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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/16148-0.txt b/16148-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..99ff2cd --- /dev/null +++ b/16148-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5927 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fray Luis de León, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Fray Luis de León + A Biographical Fragment + +Author: James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +Release Date: June 29, 2005 [EBook #16148] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEÓN *** + + + + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + + + + + + + + +HISPANIC +NOTES & MONOGRAPHS + +ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF +BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE +HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA + +I + +[Illustration: EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON] + + + + +FRAY LUIS +DE LEON + +A Biographical Fragment + +BY + +JAMES FITZMAURICE KELLY, F.B.A. + + +_With a Portrait from +an engraving after Pacheco_. + +OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +HUMPHREY MILFORD +1921 + +PRINTED IN ENGLAND +AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +BY FREDERICK HALL + + + + +PREFACE + + +This biographical sketch is, in fact, a fragment of a book which will +now never come into existence. This particular chapter has been +snatched from the burning by an accident. The name of Luis de Leon +deservedly ranks as high as that of any poet in the history of Spanish +literature; but his reputation as a poet is mostly local, while he is +known all the world over as the subject of a dubious anecdote. The +attempt is now made to render him more familiar than he has hitherto +been to English-speaking people, and to do this, to exhibit the man as +he was, it proved necessary to analyse the two volumes of his first +trial, the evidence of which is brought together in vols. X and XI of +the _Coleccion de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España_. +Edited by Miguel Salvá and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, these volumes +appeared in 1847; their value is incontestable, but, though they give +the evidence as it occurs in the register of the Inquisition, this +evidence is not arranged in consistent chronological order, nor is it +supplied with an index. The work, printed seventy-three years ago, is +not within easy reach of every reader; and of those who have access to +it not all are patient enough to read steadily through so large a mass +of somewhat incoherent matter. Should any such readers be tempted to +examine the record closely, it is hoped that this sketch will do +something to make their task easier. An attempt is made here to +picture the man as he was, full of fortitude, yet not exempt from +human weakness. I trust that I have avoided the temptation to go to +the opposite extreme, and lay the blame--as has been done--for the +irregularities of the trial at Luis de Leon's own door. + +In dealing with his Spanish poems, I have tried not to put his claims +to consideration too high. Laboulaye, in _La Liberté religieuse_, +calls Luis de Leon 'le premier lyrique de l'Europe moderne'. This +phrase dates from 1859, and was addressed to a generation which +delighted in arranging authors in something like the order of a class +list. Though I have the highest opinion of Luis de Leon's genius, I +have not felt tempted to follow Laboulaye's example; I have by +preference discussed, so far as space allows, such points as the +probable chronology of Luis de Leon's poems. Once more I repeat that +this is a chapter of a book that will now never be written. + +It may be as well to add at this point a few explanatory words +concerning the plan of accentuation adopted here. There seems to be no +valid reason for applying, in a book primarily intended for English +readers, the modern Academic system to proper names borne in the +sixteenth century by men who lived more than three hundred years +before the current system was ever invented. Except of course in the +case of quotations, that system is applied rigidly only to the names +of those who have adopted it formally (as on pp. 114 _n._ and 191 +_n._). I have gone on the theory that accents should be sparingly used +in a work of this kind, and that, as accents are almost needless for +Spaniards they should be employed only when the needs of foreigners +compel their use. It is a fundamental rule in Spanish that nearly all +words ending in a consonant should be stressed on the last syllable. +But since nobody, however slightly acquainted with Spanish, is tempted +to pronounce such words as Velazquez (p. 79) or Gomez (p. 250) +incorrectly, no graphic accent is employed in such cases. Names ending +in _s_--such as Valbás--are accentuated, however, when the stress +falls on the last syllable: this prevents all possibility of +confusion with the pronunciation of ordinary plural forms. +Place-names--such as Béjar (p. 58) and Córdoba (p. 184)--are +accentuated; so are trisyllables and polysyllables such as Góngora (p. +209) and Zúñiga (p. 57 and elsewhere). It will be seen that, in this +matter, I have been guided by strictly utilitarian principles. +Inconsistencies are perhaps unavoidable under any system. The plan +followed here, while it tends to diminish the total number of accents, +probably involves no more inconsistencies than any other. It is based +on rational grounds, and is, it may be hoped, less offensive to the +eye than the current system. Quotations, I repeat, are reproduced +exactly as they stand in the sources from which they profess to be +taken. + +With these words, I close what I have to say here on this subject and +commend these pages to the indulgent judgement of my readers. + +The following works, or articles, may be usefully consulted by the +student of Spanish. + + +EDITIONS. LUIS DE LEON: _Obras_, ed. A. Merino, Madrid, 1804-5-6-16. 6 +vols. [reprinted with a preface, by C. Muiños Sáenz, Madrid, 1885, 6 +vols.]; _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, vols. XXXV, XXXVII, LIII, +LXI, and LXII; _De los nombres de Cristo_, ed. F. de Onís, Madrid, +1914-1917 [Clásicos castellanos, vols. XXVIII and XXXIII]; _La +perfecta casada_, ed. E. Wallace, Chicago, 1903; _La perfecta casada_, +ed. A. Bonilla y San Martín, Madrid, 1917; _El perfecto predicador_, +ed. C. Muiños Saenz in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1886), vol. XI, pp. +340-348, 432-447, 527-537; (1886), vol. XII, pp. 15-25, 104-111, +211-218, 322-330, 420-427, 504-512; (1887), vol. XIII, pp. 32-38, +106-114, 213-222, 302-312; (1887), vol. XIV, pp. 9-17, 154-160, +305-315, 449-459, 581-591, 729-743; _Exposition del Miserere_ +[facsimile of the Barcelona ed. of 1632], ed. A.M. Huntington, New +York, 1903. + + +WORKS OF REFERENCE: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid +hizo al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del órden de S. Agustin_, +ed. M. Salvá and P. Sainz de Baranda, in _Coleccion de Documentos +inéditos para la Historia de España_ (Madrid, 1847), vol. X, pp. +5-575, and vol. XI, pp. 5-358; J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray +Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1863); C.A. Wilkens, _Fray Luis de Leon_ +(Halle, 1866); A. Arango y Escandon, _Frai Luis de Leon, ensayo +histórico_, 2ª ed. (Mexico, 1866) [the first edition appeared in _La +Cruz_ (Mexico, 1855-56)]; F.H. Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873); M. Gutiérrez, _El misticismo ortodoxo_ +(Valladolid, 1886); M. Gutiérrez, _Fray Luis de León y la filosofía +española del siglo_ XVI, 2ª ed. aumentada (Madrid, 1891) [_Adiciones +póstumas_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1907), vol. LXXIII, pp. 391-399, +478-494, 662-667; vol. LXXIV, pp. 49-55, 303-414, 487-496, 628-643; in +_La Ciudad de Dios_ (1908), vol. LXXV, pp. 34-47, 215-221, 291-303, +472-486]; J.M. Guardia, _Fray Luis de Leon ou la poésie dans le +cloître_, in the _Revue germanique_ (1863), vol. XXIV, pp. 307-342; M. +Menéndez y Pelayo, _Horacio en España, Solaces bibliográficas_ 2ª ed. +(Madrid, 1885), vol. I, pp. 11-24, vol. II, pp. 26-36; M. Menéndez y +Pelayo, _Estudios de crítica literaria_, 1ª serie (Madrid, 1893), pp. +1-72; F. Blanco García, _Segundo proceso instruído por la Inquisición +de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de León_ (Madrid, 1896); F. Blanco +García, _Fray Luis de León: rectificaciones biográficas_, in the +_Homenaje a Menéndez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. I, pp. 153-160; +J.D.M. Ford, _Luis de León, the Spanish poet, humanist and mystic_, in +the _Publications of the Modern Language Association of America_ +(Baltimore, 1899), vol. XIV, pp. 267-278; F. Blanco García, _Fr. Luis +de León: estudio biográfico del insigne poeta agustino_ (Madrid, +1904); _Acta de la reposición de Fray Luis de León en una cátedra de +la Universidad de Salamanca_ in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas +y Museos_, Tercera época (1900), vol. IV, pp. 680-682; L.G. Alonso +Getino, _La Causa de Fr. Luis de León ante la crítica y los nuevos +documentos históricos_, in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y +Museos_, Tercera época (1903), vol. IX, pp. 148-156, 268-279, 440-449; +(1904), vol. XI, pp. 288-306, 380-397; C. Muiños Sáenz, _El 'Decíamos +ayer' de Fray Luis de León_, (Madrid, 1905); L. Alonso Getino, _Vida y +procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de León_ (Salamanca, 1907); C. Muiños +Sáenz _El 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros excesos_, in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560; vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, +107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX pp. 99-125, 177-197; F. +de Onís _Sobre la trasmisión de la obra literaria de Fray Luis de +León_, in the _Revista de Filología Española_ (Madrid, 1915), vol. II +pp. 217-257; R. Menéndez Pidal, _Una poesia inédita de Fray Luis de +León_, in the _Revista de Filología Española_ (Madrid, 1917), vol. IV, +pp. 389-390; C. Pérez Pastor, _Bibliografía madrileña_ (Madrid, +1891-1906-1907), parte ii, pp. 254-255, and parte iii, pp. 404-409; G. +Vázquez Núñez, _El padre Francisco Zumel, general de la Merced y +catedrático de Salamanca_ (1540-1607), in _Revista de Archivos, +Bibliotecas y Museos_, Tercera época (1918), vol. XXXVIII, pp. 1-19, +170-190; (1918), vol. XXXIX, pp. 53-67, 237-266; (1919), vol. XL, pp. +447-466, 562-594. + +J. F-K. + + +PS. Had they reached me in time, the following two items would have +been included in the respective sections of the foregoing summary +bibliography: _Poesías originales de Fray Luis de León_, ed. F. de +Onís, San José de Costa Rica, 1920; Ad. Coster, _Notes pour une +édition des poésies de Luis de León_ in the _Revue hispanique_ (1919), +vol. XLVI, pp. 193-248. + + + + +I + + +We are all of us familiar with the process of 'whitewashing' +historical characters. We are past being surprised at finding Tiberius +portrayed as an austere and melancholy recluse, Henry VIII pictured as +a pietistic sentimentalist with a pedantic respect for the letter of +the law, and Napoleon depicted as a romantic idealist, seeking to +impose the Social Contract on an immature, reluctant Europe. Though +the 'whitewashing' method is probably not less paradoxical than the +opposite system, it makes a stronger and wider appeal, inasmuch as it +implies a more amiable attitude towards life, and is more consonant +with a flattering conception of the possibilities of human nature. A +prosaic narrative of established facts does not immediately recommend +itself to the average man. Possibly few have existed who were so good +and so great that they can afford to have the whole truth told about +them. At any rate, it is easier to convey a picturesque general +impression than to collect all the available evidence with the +untiring persistence of a model detective and to present it with the +impartial acumen of a competent judge. Moreover, the inertia of +pre-existing opinion has to be overcome. Once readers have been +accustomed to accept as absolutely authentic an idealized conventional +portrait of a man of genius, it is difficult to induce them to abandon +it for a more realistic likeness. In the interest of historical truth, +however, the attempt must be made. We are sometimes told that +'historical truth can afford to wait'. That may be true; but it has +waited for nearly four centuries, and, if it be divulged in English +now, the revelation lays us open to no reasonable charge of +indiscretion or indecent haste. + +It may be that the name of Luis de Leon is comparatively unknown +outside the small group of those who are regarded as specialists. +Luis de Leon is nothing like so famous as Cervantes, as Lope de Vega, +as Tirso de Molina, as Ruiz de Alarcon, and as Calderon, whose names, +if not their works, are familiar to the laity. This is one of chance's +unjust caprices. With the single exception of Cervantes perhaps no +figure in the annals of Spanish literature deserves to be more +celebrated than Luis de Leon. He was great in verse, great in prose, +great in mysticism, great in intellectual force and moral courage. +Many may recall him as the hero of a story--possibly apocryphal--in +which he figures as returning to his professorial chair after an +absence of over four years (passed in the prison-cells of the +Inquisition) and beginning his exordium to his students with the +imperturbable remark: 'We were saying yesterday.' Mainly on this +uncertain basis is constructed the current legend that Luis de Leon +was a bloodless philosopher, incapable of resentment, and, indeed, +without a touch of human weakness in his aloof and lofty nature. His +works do not lend colour to this presentation of the man, nor do the +ascertainable details of his chequered career. The conception of Luis +de Leon as a meek spirit, an unresisting victim of malignant +persecution, is not the sole view tenable of a complex character. +However, the recorded facts may be trusted to speak for themselves. + + + + +II + + +What was Luis de Leon's full name? Was it Luis Ponce de Leon? So it +would appear from the summarized results of P. Mendez printed in the +_Revista Agustiniana_.[1] The point is not without interest, for Ponce +de Leon is one of the great historic names of Spain. If Luis de Leon +was entitled to use it, he appears not to have exercised his right, +for in the report of his first trial[2] he consistently employs some +such simple formula as:--'El maestro fray Luis de Leon... digo'.[3] +The omission of the name 'Ponce' during proceedings extending over +more than four years can scarcely be accidental. It may, however, have +been due to monastic humility,[4] or to simple prudence: a desire not +to provoke opponents who declared that Luis de Leon had Jewish blood +in his veins.[5] Whether this assertion, a serious one in +sixteenth-century Spain, had any foundation in fact is disputed. It +is apparently certain that Luis de Leon's great-grandfather married a +Leonor de Villanueva, who is reported to have confessed to practising +Jewish rites and to have been duly condemned by the Inquisition in +1513 or thereabouts.[6] This does not go to the root of the matter, +for Leonor de Villanueva is alleged to have been Lope de Leon's second +wife. His first wife is stated to have been Leonor Sanchez de +Olivares, a lady of unquestioned orthodoxy, and mother of Gomez de +Leon,[7] the future grandfather of the Luis de Leon with whom we are +concerned here. If this statement be correct,[8] obviously there can +be no ground for asserting that Luis de Leon was of Jewish blood. But +it must in candour be admitted that the point is not wholly clear from +doubt.[9] + +It is now established that Luis de Leon was born at Belmonte in the +province of Cuenca: 'Belmonte de la Mancha de Aragon' as he calls +it.[10] When was he born? On his tombstone, he was stated to be +sixty-four years old when he died on August 23, 1591.[11] This is +almost the only scrap of evidence available, for no baptismal +registers dating back to the third decade of the sixteenth century are +preserved at Belmonte.[12] Did the inscription on Luis de Leon's tomb +mean that he had completed his sixty-fourth year, or did it mean that, +at the time of his death, he had entered upon his sixty-fourth year? +According to the answer given to these questions, the date of Luis de +Leon's birth must be fixed either in 1527 or 1528. + +Apart from the fact that Luis de Leon was taught singing,[13] as +became the future friend of Salinas, we know next to nothing of his +early youth. From himself we learn that he was taken from Belmonte to +Madrid when he was five or six, that at the age of fourteen he was +entered at Salamanca University, where one of his uncles--Francisco de +Leon--was lecturer on Canon Law, and that shortly afterwards he +resolved to enter a religious order.[14] The eldest son of a +judge,[15] Luis de Leon renounced most of his share of the paternal +estate,[16] and gave it up to one--or both--of his younger brothers +Cristóbal and Miguel, each of whom had been _veinticuatro_ of Granada +at some date previous to April 15, 1572.[17] On January 29, 1544, Luis +de Leon was formally professed in the Augustinian order.[18] In his +monastery we may plausibly conjecture that he led a solitary and +bookish existence, poring over his texts and attending lectures +assiduously. As early as 1546-1547 his name appears on the list of +students of theology at Salamanca; the registers of theological +students covering the years 1547-1548 to 1550-1551 are missing; Luis +de Leon's name does not appear in the register for the academic year +1551-1552, but it recurs in the University books for the years +1552-1553 and 1554-1555. He there figures still as a student of +theology.[19] He would seem, therefore, to have shown no amazing +precocity in the schools; but his application, we may be sure, was +intense, and there is nothing rash in assuming that during part of +the two years that he was absent, as he tells us,[20] from Salamanca, +he was lecturing at Soria. The remaining eighteen months he probably +devoted to exegetical studies at Alcalá de Henares, where he +matriculated in 1556.[21] He was about thirty when he rather +unexpectedly graduated as a bachelor of Arts at the University of +Toledo.[22] Why he preferred to take his degree at Toledo instead of +at Salamanca is not clear; it is plausibly conjectured that economy +may have been his motive, as the obtaining of a bachelor's degree at +Salamanca was an expensive business.[23] Confirmation of this +conjecture is afforded by the fact that he speedily returned to his +allegiance, was 'incorporated' as a bachelor at Salamanca in 1588, +graduated there as a licentiate of theology in May 1560, and in the +following month became a master of theology.[24] It soon became clear +that he did not regard a University degree as a mere distinction. The +retirement of Gregorio Gallo caused a vacancy in the chair of +Biblical Exegesis at Salamanca. Luis de Leon, though but a master of a +few months' standing, presented himself as a candidate for the post. +He failed to obtain it, being defeated by Gaspar de Grajal, a future +ally and fellow victim:[25] so far as can be ascertained, this was +Luis de Leon's sole academic check. Manifestly he was not daunted. He +claimed, and established, his right to take part in certain +examinations in his faculty,[26] and 'con mucho exceso' thwarted the +designs of the famous Domingo Bañez, whom he afterwards described as +'enemigo capital'.[27] His combativeness did him no immediate harm, +for, in December 1561, he was elected Professor of Theology at +Salamanca.[28] He was obviously not disposed to hide his light under a +bushel, nor to perform his academic duties in a spirit of humdrum +routine. Whatever he did, he did with all his might, and his strenuous +versatility made him conspicuous in University life. In 1565 he was +transferred from the theological chair to the chair of Scholastic +Theology and Biblical Criticism, in which he succeeded his old master +Juan de Guevara.[29] + +Such successes as Luis de Leon had hitherto won he owed mainly to his +own talents.[30] Brilliant as he was, there is no reason to assume +that he was personally popular in Salamanca.[31] It does not appear +that he made any effort to win popularity; nor is it certain that he +would have succeeded even if he had sought to win it. His temper was +impulsive, his disposition was critical and independent; his tongue +and pen were sharp and made enemies among members of his own order; +moreover, he contrived to alienate the Dominicans, a powerful body in +Salamanca, as in the rest of Spain. No doubt he had many admirers, +especially among his own students. Yet the University, as a whole, +stood slightly aloof from him, and before long in certain obscurantist +circles cautious hints of latitudinarianism were murmured against him. +For these mumblings there was absolutely no sort of foundation.[32] +As might be inferred from the simple fact that he was afterwards +chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, Luis de Leon was +the most orthodox of men. His selection for this piece of work may +have been due to the influence of the saint's friend and successor, +Madre Ana de Jesús, who had the highest opinion of him.[33] But it was +not often that he produced so favourable a personal impression; he had +not mastered the gentle art of ingratiation; it is even conceivable +that he did not strictly observe St. Paul's injunction to 'suffer +fools gladly'.[34] Though fundamentally humble-minded, he was +intolerant of what he thought to be nonsense: a quality which would +perhaps not endear him to all his colleagues. He set a proper value on +himself and his attainments; he was prone to sift the precious metal +of truth from the dross of uninformed assertion; he had an incurable +habit of choosing his friends from amongst those who shared his +tastes. A good Hebrew scholar, he was on terms of special intimacy +with Gaspar de Grajal and with Martin Martinez de Cantalapiedra,[35] +respectively Professors of Biblical Exegesis and of Hebrew in the +University of Salamanca. Frank to the verge of indiscretion and +suspecting no evil, Luis de Leon scattered over Salamanca fagots each +of which contained innumerable sticks that his opponents used later to +beat him with. Lastly, he had the misfortune, as it proved later, to +differ profoundly on exegetical points from a veteran Professor of +Latin, Rhetoric, and Greek.[36] This was Leon de Castro, a man of +considerable but unassimilated learning, an astute wire-puller and +incorrigible reactionary whose name figures in the bibliographies as +the author of a series of commentaries on Isaiah--a performance which +has not been widely read since its tardy first appearance in 1571. The +delay in publishing this work, and the contemporary neglect of it, +were apparently ascribed by Castro to the personal hostility of Luis +de Leon who, though he did not approve of the book, seems to have been +perfectly innocent on both heads.[37] + +The fires of these differences had smouldered for some years when, +during the University course (as it appears) of 1568-1569, Luis de +Leon gave a series of lectures wherein he discussed, with critical +respect, the authority attaching to the Vulgate. The respect passed +almost unnoticed; the criticism gave a handle to a group of vigilant +foes. Since 1569 a good deal of water has flowed under the bridges +which span the Tormes, and it is intrinsically likely that, were the +objectionable lectures before us, Luis de Leon might appear to be an +ultra-conservative in matters of Biblical criticism. But this is not +the historical method. In judging the action of Leon de Castro and his +allies we must endeavour to adjust ourselves to the sixteenth-century +point of view. Matters would seem to have developed somewhat as +follows. In 1569 a committee was formed at Salamanca for the purpose +of revising François Vatable's version of the Bible; both Luis de Leon +and Leon de Castro were members of this committee,[38] and as they +represented different schools of thought, there were lively passages +between the two. It is customary to lay at Castro's door all the blame +for the sequel. Nothing is likelier than that Leon de Castro was +incoherent in his recriminations and provocative in tone: it is +further alleged that his commentaries on Isaiah contained gratuitous +digs at the views on Scriptural interpretation ascribed to Luis de +Leon. It may well be that Luis de Leon, who had in him something of +the irritability of a poet, took umbrage at these indirect attacks, +and entered upon the discussion in a fretful state of mind. According +to Leon de Castro, whose testimony on this point is uncontradicted, +the climax came about in connexion with the text: 'Out of the mouth of +babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise.' Castro obstinately +maintained that Vatable's interpretation of this passage was an +interpretation favoured by the Jews against whom he cherished an +incorrigible prejudice. Luis de Leon is reported to have lost patience +at this assertion, and to have said that he would cause Castro's +_Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_ to be burnt. Castro, whatever his +faults, was not the man to be cowed by a threat, and he retorted with +the remark that, by God's grace, this should not come to pass, and +that if there were any burning it would be applied rather to Luis de +Leon and his family.[39] Having fired his bolt, but conscious that he +was in a minority on the committee, Castro concluded with the sulky +declaration that he did not propose to attend any further meetings of +that body. He would seem to have changed his mind later on this point, +modestly alleging that he gave way to the insistence of others who +deemed his presence indispensable, on account of his knowledge of +languages.[40] Whatever his linguistic accomplishments, they did not +produce the desired effect, for Vatable's version of the Bible was +passed as revised by the committee of Salamancan theologians in 1571, +though, for some unexplained reason, their revised text was not +published till thirteen years later. + +The quarrel between Castro and Luis de Leon soon became public +property. Passions were ablaze in a moment. Parties were formed, and +Castro found much support, especially among the body of +undergraduates, of whom one at least ingenuously described himself as +'del bando de Jesucristo'.[41] There was almost as much tumult in the +University of Salamanca as in Agramante's camp. Even if Castro thought +that the hour of his triumph was at hand, he was too experienced and +too Spanish to be precipitate. He may well have had an inkling that, +if many were repelled by Luis de Leon's austerity and implacable +righteousness, his own reputation as a pedant and reactionary did not +mark him out for leadership. His lack of expository power may also +have struck him as a disqualification.[42] Further, on tactical +grounds, he may have argued that his notorious hostility to Luis de +Leon made it advisable for him not to figure too prominently in the +ranks of the attacking party. Whatever his motive may have been, +Castro gave place to a younger and far abler man, the well-known +Dominican, Bartolomé de Medina, whose relations with Luis de Leon, +never cordial, had grown strained, owing to various checks and +disappointments. Medina honestly differed from Luis de Leon's views as +regards Scriptural interpretation; he would have been a good deal more +(or less) than human if he had not been galled by a series of small +personal mortifications. He particularly resented, as well he might, +being out-argued when he presented himself before Luis de Leon to be +examined for his licentiateship of theology; the knowledge that this +incident was talked over by mocking students did not improve +matters.[43] Medina was, however, too wily to delate Luis de Leon +directly; he reported to the Inquisition on the general situation at +Salamanca, and in this document no names were mentioned. Luis de Leon +was not in a position to counteract the manoeuvres of his opponents. +It is not certain that he could have done so, had he been continuously +in Salamanca at this time: as it happened, he was absent at Belmonte +from the beginning of 1571 till the month of March, and on his return +he fell ill. All this while, Medina and Castro were free to go about +sowing tares, making damaging suggestions, and collecting such +corroborative evidence as could be gleaned from ill-disposed +colleagues and garrulous or slow-witted students.[44] It appears that +Medina's statement, embodying seventeen propositions which (as he +averred) were taught at Salamanca, reached the Supreme Inquisition in +Madrid on December 2, 1571; on December 13 the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca was instructed to ascertain the source of the +statement,[45] and to report on the tenability of the views set forth +in the seventeen propositions.[46] Evidently the matter was regarded +as urgent: for, on December 17, the Inquisitionary Commissary opened +his preliminary inquiry at Salamanca. The sole witness called at the +first sitting was Medina,[47] who repeated his assertions, mentioning +Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de Cantalapiedra as offenders. A +committee of five persons was appointed to examine into the orthodoxy +of the views alleged to be held by these three. As Leon de Castro was +a member of this committee, and as none of the other four members was +in sympathy with Luis de Leon, the general tenor of the committee's +findings might readily be predicted. These findings were somewhat +hastily adopted by the local Inquisition at Valladolid on January 26, +1572, when the arrest of Grajal and Martinez de Cantalapiedra was +recommended.[48] Up to this point Luis de Leon would seem not to have +been officially implicated by name, though he was clearly aimed at, +especially by Castro who appeared before the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca, and reiterated Medina's charges with some +wealth of rancorous detail.[49] + +With significant promptitude effect was given to the recommendation of +the local Inquisition: Grajal was apprehended on March 1; shortly +afterwards Martinez de Cantalapiedra was likewise apprehended; and, as +these measures seemed to arouse no feeling more dangerous than +surprise in Salamanca, it was conceivably thought safe to fly at +higher game. Manifestly, Luis de Leon must have known that something +perilous was afoot when he handed in a most respectfully-worded +written statement on March 6, 1572.[50] By about this time there had +arrived in Salamanca Diego Gonzalez--an experienced official, whose +conduct of the Inquisitionary case against Bartolomé de Carranza, the +Archbishop of Toledo, has earned him an unenviable repute.[51] Under +the presidency of Gonzalez, who might be trusted to keep the weaker +brethren, if there were any, up to the mark, the local Inquisition on +March 15 resolved to recommend the arrest of Luis de Leon. Apparently +the gravity of this step was recognized. Another sitting was held on +March 19, and a vote was taken with the result that the previous +decision was confirmed by four votes to two. It should not, however, +be assumed that the vote of the two implied any marked personal +sympathy with Luis de Leon. On the contrary: the difference between +the majority and the minority was concerned solely with a question of +procedure. The minority suggested that it would cause less fuss and +less scandal to seize Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de +Cantalapiedra, to place each of them in solitary confinement for a +short while in a Valladolid monastery, and thence to remove them, +without trial, to the secret prison of the Inquisition.[52] It is +difficult to detect the humanitarian motive of this alternative +proposal. + + + + +II + + +[Footnote 1: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. III, p. 127. +'Lope Alvarez Ponce de Leon, Regidor de Segovia... casó dos veces: la +primera con Doña Leonor Sánchez de Olivares, hija de Díez Sánchez de +Olivares y hermana de aquel valiente caballero Don Pedro de Olivares, +comendador del Olmo, del orden de Calatrava en tiempo del Maestro D. +Rodrigo Téllez Girón. De este matrimonio tuvieron tres hijos. En +segundas nupcias casó con Doña Leonor de Villanueva, y tuvieron dos +hijos; pero no declaran quienes fueron del primer matrimonio, y +quienes del segundo. Solo de D. Gómez consta que es del primer +matrimonio.'] + +[Footnote 2: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid hizo +al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del orden de S. Agustin._ This +_proceso_, edited by D. Miguel Salvá and D. Pedro Sainz de Baranda, +occupies the tenth volume and pp. 5-358 of the eleventh volume of the +_Coleccion de Documentos inéditos para la historia de España_ (Madrid, +1847).] + +[Footnote 3: Ex. gr. _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-97, +184-185, 255-256; vol. XI, pp. 38, 131, 350.] + +[Footnote 4: It is established beyond doubt, however, that some +members of the family used the name Ponce. The works of Luis de Leon's +eminent nephew, Basilio, an Augustinian like himself, bear on their +title-pages the words 'Basilius Pontius Legionensis'.] + +[Footnote 5: This assertion is made emphatically by Diego de Haedo, +the prosecuting counsel on behalf of the Inquisition; he calls Luis de +Leon a 'descendiente de generacion de judíos' (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 206). An echo of the charge is faintly audible in Luis de +Leon's own testimony. It is repeated with violence by Leon de Castro: +'...enojado de la porfía el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo á este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahías, y este declarante le respondió que con la gracia de Dios que +ni él, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas á las +juntas' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 12).] + +[Footnote 6: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 157.] + +[Footnote 7: See note 1.] + +[Footnote 8: Luis de Leon apparently took no special interest in his +family history. Before the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid on +April 15, 1572, he traced his descent no further back than his +grandparents, adding that, as he entered religion when he was fourteen +years old, 'no tiene entera noticia de qué casta vienen los dichos sus +padres y agüelos, mas de haber oido decir que ciertos contrarios que +tuvo su padre, le pusieron en su hidalguía que venia de casta de +conversos. + +E preguntado si sabe que alguno de los de su descendencia ó +trasversalía haya seido preso ó peniado ó condenado por este Santo +Oficio; dijo que no lo sabe' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 182). + +By May 14, 1573, Luis de Leon had recalled further particulars: +'Porque mi padre fué un hombre muy católico y muy principal como +conoció todo el reino, y su padre que se llamó Gomez de Leon lo fué no +menos que él en su lugar, y este tuvo un hermano de padre y madre que +se llamó el licenciado Pedro de Leon, que fué collegial en el collegio +del Cardenal desta villa como se puede luego saber; y el padre de +ambos, visagüelo mio, se llamó Lope de Leon muy católico y de los mas +honrados y principales de su lugar; y el padre de este y visagüelo +mio, se llamó Pero Fernandez de Leon que le trujo el primer Señor de +Belmonte consigo á aquel lugar, y fué alcaide en la fortaleza dél todo +el tiempo que vivió, y el mas principal y mas limpio que habia en él, +desto que el mundo llama limpieza, como siendo necesario probaré +bastantemente' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 385-386). This +challenge was never taken up.] + +[Footnote 9: It is not free from doubt because, though some of the +witnesses, whose testimony is given in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +pp. 146-174, are doubtless in good faith in their evidence as to Luis +de Leon's Jewish descent, they refer to events which happened long +before; and their memories are apt to play them false and their +narratives are muddled. Luis de Leon appears to point to these +depositions when he says: 'Y no se hallará en memoria de hombres ni de +escrituras ciertas, que nombrada y señaladamente alguno de todos mis +antecesores se haya convertido á la fe de nuevo' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 386). In common fairness, it should be said that +the statement of P. Mendez [see note 1] is more in the nature of +assertion unsupported by full evidence.] + +[Footnote 10: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180.] + +[Footnote 11: M.R.P. Francisco Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: +estudio biográfico del insigne poeta agustino_, p. 254.] + +[Footnote 12: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 23. On April 15, 1572, +Luis de Leon stated that he was about forty-four (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180): '...de edad de cuarenta é cuatro años, +poco mas ó menos tiempo'. This is perhaps too vague to furnish a basis +for a conclusion.] + +[Footnote 13: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 173.] + +[Footnote 14: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 182. Luis de Leon +states that he made up his mind as to his religious vocation within +four or five months of reaching Salamanca.] + +[Footnote 15: 'El licenciado Lope de Leon, oidor que fué de la +Chancillería de Granada, defunto, y Doña Inés de Alarcon su muger, que +agora vive en Granada.' So Luis de Leon described his parents at the +first sitting of the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 16: 'Y en lo que toca á mi vida, aunque estoy lleno de +faltas y pecados mas que otro alguno; pero esto es verdad que yo tomé +el hábito de religion que tengo, de 14 años de mi edad, y dejé cuatro +mill ducados de renta que mi padre tenia vinculados en mi cabeza como +en el mayor de sus hijos' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 386).] + +[Footnote 17: Luis de Leon seems to have arranged that his brother +Miguel should pay him annually a small sum which was, apparently, to +be spent on books. This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's reply +to a claim lodged against him by one Lucas Junta, a bookseller of +Salamanca, on March 17, 1575 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 51, +52). It seems doubtful whether Miguel reached Luis's standard of +punctuality in the matter of payment (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, +p. 196). Luis de Leon had two sisters, Mencía de Tapia and María de +Alarcon. The latter had died before April, 1572. So had another +brother, Antonio, who was a priest (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. +182).] + +[Footnote 18: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. I, p. 414.] + +[Footnote 19: Blanco García, _op. cit._, pp. 47-48.] + +[Footnote 20: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 182.] + +[Footnote 21: J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray Luis de Leon_, +Madrid, 1863, p. 10.] + +[Footnote 22: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 59.] + +[Footnote 23: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 59, note I.] + +[Footnote 24: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 60.] + +[Footnote 25: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 62, note 4. Grajal was so +greatly struck with his opponent's ability that he supported Luis de +Leon in all his subsequent candidatures. On this point we have an +explicit statement from Luis de Leon: 'Es verdad que el maestro Grajal +ha sido y es mi amigo, y querelle yo bien comenzó de que habiendo sido +primero competidores en la cátreda de Biblia que él llevó, en las +demas oposiciones que yo hice, sin sabello yo, trató en mi favor con +tanto cuidado y con tan gran encarecimiento de buenas palabras, que +cuando lo supe quedé obligado á tratalle, y del trato resultó conocer +en él uno de los hombres de mas sanas y limpias entrañas y mas sin +doblez que yo he tratado; y ansí nuestra amistad fué siempre, no como +de hombres de letras para comunicar y conferir nuestros estudios, sino +como de dos hombres que trataban ambos de ser hombres de bien, y por +conocer esto el uno del otro se querian bien' (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, pp. 326-327).] + +[Footnote 26: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 21-22.] + +[Footnote 27: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 261-262.] + +[Footnote 28: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 63.] + +[Footnote 29: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 64.] + +[Footnote 30: Not altogether, for though Luis de Leon had, in an +eminent degree, the knack of success in all open competitions, the +students took part in the elections of professors at Salamanca, and +this element disturbed calculations.] + +[Footnote 31: This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's assertion: +'en aquella universidad yo tengo muchos enemigos por causa de mis +pretendencias' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 574).] + +[Footnote 32: On this head, Luis de Leon's acquittal by the Supreme +Inquisition speaks for itself.] + +[Footnote 33: 'Es muy santo... Tiene mucho caudal de Dios'. These +encomiastic phrases of the pious nun's are quoted by Blanco García +(_op. cit._, p. 245) from Angel Manrique, _Vida de la Venerable Ana de +Jesús_ (Bruselas, 1632), p. 328. Manrique's biography is not within my +reach.] + +[Footnote 34: Luis de Leon's probity was not free from a touch of +brusqueness. This is disclosed by his own description of his behaviour +to a dullard who made his life at Salamanca a burden: 'Acerca del +capítulo cuarto, demás de lo dicho digo que creo que este testigo es +un bachiller Rodriguez, y por otro nombre el doctor Sutil que en +Salamanca llaman por burla; y sospécholo de que dice en este capítulo +que le dejé sin respuesta, porque jamás dejé de responder á ninguna +persona de aquella universidad que me preguntase algo, sino a éste que +digo, con el cual por ser falto de juicio y preguntar algunas veces +cosas desatinadas, y colligir disparates de lo que oia y no entendia, +me enojaba y le decia que era tonto. Y otras veces por no enojarme ni +desconcertarme con él no le respondia nada, sino huia dél' +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 357-358).] + +[Footnote 35: This was the contention of the prosecuting counsel. Luis +de Leon, however, declared that, highly as he thought of Martinez de +Cantalapiedra's patristic learning, there was no marked intimacy +between them, and that he often did not meet Martinez de Cantalapiedra +for a year or two. 'Ni yo tenia con él trato ni conversacion +ordinaria; antes se pasaba un año y dos años que no le veia ni +hablaba.... Y siempre le tuve y tengo por el hombre mas leido en los +sanctos de cuantos hay en aquella universidad' (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 227).] + +[Footnote 36: Leon de Castro's first appointment at Salamanca is dated +March 28, 1549: he was 'jubilado' on July 5, 1561. See Vicente de la +Fuente, _Historia de las universidades, colegios y demas +establecimientos en España_ (Madrid, 1884-1889), vol. II, p. 250.] + +[Footnote 37: Francisco Sanchez, possibly _El Brocense_, testified to +Castro's saying: '_isti judæi et judaizantes_ me han echado á perder, +y por eso no se vende mi libro'. Sanchez bluntly told the Inquisitors +that he did not believe this, and attributed the book's failure to its +size and price (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 299-300). It is +suggested by Vicente de la Fuente (_op. cit._, vol. II, p. 289, note +3) that there was some basis for Castro's opinion. Luis de Leon +implicitly denied the charge, which he manifestly thought beneath +contempt: 'Y si yo hubiera tratado como Leon cree de que la +Inquisicion vedara su libro, yo hiciera que se advirtiera. Y aunque el +doctor Valbas en Alcalá á quien fué cometido por el Consejo Real, al +principio le quitó grandes pedazos adonde trataba á San Hierónimo como +me trata á mí agora, no le pudo quitar esto que yo digo, por que era +quitalle todo el libro,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 352). +Luis de Leon tried in a friendly way to convince Castro about the +errors in his book before it was published and as soon as the printing +began (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 351). This intervention +would nettle Castro, who seems to have had Jewry on the brain; he +mentioned, apparently, that Vatable, St. Jerome, and St. John +Chrysostom were all Jews or Judaizers (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 294). What probably nettled Castro still more was that Luis de Leon +found fault with his knowledge of Latin and Greek: 'lo cual él sentia +mucho porque tocaba en propio de su profesion.' Luis de Leon proposed +to call five witnesses on this point (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 256-257), but this was ruled out as irrelevant (_impertinente_) by +the Inquisitionary Tribunal.] + +[Footnote 38: The Chairman of this Committee was Francisco Sancho, +Dean of the Theological Faculty of Salamanca. The other members--at +any rate those who signed Sancho's copy of Vatable (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 521-522)--were Juan de Almeida, Don Carlos, +García del Castillo, Diego Gonzalez, Grajal, Juan de Guevara, Martinez +de Cantalapiedra, Bartolomé de Medina, Muñiz, and Juan Vique. As the +names of Luis de Leon and Juan Gallo are omitted, the list cannot be +thought exhaustive. So, also, are the names of Bravo and Muñon absent +from the list. These last two omissions are readily explained. Bravo +and Muñon had both died before December 26, 1571 (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 10).] + +[Footnote 39: Castro's statement was: 'Porfió de tal manera [fray Luis +de Leon] que no era el sentido este deste lugar, y despues de visto +que era ansí, porfió... que tambien podia ser verdadero el sentido de +los judíos...; dijo este testigo que aunque viniesen todos los +letrados del mundo, no podrian hacer que aquel sentido de los judíos +pudiese venir ni cuadrar con la letra griega, ni hebrea ni latina,... +y enojado de la porfía el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo á este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahías, y este declarante le respondió que con la gracia de Dios que +ni él, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas á las +juntas' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 11-12). Though far from +friendly to Luis de Leon, the Dominican Juan Gallo was provoked into +saying that he would pare Castro's claws till the blood streamed from +him: 'queriendo decir por las uñas que era este declarante áspero +porque les decia que era aquello de judaizantes, y que no lo decia por +ellos, sino porque defendian las cosas de judíos;...' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, P. 15).] + +[Footnote 40: 'Y el colegio de teólogos envió al maestro fray Juan de +Guevara y á otro maestro, á pedirle y mandarle que no faltase de allí +porque no podían hacer nada sin las lenguas.' This is Castro's +version. (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 12.)] + +[Footnote 41: Castro states (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 16) +that this pious student was Bernardino de Mendoza, son of the Marqués +de Mondéjar.] + +[Footnote 42: Bartolomé de Carranza mentions (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. XI, p. 279) Castro's muddle-headed knack of misunderstanding what +was said to him, and his propensity to argue points, imagining that +his opponents had said the very reverse of what they had said. As to +Castro's lack of expository power, Luis de Leon states, 'tiene falta +de lengua' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 327).] + +[Footnote 43: This is established by the evidence of Mancio, a +professor who came to Medina's rescue: '...vió este testigo quel +dicho fray Luis de Leon arguyó al dicho fray Bartolomé de Medina muy +bien, é que no le concluyó, y ques verdad que tuvo el dicho fray +Bartolomé de Medina padrino en este testigo para ayudalle y le ayudó +para los argumentos que se le ofrecieron; é que lo queste testigo +contó á los estudiantes fué que tuvo necesidad el dicho fray Bartolomé +de Medina que le ayudase, aunque sin padrinos pudiera él responder' +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 317). This must be dated before +February, 1570, when Medina took his degree as Master of Theology +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 340). In May-June, 1571, Luis de +Leon and Medina had a squabble as to the distribution of lectures. The +Rector of Salamanca decided in Medina's favour: Luis de Leon appealed +to the Consejo Real at Madrid, and won his case on September 23, 1566 +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 323-327).] + +[Footnote 44: The evidence of Alonso Rejon (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 51) seems conclusive: '...preso ya el maestro Grajal, se +llegó á este declarante el maestro fray Luis de Leon... quejándose de +algunos maestros de esta universidad y particularmente del maestro +fray Juan Gallego, que admitian dichos de estudiantes, los cuales +decian algunas cosas diferentemente de lo que las habian leido los +maestros,...' As to Medina's action, Luis de Leon wrote (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 228): 'Tambien me acuerdo que vino un +estudiante á mí, y tomándome palabra de secreto, me dijo que fray +Bartolomé de Medina andaba haciendo pesquisa de Grajal y Martinez, +aunque no me los nombró, pero entendílo de las señas que dió; y que á +él le habia preguntado, y él le habia dicho cinco ó seis cosas que les +habia oido, y acuérdome de dos dellas, porque me pareció que me tocaba +á mí tambien. La una era de la Vulgata que se podria hacer otra mejor, +y yo le dije riendo: _pues quieren atar las manos á Dios que no pueda +hacer un profeta en su iglesia_. Y la otra era que los Cantares eran +_Carmen amatorium_, y le dije: _Carmen amatorium_ ni dice bien ni mal. +Si dice _Carmen amatorium carnale_, eso es mal; pero si dice _Carmen +amatorium spirituale_, eso verdad es. Y á lo demás que me dijo, me +encogí, como cosa que oia entonces, y no entendia bien lo que queria +decir, á todo cuanto me acuerdo;...'] + +[Footnote 45: These data, given by Blanco García (_op. cit._, pp. +111-115), are derived from the record of Grajal's trial.] + +[Footnote 46: The seventeen propositions are printed in _Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 286-287; they are reproduced by Blanco García +(_op. cit._, p. 111). According to Bartolomé de Medina (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 66), the teaching of the doctrines embodied in +the seventeen propositions scandalized the Salamancan students.] + +[Footnote 47: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 5-7.] + +[Footnote 48: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 113.] + +[Footnote 49: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 7-18.] + +[Footnote 50: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-102.] + +[Footnote 51: See _Documentos inéditos_, vol. LXVIII.] + +[Footnote 52: Blanco García, _op. cit._, pp. 114-115.] + + + + +III + + +Though, in accord with the customary procedure in such cases, each +witness who appeared before Gonzalez was sworn to secrecy, it is +evident that there was no mystery in Salamanca as to the intention of +the Valladolid Inquisitors. On March 25, 1572, a day before the formal +order for the arrest of Luis de Leon was actually signed, Diego de +Valladolid was accepted as bail to the amount of two thousand ducats, +that the said Luis de Leon would go quietly to prison in Valladolid +without making any attempt at escape.