181; + + his character by Pacheco, 181-183; + + his prose works, 202-210; + + his poems, 210-221; + + his versification, 221-229; + + his character, 230-232. + +Leon (Miguel de) 8, 28 _n._ + +Leon (Pedro de) 25 _n._ + +Leon (Pero Fernandez de) 26 _n._ + +Loarte (Diego de) [_see_ Oloarte and Olarte] 195 _n._, 211 + +Lopez (Diego) 117 _n._, 118 _n._ + +Lopez de Sedano (Juan Josef) 188 _n._ + +Lucas (Francisco) 241 + +Lucas (Saint) 124 _n._ + + +M + +Madrigal 195 _n._ + +Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ 35 _n._, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 81, 91, + 122 _n._, 123 _n._, 124 _n._ + +Manrique (Angel) 30 _n._ + +Manrique (Jorge) 203 + +Marmol (Dr. Bernabe del) 174, 175 + +Martinez de Cantalapiedra (Martin) 13, 20, 21, 22, 31 _n._, 33 +_n._, 37 _n._, 42 + +Medina (Bartolome de) 18, 19, 20, 21, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 38 _n._, 42, 48, 54, 62, 68, 70, 77, 80, 100 _n._, + 105 _n._, 110 _n._, 123 _n._, 129 _n._, 146, 151, 154, 155, + 187 _n._ + +Menchaca (Francisco de) 90, 139 _n._ + +Mendez (F. de) 5, 26, 200 _n._ + +Mendoza (Bernardino de) 35 _n._ + +Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de) 212 + +Menendez y Pelayo (Marcelino) 236 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Merino (Antolin) 191 _n._ + +Mondejar (Marques de) 35 _n._ + +Montemayor (Prudencio de) 159, 160, 161, 163 + +Montoya (Gabriel) 55, 56, 120 _n._ + +Moreno de Bohorquez (Luis) 182, 240 + +Muinos Saenz (Conrado) 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 119 _n._, 188 _n._, + 200 _n._, 201 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Muniz 33 _n._ + +Munon 33 _n._ + + +N + +Napoleon 1 + +Nino (Hernando) 138 _n._ + + +O + +Olarte (Diego de) 233 _n._ + +Olivares (Conde-duque de) 209 + +Olivares (Pedro de) 23 _n._ + +Oloarte (_see_ Loarte and Olarte) 210, 225 + +Onis (Federico de) 230, 235 _n._ + +Orozco (Alonso de), 206, 235 _n._ + +Ortiz de Funes (Doctor), 65, 66, 67, 68, 104 _n._ + +Osorio (Isabel), 42, 43, 234 _n._ + + +P + +Pacheco (Francisco), 78, 79, 80, 160, 181, 182, 184, 200 _n._, + 201 _n._ [_and_ Appendix] + +Palacios (Francisco de), 162 + +Paul (Saint), 12 + +Peralto (Hernando de), 195 _n._ + +Perez (Antonio), 230, 231 + +Perez (Sebastian), 66, 67 + +Perez Pastor (Cristobal), 199 _n._ + +Philip II, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184, 243 + +Picatoste y Rodriguez (Felipe), 112 _n._ + +Pindar, 83 + +Pineda, 115 _n._ + +Pinelo (Gabriel), 95 _n._ + +Pinto (Hector), 53, 108 _n._, 162 + +Plantin, 82 + +Plato, 205 + +Plutarch, 205 + +Ponce de Leon (Basilio), 24 _n._, 149, 150 + +Portocarrero (Alonso), 212 + +Portocarrero (Pedro), 208, 211, 212, 215, 235 _n._ + +Portonariis (Gaspar de), 104 _n._ + +Possevino (Antonio), 242 + +Poza (Licenciado), 85, 132 _n._ + +Pozas (Marques de), 57 + + +Q + +Quevedo (_see_ Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas) + +Quijano (Juan), 186 _n._, 200 _n._ + +Quiroga (Gaspar de), 167 + + +R + +Ramos (Nicolas), 77, 138 _n._ + +Rejon (Alonso), 36 _n._ + +Reusch (Heinrich), 197 _n._ + +Riego (El Inquisidore), 132 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Benito), 90 + +Rodriguez (Diego), _see_ Zuniga, 58, 63, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 117 _n._, + 118 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Diego), 151 + +Rodriguez Marin (Francisco), 114 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Rojas (Pedro de), 57, 112 _n._, 114 _n._, 118 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza (Juan), 3 + + +S + +Sahagun (Doctor Diego de), 168 + +Sainz de Baranda (Pedro), _passim_ + +Salinas (Francisco de), 7, 80, 84, 154, 190 _n._, 211, 233 _n._ + +Salva (Miguel), _passim_ + +Samson, 217 + +Sanchez (Bartolome), 189 _n._ + +Sanchez (Francisco), _el Brocense_ 32 _n._, 202, 216, 236 _n._ + +Sanchez (Miguel), 222, 224 + +Sanchez de Olivares (Diez), 23 _n._ + +Sanchez de Olivares (Leonor), 6, 23 _n._ + +Sancho (Francisco, bishop of Segoibe), 152 + +Sancho (Francisco), 33 _n._, 100 _n._, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Sancho (el maestro Francisco), 93 _n._ + +Santa Cruz (Joan de), 162, 163, 193 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Santa Maria (Francisco de), 176, 177, 178, 199 _n._ + +Sarmiento de Mendoza (Manuel), 209, 215 + +Sebastian I, 214 + +Shakespeare, 221 + +Siluente (Alonso), 49, 94, 101 _n._ + +Simonides, 205 + +Sixtus V, 173, 174 + +Sobrino (Doctor), 180 + +Solana (Andres de), 165 + +Solis (Antonio de), 168 + +Sophocles, 83, 205 + +Suarez (Pedro), 158, 193 _n._ + + +T + +Tapia (Mencia de), 28 _n._ + +Tasso (Bernardo), 223 + +Tellez Giron (Rodrigo), 23 _n._ + +Tello Maldonado (Luis), 90, 139 _n._ + +Theresa (Saint), 12, 174, 175, 178, 180, 181, 199 _n._, 203, 242 + +Tiberius, 1 + +'Tirso de Molina', 3 + +Torre (Francisco de la), 228 + + +U + +Uceda (Gaspar de), 110 _n._ + +Uceda (Pedro de), 100 _n._, 189 _n._ + +'Urganda la Desconocida', 155, 191 _n._ + + +V + +Vadillo (Doctor), 70 + +Valbas (Doctor), 32 _n._ + +Valera (Bernardino de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Francisco de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Ines de), 233 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Valera (Juan de). 233 _n._ + +Valladolid (Diego de), 39 + +Vanez (_see_ Banez) + +Varela Osorio (Maria), 204 + +Vatable (Francois), 15, 16, 17, 33 _n._, 82, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Vega Carpio (Felix Lope de) 3, 244 + +Velazquez 79 + +Vicente de la Fuente 31 _n._, 32 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Villanueva (Leonor de) 6, 23 _n._ + +Villavicencio (Lorenzo de) 165 + +Vio (Cardinal Thomas de), surnamed Cajetanus 133 _n._ + +Vique (Juan) 33 _n._ + +Virgil 83, 207 + + +W + +Wordsworth 229 + + +Z + +Zumel (Francisco) 152, 153, 159, 164, 172, 193 _n._ + +Zuniga (Diego de), _see_ Arias and Rodriguez, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, + 77, 83, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 117 _n._, 118 _n._, 119 _n._ + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Fray Luis de Leon, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEON *** + +***** This file should be named 16148.txt or 16148.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/4/16148/ + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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