[53] A document to this effect +was drawn up and was duly signed by three witnesses, of whom one was a +Familiar of the Inquisition, Francisco de Almansa. It seems likely +that Almansa may have suspected that, for the time being, the hours of +Luis de Leon's comparative freedom were already numbered; for, on the +following day (March 26, 1572), Almansa was appointed _alguacil_ of +the Valladolid Inquisitionary court, was directed to arrest Luis de +Leon wherever he might be--'in church, or monastery, or other hallowed +place'--and was further ordered to sequestrate any arms, cash, jewels, +or papers which the prisoner might have about him.[54] Almansa, to +whom Luis de Leon was perfectly well known,[55] obeyed instructions, +and reached the Valladolid jail with his captive at about six o'clock +in the evening of Thursday, March 27, 1572.[56] After being carefully +searched, Luis de Leon was lodged in the secret cells of the +Inquisition, and there, except for his appearances in court, he was +detained for over four years and eight months.[57] + +Though he was notoriously in weak health, the prisoner does not seem +to have received any special consideration. On the other hand, it +cannot be maintained that, at the outset, his judges treated him with +inhumanity. That Luis de Leon was nervous about himself, and that he +believed it possible he might die without warning is the impression +conveyed by a fervent act of faith which, though undated, was probably +written almost as soon as his imprisonment began. On March 31, Luis de +Leon asked for various things besides four books: one of them a box of +powder with which he was usually provided by a nun named Ana de +Espinosa to alleviate his heart-attacks.[58] This petition was +granted. Luis de Leon's request for a knife to cut his food with was +so clearly against all prison regulations that he can scarcely have +expected a favourable reply.[59] The Inquisitors met him half-way by +ordering that he should at once be supplied with a rounded spoon, +sufficient for his purpose, though useless to a prisoner of suicidal +tendencies.[60] At this stage, it cannot be said that Luis de Leon was +treated with any want of lenity. There was no reason why he should be. +He was arrested mainly on suspicion of being concerned in the (purely +imaginary) Jewish propaganda imputed to his colleagues Grajal and +Martinez de Cantalapiedra; the evidence against him was second-hand +and meagre. + +Before long matters began to take a graver aspect. A definite +charge[61] emerged that some ten or eleven years earlier[62] Luis de +Leon had translated from the Hebrew into Spanish the _Song of +Solomon_, to which he appended a commentary, also in Spanish. This he +did at the request of a nun whose name is incidentally revealed as +'Doña Isabel Osorio, monja de Sancti Espíritu de Salamanca'.[63] That +Luis de Leon's proceeding was most imprudent is undeniable. With +characteristic courage and candour, in his first _confesion_ of March +6, he volunteered the admission that he had made such a rendering.[64] +At this moment he was apparently unaware that the existence of this +rendering had been already brought to the notice of the Inquisition by +Medina.[65] Nobody questions Luis de Leon's good faith. Nevertheless +one gets the impression that he felt this to be a weak point in his +case. It was. He had committed a serious indiscretion by infringing +the general prohibition of vernacular versions of any part of +Scripture. No doubt it might be contended that his rendering of the +_Song of Solomon_, and his commentary on it, were originally meant to +be used by only one private person; that the prohibition referred to +the circulation of vernacular versions; that this particular version, +made for the exclusive use of Doña Isabel Osorio, did not amount to +circulation (within the four corners of the general prohibition); and +that such circulation as had taken place had occurred against the will +of the translator. This is not mere sophistry. What seems to have +happened was this. It appears that a lay brother, named Diego de Leon, +part of whose business it was to tidy Luis de Leon's cell, stumbled +one day upon the original manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Solomon_, copied it without leave or licence, and allowed so +many transcriptions of his copy to be made that it became absolutely +impossible for the translator to control or recall them +afterwards.[66] Manifestly Diego de Leon did not venture to remove the +original manuscript from its resting-place; it was still in Luis de +Leon's monastery-cell on November 7, 1573.[67] Search being made for +it, the version was found, handed over to the Inquisitionary +authorities, and retained by them when judgement was pronounced.[68] +There is evidence to show that many manuscript copies of the +vernacular _Song of Solomon_ stole into existence and were widely +distributed. On March 6, 1572, Luis de Leon, whose references to this +matter are tinged with regret, uses words which seem to imply that a +copy had reached Portugal; and an inquiry, opened at Cuzco in the +autumn of 1575, revealed the fact that a transcription of the +_Cantares que llaman de fray Luis de Leon_ had been made by Fray Luis +Alvarez and conveyed by him to South America. This transcription, +after being recopied by a Lima graduate, who appears to have left for +Spain to continue his studies at the University of Alcalá de Henares, +was deposited in the public library of Quito which was housed in the +Augustinian monastery there.[69] This episode denotes a morbid +curiosity which must have been revolting to Luis de Leon's austere +nature. He candidly avowed doubts as to the prudence of facilitating +the reading of the _Song of Solomon_ in Spanish, and would have +cancelled all manuscript copies if he could.[70] In this respect, +however, he was powerless, and no better remedy occurred to him than +to set to work on a Latin version which, when printed, should supplant +the Spanish rendering. This he hoped to be able to disown. But fate +was hostile to his design. Constant ill-health hindered him from +making rapid headway with his projected Latin translation. He +submitted himself to the Court which, naturally enough, vouchsafed no +reply to his request for alternative suggestions as to how he could +make amends for a preliminary error of judgement.[71] + +If Luis de Leon's opponents expected to overwhelm him by the +suddenness, vehemence, or volume of their attack, they must speedily +have been disillusioned. The mystic poet proved to be a formidable +fighting-man. Before very long it must have dawned upon the +Inquisitionary deputies at Valladolid that they had caught a Tartar. +Unversed in the ways of the world, Luis de Leon came of a legal stock, +and was thoroughly at home in a law-court. A master of dialectics, he +was always alert, always prompt to criticize the evidence, always +ready to deal with every point as it arose, always prepared to furnish +elaborate written or verbal explanations as to every detail concerning +which the tribunal could harbour a reasonable doubt. The official +secretaries of the Court--Celedon Gustin and the rest of them--must +have grown to dread Luis de Leon's continual demands for sheets of +paper on which to write his long, considered replies. It would be +idle to attempt to summarize the technical arguments advanced by each +side in support of conflicting views on doctrinal or exegetical +problems. In this place, it will suffice to advert to points which +help to illuminate the character of Luis de Leon, or to exemplify the +attitude of the court towards him. + +At the outset, as already stated, there seems to have existed no +decided prejudice against Luis de Leon in the minds of his judges: +they apparently administered the existing system in a not illiberal +spirit. There are indications, however, that this position of relative +impartiality was not maintained. That the court became gradually +biased against the accused seems to follow from the small but eloquent +fact of its rejecting Luis de Leon's petition that his University +chair should not be declared vacant till the end of his trial.[72] It +cannot be argued that the judges were concerned for the efficiency of +the teaching in the University of Salamanca--a matter in which they +took no sort of interest. The decision of the court in Luis de Leon's +case was in direct conflict with the ruling of the same court as +regards Barrientos, another Salamancan professor who was in custody of +the Valladolid Inquisition on May 20, 1572.[73] It was then settled +that Barrientos should not be disturbed, and that no successor to him +should be appointed so long as he was imprisoned. Luis de Leon's chair +was declared vacant as soon as his normal tenure of four years had +expired; the ordinary course of unquestioned renewal was not followed; +and, to make matters worse, his implacable opponent, Bartolomé de +Medina, was appointed to succeed Luis de Leon in his chair.[74] For +this appointment, no doubt, the University of Salamanca is entitled to +claim such credit as is due. But no such appointment would have been +possible had the Valladolid Inquisitors been consistent. What caused +the court to be more severe to Luis de Leon than to his colleague +Barrientos? + +This instance of inconsiderateness is not unique. As time went on the +bias of the court against the accused waxed rather than waned. Luis de +Leon's ill-health was notorious and, in fact, so obvious that it is +recorded by the court in an official minute.[75] His state did not +improve in jail. Suffering from fever--'como á sus mercedes les +consta'--so he says plaintively--he had nobody to look after him in +his secret cell save a sleepy-headed boy, a fellow-prisoner who was +half a simpleton. Luis de Leon had fainted from lack of food, and, in +the circumstances, it is not surprising that he should have asked to +be allowed the companionship of a monk of his order--preferably Fray +Alonso Siluente--or anybody else whom the court should think fit to +name.[76] Somewhat later, while still suffering from fever, Luis de +Leon begged that, on his providing satisfactory bail, he might be +transferred from his prison-cell to some neighbouring monastery, where +he could be detained till the end of his trial. So depressed was he +at this moment that he even welcomed the idea of being placed in a +Dominican monastery; it was true that the Dominicans were hostile to +him, yet if he died among them, he should be dying like a Christian, +surrounded by religious--not like a heathen with a blackamoor at his +bedside.[77] The first of these two requests was made to the +Valladolid judges, who passed it on to the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid; the reply of this body was discouraging, for, though the +request was granted in principle, impossible conditions, tantamount to +a refusal, were imposed.[78] Luis de Leon's second request was +addressed direct to the Inquisitor-General: this petition was +disregarded. In other matters, less urgent but not less important from +an orthodox point of view, the Inquisitionary judges at Valladolid +made no concession to the prisoner. He asked to be allowed to go to +confession, and to say Mass once a fortnight in the hall where his +case was heard.[79] Apparently a deaf ear was turned to his +entreaties. A hostile critic might be tempted to say that a vindictive +spirit prevailed in the deliberations of the Valladolid tribunal. + +It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, as the case developed, +the attitude of the Valladolid judges became less and less favourable +to Luis de Leon. Judges are mortals and liable to error. The very +pertinacity of the prisoner may have impressed them badly.[80] It is +in the highest degree improbable that they attached any importance to +his few slips. He speaks of having a naturally weak memory which, so +he declares, had grown worse while he was in prison,[81] and he was +frankly sceptical as to the possibility of any man's recalling every +incident in squabbles that happened years before.[82] As it happens, +his memory seems to have been excellent. No doubt it failed him now +and then; but seldom did it mislead him on any essential point.[83] It +is conceivable that Luis de Leon's judges at Valladolid thought him +lacking in deference. Though perfectly respectful, his attitude to +them was anything but subservient. The judges were accustomed to see +prisoners who were brought before them crushed with awe and a sense of +impending doom. Conscious of the baselessness of the charges against +him, the accused seemed to take his acquittal as certain; and he stood +so little in awe of his judges that he announced his intention of +appealing over their heads to the members of the Supreme +Inquisition.[84] Timidity was not among his failings. A priest of +Astudillo, formerly a student at Salamanca, had occasionally strayed +into Luis de Leon's densely-packed lecture-room, and retained an +abiding impression of the professor's _desenvoltura_ in his chair.[85] +Luis de Leon had not become wholly subdued during the intervening +years. He did not mince words in court, and indulged in sweeping +denunciations of large groups of men; he branded all Dominicans as +'enemies';[86] he was scarcely more indulgent in speaking of the +Jeromites (who resented his opposition to the candidature of their +representative, Hector Pinto, for a chair at Salamanca);[87] and on +general grounds, not unconnected with ancient academic rancours, he +objected to the entire faculty of theology at the University of Alcalá +de Henares.[88] The evidence of such persons should, he suggested, be +discounted in advance. Slow to think evil of his neighbours, Luis de +Leon was apt, once his suspicions were aroused, to fling his net +widely. He had some inkling that he and his had the fatal gift of +rousing antagonism. His uncle had been a practising lawyer, and Luis +de Leon argued that all who had suffered through the professional +activities of his kinsman should be debarred from testifying in his +case.[89] The unworldly man manifestly took it for granted that +witnesses who harboured any such grudge against him would willingly +admit it, if pressed on the point. + +Outspoken as was Luis de Leon with regard to groups, he was not less +outspoken with regard to individuals, and in this respect it must be +admitted that he does not appear at his best. Vehemence of language +had been the rule in the Salamancan _juntas_ of professors, and much +of this intemperate tone clung to Luis de Leon. No doubt large +allowances should be made for him. He knew that his honour was at +stake and that his life was in peril.[90] As he was persuaded--perhaps +rightly--he had been brought to this pass mainly through the intrigues +of an unscrupulous pair.[91] His provocation was extreme. It was +almost to be expected that he should use plain words when referring to +foes as malignant as Medina and Castro. These two men he accused of +deliberately organizing a conspiracy against him;[92] he spoke bluntly +of Medina's 'hatred', 'rage', 'trickery', and 'lying';[93] he was not +mealy-mouthed in describing Castro's 'malice', 'deceit', 'calumnies', +and 'perjury'.[94] Luis de Leon dealt no less faithfully with some +members of his own order who were spiteful or cowardly--or both. As +early as the beginning of August 1572 Fray Gabriel Montoya, Prior of +the Augustinian Monastery at Toledo, stated to the Inquisitors at +Valladolid that, in his opinion, certain remarks on the Vulgate, made +by Luis de Leon in the course of a lecture, were of an heretical +savour.[95] The value of this opinion is somewhat diminished by the +fact that Montoya had a personal grudge against Luis de Leon who, some +four or five years previously, had prevented Montoya's election as +Provincial of the Augustinians in Spain.[96] This check seems to have +galled Montoya, who gives the impression of being a rancorous gossip, +and, before leaving the court, he repeated a malignant rumour--derived +he knew not whence--to the effect that Luis de Leon's father had +enjoined his son to be submissive to his superiors and to follow the +current opinion in matters intellectual.[97] Luis de Leon indulges in +no circuitous phrases when he comes to deal with Montoya, whom he +describes as an enemy notorious for his untruthfulness.[98] It would +appear that much of Montoya's second-hand information came from +another Augustinian, Francisco de Arboleda,[99] who had once been a +student of Luis de Leon's,[100] and had been entrusted by the prisoner +with the delicate mission of collecting from certain theologians in +Seville opinions favourable to Luis de Leon's views upon the +Vulgate.[101] This very sensible precaution scandalized Montoya. It is +open to criticism solely on the ground that Luis de Leon chose his +agent badly. To this criticism the real answer is that Luis de Leon +had to employ what agents he could, and that nobody but Arboleda, who +was not above flattering his old master,[102] was available at the +time of his mission to Seville. Arboleda's evidence was not damaging; +it was ill-intentioned and impertinent, inasmuch as it repeated vague +rumours of the Jewish descent of the accused;[103] the gravest fact +the witness could allege was Luis de Leon's view that a friar, +despite his vow of poverty, might spend a couple of coppers without +mortal sin in buying an _Agnus Dei_.[104] Arboleda gives the +impression of being a dullard, and this is pretty much the description +of him by another member of the Augustinian order--Pedro de +Rojas,[105] son of the Marqués de Pozas and afterwards Bishop of +Astorga and Osuna. Luis de Leon apparently agreed with Rojas in his +estimate of Arboleda's ability, and this may account for his +comparative leniency to the poor numbskull. More severe treatment is +meted out to another Augustinian, Diego de Zúñiga, whom Luis de Leon +brands as a deliberate perjurer.[106] Who was this Zúñiga? He has +generally been identified with the Zúñiga who was among the first in +Spain to declare in favour of the Copernican theory;[107] this action +needed courage and Zúñiga has had his reward. As he is respectfully +quoted by Galileo, he has attained something like immortality.[108] +There is, however, no conclusive evidence to show that this +enlightened writer is the Zúñiga who came under Luis de Leon's lash. +The correctness of the current identification is, at least, doubtful. + +The fact that Diego de Zúñiga is a frequent combination of names in +Spain is an embarrassment to the investigator. It is noticeable that +Luis de Leon's references seem to imply some doubt as to his +opponent's real name; he is obviously uncertain whether his accuser +should be called Zúñiga or Rodriguez,[109] and in this uncertainty he +is not alone.[110] It appears that there were at least two +Augustinians known as Diego de Zúñiga in Luis de Leon's time; it +further appears that neither of the two inherited from his father the +surname which he habitually used. Both men claimed relationship with +the Duque de Béjar--it was to the seventh Duque de Béjar that +Cervantes dedicated the First Part of _Don Quixote_ in 1605--and both +assumed the family name of that illustrious stock.[111] The original +name of the more celebrated of these Zúñigas was Diego Arias;[112] the +original name of the less celebrated was Rodriguez.[113] This is not +decisive, but it may well be one of those small facts which speak +volumes. Chronology confirms the conclusion to be drawn from these +considerations. The Zúñiga who appeared against Luis de Leon at +Valladolid was evidently professed as early as 1559 or 1560;[114] the +more celebrated Zúñiga was not professed till 1566.[115] General +considerations point in the same direction. The views of Zúñiga +(_alias_ Arias) were approximately those of Luis de Leon;[116] he +viewed matters from the same standpoint, was himself a university +professor,[117] and had something of Luis de Leon's fearlessness.[118] +Zúñiga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was a man of a very different type: +pedantically attached to the letter of the law, morbidly scrupulous on +points of discipline. There seems to be no touch of burlesque +intention in Luis de Leon's presentment of the man. According to Luis +de Leon, Zúñiga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was half-crazed with vanity, much +given to boasting of the esteem in which he was held at the Papal +Court. On one occasion, the fatuous Zúñiga produced a short treatise +entitled _Manera para aprender todas las ciencias_, and, stating that +he proposed sending this pamphlet to the Pope, made bold to ask what +his interlocutor thought of it. Can he have been vain enough to expect +a favourable verdict? If so, he did not know his man. Luis de Leon +drily expressed his regret that a work destined for the Pope should be +so slight and should contain a number of rather commonplace passages +such as might be found in any current book of reference--though, as he +added politely, he assumed that these passages were the fruit of +independent reading. This courteous assumption, which Zúñiga hastily +assured Luis de Leon was exact,[119] could not alter the fact that the +ambitious author had been severely snubbed, and this snub may well +have rankled in the mind of a man who is described as 'vindictive'. +Zúñiga had another grievance against Luis de Leon, who had taken a +severe view of his companion's insolence to an official superior at a +Provincial Chapter, and had joined in making representations the +upshot of which was that the culprit was publicly and ignominiously +punished.[120] It is well-nigh incredible that the Zúñiga who +championed Copernicus, and displays vigilant self-restraint in his +writings, should have been guilty of such flightiness as is brought +home to his namesake; it is by no means inconceivable that the Zúñiga +who deposed against Luis de Leon should have been guilty of occasional +lapses. He is said to have been impetuous as well as vindictive;[121] +he had the dangerous gift of pulpit eloquence[122] and may have +acquired the trick of saying rather more than he meant. His evidence +against Luis de Leon, though fluent and clear, is not what we should +expect from a man of talent, who recognized the gravity of the charges +against the prisoner. His testimony, such as it is, has less +intellectual substance than the testimony of Castro and Medina; it +turns mainly on petty personal questions or on points of morbid +scrupulousness. The more closely his evidence is scrutinized, the more +difficult is it to avoid the suspicion that Zúñiga was not a perfectly +trustworthy witness. For instance, according to his sworn statement he +was thirty-six years old when he deposed at Toledo on November 4, +1572.[123] The declaration is made positively without any of the +qualifying phrases--'about', 'nearly', 'more or less'--so frequent on +the part of witnesses. Nevertheless, it seems possible that this +assertion is erroneous. Zúñiga refers to a discussion respecting Arias +Montano which he had with Luis de Leon in the latter's cell some +thirteen years previously. At this time Zúñiga would, on his own +showing, be but twenty-three. From what we know of Luis de Leon, it +seems improbable that he would admit to his confidential intimacy a +man so much his junior. No doubt Zúñiga (or Rodriguez) was young at +the time--hardly old enough, by his own reckoning, to be an ordained +priest--a _mancebo_, as he seemed to Luis de Leon's retrospicient +eyes.[124] Yet it is very hard to believe that Zúñiga was no more than +twenty-three when he took it upon himself to cast doubts on the +orthodoxy of Benito Arias Montano;[125] nor is it likely that Luis de +Leon would discuss so delicate a topic with the most brilliant of +youths. Let it not be said that the question of Zúñiga's accuracy in +stating his age is relatively unimportant. It is highly relevant; for, +if Zúñiga were capable of making a mistake on such a point, he was +manifestly more liable to error when dealing with other matters on +which he necessarily knew less. However, Zúñiga's evidence is not +weighty enough to call for detailed examination. He may be left to +bear the burden of Luis de Leon's scorn. I am more concerned here to +suggest that, on the facts before us, we are not compelled to identify +the Zúñiga who deposed against Luis de Leon with a namesake of a +higher intellectual type. To us who read the testimony in cold blood, +more than three centuries after it was given, it seems that Luis de +Leon deals as impartially with his brethren as with members of other +religious orders. This was not his intention, at any rate. He knew his +fellow-Augustinians better than he could know the rest, and he himself +tells us not obscurely that, out of consideration for his gown, he was +silent on various matters which, if proclaimed aloud, would not make +for edification.[126] + +Members of the Valladolid Court could see for themselves that while +Luis de Leon's opponents--Dominicans, Jeromites, and the rest--were +banded solidly against him, the Augustinians were by no means +unanimous in his favour. That he was difficult to deal with personally +the Court had opportunities of knowing. His unbending fidelity to +principle and his impetuosity probably produced on the tribunal an +impression of obstinacy combined with caprice. On May 6, 1573, a +certain Dr. Ortiz de Funes was, as is recorded, nominated counsel to +the prisoner;[127] there is no reason to suppose that Ortiz de Funes +was in ability below the average level of the bar, but he was no match +for his client, and though he may have given valuable advice on purely +legal points, when these arose, it soon became plain that Luis de Leon +was the brain of the defence and that he meant to conduct that defence +in his own way. Ortiz de Funes became a nullity or, at least, a mere +figure-head whose main duty consisted in signing papers which the +prisoner had drawn up. A time came when, according to the practice of +the Inquisition, it became necessary for Luis de Leon to nominate +_patronos_, and in this matter Ortiz de Funes intervened somewhat more +prominently than was usual with him. A _patrono_ has no exact +counterpart in English ecclesiastical law; it was his business, within +narrow limits, to defend the interests of the accused from the +theological point of view. On June 26, 1574, Luis de Leon was brought +into court, and was told that he was to choose two _patronos_ out of +four men whose names were given him.[128] He was obviously taken aback +at this proposal, and replying that, since he did not know any of the +four, he was ignorant as to their qualifications, added that he had +already requested the appointment of Sebastian Perez, professor of +Theology at Párraces, as _patrono_. He renewed his request, adding +that either Dr. Cáncer or the Dominican Hernando del Castillo could be +appointed with Perez; but before any determination was taken, he +begged leave to consult his legal adviser.[129] As might have been +expected, Ortiz de Funes fell in with his client's view and two days +later made a formal application to the Court that Perez be appointed +_patrono_, with either Cáncer or Castillo to help him.[130] No +appointment was made at the moment and, as it turned out, this was +perhaps just as well; for by June 30 Luis de Leon had changed his +mind, and appeared in court to ask that Castillo's name be removed +from the list of acceptable _patronos_.[131] On July 14 Ortiz +de Funes announced his client's intention of appealing to the +Inquisitor-General against the decision forcing him to select +_patronos_ from a list of persons unknown to him.[132] Neither Luis de +Leon nor Ortiz de Funes seemed to have guessed that the Valladolid +judges were acting on instructions from the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid.[133] For a moment the step taken by Ortiz de Funes and his +client appeared to have some slight effect. Luis de Leon was informed +that he would be allowed to appoint Perez as his _patrono_ but on two +conditions: (1) he must undertake to pay all the travelling expenses +of his _patrono_, and (2) an inquiry must be held to establish the +_limpieza_ of Perez. This last proceeding, it was significantly +added, would be slow.[134] Again Ortiz de Funes was consulted; but it +is difficult to believe that he had more than a technical +responsibility for the startling decision which he announced: the +decision to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ and +either Bartolomé de Medina or Dr. Cáncer.[135] Mancio, whose pupil +Luis de Leon had once been at Alcalá, was a Dominican;[136] hence he +would be suspect--perhaps doubly 'suspect'--in the prisoner's eyes. +Medina, also a Dominican, was an overt foe; Cáncer, of whom Luis de +Leon knew nothing except that he was a professor at Salamanca, proved +to be not over friendly. Luis de Leon may conceivably have thought +that Mancio's undoubted learning would ensure his treading in the +strict path of justice, and that Mancio's advanced age[137] would +enable him to press his views on his coadjutor. It is more likely, +however, that the three names were put forward in a paroxysm of +impatience--at a moment when Luis de Leon was willing to fall in with +any arrangement which might hasten a decision of his case. + +Mancio was appointed _patrono_, and was duly sworn in at Valladolid on +October 9, 1574;[138] on October 13 he made a report favourable to the +accused.[139] The prisoner was not informed of this (as he should have +been), and took umbrage at what he thought was an act of insolent +remissness. He appeared in court on October 16, and protested against +any of his papers being entrusted to Mancio, lest he should take them +to his Dominican monastery where they ran the risk of being scanned by +hostile eyes.[140] On October 22 the prisoner showed signs of +increasing distrust, for he then requested the return of thirty-two +sheets of paper, covered with notes for his defence, which he himself +had handed to Mancio.[141] Luis de Leon's suspicions deepened rapidly. +On October 25 he asked to be allowed to cancel his nomination of +Mancio as _patrono_.[142] The local judges referred the application +to the Supreme Inquisition, and were instructed to proceed as though +nothing unusual had happened; Mancio, however, was to be told to stay +away still further notice.[143] On December 7 Luis de Leon handed in a +written explanation of his recent action. With regard to Mancio, he +complained of his _patrono's_ omission to confer with him, expressed +some suspicion that Mancio might have become a party to Medina's plot, +declined to accept as valid Mancio's excuse for not attending--that he +had to lecture in Salamanca--and vehemently declared that Mancio's +negligence amounted to very grave sin.[144] These phrases can scarcely +have been used in their natural sense, for Luis de Leon concluded his +written petition by stating that he was still willing to accept Mancio +as his _patrono_, if Mancio were able to be present at Valladolid. +Should this be impossible, the prisoner asked that Dr. Vadillo, Canon +of Plasencia, and the Augustinian Fray Francisco Cueto should be +assigned to him as _patronos_. A working arrangement thus became +possible, and the General Inquisitor at Madrid ordered that Mancio +should be given due facilities. These orders were received on December +13.[145] It appears that Mancio picked up the dropped threads of this +business on December 23, and spent another day or two in reviewing the +general situation.[146] Mancio's cautious policy was doubtless sound; +but to Luis de Leon, who maintained that the matters on which his +_patrono_ had to pronounce were as simple as could be, these tactics +seemed mistaken, and on January 13, 1575, he begged the Court to press +Mancio to give an opinion without delay.[147] On March 6 Luis de Leon +once more complained of being unable to confer with his _patrono_; but +now, rather late in the day, he came nearer to putting the blame on +the right shoulders. Hitherto he had been prone to ascribe all manner +of evil motives to Mancio, whom he should have known better: at last +it vaguely dawned on him that the obstacles might come (as, in fact, +they did come) from the tribunal which was trying him.[148] On March +15 Mancio wrote a letter to the judges, promising to attend at +Valladolid unless absolutely prevented from doing so.[149] Four days +later the General Inquisition wrote to the same judges, hinting that a +decision might be given shortly.[150] The Valladolid Court was stirred +into temporary activity. A sitting was held on March 30; Mancio was +present; a consultation took place between him and his client;[151] +and henceforth we hear no more of difficulties in connexion with Luis +de Leon's _patrono_. Nearly six months had been wasted owing to want +of tact on the part of the Inquisitionary officials. + +As the event proved, the prisoner's protests in this matter were +thoroughly justified. It is easy to perceive this now. We cannot be +sure that we should have taken the same view had we been contemporary +spectators. If appearances were not actually against Luis de Leon, +they combined to reveal him in his least attractive posture. His +comparative promptitude in accepting Mancio as _patrono_, his +unwillingness to abide by his choice, his sudden hostility to Mancio, +his final acceptance of Mancio, are all explicable variations. +Nevertheless they showed a disregard for superficial consistency which +might easily be misinterpreted as caprice. The bias of the court had +been veering away from the prisoner for some time. His series of +actions with respect to Mancio lost him all judicial favour. His +judges considered him as an unreasonable man, a gifted sophist fertile +in inventing objections in and out of season, a hair-splitter +perpetually arguing for argument's sake. Luis de Leon was, as a rule, +so unaccommodating that some of his judges may have begun to think +they understood why he was not universally popular with members of his +own order. Nor did Luis de Leon's demeanour in court serve to +dissipate the atmosphere of almost arrogant rectitude which enveloped +him. He felt bound to criticize the machinery of the Inquisition. He +may easily have seemed to be criticizing those engaged in working the +machinery. At the best of times the procedure of the Court was not +expeditious. For example, though Luis de Leon was arrested on March +27, 1572, the first hearing of his formal defence did not take place +till April 14--more than a fortnight later. More than once Luis de +Leon complained of the Court's delays without going into questions of +motive.[152] In this he was clearly right, for, as we have seen, the +Supreme Inquisition was not wholly satisfied with the progress made. +At other times the prisoner stressed the fact that constant +postponements were apt to do him injury, and he hinted rather plainly +that there was an intention to wear him down by deliberately +prolonging the proceedings.[153] In this conjecture he was almost +certainly wrong. The Valladolid judges had no power to alter the +system which they found in existence; possibly, becoming accustomed to +it, they ended by thinking well of it. Its weak points were naturally +more evident to Luis de Leon, and his torrent of critical remarks may +have seemed to reflect on the intelligence and probity of the Court. +Administrators, however exalted, are human, and even the lowliest of +magistrates is prone to take offence, if given to understand that he +is considered dull and dishonest. Luis de Leon never was betrayed into +using disrespectful language; but his polite formulae could not +conceal the fact that he had no very high opinion of those in whose +hands his fate lay. Nor did the well-meant observance of established +forms on the part of the Court do anything to modify his sentiments. +It was in strict conformity with precedent that he should be adjured +to make a clean breast of it and should be informed that, while +truthfulness would meet with clemency, lying would be severely dealt +with.[154] It is strange that it should have been thought necessary +to use this formula in the case of Luis de Leon--a highly-strung, +sensitive man, with an almost morbid passion for truth. The sole +excuse for the Inquisitors is that this warning was given at the first +sitting. But, at the second sitting, the warning was repeated in +almost identical terms.[155] It seems scarcely possible to show less +tact in the conduct of a difficult case. No doubt the explanation is +that none of the Valladolid judges was sufficiently independent to set +a precedent of his own. + +Large allowances must be made for those unhappy men. They cannot +reasonably be blamed for not taking it upon themselves to alter the +established procedure of the Court in which they sat. Their position +was always difficult, and it did not become easier as time went on. +They had good reason to know that a vocal group of influential persons +in Salamanca confidently expected them to condemn Luis de Leon; yet +some of them, at least, were uncomfortably aware that the evidence +before them would not warrant a conviction on the major charges. The +most damaging witnesses--Medina, Castro, and Zúñiga--had been called +at a very early stage of the proceedings. These heavy guns had been +fired without destroying the adversary. There was nothing for it now +but to hope for the worst from the reports of the official +_calificadores_, Dr. Cáncer, Fray Nicolas Ramos, and Dr. Frechilla, +who did their utmost to fulfil expectations.[156] Lest the +pronouncements of this trio proved unconvincing, the precaution was +taken of excluding evidence. At the beginning of the case, any sort of +second-hand gossip was admitted as evidence on the chance that its +cumulative effect might be damaging to the accused. At Murcia, on +February 4, 1573, a hostile Augustinian, Fray Juan Ciguelo, a man of +doubtful character, was permitted to retail idle chatter on the part +of another Augustinian who averred that Luis de Leon was prone to +saying _Requiems_ too often, and was in the habit of reading Latin +too quickly.[157] Ciguelo's testimony, though malignant, had done no +harm; later on, it was thought more prudent to adopt the opposite +policy and to prevent as many as possible of the witnesses for the +defence from being heard. As late as July 7, 1576, no less than three +interrogatories[158] by Luis de Leon were rejected on the ground that +they were irrelevant (_impertinentes_).[159] It is difficult to +reconcile these decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later +ruling was thought to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the +earlier one. In their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion +which was easily disproved.[160] + +Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables us +to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to supplement +the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his youth, may +easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many who had +seen him. According to that painter's _Libro de Descripcion de +verdaderos Retratos de illustres y memorables varones_, Luis de Leon +was below the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered +with thick and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his +brow was broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his +complexion was darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was +grave; and, we may add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed, +regarded Luis de Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in +mathematics, in jurisprudence, in medicine--and, though self-taught as +a painter--an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a +compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of +Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose +enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his +account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The +fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable +record of the Valladolid trial confirms Pacheco's report of the +prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in +which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When +being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the +innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts +which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself, +to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or +scoffer in him.[161] But if Luis de Leon was relatively poor in +humour, he had an abundant store of mordant sarcasm and a faculty for +ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned to their chagrin.[162] +Pacheco's opinion of Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by +the scrap of evidence given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas--the +sightless dedicatee of _El aire se serena_. Salinas bore witness that +some of Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any +University chair against all competition.[163] Evidently to those who +met him frequently Luis de Leon conveyed the impression of +irresistible talent. Though students voted in professorial elections +at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon loyally, he did nothing to +conciliate them, and expressed his opinion of them with unquestionable +candour. We gather that he was profoundly attached to the ancient +order of things[164] and that, though accused of interpreting the +Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical book.[165] +We learn that among his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and +Melchor Cano;[166] of these he would seem most to have esteemed +Cano.[167] With such masters, and being the man he was, Luis de Leon +would naturally have got together a good theological library, and he +was allowed to have some of his books in his prison-cell; it is but +natural that most of his requests should be for theological works +which would be of service in preparing his defence on technical +points. Reading was his sole solace during his imprisonment, and it +is noticeable that, whenever he asks for a book he speaks of it--not +with the dry, meticulous precision of a bibliographer but--with all +the caressing detail of a genuine book-lover. He indicates the sizes +of the various works which he needs, describes their bindings, and +mentions in what part of his monastery-cell they will be found. He +wants a Vatable with gilt edges, bound in black; it should be found in +a case for smaller volumes which lies on his writing-table. He asks +for a Bible, printed by Plantin, bound in black leather and fastened +with black silk ribbons. He demands a Biblical concordance which is in +folio. This lies on a high shelf near the window.[168] He begs to have +the works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the +left as you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for +theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds +entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity. +When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in sheep's-skin; it +will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the +monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil--of which there +are a great many ('_de que hay hartos_'), so that he does not +particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in +sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves +where the works of St. Justin are.[169] Again, besides the works of +St. Leo, bound in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf; +for a Pindar (in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with +gilt edges; and for _Le prose dil Bembo_, a volume in small quarto +with a parchment binding.[170] This throws light on Luis de Leon's +progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for an Italian book +to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know that language. In +or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the anonymous Italian work +which disturbed Zúñiga's scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though +of course able to catch the author's drift, did not really know +Italian at that time.[171] This deficiency had been made good, as he +gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573--twenty eight +months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of _Le prose +dil Bembo_ should be given to him in prison. + +The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of Luis +de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. Towards +the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary judges +there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological student +who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified that for +about two years he had discussed matters of theology, mathematics, and +astrology with Luis de Leon.[172] It may astonish some that Luis de +Leon toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have +surprised his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as +to the cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he +had read a compilation on astrology which had been lent to him by a +student named Poza, a licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have +doubted whether he ought to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de +Leon on the question. Luis de Leon dipped into the book, and came +finally to the conclusion that the whole thing was rubbish. But he +found in the work some curious observations, and was tempted to make +at least one experiment which involved the use of a pious formula. The +owner of the book left Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then +raging there. Luis de Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day, +and had intended to burn the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out +the main part of his intention by burning the work in the presence of +Fray Bartolomé de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this +holocaust. No more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's +curiosity as to the possibilities of astrology continued with but +little abatement.[173] This half-belief in astrology as a kind of +black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and vestiges of +this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected quarters till our +own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus to furnish his +adversaries with ammunition which they might use against him; but +could anything bespeak conscious innocence more strongly than his +voluntary avowal? + +Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his protestations +of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court what course it +should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought to order Leon +de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.[174] Later on, he declared +with vehemence that his detention was without a shadow of legality, +that his imprisonment ought not to continue for a single day, and that +he ought to be compensated for the injury done him.[175] These may +have been truths; but they were decidedly unpalatable, and the +expediency of making these assertions to a prejudiced bench is at +least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de Leon could +bring himself to use. He complained again and again of delays, +attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and +incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went +on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making +his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing +vehemence.[176] He impressed on his hearers the fundamental absurdity +of certain charges against him, and, waxing indignant at the statement +that he had thrown doubt on the coming of Christ, he objected to +having so senseless a jest fathered on him. There was always the +alternative that he might be supposed to have used in earnest the +words imputed to him; in which case, even if the evidence on this +point were far more decisive than it actually was, 'before believing +it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether I had gone out of my +mind at the time, or were drunk'.[177] It is, no doubt, difficult to +meet a contention of this kind; but such a contention is not +calculated to capture the sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should +it be overlooked that the judges were subjected to continual pressure +from the attacking parties. The official _calificadores_ took a +serious view of Luis de Leon's opinions on the authority of the +Vulgate; they showered reports upon the judges; naturally these +reports did not always agree with one another, but they were unanimous +in one respect; they declared against the teaching of Luis de +Leon,[178] and this perhaps decided the tribunal in giving judgement. +We may think that the court unconsciously allowed itself to be swayed +by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was at no great pains to +conceal his estimate of its capacity. However that may be, it must be +admitted that the decision of the Court had behind it a great body of +what may be called expert opinion. The question of the authority due +to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the foreground; and the report +of even so liberal-minded a man as the Dominican Hernando del Castillo +was not wholly favourable. Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion +that Luis de Leon had uttered nothing against faith; but while he +acquitted the prisoner of teaching 'erroneous, temerarious or +scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de Leon was much to blame for +dealing with the question when and where he did.[179] The opinion of +other _calificadores_ was still more hostile, though it is to be noted +that their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the +delivery of a decision drew near.[180] + +That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year after +year. This series of postponements--ordered, despite the wishes of the +prisoner and (as he contended) against his interests--had got on to +Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to occasional moods of depression, and +had betrayed him into a few irritable or intemperate outbursts. But +these results were unintentional. The Valladolid judges were well +aware from the outset that no time was to be lost. As early as July +29, 1572, they delegated a piece of work to one of their commissaries +in Salamanca, and impressed on him the urgency of dispatch.[181] They +secured from Benito Rodriguez, the commissary in question, greater +speed than they attained themselves. This may have been due to +accident, or to incompetence on their part. But the policy of +continual adjournment could not be prolonged for ever. It had lasted +too long for the patience of the Supreme Inquisition:[182] + + ...even the weariest river + Winds somewhere safe to sea. + +On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. Seven +members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, Andrés de Álava, +Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de Albornoz voted that Luis de +Leon should be put to the torture--a moderate amount of torture in +view of his frail health--and, when this was done, the court should +sit again and determine accordingly. Dr. Guijano de Mercado and Dr. +Frechilla took a more lenient view, recommending that, in +consideration of the more exculpatory reports recently given by the +_calificadores_, in consideration also of the replies made by the +prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be reprimanded for dealing +with so grave a matter (as the authority of the Vulgate) at an +unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; that he should be +called upon to renounce publicly certain views which seemed ambiguous; +that he should be told by his bishop to occupy himself with matters of +general interest; that he should cease lecturing altogether; and that +his _Song of Solomon_, done into Spanish, should be seized. The +Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to give his decision in +writing.[183] It may not have been committed to paper: at any rate, it +does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement of Guijano +and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, which +curtly ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to +reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to +confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the _Song of +Solomon_.[184] These orders, dated at Madrid on December 7, 1576, +were, of course, obeyed.[185] As the senior member of the Court, Dr. +Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up +while it was pronounced.[186] The date is not stated, but it cannot +have been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon +applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for +an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that +officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till +his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years' +tenure.[187] Both applications were granted. But the Ethiopian cannot +change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, that the +petitioner received full satisfaction.[188] + + + + +III + + +[Footnote 53: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 143-144.] + +[Footnote 54: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 174-176.] + +[Footnote 55: Luis de Leon administered a fund left by the late Doña +Ana Abarca de Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this +fund a life-pension was paid to Almansa (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears +from his request of December 20, 1572 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores estará +trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo faltará lo mas della, +porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi gente; y podrá ser tener yo +necesidad para mi negocio de algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas +agenas y que estan á mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido +darme libertad algun dia. Suplico á V. md. por amor de Dios sea +servido de enviar á mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, ó á Francisco +de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo, que la cierre y tome todas +las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo hará muy bien, porque es +hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico á V. md. no lo ponga en +olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought suspiciously warm; at +any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de Almansa, Familiar of the +Inquisition at Salamanca. + +When taken into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the +company of Fray Alonso Siluente (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. +188).] + +[Footnote 56: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough +Luis de Leon lost exact account of time during his imprisonment, and +was not very sure as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y +despues á veinte tres, ó veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo +pasado], el dicho Señor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mandó +prender,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 185).] + +[Footnote 57: Opinions differ as to whether Luis de Leon was +imprisoned in the original Inquisitionary cells on the site of which +18 and 20 calle del Obispo now stand. Blanco García thought that this +was not the case (_op. cit._, p. 129 _n_). The recurrence of such +phrases as _mandó subir de su cárcel_ (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's cell +was underground.] + +[Footnote 58: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico á sus +mercedes sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre +prior [Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise á Ana de Espinosa, monja en el +monasterio de Madrigal, que envíe una caja de unos polvos que ella +solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolías y pasiones de corazon, que +ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas necesidad que agora; +y sobre todo que me encomiende á Dios sin cansarse.'] + +[Footnote 59: The tone of his request shows that he anticipated a +refusal on the ground that he might wilfully injure himself with a +knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes fuesen servidos, torno á suplicar se +me dé un cuchillo para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de +Dios, seguramente se me puede dar; que jamás deseé la vida y las +fuerzas tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que +Dios me ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 179-180).] + +[Footnote 60: The concession of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le +dé esto que pide; y atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron +que mandaban y mandaron que el alcaide le dé un cuchillo sin punta. Lo +cual se mandó al alcaide luego en su presencia' (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 61: It figures as the sixth charge in the speech of the +prosecuting counsel, Diego de Haedo (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. +208). Even at this early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the +prisoner should be tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea +puesto á quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.' +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 209).] + +[Footnote 62: The date of the translation is stated on the authority +of Luis de Leon himself (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 98).] + +[Footnote 63: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 271; see also +_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 214-215.] + +[Footnote 64: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-101.] + +[Footnote 65: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 6.] + +[Footnote 66: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-99.] + +[Footnote 67: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 489.] + +[Footnote 68: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.] + +[Footnote 69: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 505-509.] + +[Footnote 70: The exordium, the translation of the first chapter of +the _Song of Solomon_ and the commentary on this first chapter are +printed in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 449-467.] + +[Footnote 71: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no +obstante esto á algunos amigos mios, y á otros, les ha parecido tener +inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y á mí, por la misma razon, +me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo hubiera estorbado. +Y para remedio dello, el año pasado comencé á ponello en latin, para +siendo examinado y aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia +todo lo que anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de +salud que he tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y así +digo que estoy presto á hacer esta ó otra cualquier diligencia que por +V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que haya +cometido, ó en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, ó en haber dado +ocasion directa ó indirectamente á que se divulgase. Y estoy aparejado +á hacer en ello la enmienda que por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que +subjecto humilde y verdaderamente á V.m. y á este Sancto Oficio y +tribunal, ansí este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina +que ó por escrito ó por palabra, leyendo ó disputando, ó en otra +cualquier manera haya afirmado ó enseñado, para en todo ser enmendado +y corregido.] + +[Footnote 72: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 252-254. The +following occurs in a document handed in by Luis de Leon on January +26, 1573: '...digo que en fin del mes de hebrero que viene, deste +presente año de setenta y tres, ó por principio de marzo, se cumple el +cuadrienio por el cual me está proveida la cátreda de Durando que +tengo en la universidad de Salamanca, el cual cumplido como es notorio +se vacará, y no oponiéndome yo á ella otra vez, se proveerá en el que +se opusiere y los estudiantes eligieren. Y aunque es verdad que yo no +tengo deseo ni intento de tratar mas de escuelas, habiendo trabajado +en ellas tan bien como mis concurrentes, y habiendo sacado por ocasion +dellas y de sus competencias el trabajo en que estoy; pero entendiendo +que si en esta coyuntura se vacase la dicha cátreda y se proveyese en +otra persona, mucho número de gentes que en el reino y fuera dél +tienen noticia de mi prision, y presumen por ella mal de mí, sabiendo +la dicha vacatura de cátreda y provision en otra persona, no +entendiendo como no entienden, ni saben la ley y estilo de la dicha +universidad, me tendrian del todo por culpado y condenado, y quedaria +siempre en pie esta mala opinion contra mí, aunque Vs. Mds. conociendo +en la prosecucion deste pleito mi inocencia, me den por libre y me +restituyan en mi honra como espero en Dios que sucederá; porque las +sobredichas personas que no saben el estilo de la dicha universidad, +viéndome fuera destas cárceles, y fuera de las escuelas, siempre +entenderian que fué órden de Vs. Mds. y pena de mi culpa, siendo como +son los hombres fáciles á creer lo peor, en lo cual mi órden y mis +deudos, y lo que es principal, la opinion de mi fé y doctrina +recibiria notable agravio y detrimento; por tanto en la mejor manera y +conforme á derecho haya lugar, pido y suplico á Vs. Mds. sean servidos +de ó mandar á la dicha universidad que no innove cosa alguna acerca de +la dicha cátreda, ni de otra cosa que me toque hasta que Vs. Mds. +habiendo conocido los méritos deste pleito juzguen y manden lo que +fueren servidos conforme á justicia, ó me den licencia para... dar +poder á dos ó las demas personas que me pareciere en Salamanca, porque +por mí y en mi nombre, al tiempo que se vacare la dicha cátreda, se +puedan oponer y opongan á ella, y hagan por mí las demas diligencias +que conforme á las leyes y estatutos de aquella universidad fueren +necesarias.'] + +[Footnote 73: This is recorded in a letter from Francisco Sancho to +the Valladolid Inquisitors (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 135): +'Tres cartas tengo á que responder á Vs. Mds. La una es sobre la +cátedra del maestro Barrientos, en la cual mandan Vs. Mds. que diga al +rector de esta universidad, como está detenido en ese Santo Oficio, y +que en tanto que estuviere ansí detenido, no se provea su cátedra, ni +se haga mudanza en ello. Y luego que recebí la dicha carta, que fué +estando con el mesmo rector, se la mostré y dijo que ansí lo haria y +cumpliria de buena voluntad.'] + +[Footnote 74: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 44-46. No time was +wasted in filling the chair. It was declared vacant on March 30, 1573; +Medina was elected to it on April 4; he received 95 votes, and the +Augustinian Pedro de Uceda received 54. Uceda (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, pp. 85-90) testified in favour of Fray Luis de Leon; his +evidence gives the impression that he was a timid man, overawed by the +court.] + +[Footnote 75: The Inquisitioners' phrase (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +X, p. 180) has been already quoted: 'atento que es hombre +enfermo....'] + +[Footnote 76: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 188: 'E antes de ser +llevado á su cárcel, dijo quél está muy enfermo de calenturas como á +sus mercedes les consta, y no tiene quien le cure en su cárcel sino un +mochachico que está allí preso, que es simple; y para habelle de +despertar padece trabajo con él, y ha venido dia de quedarse desmayado +de hambre por no tener quien le dé la comida; y que suplica á sus +mercedes le den un fraile de su órden que le sirva, pues en esto no +hay enconveniente, si ya no quieren permitir de que muera entre cuatro +paredes solo: que por reverencia de nuestro Señor se duelan dél y le +den un fraile que esté en su compañía siquiera para que si se muere le +ayude á bien morir; y que podrá ser que fray Alonso Siluente, que á la +sazon que á este prendieron estaba en su compañía, holgaria de venir á +tenérsela si está en Salamanca, ó sino que sea quien sus mercedes +mandaren. Con tanto fué llevado á su cárcel.'] + +[Footnote 77: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 197. In a letter +which reached Madrid on November 21, 1575, Luis de Leon wrote as +follows to the Inquisitor-General: 'Por lo cual y atento... a lo +mucho que ha que estoy preso, y á mis pasiones y flaquezas, en caso +que pareciere ser conveniente que la sentencia deste pleito se dilate; +suplico á V.S. Illma. por Jesucristo sea servido, dando yo fianzas +suficientes, mandarme poner en un monasterio de los que hay en esta +villa, aunque sea en S. Pablo, en la forma que V.S. Illma. fuese +servido ordenar, hasta la sentencia deste negocio, para que si en este +tiempo el Señor me llamare, lo cual debo temer por el mucho trabajo +que paso y por mis pocas fuerzas, muera como cristiano entre personas +religiosas, ayudado de sus oraciones, y recebiendo los sacramentos, y +no como infiel solo en una cárcel y con un moro á la cabecera.'] + +[Footnote 78: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 194: 'Tambien se +consultó á su Señoría Reverendísima lo que escribís cerca de la +indispusicion del maestro fray Luis de Leon y la necesidad que tiene +de servicio, el cual pide que en el monesterio de Sant Augustin de +Salamanca ó en el de esta villa se pida un fraile que esté con él, y +ha parescido que así se haga; pero adviérteseos que el fraile que se +le hubiere de dar no ha de salir de la compañía del dicho fray Luis +hasta que se acabe su causa, y ansí será bien se le avise al que +hubiere de ser antes que entre en las cárceles.'] + +[Footnote 79: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 50-51: '...ha tres +años que estoy preso, y todo este tiempo he estado sin el uso de los +sacramentos con detrimento de mi ánima, y sin causa que conforme á +derecho obligase á Vs. Mds. á privarme dellos,... Por lo cual pido y +suplico á Vs. Mds., y si menester es les encargo las conciencias, pues +que no son servidos de pronunciar lo que en este mi negocio tienen +difinido, y lo dilatan por concluir primero otros procesos que no me +tocan, ó por los respectos que á Vs. Mds. parece y me tienen preso; +alomenos no me priven de este bien, sino que me den licencia para +confesarme con quien Vs. Mds. señalaren, y para decir misa en esta +sala siquiera de quince en quince días, en lo cual Vs. Mds. harán gran +servicio á Dios, y á mí darán grandísimo consuelo.' This is from a +document which was handed in by Luis de Leon at Valladolid on March +12, 1575. An order was made that this document should be forwarded to +the Supreme Inquisition. I have failed to trace any further reference +to it.] + +[Footnote 80: They may have thought that, owing to his +unacquaintance with legal procedure, Luis de Leon was wasting the time +of the court; at any rate, as early as May 6, 1572, Dr. Ortiz de Funes +was appointed counsel to the prisoner (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 217). No saving of time was wrought by this change.] + +[Footnote 81: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 220: '...yo tengo +flaca memoria, y despues que estoy en la cárcel he perdido gran parte +della,...'] + +[Footnote 82: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 193: 'Es imposible +acordarse memoria de hombre de todo lo que en las dichas juntas se ha +dicho, mayormente que con la cólera de la disputa, algunas veces salen +de todos los términos de razon y modestia los hombres, y se ciegan de +manera que dende á poco ellos mismos no saben lo que han dicho.'] + +[Footnote 83: Luis de Leon's memory betrayed him as regards the +signatures attached to the Vatable Bible. He was under the impression +that he had signed a copy which was handed over to Francisco Sancho. +In this he proved to be mistaken. On thinking the point over, Luis de +Leon suggested that he must have signed a copy in the possession of +the Salamancan bookseller, Gaspar de Portonariis; this impression was +likewise mistaken. (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 520-527.) + +An amazing lapse of memory led Luis de Leon astray with respect to +Bartolomé de Medina; as Medina did not take his degree till 1570 +(_Documentos inéditos_, vols. X, p. 323, and XI, p. 340), Luis de Leon +felt justified in stating that his opponent did not take part in the +revision of Vatable's Bible, which (such was the prisoner's +impression) was finished in 1569. The discovery of Medina's signature +in the Sancho copy of Vatable (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 522) +rendered this position untenable. The fact appears to be that the Old +Testament was revised in 1569; owing to the absence of Sancho and Luis +de Leon, the revision of the New Testament was suspended; it was not +finished till 1571, and thus Medina was enabled to sign the Vatable +Bible. It seems clear that Luis de Leon had no head for dates. He was, +as we have seen (p. 94), doubtful as to when he was arrested, and he +was capable of imagining that a sitting of the Valladolid court had +been held a week before, when no such sitting had taken place. +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 18.)] + +[Footnote 84: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 23, 24: '...antes +de agora yo tengo pedido que se me declaren los nombres y personas de +los Señores del Consejo de la santa y general Inquisicion, ante quien +los auctos y sentencias interlocutorias y difinitivas deste negocio +pueden ir á parar, para que sabiendo quien son yo pueda deliberar lo +que conviene á mi justicia, y si tengo justa causa para recusar á +alguno dellos; y por no se me haber declarado yo tengo apelado. Y +porque por estar preso en cárceles secretas no puedo por mí ni por +otro informarme... pido y suplico á Vs. Mds., é si necesario es, con +debido acatamiento y reverencia requiero, no se envíe cosa alguna de +lo tocante á este mi proceso á los dichos Señores del Consejo, y +protesto la nulidad de lo que en contrario se hiciere. Y si tácita ó +expresamente me fuere denegado otra vez, apelo para ante quien y con +derecho debo, y pido los apóstolos desta mi apelacion con las +instancias é ahincamientos necesarios, y pídolo por testimonio.' It +will be seen that the account given in the text is an under-statement. +Luis de Leon not only appealed over the heads of the Valladolid judges +to the General Inquisition; he was prepared also to challenge, if +necessary, individual members of the General Inquisition itself.] + +[Footnote 85: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 81-83. Diego de Gaona +states that he knew Luis de Leon in 1567 or 1568. Gaona esteemed Luis +de Leon to be 'hombre muy hábil en su facultad de teología, aunque le +tenia por hombre algo atrevido en su manera de leer, y á esta causa +este testigo... le oia muy pocas veces por ver su desenvoltura en las +liciones que leia... entraba muy pocas veces á oir al dicho fray Luis +de Leon, é que á esta causa no se le acuerda quienes estaban +presentes, mas de que estaba el general lleno de gente...'] + +[Footnote 86: Luis de Leon frequently makes this point. The following +passage (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 482) is sufficiently +categorical to render further quotations superfluous: 'Demás desto +digo que el dia pasado aquí en la audiencia entendí que algunos de mis +papeles, los cuales se veen por mandado de Vs. Mds. se han dado á ver +y examinar á fray Juan Gutierrez fraile dominico, y ansí entiendo que +se habrán dado á otros de la misma órden: y siendo notorio como es que +todos los frailes de la dicha órden son sospechosos contra mí por las +competencias que mi órden, y yo señaladamente he tenido con ellos, y +por la cátreda que les hemos quitado, y por las demas causas que yo en +este proceso tengo alegadas y probadas, por las cuales los tengo +tachados por enemigos...'] + +[Footnote 87: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 559-560: 'Que por +cuanto para hacer el juicio difinitivo acerca de la cualidad de mi +doctrina, Vs. Mds. han de consultar á teólogos doctos y +desapasionados; y porque yo tengo tachados por apasionados y +sospechosos á todos los frailes de la órden de Santo Domingo y de Sant +Hierónimo, y agora de nuevo tacho por lo mismo á los teólogos de la +universidad de Alcalá, porque como es notorio estan encontrados con +los teólogos de Salamanca por muchas causas antiguas y recientes, y +señaladamente porque el Consejo general de la Inquisicion cosas +notadas y censuradas por ellos las ha remitido á los de Salamanca, los +cuales corrigieren las censuras de los dichos, y el Consejo siguió el +parecer de los de Salamanca...' According to Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 277): 'hizo el dicho fray Luis +públicamente cuanto pudo contra Hector Pinto, fraile gerónimo, en la +sostitucion de Biblia, por el maestro Grajal; y los dichos frailes +gerónimos se quejaron dél en el monasterio de Sant Augustin'.] + +[Footnote 88: See the first part of the previous note.] + +[Footnote 89: Luis de Leon's first application on this point is dated +October 20, 1573 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 483-488): in this +he mentions his brothers (who were both lawyers) as well as his uncle. +The subsequent proceedings illustrate the leisurely methods of the +Inquisition. Nothing seems to have been done in the matter up to May +12, 1574, when Luis de Leon made another application to the Inquisitor +General; this was entrusted to the Valladolid judges to forward. +Though the Supreme Inquisition directed that an inquiry be held, no +reply had reached Luis de Leon on July 14, 1574, on which date he +renewed his application. He presented a fourth petition on the subject +on August 7: in this he substitutes his father for his brothers (who +were not included in his second and third applications). His request +was refused by the authorities in Madrid on August 13, 1574 +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 5-7, 17, 24-25).] + +[Footnote 90: _Documentos inéditos_, vols. X, XI, _passim_.] + +[Footnote 91: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 353.] + +[Footnote 92: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 318: 'Y para este +efecto [fray Bartolomé de Medina y el maestro Leon de Castro] hicieron +junta de estudiantes, y el dicho Medina llamó á su celda á muchos +dellos, y inquirió dellos si habian oido ó sabian algo, poniéndolos en +escándalo, y tomándoles firmas y juramentándolos para que no le +descubriesen. Y con el dicho maestro Leon, y ciertos frailes +hierónimos y otras personas enemigas, se concertó lo que habian de +hacer, y repartieron entre si como en caso de guerra las partes por +donde habian de acometer cada uno y lo que habia de decir, como +vuestras mercedes podrán ser informados de fulano de Alarcon, colegial +de Sanct Millan en Salamanca, que fué uno de los llamados, y él dirá +de otros; y fray Gaspar de Uceda fraile y lector en Sanct Francisco de +Salamanca sabe tambien mucho desto.' Luis de Leon repeats the +accusation of conspiracy in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 353, +with some comments on Castro's motives.] + +[Footnote 93: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 318, 321, 324, 433.] + +[Footnote 94: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 348, 439.] + +[Footnote 95: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 96: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 369: 'Habrá cuatro +años ó poco mas que por insistir yo en ello, en un capítulo provincial +de mi órden se votó secreto en la eleccion conforme al concilio, y se +atajaron los pasos á la ambicion de muchos, y resultó que este que se +tenia ya por provincial por la violencia de un su amigo, que si se +votara público como solia, era muy poderoso, quedó en vacío. Y estas +son todas sus lágrimas y mis desobediencias.'] + +[Footnote 97: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32: 'Item dijo que +este declarante ha oido decir, no se acuerda á qué personas, que el +padre de dicho fray Luis de Leon le dejó muy encargado que fuese muy +obediente á sus prelados, y que siguiese la opinion comun en las +letras...'] + +[Footnote 98: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 366, 368: '...entre +nosotros es este conocido por hombre que sino es por descuido, jamás +dice verdad.'] + +[Footnote 99: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 100: This we know from Luis de Leon himself: 'fué mi +discípulo' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 370).] + +[Footnote 101: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 35-40.] + +[Footnote 102: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 371: 'Y porque mas +claramente conozcan Vs. Mds. la mala intencion deste que depone,... +me dijo que tenia los papeles de aquella lectura de la Vulgata, y que +era la mejor cosa del mundo,... con otras palabras tan encarecidas +que no me estan á mí bien decillas.'] + +[Footnote 103: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 38.] + +[Footnote 104: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 33, 42.] + +[Footnote 105: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas is +brutally frank. After mentioning that Arboleda was annoyed at Luis de +Leon's preference for Fray Diego de Caravajal, he continues: 'y que +tiene para sí que por esta razon habrá algun resentimiento de parte +del dicho fray Francisco de Arboleda contra el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, por ser el dicho Arboleda cabezudo y no de mucho +entendimiento'.] + +[Footnote 106: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 396. The word +'perjuro' is again used by Luis de Leon of this witness in _Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, p. 375.] + +[Footnote 107: F. Picatoste y Rodríguez, _Apuntes para una biblioteca +científica española del siglo XVI_ (Madrid, 1891), pp. 340-344.] + +[Footnote 108: Galileo Galilei, _Opere_ (Milano, 1811), vol. XIII, p. +49.] + +[Footnote 109: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 373: '...es un +fraile de mi órden que se llama fray Diego de Zúñiga, ó por otro +nombre Rodriguez, el cual me quiere mal por las causas que articularé +en su tiempo y lugar; y en esta deposicion lo muestra no obscuramente, +porque demás de no referir verdad en muchas cosas, ninguna cosa dice +en ella forzado por la consciencia, sino movido por su libre y mala +voluntad.' Other instances will be found in Luis de Leon's _Quinto +interrogatorio_ (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI): 'Item si saben etc. +que... fray Diego Rodriguez, ó de Zúñiga por otro nombre, se +desmandó..., y que allí se ordenó que castigasen al dicho fray Diego +Rodriguez ó Zúñiga' (p. 335). 'Item si saben etc. que en un acto,... +el dicho fray Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga,...' (p. 336). 'Item si saben +etc. que el dicho Rodriguez ó Zúñiga, de algunos años á esta parte, ha +mostrado en sus palabras y pláticas tener enemistad y mala voluntad al +dicho maestro fray Luis, hablando mal dél y de sus cosas, y diciendo +que el dicho maestro no habia consentido que el dicho Rodriguez +viviese en S. Augustin de Salamanca, porque sabia mas que el dicho +maestro, y otras cosas ansí' (p. 336).] + +[Footnote 110: Pedro de Rojas refers to the fact 'quel dicho fray +Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga pasó algunas palabras descorteses con el +padre Cueto,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345).] + +[Footnote 111: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Fr. Luis de Leon y Fr. Diego de +Zúñiga_ (El Escorial, [1915]), pp. 47, 245.] + +[Footnote 112: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, p. 58.] + +[Footnote 113: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 57, 64.] + +[Footnote 114: It is inferred that Zúñiga was professed when he +entered Luis de Leon's cell thirteen years before 1572 (_Documentos +inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 67-68). There is, however, some difficulty in +adjusting the date of this profession with the statement that Zúñiga +was thirty-six when he gave evidence.] + +[Footnote 115: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, p. 48.] + +[Footnote 116: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 224-240.] + +[Footnote 117: He became professor of Scripture at Osuna in 1575. See +F. Rodríguez Marín, _Cervantes y la Universidad de Osuna_ in _Homenaje +á Menéndez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. II.] + +[Footnote 118: It needed uncommon courage to pronounce in favour of +Copernicus at the end of the sixteenth century. The assertion that +'the advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the facility with which +the theory of Copernicus... was accepted in Spain, when it was +rejected elsewhere' is in the nature of an over-statement. According +to Muiños Sáenz (_op. cit._, pp. 19-20), who refers to his +brother-Augustinian, M. Gutiérrez, 'la doctrina copernicana pugnaba +con la opinión generalizada en las escuelas, y tuvo en España +impugnadores que, como Pineda, y con referencia personal á Zúñiga, la +calificaron de _falsa_, no sin añadir que, á juicio de otros autores, +merecía las calificaciones de _temeraria, peligrosa y opuesta al +sentir de la Sagrada Escritura_.' It seems likely that Zúñiga was dead +before this sweeping condemnation appeared, but the fact that he +thought it prudent to modify the expression of his unqualified +acceptance of the Copernican theory favours the assumption that he may +have had to endure some volume of hostile private criticism. Whatever +may have been Zúñiga's reasons for qualifying his early adhesion to +the Copernican theory, it seems safe to think that timidity was not +one of them. His nerve was unshaken. Towards the end of his life he +was engaged on a task after Luis de Leon's own heart: the bringing to +book of an unreasonable Provincial.] + +[Footnote 119: Luis de Leon describes (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, +p. 374) the circumstances as follows: 'Díjome un dia ansí por estas +palabras que el Papa tenia gran noticia de su persona y le estimaba en +mucho; y trás desto refirióme un largo cuento de un mercader y de un +cardenal por cuyos medios florecia su nombre en la corte romana, lleno +todo de su vanidad; y añadió que habia enviado al Papa un tratadillo +que habia compuesto, porque Su Santidad tenia deseo como él decia, de +ver alguna cosa suya; y mostrómele para que yo le viese... Visto, +porque me pidió mi parecer y yo soy claro, díjele que quisiera que una +cosa que enviaba á lugar tan señalado por muestra de su ingenio, fuera +de mas substancia, ó que á lo menos aquel argumento lo tratara mas +copiosamente, porque traia pocos lugares, y esos ordinarios, aunque +como le dije yo creia que aquellos lugares que alegaba los habia él +sacado de su estudio y no de los libros ordinarios. Respondióme que +era gran verdad que él con su trabajo los habia notado en la Biblia +sin ayudarse de otro libro; y créolo porque no se precia de leer ni +aun á los sanctos, y promete que de improviso dirá una hora y mas +sobre cualquier paso de la Biblia que le abrieren; y si le dicen que +lea los sanctos dice que no los lee porque no le sirven de nada. +Díjele mas que no debiera, porque para su condicion fué palabra +dura.'] + +[Footnote 120: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 335-336. Luis de +Leon suggests that five Augustinians whom he mentions by name be asked +if they knew 'que en un capítulo provincial... que habrá diez ó once +años que se hizo en la villa de Dueñas, fray Diego Rodriguez, ó de +Zúñiga por otro nombre, se desmandó en palabras con fray Francisco +Cueto, el cual era en aquel capítulo definidor mayor, y que el dicho +Cueto se quejó del dicho fray Diego en definitorio al provincial fray +Diego Lopez y á los definidores presentes, de los cuales era uno el +dicho maestro fray Luis, y que allí se ordenó que castigasen al dicho +fray Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga, y que otro dia en ejecucion dello el +dicho provincial le dió en el refitorio delante de toda la provincia +una disciplina, que es cosa que se tiene por grande afrenta; y que por +esta causa el dicho Zúñiga tiene enemistad con el dicho provincial +fray Diego Lopez y con el dicho maestro que era definidor entonces, y +es amigo del dicho provincial.' As not all the five Augustinians were +called, it may be assumed that the Court considered the point +proved.] + +[Footnote 121: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas states: +'Y que sabe este testigo de cierto que por esta causa el dicho fray +Diego tuviese enemistad con el dicho fray Luis, que no lo puede saber +por ser negocio interior; pero que á lo que puede imaginar de la +condicion del dicho fray Diego [Rodriguez ó Zúñiga] no dejaria de +creer que es ansí, porque es recio de condicion y algo vengativo, y +trás esto siempre le ha visto enemigo declarado contra fray Diego +Lopez, y tambien ha visto que despues acá nunca vió amistad entre los +dichos fray Diego y fray Luis.'] + +[Footnote 122: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 67 and 71. Zúñiga is +careful to state that he is 'predicador y religioso, morador en el +monasterio de Sanct Agustin de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, de edad de +treinta y seis años', and again, 'predicador, profeso de la órden de +Sanct Agustin... de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, é dijo ser de edad de +treinta y seis años'. It appears that in the sixteenth century a very +straight line was drawn by the Augustinians between official +'preachers' and 'professors': it was thought that the qualities +needed by the one were not likely to be found in the other. There +were distinguished exceptions, no doubt. But as a general rule a +'predicador' was rarely considered eligible for a university chair. +(Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 64-67.)] + +[Footnote 123: See the previous note.] + +[Footnote 124: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 305: '...era mancebo +y melancólico, y le paresció á este que habia ido muy adelante en +imaginar mal del dicho Benito Arias;...'] + +[Footnote 125: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 68-69. The following +is Zúñiga's account of what occurred: 'Item dijo que habrá trece años +estando en Salamanca por huesped, le dijo Fr. Luis de Leon en su +celda, que habia venido á sus manos un libro estrañamente curioso, el +cual le habia dado Arias Montano... y que en el principio del libro +contaba una revelacion que habia tenido el que lo compuso, estando de +noche orando, que vió en la oscuridad una luz, y que della oyó que +salia una voz que dijo: _Quomodò obscuratum est aurum, mutatus est +color optimus!_ y que temiéndose este declarante no fuese algun mal +libro, le habia mucha instancia que le dijese si habia en él alguna +herejía, y que el dicho Fr. Luis de Leon le respondió que en lo de +confesion le parescia que decia una herejía, y que entonces este +declarante le dijo que quitase allá tal libro y tal revelacion como +decia; y que con esto no le dijo mas el dicho fray Luis de Leon; y que +despues formó este declarante escrúpulo si estaba obligado á denunciar +de aquello que le habia dicho, y que lo preguntó á dos personas de +ciencia y consciencia, religiosos de su órden, y le dijeron que +sí;... Y este declarante determinado de denunciar, preguntó al dicho +Fray Luis de Leon á solas por el dicho Arias Montano que le habia dado +el dicho libro, que si era buen cristiano; que el dicho Fr. Luis de +Leon se alteró con esta pregunta, y le dijo muy encarescidamente que +era muy buen cristiano, y en prueba dello mostró á este declarante una +carta que le habia escripto el dicho Arias Montano en que le daba muy +buenos consejos:...'] + +[Footnote 126: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 369. In relation to +Montoya, Luis de Leon says: 'Y cuanto toca al capítulo tercero, si yo +no temiera aquella sentencia _Malédici regnum Dei non possidebunt_, y +aquella _Invicem mordentes, invicem consumemini_, yo pudiera relatar +mas de dos cosas, algo mas pesadas que es dar un _agnus Dei_ un fraile +á otro sin pedir al perlado licencia, de las cuales este hombre +religioso no hace escrúpulo. Y esta fuera su merecida respuesta; pero +aunque él hable lo que ni sabe ni debe, yo miraré lo que debo á mi +hábito y á mi persona.'] + +[Footnote 127: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 217-218.] + +[Footnote 128: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 13-14.] + +[Footnote 129: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 130: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 14-15.] + +[Footnote 131: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 15.] + +[Footnote 132: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 15-16.] + +[Footnote 133: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 12-13.] + +[Footnote 134: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 21.] + +[Footnote 135: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 136: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 316-318, 325.] + +[Footnote 137: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 317.] + +[Footnote 138: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 29-30.] + +[Footnote 139: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 30-35.] + +[Footnote 140: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 35. Luis de Leon had +applied for a special hearing: '...para suplicar á sus mercedes que +ninguno de sus papeles se dé al maestro Mancio para que los lleve á su +casa por el peligro que hay de poderlos ver frailes suyos, á los +cuales tiene tachados...'] + +[Footnote 141: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 35-36.] + +[Footnote 142: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 36.] + +[Footnote 143: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 37. The instructions +of the Supreme Inquisition to the Valladolid judges were as follows: +'En lo que escrebís quel maestro fray Luis de Leon ha recusado al +maestro Mancio, que le habia nombrado por patrono, y pedido traslado +de lo que dejó escripto en su negocio; consultado con el Reverendísimo +Señor Inquisidor general, ha parecido aviseis, Señores, al dicho +maestro Mancio que no vuelva ahí hasta que otra cosa se le ordene, y +proseguiréis en la causa del dicho fray Luis de Leon sin embargo de la +dicha recusacion, y sin darle copia de lo quel dicho maestro Mancio +dejó anotado en él; y ponerse ha la dicha nota en el proceso signado y +autorizado de uno de los notarios del Secreto, para que dello conste. +Guarde nuestro Señor vuestras muy Reverendas personas.' This letter +was signed in Madrid on November 4, 1574.] + +[Footnote 144: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 41-42: 'Digo que yo +nombré por mi patron al maestro Mancio catredático de prima de +teulugía en Salamanca, el cual habiendo comenzado á ver mi negocio se +ha ausentado á leer su cátreda, y porque pudiendo fácilmente dar su +parecer se ha hecho vehementísimamente sospechoso que es partícipe y +compañero en la maldad que contra mí ha intentado fray Bartolomé de +Medina, fraile de su órden y casa, porque conforme á derecho no carece +de sociedad oculta el que deja de obrar á tan manifiesta malicia; y +siendo obligado á defenderme por el juramento que se le tomó y por +haber empezado el negocio, en desampararme cometió grandísimo pecado, +porque conforme á derecho tambien es falso testigo el que deja de +decir verdad cuando es obligado á la decir, como el que dice falso +testimonio. Y la causa de ir á leer su cátreda no le escusa, porque mi +defensa se habia de hacer en muy pocos dias, y estando él impedido por +Vs. Mds. ni habia de perder la cátreda ni multarle en ella, ni los +estudiantes recibian detrimento considerable, porque en las cátredas +de propriedad se asignan lecturas que no las acaban, y el sostituto +podia leer de lo del cabo de la asignatura si él queria leer del +principio como lo hacen los catredáticos de propiedad que al principio +de Sant Lucas están impedidos.'] + +[Footnote 145: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 44.] + +[Footnote 146: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 45-46.] + +[Footnote 147: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 46: '...suplico á +Vs. Mds. le manden que con brevedad se resuelva y dé su parecer, y +ansí mismo suplico, y con el acatamiento que debo requiero á Vs. Mds. +manden que ansí el parecer que diere en lo que vea agora, como el que +ha dado en la Vulgata el dicho maestro Mancio, los comunique conmigo +antes que se vaya; porque el fin de su oficio le obliga á ello, y yo +le nombré por patron debajo desta condicion, y no en otra manera,...'] + +[Footnote 148: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 47-48: '...como +otras veces he dicho ha mas de dos meses que persevero pidiendo +audiencia con el maestro Mancio, y no me se ha dado... Y aunque yo +tengo por cierto que el dicho maestro ha aprobado las proposiciones +[que se dicen resultar deste proceso] porque son así ciertas y llanas +las que yo he afirmado, que decir lo contrario es ó temeridad ó error; +y porque cuando las comuniqué con él, me dijo claramente delante de +Vs. Mds. que eran cosas llanas; pero si por caso hubiese otra cosa, +digo que no me dañan porque no se me ha dado en ello el lugar de +defensa que de derecho se me debe: lo uno porque no me han querido Vs. +Mds. dar audiencia para informar enteramente al dicho maestro mi +patron; lo otro porque si ha dado parecer sin haberse comunicado +conmigo no he tenido patron;... + +Demás desto digo que el mismo negocio me da á entender que este +proceso está visto por Vs. Mds. dias ha y decretada la sentencia +definitiva dél; y que no se pronuncia por una de dos cosas, ó porque +el fiscal ha apelado del dicho decreto para el Consejo general de la +Inquisicion, ó porque los Señores dél han mandado que se suspenda la +pronunciacion della hasta que se averiguen los pleitos de los demas +maestros que fueron presos cuando yo lo fuí.'] + +[Footnote 149: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 150: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 52-53.] + +[Footnote 151: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 53-55.] + +[Footnote 152: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 315: '...suplico á +Vs. Mds. sean servidos que se me dé entera noticia de todo lo que hay +contra mí, por que despues de tantos meses parece justo que yo sepa +por qué fuí preso, lo cual no alcanzo hasta agora por las deposiciones +que he visto; y que pueda responder por mí y defenderme enteramente, +lo cual no puedo hacer no se haciendo publicacion entera!' It would be +easy, but superfluous, to quote other examples of Luis de Leon's +complaints on this point; his evidence is honeycombed with them.] + +[Footnote 153: As early as January 21, 1573, Luis de Leon complained +in writing (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 250): 'que en todo el +tiempo que ha que estoy preso, que son ya poco menos de diez meses, no +se habia hecho en este mi pleito publicacion de testigos, ni se me +habia dado lugar de entera defensa, no pareciendo haber para la tal +dilacion causa ninguna jurídica ni necesaria,... y yo, dilatándose la +publicacion y el tiempo de mi defensa, corria riesgo de no poder +probar mi inocencia por los casos ordinarios de muerte y ausencia que +podrian suceder á mis testigos;...' See also _Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, pp. 474 and 563.] + +[Footnote 154: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 183: 'Fuéle dicho que +en este Santo Oficio naide se prende sin causa de culpa que tenga en +cosas que sean contra nuestra santa fe católica; por tanto que se le +amonesta por reverencia de nuestro Señor Jesucristo y su bendita +madre, que diga enteramente la verdad; y haciéndolo ansí de lo que +sabe de su persona y de otros, se usará con él de mucha misericordia: +donde no, que se hará justicia.'] + +[Footnote 155: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 184.] + +[Footnote 156: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-186.] + +[Footnote 157: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 77: 'Preguntado qué +es lo que quiere: dijo quél ha entendido quel P. maestro fray Luis de +Leon, catredático de Salamanca de la órden de Señor San Agustin, está +preso en la Inquisicion de Valladolid; y que habia un mes que estando +este en el convento de la dicha ciudad de la dicha órden, hablando con +fray Martin de Guevara, natural de Lorca, residente en el dicho +monasterio de San Agustin desta ciudad, le dijo el dicho fray Martin +quél habia ayudado muchas veces á decir misa al dicho fray Luis de +Leon en su celda en Salamanca, y que siempre se la oyó decir de +_Requiem_, aunque fuese fiesta, y que nunca le entendia lo que decia +porque hablaba tu tu tu, de manera que no lo entendia, y acababa muy +presto. Y cuando se lo dijo, estaban los dos solos paseándose en el +monasterio desta ciudad. Y en lo que dice que ha un mes que se lo +dijo, no está bien cierto, sino que de tres meses á esta parte se lo +oyó decir, y esta es la verdad, y que no hubo ocasion mas que estar +hablando de su prision.' + +It is right to add that Ciguelo, who appears to have been silly and +malignant, was not summoned by the Inquisition. He appeared as a +volunteer witness who came forward of his own accord to give evidence. +At the same date, he insinuated that Luis de Leon did not believe in +the coming of Christ. On being pressed to give the names of those who +had heard Luis de Leon say anything of the sort, Ciguelo declared that +he had not been told them.] + +[Footnote 158: The interrogatories rejected will be found in +_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 268-272, 273-275, 286-290, +293-294.] + +[Footnote 159: The Licentiate Diego Gonzalez, Doctor Guijano de +Mercado, and the Licentiate Andrés de Álava gave the following ruling +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 273): 'Dijeron que el segundo, +tercero y cuarto interrogatorios presentados por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, en esta causa dados, y otras preguntas añadidas en otras +dellos dadas, que van señalados, les paresce son impertinentes, y que +no se debe hacer diligencias por ellos.'] + +[Footnote 160: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 200.] + +[Footnote 161: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 272: 'Item si saben +que el dicho maestro fray Luis no es mofador ni murmurador, ni de los +sanctos ni de los no sanctos, sino que es de condicion modesta y +humilde.'] + +[Footnote 162: A good specimen of Luis de Leon's sarcasm is given on +pp. 320-321 of _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X: 'Los dominicos se +sintieron desto mucho; y porque yo soy particular servidor del dicho +D. Juan [de Almeida], entendieron que era cosa comunicada, y acusaron +al dicho Medina, el cual movido con el sanctísimo celo que le pudo +poner esta nueva, paresció delante de Vs. Mds. en tantos de hebrero +del dicho año [1571] á hacer esta segunda declaración, donde comenzó á +descubrir mas la piedad de su buen ánimo; y ansí como no tenía de +nuevo cosa particular que decir de mí,... dice confusamente que me +sintió inclinado á novedades agenas de la antigüedad de nuestra fe y +religion, en lo cual si este testigo tuviese conciencia..., habia de +señalar en particular algunas novedades que hubiese visto en mi +doctrina, ó oido en mis disputas;... Demás desto si es verdad que +sintió de mí lo que dice ¿por qué en la deposicion primera que hizo +por el diciembre no lo declaró? Pues ninguna cosa de las que entonces +declaró es tan pesada como es esto si fuera verdad. Y por la misma +causa no es creible que lo dejó por olvido habiéndose acordado de +cosas muy menores, y siendo verdad como he dicho, que anduvo muchos +dias tratando y ordenando esta buena obra.' Of Luis de Leon's banter a +specimen will be found a few pages further on (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 347): 'Y hecha la censura, y leyéndola yo á los sobredichos +maestros que me estaban esperando, me acuerdo que llegando á aquellas +palabras añadidas dije: "Estas puse mas de lo que Vs. Mds. ordenaron +por contentar al Señor maestro Leon"; y volvíme á él riyendo, y +díjele: "alomenos hoy no podrá decir sino que le tengo bien contento"; +y ansí con risa y muy en paz y amistad nos levantamos todos, y quedó +ordenada y firmada la dicha censura.'] + +[Footnote 163: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 303: 'A la décima +pregunta dijo que lo que sabe de la pregunta es haber oido decir quel +dicho maestro fray Luis de Leon era tan buen letrado que á cualquiera +con quien se pusiese, pudiera llevar cualquier cátreda, y mas la +d'Escriptura.'] + +[Footnote 164: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 321-322: +'Ultimamente véanse mis leturas: y si en ellas se hallare rastro de +novedades, sino antes inclinacion á todo lo antiguo y lo sancto, yo +seré mentiroso, si no es que este testigo llama novedad todo lo que no +halla en sus papeles.'] + +[Footnote 165: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 210: '...este +declarante... jamás leyó ningun rabino,...' _Documentos inéditos_, +vol. X, p. 295: 'Al capítulo octavo dijo que este nunca defendió +interpretaciones de judíos por ser de judíos, ni en su vida ha leido +comentario de judíos...'] + +[Footnote 166: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 267.] + +[Footnote 167: This inference is based on the fact that Luis de Leon +refers to Cano more often than to any of the others, that he sometimes +mentions Cano separately, and that his allusions to Cano are always +couched in the most respectful terms: '...oyendo al maestro Cano que +fué mi maestro,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 239).] + +[Footnote 168: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 388.] + +[Footnote 169: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 510.] + +[Footnote 170: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 147.] + +[Footnote 171: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 305: 'Al segundo +capítulo dijo que como tiene declarado en sus confesiones, ha once ó +doce años que desde Salamanca vino este confesante no á otra cosa, +sino á dar cuenta á los Señores Inquisidores de aquel libro en vida de +los Señores Inquisidores Guigelmo y Riego, y lo dió por escripto, +porque á este le paresció que aunque tenia el dicho libro muchas cosas +católicas, tenia otras que le parescian á este peligrosas que no las +entendia este bien, porque era en lengua toscana, la cual este no +sabia entonces. Y este no lo leia sino que se lo leian á él, como lo +declaró por el dicho escripto al cual se remite.'] + +[Footnote 172: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 303-304.] + +[Footnote 173: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 200-202: 'Tambien +estando escribiendo esto se me ha ofrecido á la memoria que habrá como +año y medio que en Salamanca un estudiante licenciado en cánones, que +se llamaba el licenciado Poza, que me leia principios de astrología, +me dijo un dia que él tenia un cartapacio de cosas curiosas, y que +tenia algun escrúpulo si le podia tener; que me rogaba le viese y le +dijese si le podia tener, porque si podia se holgaria mucho. Era un +cartapacio como de cien hojas, de ochavo de pliego, de letra menuda. +Víle á ratos, y habia en él cosas curiosas, y otras que tocaban á +sigillos astrológicos, y otras que claramente eran de cercos y +invocaciones, aunque á la verdad todo ello me parecia que aun en +aquella arte era burlería. Y acusome que leyendo este libro, para ver +la vanidad dél, probé un sigillo astrológico, y en un poco de plomo +que me dió el mismo licenciado, con un cuchillo pinté no me acuerdo +qué rayas, y dije unas palabras que eran sanctas, y protesté que las +decia al sentido que en ellas pretendió el Espíritu Sancto, +acordándome que Cayetano en la Suma cuenta de sí haber probado una +cosa semejante con la misma protestacion, para ver y mostrar la +vanidad della; y así todo aquello pareció vano. Y tambien me acuso que +otro dia de aquellos en que iba mirando lo que habia en aquel libro, +tuve casi deliberada voluntad, estando solo, de probar otra cosa que +parecia fácil, aunque de hecho no la probé, porque mudé la voluntad. +Yo quise quemar este libro en presencia de su dueño, y esperándole un +dia que me habia de venir á ver, supe que dos dias antes se habia ido +á Avila, huyendo de la enfermedad de pintas que andaba entonces en +Salamanca; y así le quemé aquella noche en mi celda en una chimenea +que hay en ella. Y á todo lo que agora me puedo acordar, me parece que +estaba conmigo entonces el padre fray Bartolomé de Carranza, y que me +preguntó por qué quemaba aquello, y se lo dije. Este estudiante me +escribió pocos dias despues preguntándome por el libro: yo no le +respondí, porque no hubo con quien, ni despues acá he sabido ni oido +mas dél, porque no volvió mas á Salamanca, ni yo me he acordado dél +hasta este punto. No me acuerdo bien si me dijo un dia que quien le +habia dado aquel libro habia experimentado lo de los conjuros. No me +dijo quien era ni yo se lo pregunté ni lo sé.'] + +[Footnote 174: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 439: 'Este testigo no +me perjudica por ser el maestro Leon á quien tengo tachado por mi +enemigo, y es singular, y es testigo falso, y como contra tal se debe +proceder contra él por ser falso en cosa tan substancial como esta, y +las demas que ha dicho contra mí, fuera de lo que yo tengo +confesado.'] + +[Footnote 175: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 193: 'Por todo lo +cual digo que es notorio y manifiesto que en mí no hay conforme á +razon y derecho, alguna color ni parte de sospecha; ni por esta causa +puedo ni debo ser detenido por vuestras mercedes ni un solo dia, y que +en ello recibo claro agravio y que debe ser por vuestras mercedes +enmendado.'] + +[Footnote 176: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 19, 142, 149.] + +[Footnote 177: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 385: 'Item ello en sí +no tiene ninguna verosimilitud ni apariencia de verdad porque ¿en qué +seso cabe que un hombre que no es hablador ni le tienen por tonto, +habia de decir un desatino semejante, y en un lugar tan público como +es un convite? Porque si lo echan á donaire, demás de ser muy necio +donaire, y muy sin órden, no era donaire que ningun hombre de juicio +lo habia de decir en los oidos de tan diferentes gentes como son las +que se juntan en un banquete donde unos son necios, y otros +escrupulosos, y otros enemigos y naturalmente malsines, y amigos de +echallo todo á la peor parte. Y si quieren decir que se dijo de veras, +lleva mucho menos camino que yo lo dijese, porque cosa cierta es que +los que tratan de semejantes males, no los dicen á voces, ni en +público, sino muy en particular y muy en secreto, y muy despues de +haber conocido y tratado á los que los dicen, y fiándose mucho dellos, +y á fin de persuadir y no de reir. Y cuando en esto hubiera +testimonios contra mí mas claros y mas ciertos que el sol, antes de +creello habian Vs. Mds. informarse de si aquel dia habia yo perdido el +seso ó si estaba borracho, porque si no era así no era creible cosa +semejante.'] + +[Footnote 178: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-171, 173-179, +179-183, 183-186, 199-214, 220-253.] + +[Footnote 179: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 228-230: '...no me +parece que hay cosa contra la fe, ni doctrina errónea, temeraria ó +escandalosa. Mas no puede el autor excusarse de gran culpa en haber +tratado materia y cuestion semejante en estos tiempos, y leídola á +multitud de estudiantes, entre los cuales los rudos, los idiotas, los +libres y los desasosegados ingenios, y los mal intencionados y los +simples y flacos no podrian sacar aprovechamiento ni edificacion, sino +atrevida osadía y poca reverencia á la edicion Vulgata que la iglesia +católica nos da por auténtica. Y aunque las palabras y razones y +autoridades de doctores con que el autor procede, no sean en sí +malas; pero piden auditorio muy pio, muy docto y muy atento para no +tomar de aquí ocasion á tener en poco nuestra Biblia latina, y +errar.... Mas no todas las verdades se han de sacar á plaza, ni todos +los oyentes son capaces dellas; y por doctrina suelen sacar errores y +escándalo, y tal es esto: porque el oficio del teólogo en públicas +lecciones no era desnudar sino vestir cuanto pudiese la edicion que el +concilio aprueba, y no dejarla tan en los huesos como la deja, que es +todo lo posible sin ser hereje, ni tener nota de error, temeridad ó +sospecha en la fe, ni ser proposiciones escandalosas. + +De la proposicion 4ª digo que es falsa,... Pero no hay cosa en todo +ello para retratar.' + +This _calificacion_ appears to be in the handwriting of Fray Hernando +de Castillo, who signed it. It is also signed by the Dominican Antonio +de Arce and by Dr. Cáncer. Cáncer appears to have been ready to put +his name to anything. Earlier in the same year, as it seems--for no +date is attached in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 122-127--Cáncer +wrote, concerning one of Luis de Leon's tenets: 'Haec propositio est +irrisoria, injuriosa, temeraria et... haeretica in 2º gradu...'] + +[Footnote 180: This mellowing of judgement is particularly the case +with the Franciscan Fray Nicolás Ramos. Cp. _Documentos inéditos_, +vol. XI, p. 231, and pp. 234-237.] + +[Footnote 181: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 295: 'Y hacersehá +todo luego porque importa la brevedad, y vendrá esta por cabeza de +todo.'] + +[Footnote 182: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 195: '...y hecho +esto pasaréis adelante con el negocio como os está ordenado, con toda +brevedad, pues veis lo que importa'. This occurs in a letter dated +'Madrid, 8 de otubre de 1575'. There seems to be a mistake in the +heading of this letter: according to this heading, the letter from the +Supreme Inquisition reached Valladolid on October 8, 1575. I cannot +say whether this is a slip of Pedro Bolivar, notary to the Holy Office +at Valladolid, or a slip in transcription made by Miguel Salvá and +Sainz de Baranda. It can scarcely be a mere misprint.] + +[Footnote 183: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 351-353: 'Al margén +se halla la siguiente nota. "_Cuando este proceso se comenzó á ver y +hasta la mitad dél, se hallaron á la vista los Señores licenciados +Juan de Ibarra y Don Hernando Niño, y no lo votaron por no poderlo +acabar de ver por estar enfermos._" En la villa de Valladolid á veinte +é ocho dias del mes de setiembre de mill y quinientos y setenta y +seis años, habiendo visto los Señores licenciado D. Francisco de +Menchaca del Consejo de S.M., é dotor Guijano de Mercado, é licenciado +Andrés de Álava Inquisidores, juntamente con los Señores licenciado +Luis Tello Maldonado, D. Pedro de Castro, Francisco de Albornoz, +oidores desta Real audiencia é chancillería, asistiendo á ello por +ordinario del obispado de Salamanca el Señor doctor Frechilla +catredático en esta universidad, por virtud del poder que para ello +tiene del Señor obispo de Salamanca, que está en el secreto deste +Sancto Oficio, el proceso criminal de fray Luis de Leon, de la órden +de Sancto Agustin; los dichos Señores le votaron en la forma +siguiente. + +Los dichos Señores licenciados Menchaca, Álava, Luis Tello y Albornoz, +dijeron que son de voto y parecer que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea +puesto á qüistion de tormento sobre la intencion y lo indiciado y +testificado, y sobre las proposiciones que estan cualificadas por +heréticas, no embargante que los teólogos digan últimamente que +satisface, entendiéndolo como él, respondiendo á ellas, dice que lo +entendió; y que el tormento se le dé moderado, atento que el reo es +delicado: y con lo que dél resultare, se torne á veer y determinar. + +Los dichos Señores Inquisidores doctor Guijano, é Frechilla, +ordinario, dijeron que atento lo que los calificadores que últimamente +vieron las proposiciones cargadas al reo, y lo que él y su patron +responden á ellas, califican; que su voto y parecer es que este reo +sea reprendido en la sala deste Sancto Oficio por la culpa que tuvo en +tratar desta materia en estos tiempos, por los inconvenientes que +dello resultan, y por el peligro y escándalo que podia causar, como lo +dicen los calificadores en la censura general que hicieron de todo el +cuaderno de donde se sacaron las diez y siete proposiciones de latin; +y que en el general grande de las escuelas mayores, estando juntos los +estudiantes y personas de la universidad, y algunos doctores del +claustro della, este reo declare las proposiciones sospechosas é +ambigüas, y que pudieron dar escándalo, que se le darán en escripto en +un memorial ordenado por los teólogos calificantes con la declaracion +que ellos ordenaren; y que extrajudicialmente se diga á su perlado que +sin privacion ni otra declaracion, mande á este reo emplear sus +estudios en otras cosas de su facultad en que aproveche á la +república, y se abstenga de leer públicamente en escuelas ni en otra +partes, y que el libro de los Cánticos, traducido en romance, se +prohiba y recoja, siendo dello servido el Illmo. Señor Inquisidor +General y Señores del Consejo. Y que los libros y papeles +pertenecientes á los cargos deste proceso se retengan en este Sancto +Oficio. + +El dicho Señor licenciado D. Pedro de Castro dijo que dará su voto por +escripto.'] + +[Footnote 184: The peremptory letter of the Supreme Inquisition to the +Valladolid tribunal is printed in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. +354: 'Aquí se ha visto el proceso contra fray Luis de Leon, de la +órden de Sant Agustin, preso en esas cárceles, y va determinado como +veréis por lo que al fin dél va asentado. Aquello se ejecutará. Y +advertiréis á este reo que guarde mucho secreto de todo lo que con él +ha pasado y toca á su proceso; y que no tenga pasion ni disensiones +con persona alguna, sospechando que haya testificado contra él en esta +su causa; porque de todo lo que á esto tocare se tratará en el Sancto +Oficio, y no se podrá dejar de proveer en ello justicia con rigor. +Hacerloéis, Señores, así. Guarde nuestro Señor vuestras muy +Reverendas personas. En Madrid siete de diciembre 1576.' + +The decision of the Supreme Inquisition is reproduced in _Documentos +inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 353: + +'En la villa de Madrid á siete dias del mes de diciembre de mill y +quinientos y setenta y seis años, habiendo visto los Señores del +Consejo de S.M. de la Sancta general Inquisicion, el proceso de pleito +criminal contra fray Luis de Leon, de la órden de Sant Agustin, preso +en las cárceles secretas del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de +Valladolid; mandaron que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea absuelto de la +instancia deste juicio, y en la sala de la audiencia sea reprendido y +advertido que de aquí adelante mire como y adonde trata cosas y +materias de la cualidad y peligro que las que deste proceso resultan, +y tenga en ellas mucha moderacion y prudencia como conviene para que +cese todo escándalo y ocasion de errores; y que se recoja el cuaderno +de los Cantares traducido en romance y ordenado por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 185: It is unnecessary to reproduce the exact terms of the +judgement (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 354-357), for this +closely follows the terms employed by the Supreme Inquisition.] + +[Footnote 186: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 356.] + +[Footnote 187: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 357-358: 'El +maestro fray Luis de Leon suplico á vuestras mercedes sean servidos +mandar que me sea dado un testimonio en manera que haga fe, por donde +conste al claustro de la universidad de Salamanca que yo por vuestras +mercedes fuí absuelto de la instancia[A] que contra mí hizo el fiscal +deste Santo Oficio delante de vuestras mercedes, y dado por libre, en +manera que pueda ejercer cualquiera de las cosas que tocan á mis +órdenes y oficio, y sin penitencia ni nota alguna. + +Item suplico á vuestras mercedes manden se me dé un mandamiento para +el pagador de las escuelas de Salamanca[B] para que pague lo corrido +de mi cátreda desde el dia de mi prision hasta el dia que vacó por el +cuadrienio. Y en todo imploro el oficio etc.--] + +[Footnote A: Al márgen se lee: "Que se le de la fee".] + +[Footnote B: Al márgen: "Que se le de mandamiento. En 15 de diciembre +de 1576".'] + +[Footnote 188: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 358: 'En 13 de +agosto de 1577 años, por mandado de los señores Inquisidores saqué +esta sentencia de fray Luis, signada, é la entregué al Señor +Inquisidor doctor Guijano. Sacóse para el maestrescuela de Salamanca.' +This sentence is probably written by the secretary, Celedon Gustin.] + + + + +IV + + +When did Luis de Leon return to Salamanca, and how was he received +there? According to an anonymous contemporary, whom Gallardo +conjectured to be a Jesuit, Luis de Leon made a sort of triumphal +entry into Salamanca, accompanied by a procession which marched along +to the sound of timbrels and trumpets.[189] This procession is alleged +to have taken place in the afternoon of December 30, 1576; but, as the +statement is made by one who has no divine idea of a date,[190] it +would be imprudent to rely on his unsupported authority in this +particular. The date of the procession may be doubtful. There is no +reason to doubt the general accuracy of the assertion that there was +some public manifestation of joy at Luis de Leon's release.[191] +Though he was not popular, his fellow-citizens were proud of him, and +there is a natural tendency to show sympathy with a man who has been +hardly used. But life is not made up of triumphal processions. On +December 31[192] Luis de Leon met the _Claustro_ of the University, +which had been duly informed of his acquittal. After congratulatory +phrases from the Rector, the released man was invited to speak. +According to the decree of the Inquisition, Luis de Leon was entitled +to claim restitution to his University chair. There were practical +difficulties in the way. Luis de Leon's tenure had lapsed while he was +in prison at Valladolid; his immediate successor had been Bartolomé de +Medina, a dangerous enemy, and the chair was subsequently occupied by +the Benedictine Fray Garcia del Castillo, another declared opponent +who had intervened at an early stage of the case. Luis de Leon +renounced all claim, present or future, to his former chair--_que la +daba por bien empleada_--so long as it was held by Castillo. He +besought the _Claustro_ to bear in mind his past services, pointed +out that his acquittal implied a general approval of his teaching, +and then left the meeting.[193] Finally the _Claustro_ of Salamanca +agreed to create a new chair for Luis de Leon, with a salary of two +hundred ducats a year, his duty being to lecture on theology.[194] + +We now come to the best-known trait in Luis de Leon's career. He would +seem to have begun lecturing in his new chair on January 29, +1577.[195] The gathering was large, and now and here--if at any time +and in any place--he must have begun his lecture with the famous +phrase: 'As we were saying yesterday' (_Dicebamus hesterna die_). +Almost everybody who hears the story for the first time takes it for +granted that the remark was made to what was left of Luis de Leon's +old class--the class which he had been instructing just previous to +his arrest: otherwise, the anecdote loses great part of its point. It +behoves us therefore to examine the circumstances in which the story +was first made public. The earliest mention of the incident occurs +apparently in the _Monasticon Augustinianum_ by the once well-known +Nicolaas Cruesen, whose work appeared at Munich in 1623.[196] The +picturesque narrative soon struck the popular imagination, and it has +been repeated times innumerable.[197] One is always reluctant to part +with a good tale, but there is no denying the fact that the evidence +in favour of the current version is slighter than one could wish it to +be. The silence of all contemporary Spaniards with respect to this +episode is not a little strange. It is singular that the anecdote +should reach Spain from abroad, and that it should not be printed till +forty-six years after it is supposed to have occurred; that is to say, +till Luis de Leon had been thirty-two years in his grave. It does not +necessarily follow that the story is untrue. Nobody imagines that +Cruesen deliberately invented it. So far as appears, Cruesen was an +absolutely upright man who recorded with fidelity such information as +he could obtain. He was not ill-placed for obtaining information. +Himself an Augustinian, he was something of a cosmopolitan. Though +Flemish by blood, Cruesen was technically a Spanish subject; he was in +full sympathy with the politico-religious aims of Spain in the Low +Countries, and during the Spanish occupation he must have had +opportunities of meeting and questioning men who were Spanish by race. +Moreover, it seems to be established that, though the story concerning +Luis de Leon's remark did not appear in print till 1623, the chapter +containing it was written previous to 1612.[198] If this be so, the +account given by Cruesen must be dated thirty-five years after the +alleged occurrence and twenty-one years after Luis de Leon's death. +Further, Cruesen, who knew Spanish, travelled in Spain. There he seems +to have made the acquaintance of Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon, Luis de +Leon's able and admiring nephew. It is by no means impossible that +Fray Basilio was Cruesen's informant,[199] and, if this were proved, +the case for the story would be greatly strengthened, since it is +inconceivable that the nephew should repeat the anecdote, for the +purposes of publication, unless he had had it direct from his famous +uncle. These, however, are conjectures, more or less probable. The +story may derive from Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon or it may not. It is +the kind of story that any unscrupulous person might easily invent and +repeat to a too credulous visitor. As it stands, the evidence in its +support is, on the face of it, unsatisfactory. The case for the story +is perhaps not quite so weak as has been supposed;[200] ingenuity has +shown that the case against it may, to some extent, be frittered +away.[201] Still, there is no getting over the fact that this charming +anecdote is first reported outside of Spain by a foreigner who related +it in print long after Luis de Leon's death. No first-hand testimony +in its favour has hitherto been produced. Those who choose to believe +in the authenticity of the current version may not unreasonably do so; +it is obvious, however, that, in the absence of direct evidence, they +will have great difficulty in persuading others to share their belief. + +To return to prosaic details. The _Claustro_ had promptly created a +chair for Luis de Leon after his release from prison; there was more +ado about granting his request--made on the ground of health--that he +should be allowed to lecture from ten till eleven o'clock. Unluckily, +this time had been already allotted to the Dean of the Theological +Faculty, Diego Rodriguez, a Dominican, who objected to the proposal. +Bartolomé de Medina not unnaturally stood by his brother-Dominican, +opposed the demand of the newly elected professor on the ground that +it could not be granted without showing disrespect to the Dean, and +suggested that Luis de Leon should be instructed to lecture from four +to five o'clock. On a vote being taken, the _Claustro_ gave Luis de +Leon a majority; but, as the Rector of the University claimed to be +the deciding authority on such questions, the matter was not finally +decided at this meeting.[202] It might seem that, in practice, Luis de +Leon carried his point for, as the clock struck ten on January 29, +1577, he began his first lecture in his new post; but this was mainly +a formal taking possession of the post, and the professor in his +fragmentary lecture took occasion to protest against not having a +lecture hour assigned to him.[203] Luis de Leon continued to occupy +the chair that had been created for him. The death of Francisco +Sancho, bishop of Segorbe, in June 1578 caused a vacancy in the +university chair of Moral Philosophy. Luis de Leon determined to +present himself as a candidate. A rival candidate came forward in the +person of Fray Francisco Zumel, Rector of the Mercenarian College. The +struggle was vehement. Zumel did not stick at trifles; he charged his +opponent with exercising undue pressure on the electors by means of +cajolery, threats, lavish hospitality (which was dispensed with the +aid of brother-Augustinians), bribery, and attempted personal +violence.[204] Luis de Leon was not behindhand: he sought to have +Zumel disqualified on technical grounds, and further accused his +opponent of breaking the law governing elections. In the heat of +conflict, the very best of men seem able to persuade themselves that +the most extravagant assertions are true. No one but the candidates +can have taken these amenities seriously. When the battle was ended on +August 14, 1578, Luis de Leon, who received 301 votes, was in a +majority of seventy-nine.[205] This check appears to have rankled in +Zumel's mind. Luis de Leon celebrated his success by taking the degree +of Master of Arts on October 11. Why? It is hard to say. He cannot +well have thought that the possession of a Master's degree would +strengthen his position as one of the members representing the +University of Salamanca on the Committee appointed to report on the +projected reform of the calendar.[206] Normally this Committee, of +which Medina and Domingo Bañez were also members, would have absorbed +much of Luis de Leon's attention. His energies were to be otherwise +exercised in the immediate future. The death of Gregorio Gallo, Bishop +of Segovia, on September 25, 1579, caused a vacancy in the Biblical +chair at Salamanca. The late bishop had viewed with no very friendly +eyes some of Luis de Leon's proceedings before the Valladolid +trial,[207] and it might have troubled him to think that Luis de Leon +was destined to follow him at Salamanca. That, however, was what +happened. The position was not carried without a stiff fight. At +Valladolid, Salinas had said it was commonly thought by some of +Luis de Leon's admirers that he could carry any University +chair--especially a chair of Scripture--against all comers.[208] It +was now to be seen whether this opinion was, or was not, well founded. +A formidable competitor appeared in the person of Fray Domingo de +Guzman, the third son of Garcilasso de la Vega. Though Guzman had not +inherited his father's poetic gift, he had a turn for versifying, and +his burlesque _glosa_ of Luis de Leon's celebrated _quintillas_-- + + Aqui la envidia y mentira + me tuvieron encerrado-- + +is not wholly forgotten, since four lines of it find a resounding echo +in Cervantes' preliminary verses at the beginning of _Don Quixote_ to +Urganda la Desconocida.[209] But the relative merits of the two +candidates for the vacant chair were not the point at issue. More +relevant was the fact that Guzman was a Dominican with all the +strength of the massed Dominican vote at his back. Whatever may have +been the case at other times and places, at this period there was no +love lost between Dominicans and Augustinians in Salamanca. Medina +represented with distinction the more rigid teaching of the Dominican +school; with at least equal distinction Luis de Leon represented the +freer tendencies of the Augustinians. He was almost imprudently loyal +to his own order. He publicly championed Augustinian candidates +whenever a suitable chair became vacant at the University of +Salamanca, and, despite the secrecy enjoined by the Inquisition, it +had probably leaked out that, at his recent trial in Valladolid, he +had repeatedly objected to all Dominicans as being so many enemies. In +the nature of things he could not be popular with the Dominicans and +their sympathizers. In this particular contest, however, his great +personal qualities were somewhat overclouded. He and Domingo de Guzman +were but standard-bearers. The conflict in which they were engaged +resolved itself into a struggle for supremacy between two potent +religious orders. Apart from the personal merits of the respective +candidates, the forces marshalled on each side were about equal. +Passions ran high. Poetasters on both sides did their part.[210] It +speedily became evident that the margin of the successful candidate +would be narrow. This prevision proved to be correct. When the poll +was declared on December 6, 1579, Luis de Leon's total of votes +amounted to 285, giving him a majority of thirty-six over his +opponent.[211] Since he stood against Grajal, and was defeated, at the +very outset of his professorial career, he had hardly ever been so +pressed in any academic struggle. Unfortunately, in the contest +against Guzman there was some irregularity in the voting; each side +accused the other of malpractices; an appeal was lodged on behalf of +Domingo de Guzman; for some unknown reason the case was not decided +till over twenty-two months later. Finally, on October 13, 1581, +judgement was delivered in favour of Luis de Leon at Valladolid.[212] +The equity of this decision has been questioned;[213] but there is no +reason to doubt the substantial justice of the verdict given by a +court with all the facts before it, and with the opportunity of +cross-examining the witnesses who appeared to give evidence. It +should be said, however, that the Dominicans never accepted the +official decision, and put about a rumour that the irregularity had +been committed by a supporter of Luis de Leon's--a supporter who (so +it was alleged) some twenty years later avowed his transgression and +sought to make amends for it by paying a sum of 8,000 _reales_ into +the Dominican chest.[214] Meanwhile Luis de Leon (who, like Domingo de +Guzman, was perfectly innocent of any share in these clandestine +manoeuvres) had taken possession of the Biblical Chair at Salamanca by +reading himself in on December 7, 1579. Hitherto his reputation, great +as it was, had been more or less local: that is to say, it depended +mainly on his University lectures, which were exploited by certain +unscrupulous persons. It was not till 1580 that, at the express +command of his superior, Fray Pedro Suarez,[215] he issued his first +book: a Latin commentary on the _Song of Songs_. On the title-page +stood a characteristic motto from his favourite Horace: _ab ipso +ferro_. Possibly at this moment Luis de Leon looked forward to a +period of learned leisure: + + O ya seguro puerto + de mi tan luengo error! o deseado + para reparo cierto + del grave mal pasado, + reposo dulce, alegre, reposado! + +If the author of this opening stanza of _Al apartamiento_ were +optimistic enough to assume that these verses might be applied to his +own case, he was destined to be speedily disillusioned. + +The Valladolid Inquisitors had not treated him in such fashion as to +make him desirous of meeting them again. This experience was, however, +awaiting him.[216] On January 20 or 21, 1582,[217] his former +opponent, the Mercenarian Fray Francisco Zumel, took the chair at a +theological meeting in Salamanca. At this meeting a Jesuit named +Prudencio de Montemayor put forward a thesis which opened up the +difficulties connected with the reconciliation of the theological +doctrines of predestination and free-will. Owing to some disturbance +in the assembly, Montemayor's voice did not reach all who were present +and, in the interest of the audience, Luis de Leon repeated +Montemayor's arguments without lending them any support; his action +was misunderstood, and many supposed that he was expressing his +personal opinions. In the ensuing discussion his vanquished opponent, +Domingo de Guzman, intervened, and with unnecessary acerbity declared +that Montemayor's views were heretical. Nothing would have been easier +than for Luis de Leon to keep out of the fray, especially as he +himself held, and had always taught, opinions opposed to those +advanced by Montemayor. If, as Pacheco reports, Luis de Leon was the +most taciturn of men, he was chivalrous to the point of quixotism. In +the circumstances silence was impossible for him. He was for as much +liberty of thought as was compatible with orthodoxy; he was persuaded +that much of the opposition of the Dominicans to Montemayor was due +to the fact that the latter was a Jesuit;[218] and no doubt he was +quite human enough to be annoyed at the intrusion of Domingo de Guzman +as the champion of doctrinal intolerance.... Be this as it may, Luis +de Leon took up the cudgels for Montemayor's views which, as he +maintained, were perfectly tenable. At a later meeting in Salamanca, +Fray Juan de Castañeda, a Benedictine,[219] advanced views very +similar to those of Montemayor; Domingo Bañez, whose relations with +Luis de Leon were never cordial, was even more emphatic than his +brother-Dominican, Domingo de Guzman, and denounced Castañeda's views +as savouring of Pelagianism. A sharp passage of arms followed between +Bañez and Luis de Leon,[220] and, after some exchange of argument, +Bañez professed to be satisfied with Castañeda's thesis, and therefore +with Luis de Leon's explanations.[221] Others were less easily +contented; even some of the Augustinian professors at Salamanca were +uneasy;[222] and finally the case came before the Inquisition of +Valladolid, though the sittings of the court were held in Salamanca. +The delator would appear to have been a Jeromite, Fray Joan de Santa +Cruz, who took objection to some sixteen propositions which, as he +alleged, were put forward by Luis de Leon.[223] Some exaggeration on +the part of Santa Cruz is conceivable. As a Jeromite, he bore a grudge +against Luis de Leon for his overt opposition to the candidature of +Hector Pinto at Salamanca University and, as Francisco de Palacios +deposed at Valladolid on February 5, 1573, Santa Cruz had been +somewhat excited by the news of Grajal's arrest and was anxious to +know if Luis de Leon had been apprehended at the same time.[224] This +incident implies no great impartiality on the part of Santa Cruz. +Still, a report made officially has to be met. On March 8, 1582, Luis +de Leon, adopting the same procedure which he had followed at +Valladolid, voluntarily presented himself before the Inquisitionary +tribunal at Salamanca, and read his account of what had occurred.[225] +In several particulars he was enabled to correct the version of Santa +Cruz, which was admittedly second-hand in part.[226] He must have +thought of 'old, unhappy, far-off things' as he entered the Court and +recognized the Inquisitionary secretary with the singular name of +Celedon Gustin; these remembrances probably led him to take additional +precautions. On March 31 he appeared a second time before the +Inquisitionary Court at Salamanca, and volunteered the statement that, +though he still believed Montemayor's thesis to be free from heretical +taint, reflection caused him to think that it was temerarious +(inasmuch as it differed from the usual scholastic teaching on the +subject); that its promulgation in a public assembly was regrettable; +and that he was ready to make amends if he had in any way exceeded in +his defence of Montemayor.[227] A little later three Augustinians, one +of them a man of some prominence in the order, appeared with a view +to disassociate themselves from Luis de Leon's action;[228] and a +fourth witness came forward in the person of Fray Francisco Zumel, who +produced fragments of a lecture on predestination delivered by Luis de +Leon at Salamanca as far back as 1571.[229] One hardly knows whether +to say that Luis de Leon was fortunate or unfortunate in his +opponents. Zumel, as we have seen, was a defeated competitor for the +chair of Moral Philosophy at the University of Salamanca in 1578. +Similarly, Domingo de Guzman was a defeated competitor for the +Biblical Chair at the University of Salamanca in 1579. So, too, at the +dawn of his professorial career, Luis de Leon had easily carried a +_substitucion de vísperas_ against Domingo Bañez.[230] These men were +the soul of the opposition to Luis de Leon in his second encounter +with the Inquisitionary tribunal; inasmuch as they had all three been +beaten in open contest by Luis de Leon, their motives were not +altogether free from some suspicion of personal animus; but their +united hostility was undoubtedly formidable. Luis de Leon's foes were +not, however, limited to the Dominicans and the Jeromite whom he had +defeated for University Chairs. Some members of his own order had been +rendered unhappy by his latest outbreak. Fray Pedro de Aragon, Fray +Martin de Coscojales, and Fray Andrés de Solana were not alone.[231] +This is obvious from a highly disagreeable letter written in Madrid on +February 15, 1582, by the well-known Augustinian Fray Lorenzo de +Villavicencio. In this letter, which was laid before the Inquisition +by Luis de Leon, Villavicencio thought it his duty to tell his +correspondent to mind his own business, to cease denouncing tyranny, +and to understand that his action, while it did good to nobody, was a +source of annoyance to many.[232] Manifestly Luis de Leon's passion +for fair play was altogether incomprehensible to his opponents, and it +may be that he made no great effort to win their support. If, +however, his experience of the Inquisition had made him more cautious +in his dealings with it, the Inquisition had learned a lesson from its +previous experience with Luis de Leon. He was not arrested, but was +allowed to go about his business as usual; no prosecuting counsel was +appointed, and when the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid called upon the +Valladolid judge to make a report,[233] Juan de Arresse confined +himself to suggesting that Luis de Leon should be severely +reprimanded, and should be called upon to express publicly from his +University chair his regret for having described as heretical opinions +which were not his.[234] This must have been signed shortly after +August 7, 1582, the date on which the request of the Supreme +Inquisition reached Valladolid. Mitigated as it was, the suggestion of +the Valladolid judge seemed too severe to the Supreme Inquisition. For +reasons which are unknown the case was not ended till February 3, +1584. On this date Luis de Leon was summoned to Toledo and was there +privately reprimanded by the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal Gaspar de +Quiroga, to whom in 1580 he had dedicated his _In Psalmum vigesimum +sextum Explanatio_, a work written during the tenth month of his +imprisonment at Valladolid. Luis de Leon appears to have thought that +he had a friend in Quiroga, but for whose intervention his +imprisonment at Valladolid would have been still further prolonged. As +Quiroga became Grand Inquisitor on April 20, 1573, and as the prisoner +in the Valladolid cells was not released till the month of December +1576, Luis de Leon's gratitude has been thought excessive.[235] +However, he knew the facts better than anybody else, and Quiroga's +attitude at Toledo was benignant. Instead of giving the severe +reprimand which was suggested by the Valladolid Inquisitors, Quiroga +'charitably and kindly' rebuked the Augustinian in private and +dismissed him with a solemn warning not to uphold such views as he +was alleged to have defended.[236] It has been held that the +Inquisition proceeded against Luis de Leon a third time.[237] No +evidence to support this view has been hitherto produced. + +Meanwhile in 1583 appeared _Los nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta +casada_. The theologian, philosopher, and poet was also a man of +affairs. That he was so esteemed by his colleagues is proved by the +fact that he was nominated by them to take in hand, and settle, a +long-standing suit between the University of Salamanca and the +_Colegios Mayores_ which had secured from Rome two concessions that +were held to be injurious to the interests of the University. This +suit, begun in 1549, was taken charge of by Luis de Leon in January +1585; in February Dr. Antonio de Solís, a learned lawyer, was +dispatched to Madrid to give advice on legal points; Solís fell ill +and was replaced by Doctor Diego de Sahagun. The business involved an +interview with Philip II and, as the king was absent from the +capital, Luis de Leon wrote to the University authorities explaining +the situation, and suggesting that, in the interests of economy, the +mission should be recalled. The University evidently acted upon this +suggestion, for on August 1 Luis de Leon was back in Salamanca.[238] +He was re-appointed to take up the same work again on November 22, +1586, and on January 17, 1588, he was able to report that the +everlasting lawsuit was at an end, and that the contention of the +University of Salamanca had been accepted.[239] The _Claustro_ was so +overjoyed that it authorized the fulfilment of its promise to pay Luis +de Leon his salary and expenses. This elation and fit of generosity +proved to be premature. On March 5, 1588, Luis de Leon was obliged to +ask for the return of the original _cédula_ and to state that no use +could meanwhile be made of it.[240] The disappointment at Salamanca +was great, and the _Claustro_ showed its irritation by ordering the +return of Luis de Leon and by voting that the payment of his salary +be suspended after October 18, if he had not returned by that date. +Owing to Luis de Leon's illness a prolongation of his absence was +agreed to, later on; but this concession implied no change of mind on +the part of the _Claustro_. A certain University Professor, Dr. +Bernal, who had acted for several years as _Regidor_ of Salamanca, and +had been from the first hostile to Luis de Leon in this matter, moved +that the absentee be ordered back to Salamanca at once with a view to +avoiding the unnecessary expense of paying the salary of a substitute +to deliver lectures. This was carried by an overwhelming majority on +January 20, 1589,[241] and three days later it was resolved that Luis +de Leon be instructed to return to his chair within a month. As Luis +de Leon was plunged in important business which could not be broken +off lightly, Philip II caused a letter to be written on March 7 in +which he requested the _Claustro_ to authorize Luis de Leon's absence +from his chair till the end of August.[242] The royal request was +refused and, as if to mark a want of confidence in Luis de Leon, +another member was nominated to conduct the negotiations at Madrid. +Luis de Leon's mission was really ended, for his delegated powers had +expired; nevertheless, he acted as though they were still in force and +with such effect that on August 23 he appeared before the _Claustro_ +with the royal warrant.[243] He was warmly complimented on his +success, but the _Claustro_ was less profuse of deeds than of words. +On August 26 Luis de Leon made three requests:[244] (_a_) that his +arrears of salary be paid for the time that he had represented the +University in Madrid; (_b_) that some compensation be paid to his +monastery for the time he had been engaged on University business +after his mandate had expired; and (_c_) that he be given two years' +leave of absence from his chair. As to the first point, Doctor Diego +Henriquez was commissioned to examine vouchers and pay the petitioner +what was due; as to the second point, the decision was referred to a +group of professors who held their chairs by a life-tenure; it was +agreed to grant the third request, if the King's approval was secured. +This sounds like satisfactory treatment. In practice the concessions +were not made. On December 20, 1589, the arrears of salary still +remained unpaid; on October 20, 1589, it appeared that the _Claustro_ +had no power to grant leave of absence.[245] It had apparently the +power to fine Luis de Leon for not lecturing, and it did so with such +insistency that the Prior of the Augustinian monastery in Salamanca +felt compelled to lodge a protest against this action, which, it was +contended, was unconstitutional. This protest was set aside on March +9, 1590, and two professors--one of whom was the Jeromite Zumel--were +appointed to defend the position taken up by the University of +Salamanca.[246] It is impossible to deny that the behaviour of the +University of Salamanca to Luis de Leon was most unhandsome, not to +say shabby. + +As his life drew to a close, and as his fame increased, constant +demands were made upon him. Apparently he refused the invitation of +Sixtus V and Philip II to join a committee appointed to revise the +Vulgate; it is not clear that he altogether approved of the project, +nor of the plan on which the revision was to be carried out.[247] Not +only was his scholarship held in honour; his rigorous, valiant +righteousness was universally recognized. On April 13, 1588, the papal +nuncio signed a brief naming Luis de Leon one of two commissaries who +were entrusted with the delicate task of inquiring into the +administration of certain funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians +in Castile. The result of this inquiry seems not to be recorded, but a +passage in an extant autograph letter of Luis de Leon's suggests that +his conclusions were unfavourable to his official superior.[248] Luis +de Leon's zeal led him to champion (perhaps inopportunely) a change in +the constitution of his order.[249] In 1588 appeared his edition of +Saint Theresa; and as the letter dedicatory to Madre Ana de Jesús is +dated September 15, 1587, it may perhaps be inferred that the editor +before this date was personally acquainted with the great saint's +successor. If not a judge of scholarship, Ana de Jesús was an +excellent judge of character. She had shown uncommon insight in +choosing Luis de Leon as editor of her great friend's writings; she +esteemed him for his eminent sanctity; he proved worthy of her +confidence, and upheld her plans for reform against Nicolás de Jesús +Maria Doria, the Provincial of the Barefooted Carmelites in Spain. +Doria was supported by Philip II and, to some extent, by Sixtus V. The +proceedings of the Carmelite nuns were conducted from this point +onwards with supreme ability. Doctor Bernabé del Mármol was sent to +Rome on a secret mission. His object was to obtain the papal sanction +for reforms which had been advocated by Saint Theresa herself. Mármol +succeeded to admiration. His antagonists had no suspicion of his +errand. A papal brief, dated June 5, 1590, granted the desired +sanction; and a second brief, dated June 27, appointed Teutonio de +Braganza, Archbishop of Evora, and Luis de Leon to carry the first +brief into effect. Braganza was too busy to do the necessary work, and +authorized Luis de Leon to act for him. Luis de Leon begged the +University of Salamanca to grant him some days' leave to attend to the +business. This petition was rejected. But the indomitable man went on. +Taken aback and irritated, Doria hastened to the Prado and easily +induced Philip II[250] (who was, in fact, already won over to approval +of Doria's scheme) to obtain from the papal nuncio an order suspending +the delegate's instructions. After a reasonable time had elapsed Luis +de Leon returned to the charge, and called a meeting of those +immediately concerned; the papal nuncio made no sign, as the King had +not spoken to him again on the subject. Meanwhile Doria, who was +better informed as to what was afoot in Madrid than as to what was +afoot in Rome, once more interviewed Philip II and urged him to stop +Luis de Leon's proceedings. Philip took action. As Luis de Leon's +supporters were filing into the room where they were to discuss the +situation, they were approached by a member of the royal household who +informed them that he had it in command from the King to bid them +suspend the execution of the brief till fresh orders came from Rome. +Annoyed at this piece of fussiness, Luis de Leon is stated to have +left the room, remarking: 'No order of His Holiness can be carried out +in Spain'[251]. This report, which comes down to us on the dubious +authority of the Carmelite chronicler, Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, +may, or may not, be correct. The impetuous Luis de Leon was no doubt +extremely capable of showing that he resented Philip II's interference +in church matters. On the other hand, Santa Maria cannot have written +with any personal knowledge of the facts, as he belonged to a much +later generation. Even had he been an exact contemporary,[252] Santa +Maria's statements would call for careful examination, for he does not +appear to have had a critical intelligence, since he commits himself +to two assertions, one of which is certainly false and the +other--intrinsically unlikely--is without a shred of corroboration. +Santa Maria avers that Philip II showed his displeasure by forbidding +the Augustinians of Castile to elect Luis de Leon as their Provincial. +It is on record, however, that Luis de Leon was elected Provincial of +the Augustinians of Castile on the earliest opportunity (August 14, +1591) that presented itself. Santa Maria further states that Luis de +Leon took the King's annoyance so much to heart that his death was +hastened in consequence. No evidence is produced to support a story +so innately improbable. This legend evidently throve in credulous +opposition circles, for something of the same sort had been set about +earlier by Fray José de Jesús y Maria, a Carmelite historian who, +unaware that Luis de Leon had declined an archbishopric, added a +calumnious insinuation that the editor of Saint Theresa's works was a +disappointed aspirant to episcopal honours.[253] Santa Maria, not +knowing that Philip II highly esteemed Luis de Leon, seems to have +been content to report such gossip as filtered down to him. + +The correspondence connected with the papal brief dragged on till +January or February 1591.[254] To all who saw Luis de Leon at this +time it must have occurred that his career was drawing to a close. He +had never been robust; his sedentary habits, his ascetic practices, +and his prolonged imprisonment combined to wear him down. His last +years were packed with troubles. The Inquisition watched him with +suspicious eyes; he had always regarded the Dominicans and Jeromites +as his enemies; he had contrived to increase the forces hostile to him +by alienating the Carmelites. Doria was not without the power to make +his resentment felt; a few well-meaning Augustinians did Luis de Leon +more harm than good by suggesting that he had extorted from the +Inquisition the admission that his doctrinal teachings were +correct;[255] he was deeply affected by the enmity of other +Augustinians whom he (perhaps too hastily) denounced by name to the +Inquisitors.[256] Many of his colleagues at Salamanca stood aloof from +him; some were openly opposed to him; one or two carried their spite +so far as to suggest that he should be deprived of his University +chair. His constant absence from Salamanca gave his foes a handle; it +is conceivable that they might have succeeded in ousting him from his +chair had his life been prolonged. Apart from public business, +connected with his own order and with the proposed reform of the +Carmelite nuns, Luis de Leon was retained in Madrid by his failing +health. On January 11, 1591, he was examined by Doctor Estrada, who +reported that his patient was suffering from a cystic tumour of the +kidney.[257] This is a malady which might last many years. No doubt +Luis de Leon had had the tumour for a long while; it is extremely +likely that at the end the growth became malignant and that he died +from it. It has been alleged that Luis de Leon's end came +suddenly.[258] This is not so. His death was lingering. For all but +himself this was fortunate, and, even for himself the pause before the +end was convenient, for it enabled him to discharge certain duties. As +editor, he was naturally in possession of many of Saint Theresa's +papers; these he had time to make over to Doctor Sobrino, Professor of +Theology in the University of Valladolid, and to Fray Agustin +Antolinez, a future bishop, with instructions to return them to Madre +Ana de Jesús. Nevertheless the saint's papers were not destined to +reach Madre Ana de Jesús, for Philip II asked both the trustees to +give him the holograph copies to be deposited in the Library at the +Escorial. The trustees complied, and the papers are now stored in the +_Camarín de Santa Teresa_.[259] Assiduous to the last in the discharge +of his duties, Luis de Leon dragged himself to Madrigal, where a +Chapter of the Augustinian Order was to be held in August 1591. The +effort was too much for him. He had to take to his bed, and was still +there on August 14 when he was elected Provincial[260]. He did not +enjoy the honour long, for he died on August 23. + +Though most people who are interested in Luis de Leon at all are +familiar with Pacheco's portrait of him, Pacheco's character-sketch is +so apt to be overlooked that it may be briefly summarized here.[261] +Pacheco reports Luis de Leon as having a special gift of silence, as +being the most taciturn of men though one of the wittiest; as being a +man most trustworthy, truthful and upright, precise in speech and in +the keeping of promises, reserved, not given to smiling; in the +gravity of his countenance his nobility of soul and, still more, his +deep humility were obvious; most cleanly, chaste, and reflective, he +was a great monk and a close observer of laws; so marked was his +devotion to the Blessed Virgin that he fasted on the eve of feasts, +dined at three, and ate no supper; in her honour he wrote the lovely +hymn _Virgen que el Sol mas pura_, very spiritually-minded and greatly +given to prayer, at the time of his severest trials God hearkened to +him. Though by nature hasty, he was very long-suffering and gentle to +those with whom he had to deal; he was most abstemious in matters of +food, drink, and sleep; indeed with regard to sleep (as was stated to +Pacheco by Fray Luis Moreno de Bohorquez, who had lived in the same +monastery as Luis de Leon for four years) he carried mortification so +far that he seldom lay down, and the monk who had to make his bed +would often find that it had not been slept in. So great were his +intellectual gifts that he seemed more meet to teach every one than to +learn things from anybody. On matters concerning government his +judgement was sound; he was highly esteemed by prominent men both in +Spain and out of it; Philip II was wont to consult him in difficult +cases, and would send messengers from Madrid to Salamanca; when he +visited Madrid on University business he was admitted to private +audience and received signal marks of royal favour; with respect to +offers of bishoprics and the Archbishopric of Mexico he displayed his +courage and magnanimous spirits not only by stripping himself of rank +(a thing seldom done) but of all he had in the world; a man of truly +evangelical temper. In those holy exercises, and in fitting sequel to +his life, he piously ended his course as Provincial of Castile, +leaving all in great affliction, but with a still greater certainty of +his glory. + +This estimate was printed in 1599, eight years after Luis de Leon's +death and one year after Philip II's death. Making some allowance for +the partiality of an admirer, Pacheco's description may stand. A dry +contemporary chronicler, like Luis Cabrera de Córdoba,[262] after +paying tribute to Luis de Leon's intellectual gifts and heroic courage +in adversity, speaks of his death as a national loss. Even in his +lifetime Luis de Leon was recognized by men of exceptional genius as +one of themselves. His poems, which were not published till forty +years after his death, must have been handed about in manuscript long +before. In 1585 Cervantes in his _Galatea_ introduced Luis de Leon +into the _Canto de Caliope_. It cannot well be maintained that +Cervantes had been impressed by Luis de Leon's Latin treatises, by _De +los nombres de Cristo_, and by _La perfecta casada_. The _Canto de +Caliope_ records the names of those only whom Cervantes considered to +be eminent poets--masters _en la alegre sciencia dela poesia_--and +hence it is to the poet that he refers when he writes in his 84th +stanza: + + Quisiera rematar mi dulce canto + en tal sazon pastores, con loaros + un ingenio que al mundo pone espanto + y que pudiera en estasis robaros. + En el cifro y recojo todo quanto + he mostrado hasta aqui, y he de mostraros + Fray Luys de Leon el que digo + a quien yo reverencio, adoro, y sigo. + + + + +IV + + +[Footnote 189: Bartolomé José Gallardo, _Ensayo de una biblioteca +española de libros raros y curiosos_ (Madrid, 1863-66-88-89), vol. IV, +col. 1328: 'En unos apuntes cronológicos que hacia en Salamanca un +curioso (jesuita?) á fines del siglo XVI, fol. 23 de un tomo de +_Papeles varios_, en folio, se lee: + +'Año de 76, Mártes 23 de diciembre dia de San Dámaso, dieron por libre +a _fr. Luis_ sin pena. Y donde a 30 de diciembre entró en Salamanca a +las tres de la tarde con atabales, trompetas y gran acompañamiento de +Caballeros, Doctores, Maestros, &c.'] + +[Footnote 190: He is clearly wrong in stating that Luis de Leon was +set free on December 23. We have already seen that Luis de Leon +presented two applications in writing on December 15. From the nature +of these applications, it is a fair inference that he was free when he +made them.] + +[Footnote 191: Especially as the fact is confirmed by a contemporary +Augustinian, Fray Juan Quijano: see Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 206, +_n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 192: This date is given on the authority of the anonymous +writer quoted by Gallardo, _op. cit._, col. 1328: 'Y lunes _adelante_ +le presentó el Comisorio al Claustro, para que se le diese su proprio +lugar, honra y cátedra de _Durando_. Él no la quiso y la Universidad +cedió 200 ducados de partido.' The date in this case is corroborated +by a summons from the Rector of the University: see P. Fr. Luis G. +Alonso Getino, O.P., _Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de León_ +(Salamanca, 1907), p. 244.] + +[Footnote 193: According to Blanco García (_op. cit._, p. 207), Luis +de Leon did not vote, but assigned his proxy to Bartolomé de Medina. +This incident occurred, but it happened at a meeting of the _Claustro_ +held two days later: see Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, pp. 252-254). +Medina seems to have thought that Luis de Leon's chair had not been +legally vacated, and that it was not in Luis de Leon's power to say +that he would assign it to Castillo.] + +[Footnote 194: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 258.] + +[Footnote 195: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...y martes +a 29 [de enero de 1577] empezó a leer. Hubo gran concurso, &c.'] + +[Footnote 196: _Monasticon Augustinianum_ (Munich, 1623), p. 208: +'Primam vero lectionem post tenebras ut auspicabatur, pleno concessu +ad novitatem evocato, inquit: _Dicebamus hesterna die_.' Blanco +García, who quotes this passage (_op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 1), refers +also to p. 119 of a reprint issued at Valladolid in 1890: this reprint +I have not seen.] + +[Footnote 197: Early instances, dating from 1636, are given by Blanco +García, _op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 2. The story first appeared in print +in Spain in 1771, when it was given in the fifth volume of Juan Josef +Lopez de Sedano, _Parnaso Español_ (Madrid, 1768-1778).] + +[Footnote 198: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 199: C. Muiños Sáenz, _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. +LXXIX, p. 29.] + +[Footnote 200: Luis G. Alonso Getino, _Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. +Luis de León_ (Salamanca, 1907), pp. 242-243, 262-263.] + +[Footnote 201: C. Muiños Sáenz, _El 'Decíamos ayer' de Fray Luis de +León_ (Madrid, 1905) and _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, +544-560; (1909), vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, +529-552; (1909), vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, and 177-197.] + +[Footnote 202: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 260-261.] + +[Footnote 203: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 262-263: 'É despues de +lo sobredicho en la dicha ciudad de Salamanca martes á la hora que dió +las diez de la mañana el relox de la iglesia mayor, al fin de la +lecion del padre mº. Pedro de Uceda, que se contaron veinti nueve dias +del mes de Enero... Antonio de Almaraz bedel puso en la posesion del +dicho salario al dicho padre mº. fray Luis de Leon en la catedra +questá en el general mayor de theologia de escuelas mayores, el qual +la tomó é apprehendió sin contradicion ninguna, y _en lugar de +posesion leyó un poco_. É dijo y protestó... que estaba y está presto +de leer el dicho salario é partido, é que si no leyere no se le pare +por ello perjuicio ni se le descuente de su salario y partido ni por +ello sea multado en cosa alguna, pues no es su culpa, hasta tanto que +le den hora en que lea, conforme á lo proveido por la junta de los +señores theologos... y le señalen lectura, é asi lo pidió é protestó, +siendo presentes por todo el Padre mº. Pedro de Uceda... é Antonio de +Almaraz bedel, é otros muchos estudiantes y personas de la universidad +é yo Bartme. Sanchez notario é vicesecretario.'] + +[Footnote 204: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 266-268.] + +[Footnote 205: Blanco García, _op. cit._, pp. 212-213.] + +[Footnote 206: Blanco García, _op. cit._, p. 214, _n._ 1; Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 282-301.] + +[Footnote 207: The bishop seems to have resented Luis de Leon's +opposition to the candidature of the bishop's brother, Juan Gallo, for +the _cátedra de vísperas de teología_. In this contest Juan Gallo, a +Dominican, was defeated by the Augustinian Fray Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 275-277). Guevara was present +when the bishop told Luis de Leon that 'he knew Luis de Leon's +hostility to his (the bishop's) brother had done him more harm than +all the rest' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 261). Later on, Juan +Gallo appears to have been appointed to another chair at Salamanca +(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 318).] + +[Footnote 208: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 303. Salinas, it +should be noted, denied having heard that this applied specially to +opponents of the Dominican order.] + +[Footnote 209: The verses ascribed to Domingo de Guzman are reproduced +in part by Adolfo de Castro, _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles desde la +formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias_ (Madrid, 1847-1880), vol. +XXXV, p. x; they are given in full by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera +in the _Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes_ (Sevilla, 1856), vol. +II, pp. 731-741; (Sevilla, 1857), vol. III, pp. 5-22, 69-80, 209-220. +La Barrera, following Gallardo, was careful to point out that lines +37-40 of the verses to Urganda la Desconocida are practically +identical with four lines in Domingo de Guzman's _glosa_. Sr. +Rodríguez Marín, in his edition of _Don Quixote_, published at Madrid +in 1916-1917, prints the four lines (vol. I, pp. 49-50) in inverted +commas. Cervantes, if he meant to quote, must have trusted to his +memory. + + GUZMAN CERVANTES + + que don Albaro de Luna, Que don Aluaro de Lu + que Anibal Cartajines, Que Anibal el de Carta + que Francisco Rey frances, Que Rey Francisco de Espa + se queja de la fortuna. Se quexa de la fortu. + +In Guzman's case I reproduce La Barrera's transcription. In the case +of Cervantes I follow the spelling adopted in the _princeps_ of the +First Part of _Don Quixote_. + +For some readers, it may be convenient to refer to the revised but +abridged reprint in C.A. de la Barrera, _El Cachetero del Buscapié_ +(Santander, 1916), pp. 133-136.] + +[Footnote 210: The first _quintilla_ of some verses by a poetaster on +Luis de Leon's side is quoted by Fray Antolin Merino in the preface to +his edition of the _Poesías_ of Luis de Leon contained in the _Obras +del Il. Fr. Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1804-1805-1806-1816), vol. XI, p. +xxv: + + Luis y Mingo pretenden + casarse con Ana bella, + cada cual pretende habella, + mas segun todos entienden + muérese por Luis ella. + +[Footnote 211: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...En este +año (79) domingo 6 de diciembre se proveyó la (cátedra) de Biblia a +Fr. Luis de Leon, y el dia siguiente tomó la posesión: tuvo 281 votos, +y el maestro fr. Domingo de Guzman tuvo 245: llevóla con 36 votos.'] + +[Footnote 212: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328-1329: +'Reguláronse los cursos, y vino en llevarla por solo tres Cursos, y +esto fué quitando un voto señalado, que tenia cinco cursos, el cual se +sospechó era Dominico. No pudiendo conformarse con él, hubo concierto +entre los frailes, que votasen de Santo Domingo 100 y de San Agustin +50. Anduvo pleito hasta viernes 13 de Octubre de 81, que sentenciaron +en Valladolid en favor de fr. Luis de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 213: For example, by Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 268-274.] + +[Footnote 214: This is stated by Alonso Fernandez, who wrote more than +twenty years after the election. A relevant passage is given in Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 272-273.] + +[Footnote 215: The terms of Suarez's order are reproduced by Blanco +García, _op. cit._, p. 218, _n._ 3.] + +[Footnote 216: Nothing was known of this second suit by the Valladolid +Inquisitors till 1882, when a considerable part of the report of the +proceedings was published by Sr. D. Álvarez Guijarro in the _Revista +Hispano-Americana_. + +It was given later more fully in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (Madrid, 1896), +vol. XLI, pp. 15-31, by P. Francisco Blanco García. The subsequent +references are to the _tirage à part_ entitled: _Segundo Proceso +instruído por la Inquisición de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de León +con prólogo y notas del P. Francisco Blanco García_ (Madrid, 1896).] + +[Footnote 217: Zumel gives the date (Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, +p. 40) as January 21; the delator, Santa Cruz, fixes the date a day +earlier (Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 20).] + +[Footnote 218: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 31: '...mouime lo +uno por parecerme que los padres dominicos le querian oprimir por ser +de la compañia contra la qual se muestran siempre apasionados y lo +otro y principal porque me pareció gran sin razon condenar por eregía +una cosa que la presuponen por cierta muchos sanctos y otros muchos +catholicos sanctos y no sanctos la afirman y defienden...'] + +[Footnote 219: Luis de Leon merely says (Blanco García, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 31) 'un fraile benito': Castañeda's full name is given in +the report of the Valladolid Inquisitors (Blanco García, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 52).] + +[Footnote 220: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 32: '...porque se +dezia en la escuela que el maestro yuañez dezia que era error +pelagiano yo dixe que no tenia razon de ponelle aquella nota,...'] + +[Footnote 221: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 33: '...y despues +del acto me dixo el maestro Vañez que el quedaba bien satisfecho de la +manera como el sustentante auia declarado su opinion'.] + +[Footnote 222: Juan de Guevara and Pedro de Aragon, for example. This +emerges from the evidence of the Augustinian Fray Martín de Coscojales +(Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 37). Pedro de Aragon was Duns +Scotus Professor of Theology at Salamanca, a former pupil of Luis de +Leon's and a great admirer of his. He appeared as a witness against +Luis de Leon (Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-37).] + +[Footnote 223: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 20-27.] + +[Footnote 224: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 328.] + +[Footnote 225: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 28-34.] + +[Footnote 226: Even in his official _calificacion_ Joan de la Cruz +(Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 24) speaks of 'las [cosas] que +yo ví y las que oy y se por Relacion....'] + +[Footnote 227: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 35.] + +[Footnote 228: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-40.] + +[Footnote 229: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +p. 225; Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 40-45.] + +[Footnote 230: This seems to follow from a question which Luis de Leon +proposed to put to six witnesses: the Augustinians Juan de Guevara, +Pedro de Rojas, and Hernando de Peralto, and three laymen, Loarte, +Ruiz, and Madrigal: 'Item si saben etc. que el maestro fray Domingo +Ibañez, antes y al tiempo que juró y depuso en esta causa, era y es +enemigo capital del dicho fray Luis de Leon, ansí por ser fraile +dominico como porque se opuso contra él á una substitucion de +vísperas, y se la llevó fray Luis de Leon con mucho exceso, de lo cual +él y sus frailes se sintieron mucho' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 261-263). Luis de Leon was mistaken in supposing that Bañez had +deposed against him at Valladolid. Alonso Getino endeavours to show +(_op. cit._, pp. 384-386) that Luis de Leon never competed against +Bañez, and that his memory played him a trick on this point.] + +[Footnote 231: See note 222.] + +[Footnote 232: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 46-47: 'V.P. dexe +las cosas de la orden aunque esten en peor estado del que hahora +tienen, trate de su cathreda, y dexe de tomar á su cargo el remedio de +las tiranias. No llame tyrano a nadie, y sepa V.P. que publicamente +dicen muchos religiosos que V.P. no hiço bien a nadie y disgustos sí a +muchos, recibiendo buenas obras de aquellos a quien hahora maltrata, +cosa que no puede tener buen suçeso ni puede parecer bien a nadie.'] + +[Footnote 233: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 234: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 52-53: '...sea +gravemente Reprehendido, y... que en su cathedra publicamente declare +la calidad de las proposiciones que se le dieren diçiendo que en +dezir que lo contrario de lo que el sustentaba era heregía, dixo mal, +y que esto era su parezer'. The official report of the proceedings +must be incomplete, for Arresse's _parecer_ mentions that Domingo de +Guzman had spoken of receiving an apology from Luis de Leon. No +evidence by Domingo de Guzman is disclosed in the record.] + +[Footnote 235: Fr. Heinrich Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873), p. 111.] + +[Footnote 236: Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53: 'En Toledo... +parescío siendo llamado, el Maestro fray Luis de Leon..., al qual su +señoría Illma reprehendío y declaro la culpa que contra el resulta +por los auctos y meritos deste processo, y le amoneste benigna y +caritativamente, que de aquí adelante se abstenga de dezir, ni +deffender publica ni secretamente, las proposiciones que paresce haver +dicho y defendido,... y el ha confesado que la sentencia dellas no +caresce de alguna temeridad, ni otras semejantes, con apercibimiento +que no lo cumpliendo se procedera contra el por todo rigor de derecho, +y el dicho fray luis de leon promettío de lo cumplir y que lo haria +assí.] + +[Footnote 237: By Sr. D. Carlos Álvarez Guijarro. Blanco García +(_Segundo proceso_, p. 54, _n._ 1) dissents from this view.] + +[Footnote 238: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 305-308.] + +[Footnote 239: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 308-315.] + +[Footnote 240: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 316.] + +[Footnote 241: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 309, 317-318.] + +[Footnote 242: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 319-320.] + +[Footnote 243: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 321.] + +[Footnote 244: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 327-329.] + +[Footnote 245: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-331.] + +[Footnote 246: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-335.] + +[Footnote 247: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico, +&c._, pp. 236-239.] + +[Footnote 248: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +pp. 239-240. The pressmark of this autograph letter in the British +Museum is Add. MSS. 28, 698.] + +[Footnote 249: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +pp. 242-244.] + +[Footnote 250: The whole episode is clearly set forth by Blanco +García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, pp. 246-250.] + +[Footnote 251: Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico_, +pp. 248-249; Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 349-351.] + +[Footnote 252: A passage in Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 349) +describes Santa Maria as 'contemporáneo de los sucesos'. This, though +literally true, is somewhat misleading. Santa Maria was twenty-four +the year that Luis de Leon died. See Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, +col. 489.] + +[Footnote 253: '...al principal de ellos [los que habían procurado el +Breve] y pretensor de mitra, le costó la vida el sentimiento que tuvo +de ver tan indignado al Rey Católico'. I have not been able to consult +Jesús y Maria's work. My quotation, like Alonso Getino's (_op. cit._, +p. 354), is taken at second-hand from Vicente de la Fuente's edition +of Saint Theresa's works.] + +[Footnote 254: January 26, 1591, is the latest date attached to the +_Documentos_ published by Cristóbal Pérez Pastor, _Bibliografía +madrileña_ (Madrid, 1907), Parte III, pp. 404-409. On January 25, +1591, Luis de Leon signed a document undertaking to accept 1,000 +_reales_ in lieu of 2,800 due to him by the estate of Cornelio Bonard, +formerly a bookseller at Salamanca; see Cristóbal Pérez Pastor, +_Bibliografía madrileña_ (Madrid, 1906), Parte II, pp. 454-455.] + +[Footnote 255: F. Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53. The +Salamancan Inquisitors reported to the Supreme Inquisition: +'...havemos entendido que los de su orden se xatan y alaban de que en +este sto offiº se a declarado ser verdad lo que el dho frai luis +sustentó...'] + +[Footnote 256: F. Blanco García, _Segundo proceso_, p. 49.] + +[Footnote 257: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540.] + +[Footnote 258: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 355.] + +[Footnote 259: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540, _n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 260: Alonso Getino writes (_op. cit._, p. 355): 'al ser +elegido Provincial, nueve dias antes de morir, no puede suponerse que +estuviera enfermo de consideración'. This is a guess very wide of the +mark. F. de Méndez, in the _Revista Agustiniana_ (1881), quoted (p. +351) Juan Quijano, a contemporary whose chronicle is now lost, as +saying that when Luis de Leon was elected Provincial he was already +confined to his bed with the illness of which he died.] + +[Footnote 261: The portrait and character-sketch will be found in the +photo-chromotype reproduction of Francisco Pacheco, _Libro de +descripcion de verdaderos retratos de illustres y memorables +varones_. The original is dated Sevilla, 1599. The reproduction, due +to José María Asensio y Toledo, was photo-chromotyped between 1881 and +1884. Owing to the rarity of the reproduction, it has been thought +desirable to reprint in an appendix the passage in which Pacheco deals +with Luis de Leon.] + +[Footnote 262: The reference is given by C. Muiños Sáenz, _Sobre el +'Decíamos ayer'... y otros excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), +vol. LXXX, p. 119.] + + + + +V + + +By his contemporaries Luis de Leon was perhaps more esteemed as a +theologian or a scholar than as a man of letters. This judgement has +been reversed by posterity mainly on the strength of the Spanish poems +which were little known during the author's lifetime beyond a small +circle of his personal friends.[263] Experts tell us that as a +theologian he ranks below his master Melchor Cano; and in the annals +of scholarship Luis de Leon is less conspicuous than Benito Arias +Montano and than Francisco Sanchez (_el Brocense_). Few now read for +pleasure the treatises which Luis de Leon composed in a dead language: +in any case these treatises can add nothing to his reputation as a +writer of Spanish, and it is solely as a Spanish author that he +concerns us here and now. He was by no means the earliest of devout +writers to use Spanish as a literary medium. There is a long and +illustrious bead-roll of authors from Bernardino de Laredo to Saint +Theresa to prove the contrary. Much less was Luis de Leon the first +post-Renaissance scholar to recognize that Spanish had a great future +before it. Yet, if we take leave to assume that Luis de Granada was an +ascetic rather than an extatic, we may account Luis de Leon as perhaps +the first professional scholar to perceive that Spanish was adequate +to convey the subtleties of theology and the ravishments of mysticism. +His chief prose works in Castilian include the _Exposicion del libro +de Job_, a commentary dedicated to Madre Ana de Jesús, but not +published till near the end of the eighteenth century (1779). The +_provenance_ of this work calls for no explanation. Apart from the +quotation of a passage in Jorge Manrique's _Coplas_, the _Exposicion +del libro de Job_ offers few indications of Spanish origin and fewer +personal touches. Equally Biblical in origin are a rendering of the +_Song of Songs_ and a corresponding commentary; the existence of both +has a personal interest inasmuch as they prove that Luis de Leon was +enabled to carry out a long cherished design by means of which he +hoped, as he declared at Valladolid, to counterbalance the indiscreet +prying of Fray Diego de Leon. _La Perfecta Casada_ (1583) and _De los +nombres de Cristo_ (1583-1585) likewise have their roots in Scripture. +_La Perfecta Casada_ is avowedly based on the thirty-first chapter of +_Proverbs_, and _De los nombres de Cristo_, the first part of which +appeared simultaneously with _La Perfecta Casada_,[264] discusses the +various symbolic names applied to the Saviour in the Bible. + +_La Perfecta Casada_ is dedicated to Maria Varela Osorio, a recently +wedded bride, who may have been a distant kinswoman of the +author's.[265] Nowhere more clearly than in this treatise does Luis de +Leon justify the statement that he had a Hebrew soul. He takes for +granted the Oriental point of view, and illustrates his imperious +thesis with ample quotations from writers of all types--pagans, +Christians, saints, and laymen. There are references to Simonides, to +Sophocles, to Euripides, to Plutarch, to Saint Clement of Alexandria, +to Saint Cyprian, to Saint Ambrose, to Garcilasso de la Vega. It seems +likely that _La Perfecta Casada_ was written after _De los nombres de +Cristo_, which was almost certainly begun in prison. But there is +perhaps nothing in the internal evidence of the style which would +point to that conclusion. The style of _La Perfecta Casada_ is +vigorous and clear; but it is marred by gusts of rhetoric and by an +excess of copulative conjunctions. These peculiarities produce the +effect of relative inexperience, and might easily mislead a too +confident critic. + +_De los nombres de Cristo_ is cast in the Platonic form of dialogue, +and, in the section entitled _Pastor_, Plato is quoted by name. But +the Hellenic influence, though present, is not dominant. Already +Alonso de Orozco had anticipated Luis de Leon with _De los nueve +nombres de Cristo_,[266] and there are points of contact in the +handling as is inevitable from the similarity of the subject. But it +cannot be denied that Luis de Leon's work is suffused with a warmer, +more human interest than Orozco's brief sketch. These more intimate +personal elements are present on almost every page of _De los nombres +de Cristo_. Nobody can read far without perceiving that Marcello, +hindered by his _poca salud y muchas occupaciones_, is manifestly a +double of Luis de Leon; there are passages which gloss themes +developed metrically elsewhere; there are retrospicient glances at the +Valladolid trial; the scene of the dialogue is laid within view of La +Flecha, and the details of the landscape are reproduced with exact +fidelity; Luis de Leon has a freer hand in _De los nombres de Cristo_ +than in his other prose works, but here again in his paraphrases of +the Biblical passages relating to Christ his interpretation is at one +with the interpretation of the prophets. And this identity of +sentiment has in it nothing dramatic. Those who have alleged that Luis +de Leon came of Jewish stock may have been--apparently were--mistaken; +but their mistake is comprehensible, for more than any contemporary +Spanish poet--more even than Herrera in his odes--is he saturated with +the Jewish spirit. In all his work Luis de Leon adheres closely to the +Bible. In the _De los nombres de Cristo_ he is also a Platonist within +limits: not so much as regards the manner (which tends to an +oratorical pomp more reminiscent of Cicero) as in his conciliatory +method. With the Jewish and Hellenic blend of influence we must rate +the Latin influence--that of Horace and of Virgil. The influence of +Horace on Luis de Leon has been often noted. It exists no doubt, but +has perhaps been exaggerated: why should we suppose that his love of +moderation was learnt from Horace and was not partly, at least, +temperamental? May not the references to Horace be a characteristic of +humanism? An opinion backed by the weight of classical authority must +reach us with irresistible force, must it not? However this may be, +the predominant influence in _De los nombres de Cristo_, as in all +Luis de Leon's prose, is Scriptural and Christian. In maturity of +development, in intellectual force, in beauty of expression, and in +general adequateness, _De los nombres de Cristo_ exhibits Luis de +Leon's prose at its culmination. The book is dedicated to Pedro +Portocarrero,[267] Bishop of Calahorra, who had previously twice been +rector of Salamanca University. It seems probable that Luis de Leon's +friendship with him dates back to 1566-1567, when Portocarrero held +the office of rector for the second time. Besides _De los nombres de +Cristo_ Luis de Leon dedicated to Portocarrero _In Abdiam prophetam +Explanatio_ (1589) and the manuscript collection of his poems. For +some reason not very obvious this collection of verses was not +published till 1631 when it was issued by Quevedo, who hoped that it +would help to stem the current of Gongorism in Spain. The poems, +printed forty years after the author's death, appeared too late to +affect the public taste. Góngora himself had died in 1627, but his +influence was undiminished. Quevedo, who had obtained his copies of +Luis de Leon's verses from Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, a canon of +Seville cathedral, did his share as editor by writing two prefaces, +one addressed to Sarmiento de Mendoza, and the other to Olivares who +was manifestly expected to pronounce against Gongorism. Olivares, +however, had no reason to love Quevedo, and was resolved to take no +active part in what he doubtless regarded as a scribblers' quarrel. +Gongorism pursued its way unchecked. Quevedo's edition, though +incomplete and disfigured by certain errors, was reprinted at Milan +during the same year (1631), and then all interest in Luis de Leon +flickered out for a while. + +In the prefatory note of the 1631 Madrid edition--entitled _Obras +propias, y traduciones latinas, griegas y italianas_--Luis de Leon +speaks of his poems slightingly as mere playthings of his youth, now +brought together at the request of an anonymous friend--perhaps Benito +Arias Montano--to whom they had been ascribed. Luis de Leon arranges +the material in three books, containing respectively his original +compositions, his translations from authors profane, and his versions +of certain psalms, a hymn, and chapters from the Book of Job. But, +beyond the general statement as to the early date of composition, Luis +de Leon gives no precise information as to when individual poems were +written. The assertion that the poems date back almost to the author's +childhood is contradicted by concrete facts. Take, for instance, the +celebrated _Noche serena_ dedicated to Oloarte. If, as I conjecture, +the dedicatee of the _Noche serena_ is identical with the Diego de +Loarte, archdeacon of Ledesma, who gave evidence at Salamanca on +January 27, 1573, and who on that date had known Luis de Leon for +fourteen years, the _Noche serena_ cannot have been composed earlier +than 1559 when Luis de Leon was thirty-one--youthful, indeed, but long +past his _niñez_. On January 17, 1573, Francisco Salinas testified at +Salamanca to having known Luis de Leon for six years: whence it +follows that _El aire se serena_ cannot have been written before 1567, +when Luis de Leon was bordering on his fortieth year. As Don Carlos +died on July 24, 1568, the _Cancion a la muerte de don Carlos_ and the +_Epitafio al túmulo del príncipe don Carlos_ must necessarily have +been composed after that date; that is, when Luis de Leon was just +forty and had left his _niñez_ far behind him. Besides a general +dedication to Portocarrero, the collection includes three individual +poems which are dedicated to that personage: (1) _Virtud, hija del +Cielo_; (2) _No siempre es poderosa_; (3) _La cana y alta cumbre_. In +_La cana y alta cumbre_ there is a reference to + + la cruda guerra + que agora el Marte airado + despierta en la alta sierra. + +These verses can scarcely allude to anything but the Alpujarras rising +of 1568-1571, and the conjecture hardens into certainty in view of the +mention of Alonso and Poqueira: this is clearly the Alonso +Portocarrero who, as Hurtado de Mendoza records, perished at Poqueira, +'trabado del veneno usado dende los tiempos antiguos entre cazadores'. +This poem must have been written when Luis de Leon was at least +forty-one. _Virtud, hija del cielo_, in mentioning the _Miño_, refers +to Portocarrero's appointment in Galicia; and as Portocarrero's term +of office appears to have lasted from 1571 to 1580, the poem cannot be +dated earlier than 1571 when Luis de Leon was over forty-three. If the +mention of _la morisca armada_ in the lines _A Santiago_ glances at +the battle of Lepanto which was fought on October 7, 1571, then the +poem must have been written after that date, when the author was close +on forty-four. The verses dedicated to Juan de Grial, with their +closing reference to the writer's trials: + + Que yo, de un torbellino + traidor acometido, y derrocado + del medio del camino + al hondo, el plectro amado + y del vuelo las alas he quebrado; + +the fervent entreaty _A todos los santos_ and its unreserved lament: + + No niego, dulce amparo + del alma, que mis males son mayores + que aqueste desamparo; + mas cuanto son peores, + tanto resonaran mas tus loores; + +the very beautiful and justly renowned _Virgen que el sol mas pura_, +with its heart-rending supplication: + + los ojos vuelve al suelo + y mira un miserable en cárcel dura + cercado de tinieblas y tristeza: + +possibly[268] the song _Del conocimiento de si mismo_, with its +significant simile: + + el gusanillo de la gente hollado + un rey era, conmigo comparado; + +and assuredly the famous _quintillas_ beginning _Aqui la envidia y +mentira_: these compositions were probably composed during, or after, +the writer's imprisonment at Valladolid, that is to say between the +spring of 1572 and the winter of 1576, when Luis de Leon was from +forty-four or forty-five to forty-eight or forty-nine. _Del mundo y su +vanidad_ glances at + + la grave desventura + del lusitano, por su mal valiente, + la soberbia bravura + de su animosa gente + desbaratada miserablemente. + +This passage obviously recalls the disastrous defeat of Sebastian I, +King of Portugal, at Al-Kaor al-Kebir in August 1578, when Luis de +Leon was more than fifty years of age. If these inferences are valid, +it would follow that many of his original poems were not composed till +he was nearly forty or more. It is difficult to reconcile these +conclusions with the author's categorical assertion that the poems +were produced during his early years. As Luis de Leon was the least +vain, as well as the most truthful of men, an explanation must be +found, and it is perhaps permissible to suggest that Luis de Leon +wrote a prefatory note to Portocarrero intending it to be placed at +the beginning of the Second Book which contains his poems translated +from Roman and other authors. By some mischance the poet's intention +was frustrated; perhaps a leaf was out of place in Sarmiento de +Mendoza's copy; perhaps Quevedo is directly responsible for what +occurred. At any rate, the letter dedicatory was bisected, the greater +part of it being transferred to the beginning of the First Book, while +a mere morsel came to be printed at the beginning of the Third Book. +This surmise may serve till a better explanation is forthcoming. + +It is not to be inferred from the foregoing summary that all Luis de +Leon's original and graver compositions were written during his +maturity, but there is some reason to think that his earlier efforts +in verse took the form of translations. Though it is undoubtedly true +that his poems as a whole were not published till 1631, four isolated +pieces of his strayed into print as early as 1574 when they were +included by Francisco Sanchez, _el Brocense_, in the notes to his +edition of the _Obras del excelente poeta Garci-Lasso de la +Vega_.[269] At that date Luis de Leon was in the secret prison-cells +of the Inquisition at Valladolid. Sanchez had been a colleague of his +at Salamanca for some six years, was on friendly terms with him, knew +the exact turn things were taking, felt that no good, and possibly +some harm, might be done by mentioning the prisoner's name, and +accordingly gave a version of an Horatian ode with the comment: 'vn +docto destos reynos la traduxo bi[~e]'[270]. This needs +interpretation. There can be no doubt that Luis de Leon was a very +competent Latin scholar; neither is there any doubt that he had a +profound admiration for Horace. At his best, his Horatian versions, +if somewhat lacking in polish, are remarkably faithful and vigorous. +But when we find him in his translation of the eighteenth ode of the +Second Book rendering _salis avarus_ by _de sal avariento_--the second +person singular of the present indicative of the verb _salire_ being +mistaken for the genitive of the substantive _sal_[271]--we may +perhaps conclude that a boyish exercise has somehow escaped +destruction. + +It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is restricted in +his choice of themes, and it is impossible to deny that his sacred +profession acted as something of a limitation to him. Still, when the +mood was on him, he rent his chains asunder as readily as Samson broke +the seven green withs at Gaza: 'as a thread of tow is broken when it +toucheth the fire.' Perhaps nobody would guess off-hand that the +_Profecia del Tajo_ was the handiwork of a sixteenth-century monk, a +dweller in the rarefied atmosphere of mysticism. It only remained for +a friar in the opposition camp to discover nearly three hundred years +later a tendency in Luis de Leon to treat sensual themes in a sensual +fashion.[272] To deal seriously with a belated judgement based on +malignant ignorance would be a waste of time. It is the very irony of +fate that the poem which has been the subject of severe censure should +prove to be a translation from Cardinal Bembo.[273] The standard of +the twentieth century is not the standard of the sixteenth, and it is +certain that Luis de Leon has not the unfettered liberty of a godless +layman. He is restrained by his austere temperament, by his monk's +habit, by Christian doctrine. Nevertheless he moves with easy grace +and dignity on planes so far apart as those of patriotism, of +devotion, of human sympathy, of introspection. His patriotism finds +powerful expression, as already noted, in the _Profecia del Tajo_, +besprinkled with sonorous place-names, these growing fewer as the +movement is accelerated, and Father Tagus describes with a mixture of +picturesque mediaeval sentiment and martial music the onset of the +Arabs and the clangour of arms as they meet the doomed Gothic host. In +the sphere of devotional poetry Luis de Leon nowhere displays more +unction, more ecstatic piety than in the verses on the Ascension +beginning with the line: + + Y dexas, Pastor santo. + +It will be observed that the conjunction _y_, so superabundant in _La +Perfecta Casada_, is the first word of this poem, of which Churton has +supplied a well-known rendering: + + And dost Thou, holy Shepherd, leave + Thy flock in this dark vale alone, + In cheerless solitude to grieve, + Whilst Thou to endless rest art gone? + + The sheep, in Thy protection blest, + Untended wilt Thou leave to mourn? + The lambs, once cherished at Thy breast, + Forlorn,--oh! whither shall they turn? + + Where shall those eyes now find repose, + That pine Thy gracious glance to see? + What can they hear but sounds of woes, + Sad exiles from discourse with Thee? + + And who shall curb this troubled deep, + When Thou no more amidst the gloom + Shalt chide the wrathful winds to sleep, + And guide the labouring vessel home? + + For Thou art gone! that cloud so bright + That bears Thee from our gaze away, + Springs upward into dazzling light, + And leaves us here to weep and pray. + +Four additional stanzas, accepted as authentic by perhaps the most +painstaking of Luis de Leon's editors, are thus Englished by Churton: + + Our life has lost its richest store, + The balm for sorrow's inward thorn, + The hope, that, gladd'ning more and more, + Out-brighten'd all the springs of morn. + + Ah me! my soul, what hateful chain + Holds back thy freeborn spirit's flight? + Oh break it, disenthrall'd from pain, + And mount those azure depths of light. + + Why should'st thou fear? What earth-born spell + Is on thee, with thy choice at strife + The soul no dying pang can quell, + But loss of Christ is death in life. + + Dear Lord, and Friend, more dear to me + Than all the names Earth's love hath found, + Through darkest gloom I'll follow Thee, + Or cheer'd with beaming glory round. + +Now there is no question of mere executive skill and simple +craftsmanship in Luis de Leon's poems. He is, indeed, always sound and +competent in these respects; but artistry is not his supreme virtue as +a poet. He is ever prone to be a little rugged in his manner, and this +ruggedness has proved something of a trap to the unwary. Luis de Leon +has no real mannerisms, and is no more to be parodied than is +Shakespeare. Yet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish him at his +worst from his imitators at their best. Though withheld so long from +the public, Luis de Leon's poems, while still in manuscript, were +repeatedly imitated--especially by Augustinians. To my way of +thinking, he is most nearly approached by his friend Arias Montano. +But it should be said that this is not the general verdict. That goes +decisively in favour of Miguel Sanchez, _el Divino_. Miguel Sanchez is +the author of a beautiful _Cancion de Cristo Crucificado_, a poem +which, though not published till 1605 with the real writer's name +attached to it, has constantly been ascribed to Luis de Leon.[274] The +_Cancion_ is no doubt a composition of great charm and mystic unction; +but it lacks the concentrated force of Luis de Leon. Luis de Leon has +a lofty dignity of his own; he outstrips all rivalry by virtue of his +nobility, by virtue of his intellectual vigour, by virtue of sheer +excellence rather than by curious refinements of technique. These +positive qualities defy reproduction by even the most accomplished of +imitators. It has been said that Luis de Leon's verse, as well as his +prose, has noticeable roughnesses; but let us not derive a wrong +impression from this assertion. Luis de Leon is not 'finicking'. +Withal he is a master of his art. Retrograde as we may perhaps think +him in some matters, he was on the side of the reformers in the +matter of metrics. He was a partisan of Boscan's innovating methods: +so much might be expected from a man of his period. It is to be noted +that, in his best poems, he shows a decided preference for _liras_, a +form apparently invented by Bernardo Tasso before it was transplanted +to Spain by Garcilasso de la Vega. Luis de Leon was of opinion that +those who violate poetry, using it for purposes of a meretricious +kind, deserved punishment as public corrupters of two most sacred +things: poetry and morals. It is one of the curious ironies of art +that the measure which the seductive Garcilasso used for amatory +purposes should have appealed to Luis de Leon as the vehicle most +suited to enraptured chants and hymns of philosophic meditation. + +It is obvious that Luis de Leon took a keen interest in all the real +essentials of his art. It is no less obvious that he saw matters in +their actual perspective, that he attached no undue importance to +technique, as such, and that he gave no less weight to the choice of +matter than to the choice of form. Luis de Leon was not incapable of +metrical audacities: as when he divides into two separate words +adverbs in _-mente_ occurring at the end of a line. This practice was +audacious, but it was not an innovation. Juan de Almeida defended it +by citing a host of precedents from other literatures and, had Almeida +been a prophet, he might have foretold that this device was destined +to be repeated hundreds of years later by that innovating genius Rubén +Darío. But Almeida was not a prophet. His titles to remembrance are +that he was learned, and that he may rank with Miguel Sanchez, with +Alonso de Espinosa, and with Benito Arias Montano as among the least +unsuccessful of Luis de Leon's followers. They often follow his lead +with undeniable adroitness. Yet they never attain his incomparable +concentration, his majestic vision of nature and his characteristic +note of ecstatic aloofness. Nowhere is he more himself than in the +immortal stanzas dedicated to Oloarte under the title of _Noche +serena_ of which Churton has bequeathed us an English version which I +will quote, though it gives but a far-off echo of the original's magic +melody: + + When nightly through the sky + I view the stars their files unnumber'd leading, + Then see the dark earth lie + In deathlike trance, unheeding + How Life and Time with those bright orbs are speeding: + + Strong love and equal pain + Wake in my heart a fire with anguish burning; + The tear-drops fall like rain, + Mine eyes to fountains turning, + And my sad voice pours forth its tones of mourning: + + O mansion of high state, + Bright temple of bright saints in beauty dwelling, + The soul, once born to mate + With these, what force repelling + Hath bound to earth, its light in darkness quelling? + + What mortal disaccord + Hath exiled so from Truth the mind unstable? + Why of its blest reward + Forgetful, lost, unable, + Seeks it each shadowy fraud and guileful fable? + + Man lies in slumber dead, + Like one that of his danger hath no feeling, + The while with silent tread + Those restless orbs are wheeling, + And, as they fly, his hours of life are stealing. + + O mortals, wake and rise; + Think of the loss that on your lives is pressing; + The soul, that never dies, + Ordain'd for endless blessing, + How shall it live, false shows for truth caressing? + + Ah, raise your fainting eyes + To that firm sphere which still new glory weareth, + And scorn the low disguise + The flattering world prepareth, + And all the world's poor thrall hopeth or feareth. + + O what is all earth's round, + Brief scene of man's proud strife and vain endeavour, + Weigh'd with that deep profound, + That tideless Ocean-river, + That onward bears Time's fleeting forms for ever? + + Once meditate, and see + That fix'd accord in wondrous variance given, + The mighty harmony + Of courses all uneven, + Wherein each star keeps time and place in heaven. + + Who can behold that store + Of light unspent, and not, with very sighing, + Burst earth's frail bonds, and soar, + With soul unbodied flying, + From this sad place of exile and of dying? + + There dwelleth sweet Content; + There is the reign of Peace; there, throned in splendour, + As one pre-eminent, + With dove-like eyes so tender, + Sits holy Love,--honour and joy attend her. + + There is reveal'd whate'er + Of Beauty thought can reach; the source internal + Of purest Light, that ne'er + To darkness yields; eternal + Bloom the bright flowers in clime for ever vernal. + + There would my spirit be, + Those quiet fields and pleasant meads exploring, + Where Truth immortally, + Her priceless wealth outpouring, + Feeds through the blissful vales the souls of saints adoring. + +The fact that the original is cast in the _lira_ form would compel one +to assign this composition to a date not earlier than 1542, when +Garcilasso's poems were first published. Nothing, however, could be +more remote from Garcilasso's nebulous half-pagan melancholy; we are +no less distant from the pseudonymous nymphs of Cetina and Francisco +de la Torre: the elegant Amaryllis of the one, the elusive Filis of +the other, though destined to be re-incarnated by a tribe of later +poets, find no place in these stately numbers. Luis de Leon does not +emulate Alcázar's epigrammatic wit, nor Herrera's Petrarchan +sweetness, nor Ercilla's tumultuous rhetoric. He has an individuality +all his own, the moral purpose of the man is wedded to the poet's art +in such wise that he strikes a note individual and completely new in +Spanish literature--a note rarely heard in any literature till we +catch its strain in the verses of him who tells us that + + The Youth, who daily farther from the east + Must travel, still is Nature's Priest, + And by the vision splendid + Is on his way attended; + At length the Man perceives it die away, + And fade into the light of common day. + +In Luis de Leon, as in Wordsworth, art is raised to a hieratic +dignity: both have a splendid simplicity, a most lofty expression of +sublime meditation--qualities rare everywhere in every age, and rarest +of all in the flamboyant, if gloomy, Spain of the sixteenth century. + +Luis de Leon has his weak points. He does not attain to the angelic +melody of St. John of the Cross. He is apt to be indifferent to sheer +beauty of form; though he often reaches it, this success seems with +him to be a happy accident. Lucidity is not his main object; though he +uses simple terms, his immense range of knowledge tempts him at whiles +to indulge in allusions which it might tax all the ingenuity of +commentators to explain. Commentators of Luis de Leon have a +sufficiently heavy task before them in reconstructing the text of his +poems--the heavier because the originals no longer exist. Sr. de Onís +has given us some idea of the problems to be solved.[275] Whatever +flaws are revealed in Luis de Leon's manner, he is nearly always +vital, nearly always has something elevating, illuminating and +beautiful to say. As a human being, too, he is not above criticism. +There is an unpleasant savour in the story that he asked Antonio Perez +to let him have the Chrysostom manuscript which he proposed to +translate in Paris, the profits to be divided. We need not believe +this perhaps calumnious little tale. Antonio Perez is open to +suspicion of being an assassin and a traitor; he may also have been +untruthful. Luis de Leon is not a candidate for canonization. He was +no icicle of perfection. He was something vastly more interesting than +a chill intellectual: a man ardent, austere, conscious of resplendent +intellectual faculties, perhaps a little arrogant when off his guard, +incautious but wary, individualistic but self-sacrificing, emotional, +sensitive, reticent: a mass of conflicting qualities blended, unified +and held in subjection by sheer strength of will, fortified by a +professional discipline, deliberately embraced and rigorously +followed. Add to this that he had in a supreme degree the creative +impulse, an irrepressible instinct for self-expression. It is not +strange that the self-expression of a personality so fine, so complex, +so rich, so rare, should produce the series of compositions which +entitle Luis de Leon to rank among the very greatest of Spanish +poets, and beside the most glorious figures in the history of any +literature. He stands a little apart from the rest of Spanish poets in +a splendid solitude which befits him; he must perforce be solitary, +dwelling as he most often does at altitudes inaccessible to ordinary +mortals. + + Those solemn heights but to the stars are known, + But to the stars, and the cold lunar beams: + Alone the sun arises, and alone + Spring the great streams. + + + + +V + + +[Footnote 263: They must have been known to the dedicatee of the +_Noche serena_, whom I am inclined to identify with Diego de Olarte +who appeared before the Valladolid tribunal (_Documentos inéditos_, +vol. XI, pp. 301-302). But the only positive evidence on this head is +given by Francisco de Salinas who testified 'que era amigo del dicho +fray Luis de Leon, el cual venia muchas veces á casa deste testigo, y +oyó deste testigo la especulativa, y comunicaba con este testigo cosas +de poesía y otras cosas del arte' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. +302-303).] + +[Footnote 264: In the early editions--those of 1583, 1585, 1587, 1595, +and 1603--_De los nombres de Cristo_ and _La Perfecta Casada_ are +bound up together. Each treatise has a separate pagination in all five +cases.] + +[Footnote 265: Luis de Leon's mother was 'Inés de Valera, hija de Juan +de Valera, vecino que fué de la villa de Belmente, escudero, que vivia +de su hacienda' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 170-171). The +substitution of Varela for Valera, or vice versa, is easy in Spanish. +An example of such a substitution in the case of Luis de Leon's mother +is given by Blanco García, _Fr. Luis de León_, p. 24, _n._ 1. Blanco +García mentions a tombstone in the monastery of San Jerónimo at +Granada with the following inscription: + +'_En esta capilla está enterrado el noble hidalgo el Lic. Lope de Leon +del Cº del Rey nuestro Señor, Oidor que fué de Granada, y Asistente de +Sevilla: falleció á 24 de Julio de 1562 años: y Doña Inés Barela_ +(sic), _y Alarcon, su mujer, dotó esta capilla para entierro suyo y de +sus descendientes._' + +The name of Luis de Leon's maternal grandmother was Mencía Alvarez +Osorio. From these circumstances, it appears possible that some +relationship existed between the dedicatee of _La Perfecta Casada_ and +the author of that treatise. Luis de Leon had four maternal uncles, +three of whom were laymen--Francisco de Valera, Bernardino de Valera, +and Cristóbal de Alarcon, 'capitan que fué en Italia'. All three had +died before April 15, 1572 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 181). + +It is also possible that Isabel Osorio (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. +XI, p. 271), to whom the manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Songs_ was lent, may likewise have been related to Luis de +Leon.] + +[Footnote 266: Orozco's treatise was printed in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1888), vol. XXI, pp. 393-401, and vol. XXII, pp. 543-550. It is +reproduced by Sr. D. Federico de Onís in his edition of _De los +nombres de Cristo_ in the series of _Clásicos Castellanos_ (1914), +vol. XXVIII, pp. 261-281, and (1917), vol. XXXIII, pp. 257-271.] + +[Footnote 267: Nowhere have I found an indication of Portocarrero's +birth-date. He became Bishop of Calahorra in 1587, and was translated +to Córdoba in 1594; he died on September 20, 1600.] + +[Footnote 268: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 48) writes, however: 'la +_Canción del conocimiento de sí mismo_, que es la primera cuya fecha +se puede averiguar, la escribió diez años después de entrar en +religión'. This is an inference from the closing lines of the poem: + + aunque sané del mal y su accidente + diez años há que soy convaleciente. + +In a note to the passage quoted above, Alonso Getino refers to the +_Canción al nacimiento de la hija del Marqués de Alcañices_, written, +as he thinks, 'en un tono impropio de un imberbe'. He appears to have +no doubt as to the authenticity of this composition: the correctness +of the ascription of this poem to Luis de Leon is at least +questionable.] + +[Footnote 269: The pieces printed by Sanchez are translations of Ode +X, Book II; Ode XXII, Book I; Ode XIII, Book IV; and Epode II.] + +[Footnote 270: _Obras del excelente poeta Garcilasso de la Vega_, +Salamanca, 1577. This (second) edition is the earliest to which I have +access. On pp. 91-92 Sanchez writes: 'Trato este elegantemente +Horacio, Oda 10. lib. I. Y porque un docto destos reynos la traduxo +bi[~e], y ay pocos casos destos en nuestra lengua, le pondre aqui +todo: y ansi enti[~e]do hazer en el discurso destas sentencias quando +se ofreciere'. On p. 94, Sanchez writes: 'Por traer el lugar de +Horacio, donde todo esto se toma, aure de poner toda la Oda, sacada +por el mismo que traduxo la otra'. On pp. 97-98 Sanchez writes: 'Al +reves desto se burla Horacio de una dama, motejandola de vieja: y [~q] +ya se le passo la flor, aunque ella no lo piensa. Y por estar +traduzida por el mismo [~q] las pasadas, põgo aqui la Oda, que es +del libro 4 l. 13.'] + +[Footnote 271: This slip has been pointed out by Menéndez y Pelayo in +both editions (Madrid, 1878[?] and 1885) of his _Horacio en España. +Solaceas bibliográficas_.] + +[Footnote 272: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 50) and in _El Correo +Español_ (1908). A reply to these views has been made in the form of +an open letter to Sr. Berrueta, Director of _El Lábaro_, by P. Conrado +Muiños Sáenz. The reply of Muiños Sáenz will be found in _La Ciudad de +Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560, vol. LXXIX, pp. +18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, +177-197.] + +[Footnote 273: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Antología de poetas líricos +castellanos_ (1908), vol. XIII, p. 332.] + +[Footnote 274: It is printed among Luis de Leon's poems in the +_Biblioteca de Autores Españoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta +nuestros dias_, vol. XXXVII, pp. 12-13. As this is perhaps the +best-known edition of Luis de Leon's poems, most of my quotations are +taken from it.] + +[Footnote 275: _Sobre la transmisión de la obra literaria de Fr. Luis +de León_ in _Revista de Filología española_ (1915), vol. II, pp. +217-257.] + + + + +APPENDIX + +EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON + + +Silas obras acertadas de algun Artifice le estan (como dize el Sabio) +alabando siempre, con cuanta mayor razon las de Dios nos dan motivo +para engrandecer su infinita Sabiduria. i mas cuando vemos que nacen +algunos ombres, acõpañados de tantas gracias que parece que fueron +hechos, sin otro medio, por sus divinas manos, sien alguno se puede +esto verificar, es en el gran Maestro (como veremos) sus Progenitores +fueron de Belmonte, de clarissimo linage, en el cual resplandecieron +muchos varones insignes en letras i Santidad. El Licenciado Lope de +Leon su Padre, siendo uno de los mayores letrados de su tiempo, vino +por Oidor a Sevilla, donde hizo oficio de Asistente, i en ella tuvo +(para onra de nuestra Patria) este ilustre hijo, que siendo promovido +luego ala chancilleria de Granada, nacio en ella, elaño 1528 para +engrandecer l' Andaluzia la Nacion Española, i el mundo. En lo +natural, fue pequeño de cuerpo, en devida proporcion, la cabeça +grande, bien formada, poblada de cabello algo crespo, i el cerquillo +cerrado, la frente espaciosa, el rostro mas redondo que aguileño, +(como lo muestra el Retrato) trigueño el color, los ojos verdes i +vivos. En lo moral, con especial don de Silencio, el ombre mas callado +que sea conocido, si bien de singular agudeza en sus dichos, con +estremo abstinente i templado, en la comida bevida, i sueño. de mucho +secreto, verdad, i fidelidad: puntual en palabra i promessas; +compuesto, poco onada risueño. Leiasse en la gravedad de su rostro, el +peso de la nobleza de su alma, resplandecia enmedio desto por +eccelencia una umildad profunda. fue limpissimo, mui onesto i +recogido, gran Religioso, i observante de las Leyes. Amava ala +santissima Virgen ternissimamente, ayunava las visperas de sus +fiestas, comiendo alas tres de la tar de, ino haziendo colacion. de +aqui nacio aqella regalada Cancion que comienca; _Virgen q'el Solmas +pura_. fue mui espiritual, i de mucha Oracion, i en ella en tiempo de +sus mayores trabajos, favorecido de Dios particularissimamente. con +ser de natural colerico fue mui sufrido i piadoso para los que le +tratavan. tan penitente i austero consigo, que las mas noches no se +acostava en cama, i el que la avia hecho la hallava ala mañana de la +misma manera certificalo el Padre Maestro frai Luis Moreno de +Bohorquez (onra de su Religion, que estuvo 4 años en su compañia) a +quien devemos la verdad deste discurso, Professo en el Monesterio de +San Agustin de Salamanca, en 29 de Enero de 1544, siendo de edad de 16 +años. en lo adquisito, fue gran Dialetico i Filosofo, Maestro graduado +en Artes, i Dotor en Teologia, por aquella insigne Universidad; donde +fue Catedratico mas de 36 años, en la Catedra de Santo Tomas de +Durando, de Filosofia moral, i de Prima de Sagrada Escritura, que tuvo +con crecido premio, por que leyesse una leccion, supo Escolastico tan +aventajadamente, como sino tratava de Escritura, i de Escritura, como +sino tratava de Escolastico. fue la mayor capacidad de ingenio que sea +conocida en su tiempo, para todas Ciencias i Artes; escrevia no menos +que nuestro Francisco Lucas, siendo famosso Matematico, Aritmetico, i +Geometra; i gran Astrologo, i Judiciario, (aunque lo uso con +templança) fue eminente en el uno i otro derecho, Medico superior, que +entrava en el General con los desta Facultad, i arguía en sus actos. +fue gran Poeta Latino i Castellano, como lo muestran sus versos. +estudio sin Maestro la Pintura, i la exercitò tan diestramente que +entre otras cosas hizo (cosa dificil) su mesmo Retrato. tuvo otras +infinitas abilidades, que callo por cosas mayores. La lengua Latina, +Griega, i Hebrea, la Caldea i Siria, supo como los Maestros della. +pues la muestra con cuanta grandeza? siendo el primero que escrivio +en ella con numero i elegãcia; digalo el Libro de los Nombres de +Cristo i perfeta casada, encarecido i admirado de los doctos, que no +sabe acabar de loarlo Antonio Possevino en su Biblioteca. escrivio en +Latin Comentarios sobre los Cantares, i fue el primero que allanò las +dificultades de la letra: i sobre el Psalmo 26 i el Profeta Abdias, i +la Epistola ad Galatas, i un tratado de utriusq agni: expuso otros +libros de la Escritura que no estan impressos. ai muchas obras suyas +de mano en verso, divididas en tres partes, la primera de las cosas +proprias, la segunda lo que traduxo de autores Profanos, la tercera de +los Psalmos, Cantares i Capitulos de Job. lo cual asido siempre +estimadissimo, con la carta a don Pedro Puertocarrero, a quien lo +dirige, escrivio otra en san Felipe de Madrid año 1587 alas Carmelitas +descalças, en favor del espiritu i escritos de Santa Teresa de Jesus, +que anda con su libro, digna de la eccelencia de su ingenio. Al passo +destas grandezas, fue la invidia que le persiguio, pero descubrio +altamente sus quilates, saliendo en todo superior, i con el mayor +triumfo i onra que en estos Reinos sea visto. fue varon de tanta +autoridad, que parecia mas a proposito para mostrar alos otros, que +para aprender de ninguno. grande su juizio i prudencia en materias de +govierno, alcançò mucha estimacion en España i fuera della con los +mayores ombres; consultavalo el Rei Filipo Segundo en todos los casos +graves de conciencia enviandole correos estraordinarios a Salamanca; i +despues yendo por orden de la Universidad, con particular comision, a +su Magestad, lo tratò i comunicò, haziendole especial favor imerced. i +en los acometimientos onrosos de Obispados, i del Arçobispado de +Mexico, descubrio su valor i animo grande, no solo para desnudarse de +la dignidad (cosa intentada de pocos) mas aun de todo cuanto tenia en +la tierra: varon de veras Evangelico. en estos santos exercicios i con +esta continuacion de vida, siendo Provincial de la Provincia de +Castilla, acabò su curso santamente (dexando en todos harto +desconsuelo, aun que mayor certeza de su gloria) en la villa de +Madrigal en 24 de Agosto del año 1595. de 63 años de edad. traxeronle +con la devida onra a san Agustin de Salamanca donde avia tomado el +abito, i yaze sepultado en el claustro de aquel ilustre Convento. I +para cumplimiento de su Elogio i de mi desseo no me contentè con menos +(en onra de tan insigne varon) de que los versos Latinos fuessen del +Licenciado Rodrigo Caro, i los Castellanos de Lope de Vega, en su +Laurel de Apolo, con que se encarecen bastãtem[~e]te. + + + + +EPIGRAMMA + + + Hispalis, Iliberis, Salmantica, Monta, Toletum + Municipem iactant te, Ludovice, suum. + Contigit id magno quondam certamen Homero: + Contigit Hesperio sicq3 Melesigeni. + + Agustino León, Frai Luis divino + o dulce Analogia de Agustino! + conque verdad nos diste + al Rei Profeta en verso Castellano, + que con tanta elegancia tra duziste; + ô cuanto le deviste + (como en tus mismas obras encareces) + ala invidia cruel, porquien mereces + Laureles inmortales; + tu prosa, i verso iguales + conservaran la gloria de tu nombre; + i los Nombres de Cristo Soberano + tele daran eterno, porque asombre + la dulce pluma de tu heroica mano + de tu persecusion la causa injusta, + tu fuiste gloria de Agustino Augusta, + tu el onor de la lengua Castellana, + que desseaste introduzir escrita, + viendo que ala Romana tanto imita + que puede competir con la Romana. + Si en esta edad vivieras + fuerte Leon en su defensa fueras. + + + + +INDEX + + +A + +Abarca de Sotomayor (Ana), 93 _n._ + +_Agustiniana, Revista_, _passim_ + +Alarcon (Cristóbal de), 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (fulano de), 110 _n._ + +Alarcon (Inés de), 27 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (María de), 28 _n._ + +Álava (Andrés de), 90, 128 _n._, 139 _n._ + +Albornoz (Francisco de), 90, 139 _n._ + +Alcañices (Marqués de), 235 _n._ + +Alcázar (Baltasar de), 229 + +Almansa (Francisco de), 39, 40, 93 _n._, 94 _n._ + +Almansa (Pedro de), 94 _n._ + +Almaraz (Antonio de), 189 _n._ + +Almeida (Juan de), 33 _n._, 129 _n._, 224 + +Alvarez (Luis), 44 + +Alvarez Guijarro (Carlos), 193 _n._, 198 _n._ + +Alvarez Osorio (Mencía), 234 _n._ + +Ambrose (Saint), 205 + +Ana de Jesús (La Madre) 12, 30 _n._, 174, 180, 181, 203 + +Antolinez (Agustin), 180 + +Aragon (Pedro de), 165, 194 _n._ + +Arboleda (Francisco de), 56, 57, 112 _n._ + +Arce (Antonio de), 137 _n._ + +Arias Montano (Benito), 62, 63, 83, 119 _n._, 120 _n._, 202, 210, 221, + 224 + +Arias (Diego), 59, 114 _n._ + +Aristotle, 82 + +Arresse (Juan de), 166, 197 _n._ + +Asensio y Toledo (José Maria), 201 _n._ + + +B + +Bañez (Domingo), 10, 154, 161, 164, 194 _n._, 195 _n._, 196 _n._ + +Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la), 190 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Barrientos, 48, 100 _n._ + +Béjar (Séptimo duque de), 58 + +Bembo (Pietro), 83, 84, 218 + +Bernal, Dr., 170 + +Berrueta, 237 _n._ + +Blanco García (Francisco), _passim_ + +Bolivar (Pedro), 138 _n._ + +Bonard (Cornelio), 199 _n._ + +Boscan Almogaver (Juan), 223 + +Braganza (Teutonio de), 175 + +Bravo, 33 _n._ + + +C + +Cabrera de Córdoba (Luis), 184 + +Calderon de la Barca Henao de la Barreda y Riaño (Pedro), 3 + +Cáncer, Dr., 66, 68, 77, 137 _n._ + +Cano (Melchor), 81, 131 _n._, 202 + +Caravajal (Diego de), 112 _n._ + +Carlos (el maestro Don), 33 _n._ + +Carlos (el príncipe Don), 211 + +Caro (Rodrigo), 244 + +Carranza (Bartolomé de), 21, 35 _n._, 85, 134 _n._ + +Castañeda (Juan de), 161, 194 _n._ + +Castillo (Garcia del), 33 _n._ + +Castillo (Hernando del), 66, 67, 89, 137 _n._ + +Castro (Adolfo de), 190 _n._ + +Castro (Leon de) 13, 14,15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24 _n._, 31 _n._, + 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 35 _n._, 54, 62, 77, 80, 86, 110 _n._ + +Castro (Pedro de) 91, 139 _n._, 141 _n._ + +Cayetano (_see_ Vio). + +Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de) 3, 58, 155, 184, 191 _n._ + +Cetina (Gutierre de) 228 + +Churton (Edward) 219, 220, 225 + +Cicero 207 + +Ciguelo (Juan) 77, 78, 128 _n._ + +Cipriano (el maestro) 81 + +Clement of Alexandria (Saint) 205 + +Copernicus (Nicolaus) 61, 114 _n._, 115 _n._ + +Coscojales (Martin de) 165, 194 _n._ + +Cruesen (Nicolaas) 148, 149 + +Cruz (Joan de la) (_see_ Santa Cruz) + +Cueto (Francisco) 71, 114 _n._, 117 _n._ + +Cyprian (Saint) 205 + + +D + +Darío (Rubén) 224 + +Doria (Nicolás de Jesus Maria) 174, 175, 176, 179 + + +E + +Ercilla y Zúñiga (Alonso) 229 + +Espinosa (Alonso de) 224 + +Espinosa (Ana de) 41, 95 _n._ + +Estrada (Doctor) 180 + +Euripides 205 + + +F + +Fernandez (Alonso) 193 _n._ + +Frechilla (Doctor) 77, 91, 139 _n._, 140 + + +G + +Galileo 57, 112 _n._ + +Galvan (Juan), 84 + +Gallardo (Bartolome Jose), 145, 185 _n._, 187 _n._, 191 _n._, + 192 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Gallego (Juan), 36 _n._ + +Gallo (Juan), 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 190 _n._ + +Gallo (Gregorio), 9, 154 + +Gaona (Diego de), 107 _n._ + +Garcia del Castillo, 146 + +Garcilasso, _see_ Lasso de la Vega (Garci). + +Getino (Luis G. Alonso), _passim_ + +Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco), 209, 215 + +Góngora (Luis de), 209 + +Gonzalez (Diego), 21, 39, 94 _n._, 128 _n._ + +Gonzalez de Tejada (J.), 28 _n._, 29 _n._, 100 _n._ + +Grajal (Gaspar de), 10, 13, 20, 21, 22, 29 _n._, 33 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 42, 108 _n._, 157, 162 + +Granada (Luis de), 203 + +Grial (Juan de), 213 + +Guevara (Juan de), 11, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 81, 108 _n._, 190 _n._, + 194 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Guevara (Martin de), 127 _n._ + +Guigelmo, 132 _n._ + +Guijano de Mercado (Doctor), 91, 92, 128 _n._, 139 _n._, 140 _n._, + 144 _n._ + +Gustin (Celedon), 46, 144 _n._, 163 + +Gutiérrez (Juan), 107 _n._ + +Gutiérrez (Marcelino), 115 _n._ + +Guzman (Domingo de), 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 164, 190 _n._, + 191 _n._, 192 _n._, 197 _n._ + + +H + +Haedo (Diego de), 24 _n._, 96 _n._ + +Henriquez (Dr. Diego), 171 + +Henry VIII, 1 + +Herrera (Fernando de) 207, 229 + +Homer 83 + +Horace 83, 159, 207, 208, 217, 236 _n._ + + +I + +Ibañez, _see_ Bañez. + +Ibarra (Juan de) 138 _n._ + +Isaiah 13, 15, 34 _n._ + + +J + +Jerónimo (San) 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 108 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Jesús y Maria (José de) 178, 199 _n._ + +John Chrysostom (Saint) 33 _n._ + +John of the Cross (Saint) 230 + +Junta (Lucas) 28 _n._ + +Justin (Saint) 82, 83 + + +L + +Laredo (Bernardino de) 203 + +Lasso de la Vega (Garci) 155, 205, 216 _n._, 223, 228, 236 _n._ + +Leo (Saint) 83 + +Leon (Antonio de) 28 _n._ + +Leon (Cristobal de) 8 + +Leon (Diego de) 43, 44, 204 + +Leon (Francisco de) 7 + +Leon (Gomez de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._ + +Leon (Lope de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._, 27 _n._, 234 _n._, 238 + +León (Luis de), his full name, 5; + + his Jewish descent, 5-6; + + his birthplace, 6; + + his date of birth, 7; + + he goes to Madrid, then to the University of Salamanca, 7; + + he enters a religious order, 7; + + renounces his share of the paternal estate, 8; + + professes in the Augustinian order, 8; + + his name appears on the list of theological students at Salamanca, + 8; + + he lectures at Soria, 9; + + matriculates at Alcalá de Henares, 9; + + graduates at Toledo, 9; + + graduates as licentiate of theology at Salamanca, 9; + + fails to obtain the chair of Biblical exegesis at Salamanca, 10; + + thwarts the designs of Domingo Bañez, 10; + + is elected Professor of Theology at Salamanca, 10; + + is transferred to the chair of Scholastic Theology and Biblical + Criticism, 10, 11; + + is chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, 12; + + incurs the enmity of Leon de Castro, 13, 14; + + lectures on the Vulgate, 14; + + is elected on the committee appointed to revise François Vatable's + version of the Bible, 15; + + threatens to burn Castro's _Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_, + 16; + + out-argues Bartolomé de Medina, 18; + + goes to Belmonte, 19; + + falls ill, 19; + is mentioned as an offender before the Inquisitionary Committee, 20; + + hands in a written statement to the local Inquisition, 21; + + his arrest is recommended by that body, 22; + + he finds fault with Leon de Castro's knowledge of Latin and Greek + and proposes to call witnesses to prove this point, 33 _n._; + + quarrels with Medina, 36 _n._; + + appeals to the Consejo Real at Madrid and wins his case, 36 + _n._; + + is taken to Valladolid jail by Almansa, 40; + + is lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, 40; + + is nervous about his health, 41; + + asks for books, for powders for his heart-attacks, and for a knife + to cut his food, 41; + + is charged with translating into Spanish the _Song of Solomon_, + and admits having done so, 42; + + implies that a copy may have reached Portugal, 44; + + proves a formidable foe, 46; + + petitions that his University Chair should be kept open until the + end of his trial, 47; + + his petition is refused and Medina is appointed in his place, 48; + + his health suffers from imprisonment, and he asks for the + companionship of a monk of his order, 49; + + he requests to be transferred to a Dominican Monastery, 50; + + petitions for leave to go to confession and to say Mass, 50; + + his requests are refused, 50; + + the increasing bias of the tribunal against him, 51; + + he complains of his bad memory, 51; + + his fearless attitude, 52; + + he brands all Dominicans as enemies, 52; + + objects to the Faculty of Theology at Alcalá de Henares, 53; + + inveighs against Medina and Castro, 54; + + prevents Montoya's election as Provincial of the Augustinians in + Spain, 55; + + describes Montoya as notorious for lying, 56; + + entrusts Arboleda to collect favourable evidence, 56; + + brands Diego de Zúñiga as a deliberate perjurer, 57; + + his criticism on Zúñiga's book, 60; + + his counsel, Dr. Ortiz de Funes, 65; + + his skill in drawing up his own defence, 65; + + he is told to choose two _patronos_ from four names unknown to + him, 66; + + requests that he be given Sebastian Perez as _patrono_, 66; + + suggests that Dr. Cáncer or Hernando del Castillo may be appointed + with Perez, 66; + + asks that Castillo's name be removed from the list of + _patronos_, 67; + + threatens to appeal to the Inquisitor-General against the enforced + choosing of unknown _patronos_, 67; + + decides to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus + Christi_ and either Medina or Dr. Cáncer, 68; + + Mancio is appointed _patrono_ and makes a report favourable to + him, 69; + + all information of this is withheld from him, 69; + + he protests against his papers being entrusted to Mancio, 69; + + his suspicions and distrust of Mancio, 69-71; + + he becomes reconciled with Mancio, 72; + + loses judicial favour owing to his vacillations over Mancio, 73; + + his demeanour in court, 74; + + his portrait by Pacheco, 79; + + his want of humour, 80; + + his gift of sarcasm, 80; + + his versatility, 81; his conservatism, 81; + + his teachers, 81; + + his books, 81, 82; + + his knowledge of Italian, 83; + + his curiosity about astrology, 84, 85; + + he urges the Court to prosecute Castro for perjury, 86; + + declares that his detention is illegal and demands compensation for + it, 86; + + his health declines and his irritability increases, 87; + + he is blamed by Castillo for teaching erroneous doctrine, 89; + + his moods of depression, 89; + + Menchaca, Álava, Tello Maldonado, and Albornoz recommend that he be + tortured, 90; + + a more lenient view is adopted by Guijano de Mercado and Frechilla, + 91; + + the Supreme Inquisition brushes aside the views of both parties, 91; + + he is publicly reprimanded by order of the Supreme Inquisition and + acquitted, 92; + + his Spanish version of the _Song of Solomon_ is confiscated, + 92; + + he asks for an official certificate of acquittal and for arrears of + salary as regards his chair, 92; + + his applications are granted but their fulfilment delayed, 92; + + his return to Salamanca, 145; + + he meets the _Claustro_ of the University, 146; + + renounces all claim to his Chair so long as it is occupied by + Castillo, 146; + + creation of a provisional new chair for him by the _Claustro_, + 147; + + he lectures in his new chair January 29, 1577, 147; + + his famous alleged phrase _Dicebamus hesterna die_, 147-150; + + difficulties about his lecture-hours, 151; + + he presents himself as a candidate for the Chair of Moral + Philosophy, 152; + + is strenuously opposed by Zumel, 152; + + defeats Zumel by a majority of seventy-nine votes, 153; + + takes the degree of M.A., 153; + + is appointed member of the committee for the reform of the calendar, + 153; + + his contest with Domingo de Guzman for the Biblical chair at + Salamanca, vacant by the death of Gregorio Gallo, 154-155; + + he defeats Guzman by thirty-six votes, 157; + + appeal lodged by Guzman against irregularity in voting, 157; + + judgement given in favour of Luis de Leon, 157; + + he reads himself into the chair at Salamanca, December 7, 1579, 158; + + publishes a Latin commentary on the _Song of Solomon_, 158; + + chivalrously supports Montemayor against Domingo de Guzman at a + theological meeting in Salamanca, 160-161; + + through this action he is involved in a quarrel with Domingo Bañez, + 161; + + the case comes before the Valladolid Inquisition, 162; + + he presents himself voluntarily before the Inquisitionary tribunal + at Salamanca on March 8, 163; + + appears again before it on March 31, and offers to apologize if he + has exceeded in his defence of Montemayor, 163; + + his lecture on predestination (1571) is brought before the tribunal + by Zumel, 164; + + his enemies, Zumel, Guzman, and Bañez, 164; + + he receives a severely reproachful letter from Villavicencio, 165; + + is summoned to Toledo and privately reprimanded by Quiroga, 167; + + publishes _Los Nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta + casada_, 168; + + is appointed to settle the suit between the University of Salamanca + and the _Colegios Mayores_, 168; + + progress of the suit and conduct of the _Claustro,_ 168-173; + + he refuses the invitation of Sixtus V and Philip II to join the + committee for the revision of the Vulgate, 173; + + is appointed by the papal nuncio to inquire into the administration + of funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, 173; + + begins the publication of his edition of Saint Theresa's works, 174; + + upholds Madre Ana de Jesus's reforms, 174; + + is appointed by the Pope to execute them, 175; + + is opposed by Doria and Philip II, 175-176; + + his weakening health and the continuous opposition of his enemies, + 178-179; + + he is reported to be suffering from tumour, 180; + + his lingering illness, 181; + + he is elected Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, August 14, + 1591, 181; + + his death, August 23, 1591, 181; + + his character by Pacheco, 181-183; + + his prose works, 202-210; + + his poems, 210-221; + + his versification, 221-229; + + his character, 230-232. + +Leon (Miguel de) 8, 28 _n._ + +Leon (Pedro de) 25 _n._ + +Leon (Pero Fernandez de) 26 _n._ + +Loarte (Diego de) [_see_ Oloarte and Olarte] 195 _n._, 211 + +Lopez (Diego) 117 _n._, 118 _n._ + +Lopez de Sedano (Juan Josef) 188 _n._ + +Lucas (Francisco) 241 + +Lucas (Saint) 124 _n._ + + +M + +Madrigal 195 _n._ + +Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ 35 _n._, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 81, 91, + 122 _n._, 123 _n._, 124 _n._ + +Manrique (Angel) 30 _n._ + +Manrique (Jorge) 203 + +Mármol (Dr. Bernabé del) 174, 175 + +Martínez de Cantalapiedra (Martin) 13, 20, 21, 22, 31 _n._, 33 +_n._, 37 _n._, 42 + +Medina (Bartolomé de) 18, 19, 20, 21, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 38 _n._, 42, 48, 54, 62, 68, 70, 77, 80, 100 _n._, + 105 _n._, 110 _n._, 123 _n._, 129 _n._, 146, 151, 154, 155, + 187 _n._ + +Menchaca (Francisco de) 90, 139 _n._ + +Méndez (F. de) 5, 26, 200 _n._ + +Mendoza (Bernardino de) 35 _n._ + +Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de) 212 + +Menéndez y Pelayo (Marcelino) 236 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Merino (Antolin) 191 _n._ + +Mondéjar (Marqués de) 35 _n._ + +Montemayor (Prudencio de) 159, 160, 161, 163 + +Montoya (Gabriel) 55, 56, 120 _n._ + +Moreno de Bohorquez (Luis) 182, 240 + +Muiños Sáenz (Conrado) 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 119 _n._, 188 _n._, + 200 _n._, 201 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Muñiz 33 _n._ + +Muñon 33 _n._ + + +N + +Napoleon 1 + +Niño (Hernando) 138 _n._ + + +O + +Olarte (Diego de) 233 _n._ + +Olivares (Conde-duque de) 209 + +Olivares (Pedro de) 23 _n._ + +Oloarte (_see_ Loarte and Olarte) 210, 225 + +Onís (Federico de) 230, 235 _n._ + +Orozco (Alonso de), 206, 235 _n._ + +Ortiz de Funes (Doctor), 65, 66, 67, 68, 104 _n._ + +Osorio (Isabel), 42, 43, 234 _n._ + + +P + +Pacheco (Francisco), 78, 79, 80, 160, 181, 182, 184, 200 _n._, + 201 _n._ [_and_ Appendix] + +Palacios (Francisco de), 162 + +Paul (Saint), 12 + +Peralto (Hernando de), 195 _n._ + +Perez (Antonio), 230, 231 + +Perez (Sebastian), 66, 67 + +Pérez Pastor (Cristóbal), 199 _n._ + +Philip II, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184, 243 + +Picatoste y Rodríguez (Felipe), 112 _n._ + +Pindar, 83 + +Pineda, 115 _n._ + +Pinelo (Gabriel), 95 _n._ + +Pinto (Hector), 53, 108 _n._, 162 + +Plantin, 82 + +Plato, 205 + +Plutarch, 205 + +Ponce de Leon (Basilio), 24 _n._, 149, 150 + +Portocarrero (Alonso), 212 + +Portocarrero (Pedro), 208, 211, 212, 215, 235 _n._ + +Portonariis (Gaspar de), 104 _n._ + +Possevino (Antonio), 242 + +Poza (Licenciado), 85, 132 _n._ + +Pozas (Marqués de), 57 + + +Q + +Quevedo (_see_ Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas) + +Quijano (Juan), 186 _n._, 200 _n._ + +Quiroga (Gaspar de), 167 + + +R + +Ramos (Nicolás), 77, 138 _n._ + +Rejon (Alonso), 36 _n._ + +Reusch (Heinrich), 197 _n._ + +Riego (El Inquisidore), 132 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Benito), 90 + +Rodriguez (Diego), _see_ Zúñiga, 58, 63, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 117 _n._, + 118 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Diego), 151 + +Rodríguez Marín (Francisco), 114 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Rojas (Pedro de), 57, 112 _n._, 114 _n._, 118 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza (Juan), 3 + + +S + +Sahagun (Doctor Diego de), 168 + +Sainz de Baranda (Pedro), _passim_ + +Salinas (Francisco de), 7, 80, 84, 154, 190 _n._, 211, 233 _n._ + +Salvá (Miguel), _passim_ + +Samson, 217 + +Sanchez (Bartolomé), 189 _n._ + +Sanchez (Francisco), _el Brocense_ 32 _n._, 202, 216, 236 _n._ + +Sanchez (Miguel), 222, 224 + +Sánchez de Olivares (Díez), 23 _n._ + +Sánchez de Olivares (Leonor), 6, 23 _n._ + +Sancho (Francisco, bishop of Segoibe), 152 + +Sancho (Francisco), 33 _n._, 100 _n._, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Sancho (el maestro Francisco), 93 _n._ + +Santa Cruz (Joan de), 162, 163, 193 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Santa Maria (Francisco de), 176, 177, 178, 199 _n._ + +Sarmiento de Mendoza (Manuel), 209, 215 + +Sebastian I, 214 + +Shakespeare, 221 + +Siluente (Alonso), 49, 94, 101 _n._ + +Simonides, 205 + +Sixtus V, 173, 174 + +Sobrino (Doctor), 180 + +Solana (Andrés de), 165 + +Solís (Antonio de), 168 + +Sophocles, 83, 205 + +Suarez (Pedro), 158, 193 _n._ + + +T + +Tapia (Mencía de), 28 _n._ + +Tasso (Bernardo), 223 + +Tellez Giron (Rodrigo), 23 _n._ + +Tello Maldonado (Luis), 90, 139 _n._ + +Theresa (Saint), 12, 174, 175, 178, 180, 181, 199 _n._, 203, 242 + +Tiberius, 1 + +'Tirso de Molina', 3 + +Torre (Francisco de la), 228 + + +U + +Uceda (Gaspar de), 110 _n._ + +Uceda (Pedro de), 100 _n._, 189 _n._ + +'Urganda la Desconocida', 155, 191 _n._ + + +V + +Vadillo (Doctor), 70 + +Valbás (Doctor), 32 _n._ + +Valera (Bernardino de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Francisco de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Inés de), 233 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Valera (Juan de). 233 _n._ + +Valladolid (Diego de), 39 + +Vañez (_see_ Bañez) + +Varela Osorio (Maria), 204 + +Vatable (François), 15, 16, 17, 33 _n._, 82, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Vega Carpio (Felix Lope de) 3, 244 + +Velazquez 79 + +Vicente de la Fuente 31 _n._, 32 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Villanueva (Leonor de) 6, 23 _n._ + +Villavicencio (Lorenzo de) 165 + +Vio (Cardinal Thomas de), surnamed Cajetanus 133 _n._ + +Vique (Juan) 33 _n._ + +Virgil 83, 207 + + +W + +Wordsworth 229 + + +Z + +Zumel (Francisco) 152, 153, 159, 164, 172, 193 _n._ + +Zúñiga (Diego de), _see_ Arias and Rodriguez, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, + 77, 83, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 117 _n._, 118 _n._, 119 _n._ + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Fray Luis de León, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEÓN *** + +***** This file should be named 16148-8.txt or 16148-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/4/16148/ + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Fray Luis de Len + A Biographical Fragment + +Author: James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +Release Date: June 29, 2005 [EBook #16148] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEN *** + + + + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<h2>HISPANIC<br/> +NOTES & MONOGRAPHS</h2> + +<h4>ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF<br/> +BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE<br/> +HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA</h4> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<div class="figcenter"><a href="images/fraybig.jpg"><img +src="images/fraythumb.jpg" alt="EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE +LEON" /></a> </div> + + + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<h1>FRAY LUIS<br/> +DE LEON</h1> + +<h3>A Biographical Fragment</h3> + +<h4>BY</h4> + +<h2>JAMES FITZMAURICE KELLY, F.B.A.</h2> + +<h5><i>With a Portrait from<br/> +an engraving after Pacheco</i></h5> + +<h4>OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS<br/> +HUMPHREY MILFORD<br/> +1921</h4> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<h5>PRINTED IN ENGLAND<br/> +AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS<br/> +BY FREDERICK HALL</h5> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + + +<ul class="toc"> + <li><a href="#PREFACE"><b>PREFACE</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#I"><b>I</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#II"><b>II</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#III"><b>III</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#IV"><b>IV</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#V"><b>V</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#APPENDIX"><b>APPENDIX</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#EPIGRAMMA"><b>EPIGRAMMA</b></a></li> + <li><a href="#INDEX"><b>INDEX</b></a></li> +</ul> + + +<hr/><p><a name="pgv"></a><span class="pagenum">{v}</span></p> +<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2> + +<p>This biographical sketch is, in fact, a fragment of a book which +will now never come into existence. This particular chapter has been +snatched from the burning by an accident. The name of Luis de Leon +deservedly ranks as high as that of any poet in the history of Spanish +literature; but his reputation as a poet is mostly local, while he is +known all the world over as the subject of a dubious anecdote. The +attempt is now made to render him more familiar than he has hitherto +been to English-speaking people, and to do this, to exhibit the man as +he was, it proved necessary to analyse the two volumes of his first +trial, the evidence of which is brought together<a +name="pgvi"></a><span class="pagenum">{vi}</span> in vols. X and XI of +the <i>Coleccion de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de +España</i>. Edited by Miguel Salvá and Pedro Sainz de +Baranda, these volumes appeared in 1847; their value is incontestable, +but, though they give the evidence as it occurs in the register of the +Inquisition, this evidence is not arranged in consistent chronological +order, nor is it supplied with an index. The work, printed +seventy-three years ago, is not within easy reach of every reader; and +of those who have access to it not all are patient enough to read +steadily through so large a mass of somewhat incoherent matter. Should +any such readers be tempted to examine the record closely, it is hoped +that this sketch will do something to make their task easier. An +attempt is made here to picture the man as he was, full of fortitude, +yet not exempt from human weakness. I trust that I have avoided the +temptation to go to the opposite extreme, and lay the blame—as<a +name="pgvii"></a><span class="pagenum">{vii}</span> has been +done—for the irregularities of the trial at Luis de Leon's own +door.</p> + +<p>In dealing with his Spanish poems, I have tried not to put his +claims to consideration too high. Laboulaye, in <i>La Liberté +religieuse</i>, calls Luis de Leon 'le premier lyrique de l'Europe +moderne'. This phrase dates from 1859, and was addressed to a +generation which delighted in arranging authors in something like the +order of a class list. Though I have the highest opinion of Luis de +Leon's genius, I have not felt tempted to follow Laboulaye's example; +I have by preference discussed, so far as space allows, such points as +the probable chronology of Luis de Leon's poems. Once more I repeat +that this is a chapter of a book that will now never be written.</p> + +<p>It may be as well to add at this point a few explanatory words +concerning the plan of accentuation adopted here. There seems to be no +valid reason for applying, in a book primarily intended for English<a +name="pgviii"></a><span class="pagenum">{viii}</span> readers, the +modern Academic system to proper names borne in the sixteenth century +by men who lived more than three hundred years before the current +system was ever invented. Except of course in the case of quotations, +that system is applied rigidly only to the names of those who have +adopted it formally (as on pp. 114 <i>n.</i> and 191 <i>n.</i>). I have gone on +the theory that accents should be sparingly used in a work of this +kind, and that, as accents are almost needless for Spaniards they +should be employed only when the needs of foreigners compel their use. +It is a fundamental rule in Spanish that nearly all words ending in a +consonant should be stressed on the last syllable. But since nobody, +however slightly acquainted with Spanish, is tempted to pronounce such +words as Velazquez (p. 79) or Gomez (p. 250) incorrectly, no graphic +accent is employed in such cases. Names ending in <i>s</i>—such as +Valbás—are accentuated, however, when the stress falls on +the<a name="pgix"></a><span class="pagenum">{ix}</span> last syllable: +this prevents all possibility of confusion with the pronunciation of +ordinary plural forms. Place-names—such as Béjar (p. 58) +and Córdoba (p. 184)—are accentuated; so are trisyllables +and polysyllables such as Góngora (p. 209) and +Zúñiga (p. 57 and elsewhere). It will be seen that, in +this matter, I have been guided by strictly utilitarian principles. +Inconsistencies are perhaps unavoidable under any system. The plan +followed here, while it tends to diminish the total number of accents, +probably involves no more inconsistencies than any other. It is based +on rational grounds, and is, it may be hoped, less offensive to the +eye than the current system. Quotations, I repeat, are reproduced +exactly as they stand in the sources from which they profess to be +taken.</p> + +<p>With these words, I close what I have to say here on this subject and +commend these pages to the indulgent judgement of my readers.</p> + +<p><a name="pgx"></a><span class="pagenum">{x}</span>The following +works, or articles, may be usefully consulted by the student of +Spanish.</p> + + +<p>EDITIONS. LUIS DE LEON: <i>Obras</i>, ed. A. Merino, Madrid, +1804-5-6-16. 6 vols. [reprinted with a preface, by C. Muiños +Sáenz, Madrid, 1885, 6 vols.]; <i>Biblioteca de Autores +Españoles</i>, vols. XXXV, XXXVII, LIII, LXI, and LXII; <i>De los +nombres de Cristo</i>, ed. F. de Onís, Madrid, 1914-1917 +[Clásicos castellanos, vols. XXVIII and XXXIII]; <i>La perfecta +casada</i>, ed. E. Wallace, Chicago, 1903; <i>La perfecta casada</i>, ed. A. +Bonilla y San Martín, Madrid, 1917; <i>El perfecto predicador</i>, +ed. C. Muiños Saenz in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1886), vol. XI, pp. +340-348, 432-447, 527-537; (1886), vol. XII, pp. 15-25, 104-111, +211-218, 322-330, 420-427, 504-512; (1887), vol. XIII, pp. 32-38, +106-114, 213-222, 302-312; (1887), vol. XIV, pp. 9-17, 154-160, +305-315, 449-459, 581-591, 729-743; <i>Exposition del Miserere</i> +[facsimile of the Barcelona<a name="pgxi"></a><span +class="pagenum">{xi}</span> ed. of 1632], ed. A.M. Huntington, New +York, 1903.</p> + + +<p>WORKS OF REFERENCE: <i>Proceso original que la Inquisicion de +Valladolid hizo al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del +órden de S. Agustin</i>, ed. M. Salvá and P. Sainz de +Baranda, in <i>Coleccion de Documentos inéditos para la Historia +de España</i> (Madrid, 1847), vol. X, pp. 5-575, and vol. XI, pp. +5-358; J. Gonzalez de Tejada, <i>Vida de Fray Luis de Leon</i> (Madrid, +1863); C.A. Wilkens, <i>Fray Luis de Leon</i> (Halle, 1866); A. Arango y +Escandon, <i>Frai Luis de Leon, ensayo histórico</i>, 2ª ed. +(Mexico, 1866) [the first edition appeared in <i>La Cruz</i> (Mexico, +1855-56)]; F.H. Reusch, <i>Luis de Leon und die spanische Inquisition</i> +(Bonn, 1873); M. Gutiérrez, <i>El misticismo ortodoxo</i> +(Valladolid, 1886); M. Gutiérrez, <i>Fray Luis de León y +la filosofía española del siglo</i> XVI, 2ª ed. +aumentada (Madrid, 1891) [<i>Adiciones póstumas</i> in <i>La Ciudad de +Dios</i> (1907), vol. LXXIII, pp. 391-399, <a name="pgxii"></a><span +class="pagenum">{xii}</span>478-494, 662-667; vol. LXXIV, pp. 49-55, +303-414, 487-496, 628-643; in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1908), vol. LXXV, +pp. 34-47, 215-221, 291-303, 472-486]; J.M. Guardia, <i>Fray Luis de +Leon ou la poésie dans le cloître</i>, in the <i>Revue +germanique</i> (1863), vol. XXIV, pp. 307-342; M. Menéndez y +Pelayo, <i>Horacio en España, Solaces bibliográficas</i> +2ª ed. (Madrid, 1885), vol. I, pp. 11-24, vol. II, pp. 26-36; M. +Menéndez y Pelayo, <i>Estudios de crítica literaria</i>, +1ª serie (Madrid, 1893), pp. 1-72; F. Blanco García, +<i>Segundo proceso instruído por la Inquisición de +Valladolid contra Fray Luis de León</i> (Madrid, 1896); F. Blanco +García, <i>Fray Luis de León: rectificaciones +biográficas</i>, in the <i>Homenaje a Menéndez y Pelayo</i> +(Madrid, 1899), vol. I, pp. 153-160; J.D.M. Ford, <i>Luis de +León, the Spanish poet, humanist and mystic</i>, in the +<i>Publications of the Modern Language Association of America</i> +(Baltimore, 1899), vol. XIV, pp. 267-278; F. Blanco García, +<i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico del insigne poeta +agustino</i><a name="pgxiii"></a><span class="pagenum">{xiii}</span> +(Madrid, 1904); <i>Acta de la reposición de Fray Luis de +León en una cátedra de la Universidad de Salamanca</i> in +the <i>Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos</i>, Tercera época +(1900), vol. IV, pp. 680-682; L.G. Alonso Getino, <i>La Causa de Fr. +Luis de León ante la crítica y los nuevos documentos +históricos</i>, in the <i>Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y +Museos</i>, Tercera época (1903), vol. IX, pp. 148-156, 268-279, +440-449; (1904), vol. XI, pp. 288-306, 380-397; C. Muiños +Sáenz, <i>El 'Decíamos ayer' de Fray Luis de León</i>, +(Madrid, 1905); L. Alonso Getino, <i>Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. +Luis de León</i> (Salamanca, 1907); C. Muiños Sáenz +<i>El 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros excesos</i>, in <i>La Ciudad de +Dios</i> (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560; vol. LXXIX, pp. +18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX pp. 99-125, +177-197; F. de Onís <i>Sobre la trasmisión de la obra +literaria de Fray Luis de León</i>, in the <i>Revista de +Filología Española</i> (Madrid, 1915), vol. II pp. +217-257;<a name="pgxiv"></a><span class="pagenum">{xiv}</span> R. +Menéndez Pidal, <i>Una poesia inédita de Fray Luis de +León</i>, in the <i>Revista de Filología Española</i> +(Madrid, 1917), vol. IV, pp. 389-390; C. Pérez Pastor, +<i>Bibliografía madrileña</i> (Madrid, 1891-1906-1907), parte +ii, pp. 254-255, and parte iii, pp. 404-409; G. Vázquez +Núñez, <i>El padre Francisco Zumel, general de la Merced y +catedrático de Salamanca</i> (1540-1607), in <i>Revista de Archivos, +Bibliotecas y Museos</i>, Tercera época (1918), vol. XXXVIII, pp. +1-19, 170-190; (1918), vol. XXXIX, pp. 53-67, 237-266; (1919), vol. +XL, pp. 447-466, 562-594.</p> + +<p>J. F-K.</p> + + +<p>PS. Had they reached me in time, the following two items would have +been included in the respective sections of the foregoing summary +bibliography: <i>Poesías originales de Fray Luis de León</i>, +ed. F. de Onís, San José de Costa Rica, 1920; Ad. +Coster, <i>Notes pour une édition des poésies de Luis de +León</i> in the <i>Revue hispanique</i> (1919), vol. XLVI, pp. +193-248.</p> + +<p><a name="pg1"></a><span class="pagenum">{1}</span></p> + + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="I" id="I"></a>I</h2> + + +<p>We are all of us familiar with the process of 'whitewashing' +historical characters. We are past being surprised at finding Tiberius +portrayed as an austere and melancholy recluse, Henry VIII pictured as +a pietistic sentimentalist with a pedantic respect for the letter of +the law, and Napoleon depicted as a romantic idealist, seeking to +impose the Social Contract on an immature, reluctant Europe. Though +the 'whitewashing' method is probably not less paradoxical than the +opposite system, it makes a stronger and wider appeal, inasmuch as it +implies a more amiable attitude towards life, and is more consonant +with a flattering conception of the possibilities of human nature. A +prosaic narrative of established facts does not immediately recommend +itself to the average man. Possibly few have existed who were so good +and so great that they<a name="pg2"></a><span +class="pagenum">{2}</span> can afford to have the whole truth told +about them. At any rate, it is easier to convey a picturesque general +impression than to collect all the available evidence with the +untiring persistence of a model detective and to present it with the +impartial acumen of a competent judge. Moreover, the inertia of +pre-existing opinion has to be overcome. Once readers have been +accustomed to accept as absolutely authentic an idealized conventional +portrait of a man of genius, it is difficult to induce them to abandon +it for a more realistic likeness. In the interest of historical truth, +however, the attempt must be made. We are sometimes told that +'historical truth can afford to wait'. That may be true; but it has +waited for nearly four centuries, and, if it be divulged in English +now, the revelation lays us open to no reasonable charge of +indiscretion or indecent haste.</p> + +<p>It may be that the name of Luis de Leon is comparatively unknown +outside the small group of those who are regarded<a +name="pg3"></a><span class="pagenum">{3}</span> as specialists. Luis +de Leon is nothing like so famous as Cervantes, as Lope de Vega, as +Tirso de Molina, as Ruiz de Alarcon, and as Calderon, whose names, if +not their works, are familiar to the laity. This is one of chance's +unjust caprices. With the single exception of Cervantes perhaps no +figure in the annals of Spanish literature deserves to be more +celebrated than Luis de Leon. He was great in verse, great in prose, +great in mysticism, great in intellectual force and moral courage. +Many may recall him as the hero of a story—possibly +apocryphal—in which he figures as returning to his professorial +chair after an absence of over four years (passed in the prison-cells +of the Inquisition) and beginning his exordium to his students with +the imperturbable remark: 'We were saying yesterday.' Mainly on this +uncertain basis is constructed the current legend that Luis de Leon +was a bloodless philosopher, incapable of resentment, and, indeed, +without a touch of human weakness in his aloof and lofty nature. His +works do not<a name="pg4"></a><span class="pagenum">{4}</span> lend +colour to this presentation of the man, nor do the ascertainable +details of his chequered career. The conception of Luis de Leon as a +meek spirit, an unresisting victim of malignant persecution, is not +the sole view tenable of a complex character. However, the recorded +facts may be trusted to speak for themselves.<a name="pg5"></a><span +class="pagenum">{5}</span></p> + + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="II" id="II"></a>II</h2> + + +<p>What was Luis de Leon's full name? Was it Luis Ponce de Leon? So it +would appear from the summarized results of P. Mendez printed in the +<i>Revista Agustiniana</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a +href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The point is not without +interest, for Ponce de Leon is one of the great historic names of +Spain. If Luis de Leon was entitled to use it, he appears not to have +exercised his right, for in the report of his first trial<a +name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" +class="fnanchor">[2]</a> he consistently employs some such simple +formula as:—'El maestro fray Luis de Leon... digo'.<a +name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" +class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The omission of the name 'Ponce' during +proceedings extending over more than four years can scarcely be +accidental. It may, however, have been due to monastic humility,<a +name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" +class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or to simple prudence: a desire not to +provoke opponents who declared that Luis de Leon had Jewish blood in +his veins.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a +href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Whether this assertion, a +serious one in sixteenth-century Spain, had any foundation in fact is +disputed. It is<a name="pg6"></a><span class="pagenum">{6}</span> +apparently certain that Luis de Leon's great-grandfather married a +Leonor de Villanueva, who is reported to have confessed to practising +Jewish rites and to have been duly condemned by the Inquisition in +1513 or thereabouts.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a +href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> This does not go to the +root of the matter, for Leonor de Villanueva is alleged to have been +Lope de Leon's second wife. His first wife is stated to have been +Leonor Sanchez de Olivares, a lady of unquestioned orthodoxy, and +mother of Gomez de Leon,<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a +href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> the future grandfather of +the Luis de Leon with whom we are concerned here. If this statement be +correct,<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" +class="fnanchor">[8]</a> obviously there can be no ground for +asserting that Luis de Leon was of Jewish blood. But it must in +candour be admitted that the point is not wholly clear from doubt.<a +name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" +class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>It is now established that Luis de Leon was born at Belmonte in the +province of Cuenca: 'Belmonte de la Mancha de Aragon' as he calls +it.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" +class="fnanchor">[10]</a> When was he born? On his tombstone, he was +stated<a name="pg7"></a><span class="pagenum">{7}</span> to be +sixty-four years old when he died on August 23, 1591.<a +name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" +class="fnanchor">[11]</a> This is almost the only scrap of evidence +available, for no baptismal registers dating back to the third decade +of the sixteenth century are preserved at Belmonte.<a +name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" +class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Did the inscription on Luis de Leon's tomb +mean that he had completed his sixty-fourth year, or did it mean that, +at the time of his death, he had entered upon his sixty-fourth year? +According to the answer given to these questions, the date of Luis de +Leon's birth must be fixed either in 1527 or 1528.</p> + +<p>Apart from the fact that Luis de Leon was taught singing,<a +name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" +class="fnanchor">[13]</a> as became the future friend of Salinas, we +know next to nothing of his early youth. From himself we learn that he +was taken from Belmonte to Madrid when he was five or six, that at the +age of fourteen he was entered at Salamanca University, where one of +his uncles—Francisco de Leon—was lecturer on Canon Law, +and that shortly afterwards he resolved to enter a religious order.<a +name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" +class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The eldest son of a judge,<a +name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" +class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Luis de<a name="pg8"></a><span +class="pagenum">{8}</span> Leon renounced most of his share of the +paternal estate,<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a +href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and gave it up to +one—or both—of his younger brothers Cristóbal and +Miguel, each of whom had been <i>veinticuatro</i> of Granada at some date +previous to April 15, 1572.<a name="FNanchor_17" +id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> +On January 29, 1544, Luis de Leon was formally professed in the +Augustinian order.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a +href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> In his monastery we may +plausibly conjecture that he led a solitary and bookish existence, +poring over his texts and attending lectures assiduously. As early as +1546-1547 his name appears on the list of students of theology at +Salamanca; the registers of theological students covering the years +1547-1548 to 1550-1551 are missing; Luis de Leon's name does not +appear in the register for the academic year 1551-1552, but it recurs +in the University books for the years 1552-1553 and 1554-1555. He +there figures still as a student of theology.<a name="FNanchor_19" +id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> +He would seem, therefore, to have shown no amazing precocity in the +schools; but his application, we may be sure, was intense, and there +is nothing rash in<a name="pg9"></a><span class="pagenum">{9}</span> +assuming that during part of the two years that he was absent, as he +tells us,<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a +href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> from Salamanca, he was +lecturing at Soria. The remaining eighteen months he probably devoted +to exegetical studies at Alcalá de Henares, where he +matriculated in 1556.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a +href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> He was about thirty when +he rather unexpectedly graduated as a bachelor of Arts at the +University of Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a +href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Why he preferred to take +his degree at Toledo instead of at Salamanca is not clear; it is +plausibly conjectured that economy may have been his motive, as the +obtaining of a bachelor's degree at Salamanca was an expensive +business.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a +href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> Confirmation of this +conjecture is afforded by the fact that he speedily returned to his +allegiance, was 'incorporated' as a bachelor at Salamanca in 1588, +graduated there as a licentiate of theology in May 1560, and in the +following month became a master of theology.<a name="FNanchor_24" +id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> +It soon became clear that he did not regard a University degree as a +mere distinction. The retirement of Gregorio Gallo caused a vacancy<a +name="pg10"></a><span class="pagenum">{10}</span> in the chair of +Biblical Exegesis at Salamanca. Luis de Leon, though but a master of a +few months' standing, presented himself as a candidate for the post. +He failed to obtain it, being defeated by Gaspar de Grajal, a future +ally and fellow victim:<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a +href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> so far as can be +ascertained, this was Luis de Leon's sole academic check. Manifestly +he was not daunted. He claimed, and established, his right to take +part in certain examinations in his faculty,<a name="FNanchor_26" +id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> +and 'con mucho exceso' thwarted the designs of the famous Domingo +Bañez, whom he afterwards described as 'enemigo capital'.<a +name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" +class="fnanchor">[27]</a> His combativeness did him no immediate harm, +for, in December 1561, he was elected Professor of Theology at +Salamanca.<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a +href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> He was obviously not +disposed to hide his light under a bushel, nor to perform his academic +duties in a spirit of humdrum routine. Whatever he did, he did with +all his might, and his strenuous versatility made him conspicuous in +University life. In 1565 he was transferred<a name="pg11"></a><span +class="pagenum">{11}</span> from the theological chair to the chair of +Scholastic Theology and Biblical Criticism, in which he succeeded his +old master Juan de Guevara.<a name="FNanchor_29" +id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" +class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p>Such successes as Luis de Leon had hitherto won he owed mainly to +his own talents.<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a +href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Brilliant as he was, +there is no reason to assume that he was personally popular in +Salamanca.<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a +href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> It does not appear that +he made any effort to win popularity; nor is it certain that he would +have succeeded even if he had sought to win it. His temper was +impulsive, his disposition was critical and independent; his tongue +and pen were sharp and made enemies among members of his own order; +moreover, he contrived to alienate the Dominicans, a powerful body in +Salamanca, as in the rest of Spain. No doubt he had many admirers, +especially among his own students. Yet the University, as a whole, +stood slightly aloof from him, and before long in certain obscurantist +circles cautious hints of latitudinarianism were murmured against him. +For these<a name="pg12"></a><span class="pagenum">{12}</span> +mumblings there was absolutely no sort of foundation.<a +name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" +class="fnanchor">[32]</a> As might be inferred from the simple fact +that he was afterwards chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's +works, Luis de Leon was the most orthodox of men. His selection for +this piece of work may have been due to the influence of the saint's +friend and successor, Madre Ana de Jesús, who had the highest +opinion of him.<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a +href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> But it was not often +that he produced so favourable a personal impression; he had not +mastered the gentle art of ingratiation; it is even conceivable that +he did not strictly observe St. Paul's injunction to 'suffer fools +gladly'.<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a +href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Though fundamentally +humble-minded, he was intolerant of what he thought to be nonsense: a +quality which would perhaps not endear him to all his colleagues. He +set a proper value on himself and his attainments; he was prone to +sift the precious metal of truth from the dross of uninformed +assertion; he had an incurable habit of choosing his friends from +amongst those who shared<a name="pg13"></a><span +class="pagenum">{13}</span> his tastes. A good Hebrew scholar, he was +on terms of special intimacy with Gaspar de Grajal and with Martin +Martinez de Cantalapiedra,<a name="FNanchor_35" +id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> +respectively Professors of Biblical Exegesis and of Hebrew in the +University of Salamanca. Frank to the verge of indiscretion and +suspecting no evil, Luis de Leon scattered over Salamanca fagots each +of which contained innumerable sticks that his opponents used later to +beat him with. Lastly, he had the misfortune, as it proved later, to +differ profoundly on exegetical points from a veteran Professor of +Latin, Rhetoric, and Greek.<a name="FNanchor_36" +id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> +This was Leon de Castro, a man of considerable but unassimilated +learning, an astute wire-puller and incorrigible reactionary whose +name figures in the bibliographies as the author of a series of +commentaries on Isaiah—a performance which has not been widely +read since its tardy first appearance in 1571. The delay in publishing +this work, and the contemporary neglect of it, were apparently +ascribed by<a name="pg14"></a><span class="pagenum">{14}</span> Castro +to the personal hostility of Luis de Leon who, though he did not +approve of the book, seems to have been perfectly innocent on both +heads.<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a +href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<p>The fires of these differences had smouldered for some years when, +during the University course (as it appears) of 1568-1569, Luis de +Leon gave a series of lectures wherein he discussed, with critical +respect, the authority attaching to the Vulgate. The respect passed +almost unnoticed; the criticism gave a handle to a group of vigilant +foes. Since 1569 a good deal of water has flowed under the bridges +which span the Tormes, and it is intrinsically likely that, were the +objectionable lectures before us, Luis de Leon might appear to be an +ultra-conservative in matters of Biblical criticism. But this is not +the historical method. In judging the action of Leon de Castro and his +allies we must endeavour to adjust ourselves to the sixteenth-century +point of view. Matters would seem to have developed somewhat as +follows. In 1569 a committee<a name="pg15"></a><span +class="pagenum">{15}</span> was formed at Salamanca for the purpose of +revising François Vatable's version of the Bible; both Luis de +Leon and Leon de Castro were members of this committee,<a +name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" +class="fnanchor">[38]</a> and as they represented different schools of +thought, there were lively passages between the two. It is customary +to lay at Castro's door all the blame for the sequel. Nothing is +likelier than that Leon de Castro was incoherent in his recriminations +and provocative in tone: it is further alleged that his commentaries +on Isaiah contained gratuitous digs at the views on Scriptural +interpretation ascribed to Luis de Leon. It may well be that Luis de +Leon, who had in him something of the irritability of a poet, took +umbrage at these indirect attacks, and entered upon the discussion in +a fretful state of mind. According to Leon de Castro, whose testimony +on this point is uncontradicted, the climax came about in connexion +with the text: 'Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast +perfected praise.' Castro obstinately maintained<a +name="pg16"></a><span class="pagenum">{16}</span> that Vatable's +interpretation of this passage was an interpretation favoured by the +Jews against whom he cherished an incorrigible prejudice. Luis de Leon +is reported to have lost patience at this assertion, and to have said +that he would cause Castro's <i>Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam</i> to be +burnt. Castro, whatever his faults, was not the man to be cowed by a +threat, and he retorted with the remark that, by God's grace, this +should not come to pass, and that if there were any burning it would +be applied rather to Luis de Leon and his family.<a name="FNanchor_39" +id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> +Having fired his bolt, but conscious that he was in a minority on the +committee, Castro concluded with the sulky declaration that he did not +propose to attend any further meetings of that body. He would seem to +have changed his mind later on this point, modestly alleging that he +gave way to the insistence of others who deemed his presence +indispensable, on account of his knowledge of languages.<a +name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" +class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Whatever his linguistic accomplishments, +they<a name="pg17"></a><span class="pagenum">{17}</span> did not +produce the desired effect, for Vatable's version of the Bible was +passed as revised by the committee of Salamancan theologians in 1571, +though, for some unexplained reason, their revised text was not +published till thirteen years later.</p> + +<p>The quarrel between Castro and Luis de Leon soon became public +property. Passions were ablaze in a moment. Parties were formed, and +Castro found much support, especially among the body of +undergraduates, of whom one at least ingenuously described himself as +'del bando de Jesucristo'.<a name="FNanchor_41" +id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> +There was almost as much tumult in the University of Salamanca as in +Agramante's camp. Even if Castro thought that the hour of his triumph +was at hand, he was too experienced and too Spanish to be precipitate. +He may well have had an inkling that, if many were repelled by Luis de +Leon's austerity and implacable righteousness, his own reputation as a +pedant and reactionary did not mark him out for leadership. His lack +of expository power may also have<a name="pg18"></a><span +class="pagenum">{18}</span> struck him as a disqualification.<a +name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" +class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Further, on tactical grounds, he may have +argued that his notorious hostility to Luis de Leon made it advisable +for him not to figure too prominently in the ranks of the attacking +party. Whatever his motive may have been, Castro gave place to a +younger and far abler man, the well-known Dominican, Bartolomé +de Medina, whose relations with Luis de Leon, never cordial, had grown +strained, owing to various checks and disappointments. Medina honestly +differed from Luis de Leon's views as regards Scriptural +interpretation; he would have been a good deal more (or less) than +human if he had not been galled by a series of small personal +mortifications. He particularly resented, as well he might, being +out-argued when he presented himself before Luis de Leon to be +examined for his licentiateship of theology; the knowledge that this +incident was talked over by mocking students did not improve +matters.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a +href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Medina was, however, too +wily to delate Luis de Leon<a name="pg19"></a><span +class="pagenum">{19}</span> directly; he reported to the Inquisition +on the general situation at Salamanca, and in this document no names +were mentioned. Luis de Leon was not in a position to counteract the +manœuvres of his opponents. It is not certain that he could have +done so, had he been continuously in Salamanca at this time: as it +happened, he was absent at Belmonte from the beginning of 1571 till +the month of March, and on his return he fell ill. All this while, +Medina and Castro were free to go about sowing tares, making damaging +suggestions, and collecting such corroborative evidence as could be +gleaned from ill-disposed colleagues and garrulous or slow-witted +students.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a +href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> It appears that Medina's +statement, embodying seventeen propositions which (as he averred) were +taught at Salamanca, reached the Supreme Inquisition in Madrid on +December 2, 1571; on December 13 the Inquisitionary Commissary at +Salamanca was instructed to ascertain the source of the statement,<a +name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" +class="fnanchor">[45]</a> and to report on the tenability of the<a +name="pg20"></a><span class="pagenum">{20}</span> views set forth in +the seventeen propositions.<a name="FNanchor_46" +id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> +Evidently the matter was regarded as urgent: for, on December 17, the +Inquisitionary Commissary opened his preliminary inquiry at Salamanca. +The sole witness called at the first sitting was Medina,<a +name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" +class="fnanchor">[47]</a> who repeated his assertions, mentioning Luis +de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de Cantalapiedra as offenders. A +committee of five persons was appointed to examine into the orthodoxy +of the views alleged to be held by these three. As Leon de Castro was +a member of this committee, and as none of the other four members was +in sympathy with Luis de Leon, the general tenor of the committee's +findings might readily be predicted. These findings were somewhat +hastily adopted by the local Inquisition at Valladolid on January 26, +1572, when the arrest of Grajal and Martinez de Cantalapiedra was +recommended.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a +href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Up to this point Luis de +Leon would seem not to have been officially implicated by name, though +he was clearly aimed at, especially by<a name="pg21"></a><span +class="pagenum">{21}</span> Castro who appeared before the +Inquisitionary Commissary at Salamanca, and reiterated Medina's +charges with some wealth of rancorous detail.<a name="FNanchor_49" +id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" +class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>With significant promptitude effect was given to the recommendation +of the local Inquisition: Grajal was apprehended on March 1; shortly +afterwards Martinez de Cantalapiedra was likewise apprehended; and, as +these measures seemed to arouse no feeling more dangerous than +surprise in Salamanca, it was conceivably thought safe to fly at +higher game. Manifestly, Luis de Leon must have known that something +perilous was afoot when he handed in a most respectfully-worded +written statement on March 6, 1572.<a name="FNanchor_50" +id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> +By about this time there had arrived in Salamanca Diego +Gonzalez—an experienced official, whose conduct of the +Inquisitionary case against Bartolomé de Carranza, the +Archbishop of Toledo, has earned him an unenviable repute.<a +name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" +class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Under the presidency of Gonzalez, who might +be trusted to keep the weaker<a name="pg22"></a><span +class="pagenum">{22}</span> brethren, if there were any, up to the +mark, the local Inquisition on March 15 resolved to recommend the +arrest of Luis de Leon. Apparently the gravity of this step was +recognized. Another sitting was held on March 19, and a vote was taken +with the result that the previous decision was confirmed by four votes +to two. It should not, however, be assumed that the vote of the two +implied any marked personal sympathy with Luis de Leon. On the +contrary: the difference between the majority and the minority was +concerned solely with a question of procedure. The minority suggested +that it would cause less fuss and less scandal to seize Luis de Leon, +Grajal, and Martinez de Cantalapiedra, to place each of them in +solitary confinement for a short while in a Valladolid monastery, and +thence to remove them, without trial, to the secret prison of the +Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a +href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> It is difficult to +detect the humanitarian motive of this alternative proposal.<a +name="pg23"></a><span class="pagenum">{23}</span></p> + + + +<hr/> +<h2>II</h2> + + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_1">[1]</a></p><p><i>Revista +Agustiniana</i> (Madrid, 1882), vol. III, p. 127. 'Lope Alvarez Ponce de +Leon, Regidor de Segovia... casó dos veces: la primera con +Doña Leonor Sánchez de Olivares, hija de Díez +Sánchez de Olivares y hermana de aquel valiente caballero Don +Pedro de Olivares, comendador del Olmo, del orden de Calatrava en +tiempo del Maestro D. Rodrigo Téllez Girón. De este +matrimonio tuvieron tres hijos. En segundas nupcias casó con +Doña Leonor de Villanueva, y tuvieron dos hijos; pero no +declaran quienes fueron del primer matrimonio, y quienes del segundo. +Solo de D. Gómez consta que es del primer +matrimonio.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_2">[2]</a></p><p><i>Proceso original +que la Inquisicion de Valladolid hizo al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, +religioso del orden de S. Agustin.</i> This <i>proceso</i>, edited by D. +Miguel Salvá and D. Pedro Sainz de Baranda, occupies the tenth +volume and pp. 5-358 of the eleventh volume of the <i>Coleccion de +Documentos inéditos para la historia de España</i> (Madrid, +1847).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_3">[3]</a></p><p>Ex. gr. +<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X,<a name="pg24"></a><span +class="pagenum">{24}</span> pp. 96-97, 184-185, 255-256; vol. XI, pp. +38, 131, 350.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_4">[4]</a></p><p>It is established +beyond doubt, however, that some members of the family used the name +Ponce. The works of Luis de Leon's eminent nephew, Basilio, an +Augustinian like himself, bear on their title-pages the words +'Basilius Pontius Legionensis'.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_5">[5]</a></p><p>This assertion is +made emphatically by Diego de Haedo, the prosecuting counsel on behalf +of the Inquisition; he calls Luis de Leon a 'descendiente de +generacion de judíos' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. +206). An echo of the charge is faintly audible in Luis de Leon's own +testimony. It is repeated with violence by Leon de Castro: '...enojado +de la porfía el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo á este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahías, y este declarante le respondió que con la +gracia de Dios que ni él, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni +podia; que primero prenderia en sus orejas y linaje; y queste +declarante no queria ir mas á las juntas' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 12).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_6">[6]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 157.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_7">[7]</a></p><p>See note <a +href="#Footnote_1">1</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_8">[8]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon +apparently took no special<a name="pg25"></a><span +class="pagenum">{25}</span> interest in his family history. Before the +Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid on April 15, 1572, he traced his +descent no further back than his grandparents, adding that, as he +entered religion when he was fourteen years old, 'no tiene entera +noticia de qué casta vienen los dichos sus padres y +agüelos, mas de haber oido decir que ciertos contrarios que tuvo +su padre, le pusieron en su hidalguía que venia de casta de +conversos. </p><p> E preguntado si sabe que alguno de los de su +descendencia ó trasversalía haya seido preso ó +peniado ó condenado por este Santo Oficio; dijo que no lo sabe' +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 182). </p><p> By May 14, +1573, Luis de Leon had recalled further particulars: 'Porque mi padre +fué un hombre muy católico y muy principal como +conoció todo el reino, y su padre que se llamó Gomez de +Leon lo fué no menos que él en su lugar, y este tuvo un +hermano de padre y madre que se llamó el licenciado Pedro de +Leon, que fué collegial en el collegio del Cardenal desta villa +como se puede luego saber; y el padre de ambos, visagüelo mio, se +llamó Lope de Leon muy católico y de los mas honrados y +principales de su lugar; y el padre de este y visagüelo mio, se +llamó<a name="pg26"></a><span class="pagenum">{26}</span> Pero +Fernandez de Leon que le trujo el primer Señor de Belmonte +consigo á aquel lugar, y fué alcaide en la fortaleza +dél todo el tiempo que vivió, y el mas principal y mas +limpio que habia en él, desto que el mundo llama limpieza, como +siendo necesario probaré bastantemente' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 385-386). This challenge was never taken +up.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_9">[9]</a></p><p>It is not free +from doubt because, though some of the witnesses, whose testimony is +given in <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 146-174, are +doubtless in good faith in their evidence as to Luis de Leon's Jewish +descent, they refer to events which happened long before; and their +memories are apt to play them false and their narratives are muddled. +Luis de Leon appears to point to these depositions when he says: 'Y no +se hallará en memoria de hombres ni de escrituras ciertas, que +nombrada y señaladamente alguno de todos mis antecesores se +haya convertido á la fe de nuevo' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 386). In common fairness, it should be +said that the statement of P. Mendez [see note <a +href="#Footnote_1">1</a>] is more in the nature of assertion +unsupported by full evidence.<a name="pg27"></a><span +class="pagenum">{27}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_10">[10]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_11">[11]</a></p><p>M.R.P. +Francisco Blanco García, <i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio +biográfico del insigne poeta agustino</i>, p. 254.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_12">[12]</a></p> <p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 23. On April 15, 1572, Luis de Leon +stated that he was about forty-four (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, +vol. X, p. 180): '...de edad de cuarenta é cuatro años, +poco mas ó menos tiempo'. This is perhaps too vague to furnish +a basis for a conclusion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_13">[13]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 173.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_14">[14]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 182. Luis de Leon states that he made up +his mind as to his religious vocation within four or five months of +reaching Salamanca.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_15">[15]</a></p><p>'El licenciado +Lope de Leon, oidor que fué de la Chancillería de +Granada, defunto, y Doña Inés de Alarcon su muger, que +agora vive en Granada.' So Luis de Leon described his parents at the +first sitting of the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 180).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_16">[16]</a></p><p>'Y en lo que +toca á mi vida, aunque estoy lleno de faltas y pecados mas que +otro alguno; pero esto es verdad que yo tomé el hábito +de religion que tengo, de 14 años de mi edad, y dejé +cuatro mill ducados de renta que<a name="pg28"></a><span +class="pagenum">{28}</span> mi padre tenia vinculados en mi cabeza +como en el mayor de sus hijos' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, +p. 386).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_17">[17]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon +seems to have arranged that his brother Miguel should pay him annually +a small sum which was, apparently, to be spent on books. This is a +fair inference from Luis de Leon's reply to a claim lodged against him +by one Lucas Junta, a bookseller of Salamanca, on March 17, 1575 +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 51, 52). It seems doubtful +whether Miguel reached Luis's standard of punctuality in the matter of +payment (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 196). Luis de Leon +had two sisters, Mencía de Tapia and María de Alarcon. +The latter had died before April, 1572. So had another brother, +Antonio, who was a priest (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. +182).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_18">[18]</a></p><p><i>Revista +Agustiniana</i> (Madrid, 1882), vol. I, p. 414.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_19">[19]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 47-48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_20">[20]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_21">[21]</a></p><p>J. Gonzalez de +Tejada, <i>Vida de Fray Luis de Leon</i>, Madrid, 1863, p. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_22">[22]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_23">[23]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 59, note I.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_24">[24]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 60.<a name="pg29"></a><span +class="pagenum">{29}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_25">[25]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 62, note 4. Grajal was so greatly struck +with his opponent's ability that he supported Luis de Leon in all his +subsequent candidatures. On this point we have an explicit statement +from Luis de Leon: 'Es verdad que el maestro Grajal ha sido y es mi +amigo, y querelle yo bien comenzó de que habiendo sido primero +competidores en la cátreda de Biblia que él +llevó, en las demas oposiciones que yo hice, sin sabello yo, +trató en mi favor con tanto cuidado y con tan gran +encarecimiento de buenas palabras, que cuando lo supe quedé +obligado á tratalle, y del trato resultó conocer en +él uno de los hombres de mas sanas y limpias entrañas y +mas sin doblez que yo he tratado; y ansí nuestra amistad +fué siempre, no como de hombres de letras para comunicar y +conferir nuestros estudios, sino como de dos hombres que trataban +ambos de ser hombres de bien, y por conocer esto el uno del otro se +querian bien' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. +326-327).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_26">[26]</a></p><p>Gonzalez de +Tejada, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 21-22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_27">[27]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 261-262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_28">[28]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_29">[29]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 64.<a name="pg30"></a><span +class="pagenum">{30}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_30">[30]</a></p><p>Not altogether, +for though Luis de Leon had, in an eminent degree, the knack of +success in all open competitions, the students took part in the +elections of professors at Salamanca, and this element disturbed +calculations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_31">[31]</a></p><p>This is a fair +inference from Luis de Leon's assertion: 'en aquella universidad yo +tengo muchos enemigos por causa de mis pretendencias' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 574).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_32">[32]</a></p><p>On this head, +Luis de Leon's acquittal by the Supreme Inquisition speaks for +itself.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_33">[33]</a></p><p>'Es muy +santo... Tiene mucho caudal de Dios'. These encomiastic phrases of the +pious nun's are quoted by Blanco García (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 245) +from Angel Manrique, <i>Vida de la Venerable Ana de Jesús</i> +(Bruselas, 1632), p. 328. Manrique's biography is not within my +reach.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_34">[34]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon's +probity was not free from a touch of brusqueness. This is disclosed by +his own description of his behaviour to a dullard who made his life at +Salamanca a burden: 'Acerca del capítulo cuarto, demás +de lo dicho digo que creo que este testigo es un bachiller Rodriguez, +y por otro nombre el doctor Sutil que en Salamanca<a +name="pg31"></a><span class="pagenum">{31}</span> llaman por burla; y +sospécholo de que dice en este capítulo que le +dejé sin respuesta, porque jamás dejé de +responder á ninguna persona de aquella universidad que me +preguntase algo, sino a éste que digo, con el cual por ser +falto de juicio y preguntar algunas veces cosas desatinadas, y +colligir disparates de lo que oia y no entendia, me enojaba y le decia +que era tonto. Y otras veces por no enojarme ni desconcertarme con +él no le respondia nada, sino huia dél' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 357-358).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_35">[35]</a></p><p>This was the +contention of the prosecuting counsel. Luis de Leon, however, declared +that, highly as he thought of Martinez de Cantalapiedra's patristic +learning, there was no marked intimacy between them, and that he often +did not meet Martinez de Cantalapiedra for a year or two. 'Ni yo tenia +con él trato ni conversacion ordinaria; antes se pasaba un +año y dos años que no le veia ni hablaba.... Y siempre +le tuve y tengo por el hombre mas leido en los sanctos de cuantos hay +en aquella universidad' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. +227).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_36">[36]</a></p><p>Leon de +Castro's first appointment at Salamanca is dated March 28, 1549: he +was 'jubilado' on July 5, 1561. See Vicente de<a name="pg32"></a><span +class="pagenum">{32}</span> la Fuente, <i>Historia de las universidades, +colegios y demas establecimientos en España</i> (Madrid, +1884-1889), vol. II, p. 250.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_37">[37]</a></p><p>Francisco +Sanchez, possibly <i>El Brocense</i>, testified to Castro's saying: '<i>isti +judæi et judaizantes</i> me han echado á perder, y por eso +no se vende mi libro'. Sanchez bluntly told the Inquisitors that he +did not believe this, and attributed the book's failure to its size +and price (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 299-300). It is +suggested by Vicente de la Fuente (<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. II, p. 289, note +3) that there was some basis for Castro's opinion. Luis de Leon +implicitly denied the charge, which he manifestly thought beneath +contempt: 'Y si yo hubiera tratado como Leon cree de que la +Inquisicion vedara su libro, yo hiciera que se advirtiera. Y aunque el +doctor Valbas en Alcalá á quien fué cometido por +el Consejo Real, al principio le quitó grandes pedazos adonde +trataba á San Hierónimo como me trata á mí +agora, no le pudo quitar esto que yo digo, por que era quitalle todo +el libro,...' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 352). Luis de +Leon tried in a friendly way to convince Castro about the errors in +his book before it was published and as soon as the printing began +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>,<a name="pg33"></a><span +class="pagenum">{33}</span> vol. X, p. 351). This intervention would +nettle Castro, who seems to have had Jewry on the brain; he mentioned, +apparently, that Vatable, St. Jerome, and St. John Chrysostom were all +Jews or Judaizers (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 294). What +probably nettled Castro still more was that Luis de Leon found fault +with his knowledge of Latin and Greek: 'lo cual él sentia mucho +porque tocaba en propio de su profesion.' Luis de Leon proposed to +call five witnesses on this point (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. +XI, pp. 256-257), but this was ruled out as irrelevant +(<i>impertinente</i>) by the Inquisitionary Tribunal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_38">[38]</a></p><p>The Chairman of +this Committee was Francisco Sancho, Dean of the Theological Faculty +of Salamanca. The other members—at any rate those who signed +Sancho's copy of Vatable (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. +521-522)—were Juan de Almeida, Don Carlos, García del +Castillo, Diego Gonzalez, Grajal, Juan de Guevara, Martinez de +Cantalapiedra, Bartolomé de Medina, Muñiz, and Juan +Vique. As the names of Luis de Leon and Juan Gallo are omitted, the +list cannot be thought exhaustive. So, also, are the names of Bravo +and Muñon absent from the list. These last two omissions are +readily explained. Bravo<a name="pg34"></a><span +class="pagenum">{34}</span> and Muñon had both died before +December 26, 1571 (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. +10).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_39">[39]</a></p><p>Castro's +statement was: 'Porfió de tal manera [fray Luis de Leon] que no +era el sentido este deste lugar, y despues de visto que era +ansí, porfió... que tambien podia ser verdadero el +sentido de los judíos...; dijo este testigo que aunque viniesen +todos los letrados del mundo, no podrian hacer que aquel sentido de +los judíos pudiese venir ni cuadrar con la letra griega, ni +hebrea ni latina,... y enojado de la porfía el dicho fray Luis, +despues le dijo á este declarante que le habia de hacer quemar +un libro que imprimia sobre Exsahías, y este declarante le +respondió que con la gracia de Dios que ni él, ni su +libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia en sus +orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas á las +juntas' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 11-12). Though far +from friendly to Luis de Leon, the Dominican Juan Gallo was provoked +into saying that he would pare Castro's claws till the blood streamed +from him: 'queriendo decir por las uñas que era este declarante +áspero porque les decia que era aquello de judaizantes, y que +no lo decia por ellos, sino porque defendian las cosas<a +name="pg35"></a><span class="pagenum">{35}</span> de +judíos;...' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, P. +15).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_40">[40]</a></p><p>'Y el colegio +de teólogos envió al maestro fray Juan de Guevara y +á otro maestro, á pedirle y mandarle que no faltase de +allí porque no podían hacer nada sin las lenguas.' This +is Castro's version. (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. +12.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_41">[41]</a></p><p>Castro states +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 16) that this pious student +was Bernardino de Mendoza, son of the Marqués de +Mondéjar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_42">[42]</a> Bartolomé de +Carranza mentions (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 279) +Castro's muddle-headed knack of misunderstanding what was said to him, +and his propensity to argue points, imagining that his opponents had +said the very reverse of what they had said. As to Castro's lack of +expository power, Luis de Leon states, 'tiene falta de lengua' +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 327).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_43">[43]</a></p><p>This is +established by the evidence of Mancio, a professor who came to +Medina's rescue: '...vió este testigo quel dicho fray Luis de +Leon arguyó al dicho fray Bartolomé de Medina muy bien, +é que no le concluyó, y ques verdad que tuvo el dicho +fray Bartolomé de Medina padrino en este testigo<a +name="pg36"></a><span class="pagenum">{36}</span> para ayudalle y le +ayudó para los argumentos que se le ofrecieron; é que lo +queste testigo contó á los estudiantes fué que +tuvo necesidad el dicho fray Bartolomé de Medina que le +ayudase, aunque sin padrinos pudiera él responder' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 317). This must be dated before +February, 1570, when Medina took his degree as Master of Theology +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 340). In May-June, 1571, +Luis de Leon and Medina had a squabble as to the distribution of +lectures. The Rector of Salamanca decided in Medina's favour: Luis de +Leon appealed to the Consejo Real at Madrid, and won his case on +September 23, 1566 (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. +323-327).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_44">[44]</a></p><p>The evidence of +Alonso Rejon (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 51) seems +conclusive: '...preso ya el maestro Grajal, se llegó á +este declarante el maestro fray Luis de Leon... quejándose de +algunos maestros de esta universidad y particularmente del maestro +fray Juan Gallego, que admitian dichos de estudiantes, los cuales +decian algunas cosas diferentemente de lo que las habian leido los +maestros,...' As to Medina's action, Luis de Leon wrote (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 228): 'Tambien<a name="pg37"></a><span +class="pagenum">{37}</span> me acuerdo que vino un estudiante á +mí, y tomándome palabra de secreto, me dijo que fray +Bartolomé de Medina andaba haciendo pesquisa de Grajal y +Martinez, aunque no me los nombró, pero entendílo de las +señas que dió; y que á él le habia +preguntado, y él le habia dicho cinco ó seis cosas que +les habia oido, y acuérdome de dos dellas, porque me +pareció que me tocaba á mí tambien. La una era de +la Vulgata que se podria hacer otra mejor, y yo le dije riendo: <i>pues +quieren atar las manos á Dios que no pueda hacer un profeta en +su iglesia</i>. Y la otra era que los Cantares eran <i>Carmen amatorium</i>, y +le dije: <i>Carmen amatorium</i> ni dice bien ni mal. Si dice <i>Carmen +amatorium carnale</i>, eso es mal; pero si dice <i>Carmen amatorium +spirituale</i>, eso verdad es. Y á lo demás que me dijo, me +encogí, como cosa que oia entonces, y no entendia bien lo que +queria decir, á todo cuanto me acuerdo;...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_45">[45]</a></p><p>These data, +given by Blanco García (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 111-115), are derived +from the record of Grajal's trial.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_46">[46]</a></p><p>The seventeen +propositions are printed in <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. +286-287; they are reproduced by Blanco García (<i>op. cit.</i>,<a +name="pg38"></a><span class="pagenum">{38}</span> p. 111). According +to Bartolomé de Medina (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, +p. 66), the teaching of the doctrines embodied in the seventeen +propositions scandalized the Salamancan students.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_47">[47]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 5-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_48">[48]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_49">[49]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 7-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_50">[50]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 96-102.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_51">[51]</a></p><p>See <i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. LXVIII.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_52">[52]</a></p><p>Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 114-115.<a name="pg39"></a><span +class="pagenum">{39}</span></p></div> + + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="III" id="III"></a>III</h2> + + +<p>Though, in accord with the customary procedure in such cases, each +witness who appeared before Gonzalez was sworn to secrecy, it is +evident that there was no mystery in Salamanca as to the intention of +the Valladolid Inquisitors. On March 25, 1572, a day before the formal +order for the arrest of Luis de Leon was actually signed, Diego de +Valladolid was accepted as bail to the amount of two thousand ducats, +that the said Luis de Leon would go quietly to prison in Valladolid +without making any attempt at escape.<a name="FNanchor_53" +id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> +A document to this effect was drawn up and was duly signed by three +witnesses, of whom one was a Familiar of the Inquisition, Francisco de +Almansa. It seems likely that Almansa may have suspected that, for the +time being, the hours of Luis de Leon's comparative freedom were +already numbered; for, on the following<a name="pg40"></a><span +class="pagenum">{40}</span> day (March 26, 1572), Almansa was +appointed <i>alguacil</i> of the Valladolid Inquisitionary court, was +directed to arrest Luis de Leon wherever he might be—'in church, +or monastery, or other hallowed place'—and was further ordered +to sequestrate any arms, cash, jewels, or papers which the prisoner +might have about him.<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a> +<a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Almansa, to whom Luis de +Leon was perfectly well known,<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a> +<a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> +obeyed instructions, and reached the Valladolid jail with his captive +at about six o'clock in the evening of Thursday, March 27, 1572.<a +name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" +class="fnanchor">[56]</a> After being carefully searched, Luis de Leon +was lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, and there, except +for his appearances in court, he was detained for over four years and +eight months.<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a +href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>Though he was notoriously in weak health, the prisoner does not +seem to have received any special consideration. On the other hand, it +cannot be maintained that, at the outset, his judges treated him with +inhumanity. That Luis<a name="pg41"></a><span +class="pagenum">{41}</span> de Leon was nervous about himself, and +that he believed it possible he might die without warning is the +impression conveyed by a fervent act of faith which, though undated, +was probably written almost as soon as his imprisonment began. On +March 31, Luis de Leon asked for various things besides four books: +one of them a box of powder with which he was usually provided by a +nun named Ana de Espinosa to alleviate his heart-attacks.<a +name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" +class="fnanchor">[58]</a> This petition was granted. Luis de Leon's +request for a knife to cut his food with was so clearly against all +prison regulations that he can scarcely have expected a favourable +reply.<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a +href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> The Inquisitors met him +half-way by ordering that he should at once be supplied with a rounded +spoon, sufficient for his purpose, though useless to a prisoner of +suicidal tendencies.<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a +href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> At this stage, it cannot +be said that Luis de Leon was treated with any want of lenity. There +was no reason why he should be. He was arrested mainly on suspicion of +being concerned in<a name="pg42"></a><span class="pagenum">{42}</span> +the (purely imaginary) Jewish propaganda imputed to his colleagues +Grajal and Martinez de Cantalapiedra; the evidence against him was +second-hand and meagre.</p> + +<p>Before long matters began to take a graver aspect. A definite +charge<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a +href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> emerged that some ten or +eleven years earlier<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a +href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Luis de Leon had +translated from the Hebrew into Spanish the <i>Song of Solomon</i>, to +which he appended a commentary, also in Spanish. This he did at the +request of a nun whose name is incidentally revealed as 'Doña +Isabel Osorio, monja de Sancti Espíritu de Salamanca'.<a +name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" +class="fnanchor">[63]</a> That Luis de Leon's proceeding was most +imprudent is undeniable. With characteristic courage and candour, in +his first <i>confesion</i> of March 6, he volunteered the admission that he +had made such a rendering.<a name="FNanchor_64" +id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> +At this moment he was apparently unaware that the existence of this +rendering had been already brought to the notice of the Inquisition by +Medina.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a +href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Nobody questions Luis de +Leon's good faith. Nevertheless one gets the<a name="pg43"></a><span +class="pagenum">{43}</span> impression that he felt this to be a weak +point in his case. It was. He had committed a serious indiscretion by +infringing the general prohibition of vernacular versions of any part +of Scripture. No doubt it might be contended that his rendering of the +<i>Song of Solomon</i>, and his commentary on it, were originally meant to +be used by only one private person; that the prohibition referred to +the circulation of vernacular versions; that this particular version, +made for the exclusive use of Doña Isabel Osorio, did not +amount to circulation (within the four corners of the general +prohibition); and that such circulation as had taken place had +occurred against the will of the translator. This is not mere +sophistry. What seems to have happened was this. It appears that a lay +brother, named Diego de Leon, part of whose business it was to tidy +Luis de Leon's cell, stumbled one day upon the original manuscript of +the vernacular version of the <i>Song of Solomon</i>, copied it without +leave or licence, and allowed so<a name="pg44"></a><span +class="pagenum">{44}</span> many transcriptions of his copy to be made +that it became absolutely impossible for the translator to control or +recall them afterwards.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a +href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> Manifestly Diego de Leon +did not venture to remove the original manuscript from its +resting-place; it was still in Luis de Leon's monastery-cell on +November 7, 1573.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a +href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Search being made for +it, the version was found, handed over to the Inquisitionary +authorities, and retained by them when judgement was pronounced.<a +name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" +class="fnanchor">[68]</a> There is evidence to show that many +manuscript copies of the vernacular <i>Song of Solomon</i> stole into +existence and were widely distributed. On March 6, 1572, Luis de Leon, +whose references to this matter are tinged with regret, uses words +which seem to imply that a copy had reached Portugal; and an inquiry, +opened at Cuzco in the autumn of 1575, revealed the fact that a +transcription of the <i>Cantares que llaman de fray Luis de Leon</i> had +been made by Fray Luis Alvarez and conveyed by him to South America. +This transcription,<a name="pg45"></a><span +class="pagenum">{45}</span> after being recopied by a Lima graduate, +who appears to have left for Spain to continue his studies at the +University of Alcalá de Henares, was deposited in the public +library of Quito which was housed in the Augustinian monastery +there.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a +href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> This episode denotes a +morbid curiosity which must have been revolting to Luis de Leon's +austere nature. He candidly avowed doubts as to the prudence of +facilitating the reading of the <i>Song of Solomon</i> in Spanish, and +would have cancelled all manuscript copies if he could.<a +name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" +class="fnanchor">[70]</a> In this respect, however, he was powerless, +and no better remedy occurred to him than to set to work on a Latin +version which, when printed, should supplant the Spanish rendering. +This he hoped to be able to disown. But fate was hostile to his +design. Constant ill-health hindered him from making rapid headway +with his projected Latin translation. He submitted himself to the +Court which, naturally enough, vouchsafed no reply to his request for +alternative suggestions<a name="pg46"></a><span +class="pagenum">{46}</span> as to how he could make amends for a +preliminary error of judgement.<a name="FNanchor_71" +id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" +class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>If Luis de Leon's opponents expected to overwhelm him by the +suddenness, vehemence, or volume of their attack, they must speedily +have been disillusioned. The mystic poet proved to be a formidable +fighting-man. Before very long it must have dawned upon the +Inquisitionary deputies at Valladolid that they had caught a Tartar. +Unversed in the ways of the world, Luis de Leon came of a legal stock, +and was thoroughly at home in a law-court. A master of dialectics, he +was always alert, always prompt to criticize the evidence, always +ready to deal with every point as it arose, always prepared to furnish +elaborate written or verbal explanations as to every detail concerning +which the tribunal could harbour a reasonable doubt. The official +secretaries of the Court—Celedon Gustin and the rest of +them—must have grown to dread Luis de Leon's continual demands +for sheets of paper on which to write his long, considered<a +name="pg47"></a><span class="pagenum">{47}</span> replies. It would be +idle to attempt to summarize the technical arguments advanced by each +side in support of conflicting views on doctrinal or exegetical +problems. In this place, it will suffice to advert to points which +help to illuminate the character of Luis de Leon, or to exemplify the +attitude of the court towards him.</p> + +<p>At the outset, as already stated, there seems to have existed no +decided prejudice against Luis de Leon in the minds of his judges: +they apparently administered the existing system in a not illiberal +spirit. There are indications, however, that this position of relative +impartiality was not maintained. That the court became gradually +biased against the accused seems to follow from the small but eloquent +fact of its rejecting Luis de Leon's petition that his University +chair should not be declared vacant till the end of his trial.<a +name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" +class="fnanchor">[72]</a> It cannot be argued that the judges were +concerned for the efficiency of the teaching in the University of +Salamanca—a matter in which they took no<a name="pg48"></a><span +class="pagenum">{48}</span> sort of interest. The decision of the +court in Luis de Leon's case was in direct conflict with the ruling of +the same court as regards Barrientos, another Salamancan professor who +was in custody of the Valladolid Inquisition on May 20, 1572.<a +name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" +class="fnanchor">[73]</a> It was then settled that Barrientos should +not be disturbed, and that no successor to him should be appointed so +long as he was imprisoned. Luis de Leon's chair was declared vacant as +soon as his normal tenure of four years had expired; the ordinary +course of unquestioned renewal was not followed; and, to make matters +worse, his implacable opponent, Bartolomé de Medina, was +appointed to succeed Luis de Leon in his chair.<a name="FNanchor_74" +id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> +For this appointment, no doubt, the University of Salamanca is +entitled to claim such credit as is due. But no such appointment would +have been possible had the Valladolid Inquisitors been consistent. +What caused the court to be more severe to Luis de Leon than to his +colleague Barrientos?</p> + +<p>This instance of inconsiderateness is not<a name="pg49"></a><span +class="pagenum">{49}</span> unique. As time went on the bias of the +court against the accused waxed rather than waned. Luis de Leon's +ill-health was notorious and, in fact, so obvious that it is recorded +by the court in an official minute.<a name="FNanchor_75" +id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> +His state did not improve in jail. Suffering from fever—'como +á sus mercedes les consta'—so he says +plaintively—he had nobody to look after him in his secret cell +save a sleepy-headed boy, a fellow-prisoner who was half a simpleton. +Luis de Leon had fainted from lack of food, and, in the circumstances, +it is not surprising that he should have asked to be allowed the +companionship of a monk of his order—preferably Fray Alonso +Siluente—or anybody else whom the court should think fit to +name.<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" +class="fnanchor">[76]</a> Somewhat later, while still suffering from +fever, Luis de Leon begged that, on his providing satisfactory bail, +he might be transferred from his prison-cell to some neighbouring +monastery, where he could be detained till the end of his trial. So +depressed was he at<a name="pg50"></a><span +class="pagenum">{50}</span> this moment that he even welcomed the idea +of being placed in a Dominican monastery; it was true that the +Dominicans were hostile to him, yet if he died among them, he should +be dying like a Christian, surrounded by religious—not like a +heathen with a blackamoor at his bedside.<a name="FNanchor_77" +id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> +The first of these two requests was made to the Valladolid judges, who +passed it on to the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid; the reply of this +body was discouraging, for, though the request was granted in +principle, impossible conditions, tantamount to a refusal, were +imposed.<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a +href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Luis de Leon's second +request was addressed direct to the Inquisitor-General: this petition +was disregarded. In other matters, less urgent but not less important +from an orthodox point of view, the Inquisitionary judges at +Valladolid made no concession to the prisoner. He asked to be allowed +to go to confession, and to say Mass once a fortnight in the hall +where his case was heard.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a +href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Apparently a deaf ear +was<a name="pg51"></a><span class="pagenum">{51}</span> turned to his +entreaties. A hostile critic might be tempted to say that a vindictive +spirit prevailed in the deliberations of the Valladolid tribunal.</p> + + +<p>It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, as the case +developed, the attitude of the Valladolid judges became less and less +favourable to Luis de Leon. Judges are mortals and liable to error. +The very pertinacity of the prisoner may have impressed them badly.<a +name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" +class="fnanchor">[80]</a> It is in the highest degree improbable that +they attached any importance to his few slips. He speaks of having a +naturally weak memory which, so he declares, had grown worse while he +was in prison,<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a +href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and he was frankly +sceptical as to the possibility of any man's recalling every incident +in squabbles that happened years before.<a name="FNanchor_82" +id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> +As it happens, his memory seems to have been excellent. No doubt it +failed him now and then; but seldom did it mislead him on any +essential point.<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a +href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> It is conceivable that +Luis de Leon's judges at Valladolid thought him lacking in +deference.<a name="pg52"></a><span class="pagenum">{52}</span> Though +perfectly respectful, his attitude to them was anything but +subservient. The judges were accustomed to see prisoners who were +brought before them crushed with awe and a sense of impending doom. +Conscious of the baselessness of the charges against him, the accused +seemed to take his acquittal as certain; and he stood so little in awe +of his judges that he announced his intention of appealing over their +heads to the members of the Supreme Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_84" +id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> +Timidity was not among his failings. A priest of Astudillo, formerly a +student at Salamanca, had occasionally strayed into Luis de Leon's +densely-packed lecture-room, and retained an abiding impression of the +professor's <i>desenvoltura</i> in his chair.<a name="FNanchor_85" +id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> +Luis de Leon had not become wholly subdued during the intervening +years. He did not mince words in court, and indulged in sweeping +denunciations of large groups of men; he branded all Dominicans as +'enemies';<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a +href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> he was scarcely more +indulgent in<a name="pg53"></a><span class="pagenum">{53}</span> +speaking of the Jeromites (who resented his opposition to the +candidature of their representative, Hector Pinto, for a chair at +Salamanca);<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a +href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> and on general grounds, +not unconnected with ancient academic rancours, he objected to the +entire faculty of theology at the University of Alcalá de +Henares.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a +href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> The evidence of such +persons should, he suggested, be discounted in advance. Slow to think +evil of his neighbours, Luis de Leon was apt, once his suspicions were +aroused, to fling his net widely. He had some inkling that he and his +had the fatal gift of rousing antagonism. His uncle had been a +practising lawyer, and Luis de Leon argued that all who had suffered +through the professional activities of his kinsman should be debarred +from testifying in his case.<a name="FNanchor_89" +id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> +The unworldly man manifestly took it for granted that witnesses who +harboured any such grudge against him would willingly admit it, if +pressed on the point.</p> + +<p>Outspoken as was Luis de Leon with<a name="pg54"></a><span +class="pagenum">{54}</span> regard to groups, he was not less +outspoken with regard to individuals, and in this respect it must be +admitted that he does not appear at his best. Vehemence of language +had been the rule in the Salamancan <i>juntas</i> of professors, and much +of this intemperate tone clung to Luis de Leon. No doubt large +allowances should be made for him. He knew that his honour was at +stake and that his life was in peril.<a name="FNanchor_90" +id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> +As he was persuaded—perhaps rightly—he had been brought to +this pass mainly through the intrigues of an unscrupulous pair.<a +name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" +class="fnanchor">[91]</a> His provocation was extreme. It was almost +to be expected that he should use plain words when referring to foes +as malignant as Medina and Castro. These two men he accused of +deliberately organizing a conspiracy against him;<a name="FNanchor_92" +id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> +he spoke bluntly of Medina's 'hatred', 'rage', 'trickery', and +'lying';<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a +href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> he was not mealy-mouthed +in describing Castro's 'malice', 'deceit', 'calumnies', and +'perjury'.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a +href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Luis de Leon dealt no +less faithfully with some members of<a name="pg55"></a><span +class="pagenum">{55}</span> his own order who were spiteful or +cowardly—or both. As early as the beginning of August 1572 Fray +Gabriel Montoya, Prior of the Augustinian Monastery at Toledo, stated +to the Inquisitors at Valladolid that, in his opinion, certain remarks +on the Vulgate, made by Luis de Leon in the course of a lecture, were +of an heretical savour.<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a +href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> The value of this +opinion is somewhat diminished by the fact that Montoya had a personal +grudge against Luis de Leon who, some four or five years previously, +had prevented Montoya's election as Provincial of the Augustinians in +Spain.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a +href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> This check seems to have +galled Montoya, who gives the impression of being a rancorous gossip, +and, before leaving the court, he repeated a malignant +rumour—derived he knew not whence—to the effect that Luis +de Leon's father had enjoined his son to be submissive to his +superiors and to follow the current opinion in matters intellectual.<a +name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" +class="fnanchor">[97]</a> Luis de Leon indulges in no circuitous +phrases when he comes to deal with<a name="pg56"></a><span +class="pagenum">{56}</span> Montoya, whom he describes as an enemy +notorious for his untruthfulness.<a name="FNanchor_98" +id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> +It would appear that much of Montoya's second-hand information came +from another Augustinian, Francisco de Arboleda,<a name="FNanchor_99" +id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> +who had once been a student of Luis de Leon's,<a name="FNanchor_100" +id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" +class="fnanchor">[100]</a> and had been entrusted by the prisoner with +the delicate mission of collecting from certain theologians in Seville +opinions favourable to Luis de Leon's views upon the Vulgate.<a +name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" +class="fnanchor">[101]</a> This very sensible precaution scandalized +Montoya. It is open to criticism solely on the ground that Luis de +Leon chose his agent badly. To this criticism the real answer is that +Luis de Leon had to employ what agents he could, and that nobody but +Arboleda, who was not above flattering his old master,<a +name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" +class="fnanchor">[102]</a> was available at the time of his mission to +Seville. Arboleda's evidence was not damaging; it was ill-intentioned +and impertinent, inasmuch as it repeated vague rumours of the Jewish +descent of the accused;<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a +href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> the gravest fact the<a +name="pg57"></a><span class="pagenum">{57}</span> witness could allege +was Luis de Leon's view that a friar, despite his vow of poverty, +might spend a couple of coppers without mortal sin in buying an <i>Agnus +Dei</i>.<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a +href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Arboleda gives the +impression of being a dullard, and this is pretty much the description +of him by another member of the Augustinian order—Pedro de +Rojas,<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a +href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> son of the +Marqués de Pozas and afterwards Bishop of Astorga and Osuna. +Luis de Leon apparently agreed with Rojas in his estimate of +Arboleda's ability, and this may account for his comparative leniency +to the poor numbskull. More severe treatment is meted out to another +Augustinian, Diego de Zúñiga, whom Luis de Leon brands +as a deliberate perjurer.<a name="FNanchor_106" +id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" +class="fnanchor">[106]</a> Who was this Zúñiga? He has +generally been identified with the Zúñiga who was among +the first in Spain to declare in favour of the Copernican theory;<a +name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" +class="fnanchor">[107]</a> this action needed courage and +Zúñiga has had his reward. As he is respectfully quoted +by Galileo, he has attained something like immortality.<a +name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" +class="fnanchor">[108]</a><a name="pg58"></a><span +class="pagenum">{58}</span> There is, however, no conclusive evidence +to show that this enlightened writer is the Zúñiga who +came under Luis de Leon's lash. The correctness of the current +identification is, at least, doubtful.</p> + +<p>The fact that Diego de Zúñiga is a frequent +combination of names in Spain is an embarrassment to the investigator. +It is noticeable that Luis de Leon's references seem to imply some +doubt as to his opponent's real name; he is obviously uncertain +whether his accuser should be called Zúñiga or +Rodriguez,<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a +href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> and in this +uncertainty he is not alone.<a name="FNanchor_110" +id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" +class="fnanchor">[110]</a> It appears that there were at least two +Augustinians known as Diego de Zúñiga in Luis de Leon's +time; it further appears that neither of the two inherited from his +father the surname which he habitually used. Both men claimed +relationship with the Duque de Béjar—it was to the +seventh Duque de Béjar that Cervantes dedicated the First Part +of <i>Don Quixote</i> in 1605—and both assumed the family<a +name="pg59"></a><span class="pagenum">{59}</span> name of that +illustrious stock.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a +href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> The original name of +the more celebrated of these Zúñigas was Diego Arias;<a +name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" +class="fnanchor">[112]</a> the original name of the less celebrated +was Rodriguez.<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a +href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> This is not decisive, +but it may well be one of those small facts which speak volumes. +Chronology confirms the conclusion to be drawn from these +considerations. The Zúñiga who appeared against Luis de +Leon at Valladolid was evidently professed as early as 1559 or 1560;<a +name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" +class="fnanchor">[114]</a> the more celebrated Zúñiga +was not professed till 1566.<a name="FNanchor_115" +id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" +class="fnanchor">[115]</a> General considerations point in the same +direction. The views of Zúñiga (<i>alias</i> Arias) were +approximately those of Luis de Leon;<a name="FNanchor_116" +id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" +class="fnanchor">[116]</a> he viewed matters from the same standpoint, +was himself a university professor,<a name="FNanchor_117" +id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" +class="fnanchor">[117]</a> and had something of Luis de Leon's +fearlessness.<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a +href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> Zúñiga +(<i>alias</i> Rodriguez) was a man of a very different type: pedantically +attached to the letter of the law, morbidly scrupulous on points of +discipline. There seems to be no touch of burlesque intention in<a +name="pg60"></a><span class="pagenum">{60}</span> Luis de Leon's +presentment of the man. According to Luis de Leon, +Zúñiga (<i>alias</i> Rodriguez) was half-crazed with vanity, +much given to boasting of the esteem in which he was held at the Papal +Court. On one occasion, the fatuous Zúñiga produced a +short treatise entitled <i>Manera para aprender todas las ciencias</i>, +and, stating that he proposed sending this pamphlet to the Pope, made +bold to ask what his interlocutor thought of it. Can he have been vain +enough to expect a favourable verdict? If so, he did not know his man. +Luis de Leon drily expressed his regret that a work destined for the +Pope should be so slight and should contain a number of rather +commonplace passages such as might be found in any current book of +reference—though, as he added politely, he assumed that these +passages were the fruit of independent reading. This courteous +assumption, which Zúñiga hastily assured Luis de Leon +was exact,<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a +href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> could not alter the +fact that the ambitious author<a name="pg61"></a><span +class="pagenum">{61}</span> had been severely snubbed, and this snub +may well have rankled in the mind of a man who is described as +'vindictive'. Zúñiga had another grievance against Luis +de Leon, who had taken a severe view of his companion's insolence to +an official superior at a Provincial Chapter, and had joined in making +representations the upshot of which was that the culprit was publicly +and ignominiously punished.<a name="FNanchor_120" +id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" +class="fnanchor">[120]</a> It is well-nigh incredible that the +Zúñiga who championed Copernicus, and displays vigilant +self-restraint in his writings, should have been guilty of such +flightiness as is brought home to his namesake; it is by no means +inconceivable that the Zúñiga who deposed against Luis +de Leon should have been guilty of occasional lapses. He is said to +have been impetuous as well as vindictive;<a name="FNanchor_121" +id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" +class="fnanchor">[121]</a> he had the dangerous gift of pulpit +eloquence<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a +href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> and may have acquired +the trick of saying rather more than he meant. His evidence against +Luis de Leon, though fluent and clear, is not<a name="pg62"></a><span +class="pagenum">{62}</span> what we should expect from a man of +talent, who recognized the gravity of the charges against the +prisoner. His testimony, such as it is, has less intellectual +substance than the testimony of Castro and Medina; it turns mainly on +petty personal questions or on points of morbid scrupulousness. The +more closely his evidence is scrutinized, the more difficult is it to +avoid the suspicion that Zúñiga was not a perfectly +trustworthy witness. For instance, according to his sworn statement he +was thirty-six years old when he deposed at Toledo on November 4, +1572.<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a +href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> The declaration is +made positively without any of the qualifying phrases—'about', +'nearly', 'more or less'—so frequent on the part of witnesses. +Nevertheless, it seems possible that this assertion is erroneous. +Zúñiga refers to a discussion respecting Arias Montano +which he had with Luis de Leon in the latter's cell some thirteen +years previously. At this time Zúñiga would, on his own +showing, be but twenty-three. From<a name="pg63"></a><span +class="pagenum">{63}</span> what we know of Luis de Leon, it seems +improbable that he would admit to his confidential intimacy a man so +much his junior. No doubt Zúñiga (or Rodriguez) was +young at the time—hardly old enough, by his own reckoning, to be +an ordained priest—a <i>mancebo</i>, as he seemed to Luis de Leon's +retrospicient eyes.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a +href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> Yet it is very hard to +believe that Zúñiga was no more than twenty-three when +he took it upon himself to cast doubts on the orthodoxy of Benito +Arias Montano;<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a +href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> nor is it likely that +Luis de Leon would discuss so delicate a topic with the most brilliant +of youths. Let it not be said that the question of +Zúñiga's accuracy in stating his age is relatively +unimportant. It is highly relevant; for, if Zúñiga were +capable of making a mistake on such a point, he was manifestly more +liable to error when dealing with other matters on which he +necessarily knew less. However, Zúñiga's evidence is not +weighty enough to call for detailed examination. He may be left to +bear the burden of Luis de<a name="pg64"></a><span +class="pagenum">{64}</span> Leon's scorn. I am more concerned here to +suggest that, on the facts before us, we are not compelled to identify +the Zúñiga who deposed against Luis de Leon with a +namesake of a higher intellectual type. To us who read the testimony +in cold blood, more than three centuries after it was given, it seems +that Luis de Leon deals as impartially with his brethren as with +members of other religious orders. This was not his intention, at any +rate. He knew his fellow-Augustinians better than he could know the +rest, and he himself tells us not obscurely that, out of consideration +for his gown, he was silent on various matters which, if proclaimed +aloud, would not make for edification.<a name="FNanchor_126" +id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" +class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p> + +<p>Members of the Valladolid Court could see for themselves that while +Luis de Leon's opponents—Dominicans, Jeromites, and the +rest—were banded solidly against him, the Augustinians were by +no means unanimous in his favour. That he was difficult to deal with +personally the Court had opportunities of knowing. His<a +name="pg65"></a><span class="pagenum">{65}</span> unbending fidelity +to principle and his impetuosity probably produced on the tribunal an +impression of obstinacy combined with caprice. On May 6, 1573, a +certain Dr. Ortiz de Funes was, as is recorded, nominated counsel to +the prisoner;<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a +href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> there is no reason to +suppose that Ortiz de Funes was in ability below the average level of +the bar, but he was no match for his client, and though he may have +given valuable advice on purely legal points, when these arose, it +soon became plain that Luis de Leon was the brain of the defence and +that he meant to conduct that defence in his own way. Ortiz de Funes +became a nullity or, at least, a mere figure-head whose main duty +consisted in signing papers which the prisoner had drawn up. A time +came when, according to the practice of the Inquisition, it became +necessary for Luis de Leon to nominate <i>patronos</i>, and in this matter +Ortiz de Funes intervened somewhat more prominently than was usual +with him. A <i>patrono</i> has no exact<a name="pg66"></a><span +class="pagenum">{66}</span> counterpart in English ecclesiastical law; +it was his business, within narrow limits, to defend the interests of +the accused from the theological point of view. On June 26, 1574, Luis +de Leon was brought into court, and was told that he was to choose two +<i>patronos</i> out of four men whose names were given him.<a +name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" +class="fnanchor">[128]</a> He was obviously taken aback at this +proposal, and replying that, since he did not know any of the four, he +was ignorant as to their qualifications, added that he had already +requested the appointment of Sebastian Perez, professor of Theology at +Párraces, as <i>patrono</i>. He renewed his request, adding that +either Dr. Cáncer or the Dominican Hernando del Castillo could +be appointed with Perez; but before any determination was taken, he +begged leave to consult his legal adviser.<a name="FNanchor_129" +id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" +class="fnanchor">[129]</a> As might have been expected, Ortiz de Funes +fell in with his client's view and two days later made a formal +application to the Court that Perez be appointed <i>patrono</i>, with +either Cáncer or Castillo to<a name="pg67"></a><span +class="pagenum">{67}</span> help him.<a name="FNanchor_130" +id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" +class="fnanchor">[130]</a> No appointment was made at the moment and, +as it turned out, this was perhaps just as well; for by June 30 Luis +de Leon had changed his mind, and appeared in court to ask that +Castillo's name be removed from the list of acceptable <i>patronos</i>.<a +name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" +class="fnanchor">[131]</a> On July 14 Ortiz de Funes announced his +client's intention of appealing to the Inquisitor-General against the +decision forcing him to select <i>patronos</i> from a list of persons +unknown to him.<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a +href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> Neither Luis de Leon +nor Ortiz de Funes seemed to have guessed that the Valladolid judges +were acting on instructions from the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid.<a +name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" +class="fnanchor">[133]</a> For a moment the step taken by Ortiz de +Funes and his client appeared to have some slight effect. Luis de Leon +was informed that he would be allowed to appoint Perez as his +<i>patrono</i> but on two conditions: (1) he must undertake to pay all the +travelling expenses of his <i>patrono</i>, and (2) an inquiry must be held +to establish the <i>limpieza</i> of Perez. This last proceeding,<a +name="pg68"></a><span class="pagenum">{68}</span> it was significantly +added, would be slow.<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a +href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> Again Ortiz de Funes +was consulted; but it is difficult to believe that he had more than a +technical responsibility for the startling decision which he +announced: the decision to accept as <i>patronos</i> Fray Mancio de <i>Corpus +Christi</i> and either Bartolomé de Medina or Dr. Cáncer.<a +name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" +class="fnanchor">[135]</a> Mancio, whose pupil Luis de Leon had once +been at Alcalá, was a Dominican;<a name="FNanchor_136" +id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" +class="fnanchor">[136]</a> hence he would be suspect—perhaps +doubly 'suspect'—in the prisoner's eyes. Medina, also a +Dominican, was an overt foe; Cáncer, of whom Luis de Leon knew +nothing except that he was a professor at Salamanca, proved to be not +over friendly. Luis de Leon may conceivably have thought that Mancio's +undoubted learning would ensure his treading in the strict path of +justice, and that Mancio's advanced age<a name="FNanchor_137" +id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" +class="fnanchor">[137]</a> would enable him to press his views on his +coadjutor. It is more likely, however, that the three names were put +forward in a paroxysm of impatience—at a moment<a +name="pg69"></a><span class="pagenum">{69}</span> when Luis de Leon +was willing to fall in with any arrangement which might hasten a +decision of his case.</p> + +<p>Mancio was appointed <i>patrono</i>, and was duly sworn in at Valladolid +on October 9, 1574;<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a +href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> on October 13 he made +a report favourable to the accused.<a name="FNanchor_139" +id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" +class="fnanchor">[139]</a> The prisoner was not informed of this (as +he should have been), and took umbrage at what he thought was an act +of insolent remissness. He appeared in court on October 16, and +protested against any of his papers being entrusted to Mancio, lest he +should take them to his Dominican monastery where they ran the risk of +being scanned by hostile eyes.<a name="FNanchor_140" +id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" +class="fnanchor">[140]</a> On October 22 the prisoner showed signs of +increasing distrust, for he then requested the return of thirty-two +sheets of paper, covered with notes for his defence, which he himself +had handed to Mancio.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a +href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> Luis de Leon's +suspicions deepened rapidly. On October 25 he asked to be allowed to +cancel his nomination of Mancio as<a name="pg70"></a><span +class="pagenum">{70}</span> <i>patrono</i>.<a name="FNanchor_142" +id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" +class="fnanchor">[142]</a> The local judges referred the application +to the Supreme Inquisition, and were instructed to proceed as though +nothing unusual had happened; Mancio, however, was to be told to stay +away still further notice.<a name="FNanchor_143" +id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" +class="fnanchor">[143]</a> On December 7 Luis de Leon handed in a +written explanation of his recent action. With regard to Mancio, he +complained of his <i>patrono's</i> omission to confer with him, expressed +some suspicion that Mancio might have become a party to Medina's plot, +declined to accept as valid Mancio's excuse for not +attending—that he had to lecture in Salamanca—and +vehemently declared that Mancio's negligence amounted to very grave +sin.<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a +href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> These phrases can +scarcely have been used in their natural sense, for Luis de Leon +concluded his written petition by stating that he was still willing to +accept Mancio as his <i>patrono</i>, if Mancio were able to be present at +Valladolid. Should this be impossible, the prisoner asked that Dr. +Vadillo, Canon of Plasencia, and the<a name="pg71"></a><span +class="pagenum">{71}</span> Augustinian Fray Francisco Cueto should be +assigned to him as <i>patronos</i>. A working arrangement thus became +possible, and the General Inquisitor at Madrid ordered that Mancio +should be given due facilities. These orders were received on December +13.<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a +href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> It appears that Mancio +picked up the dropped threads of this business on December 23, and +spent another day or two in reviewing the general situation.<a +name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" +class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Mancio's cautious policy was doubtless +sound; but to Luis de Leon, who maintained that the matters on which +his <i>patrono</i> had to pronounce were as simple as could be, these +tactics seemed mistaken, and on January 13, 1575, he begged the Court +to press Mancio to give an opinion without delay.<a +name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" +class="fnanchor">[147]</a> On March 6 Luis de Leon once more +complained of being unable to confer with his <i>patrono</i>; but now, +rather late in the day, he came nearer to putting the blame on the +right shoulders. Hitherto he had been prone to ascribe all manner of +evil motives to Mancio,<a name="pg72"></a><span +class="pagenum">{72}</span> whom he should have known better: at last +it vaguely dawned on him that the obstacles might come (as, in fact, +they did come) from the tribunal which was trying him.<a +name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" +class="fnanchor">[148]</a> On March 15 Mancio wrote a letter to the +judges, promising to attend at Valladolid unless absolutely prevented +from doing so.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a +href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Four days later the +General Inquisition wrote to the same judges, hinting that a decision +might be given shortly.<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a +href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> The Valladolid Court +was stirred into temporary activity. A sitting was held on March 30; +Mancio was present; a consultation took place between him and his +client;<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a +href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> and henceforth we hear +no more of difficulties in connexion with Luis de Leon's <i>patrono</i>. +Nearly six months had been wasted owing to want of tact on the part of +the Inquisitionary officials.</p> + +<p>As the event proved, the prisoner's protests in this matter were +thoroughly justified. It is easy to perceive this now. We cannot be +sure that we should have taken the same view had we been +contemporary<a name="pg73"></a><span class="pagenum">{73}</span> +spectators. If appearances were not actually against Luis de Leon, +they combined to reveal him in his least attractive posture. His +comparative promptitude in accepting Mancio as <i>patrono</i>, his +unwillingness to abide by his choice, his sudden hostility to Mancio, +his final acceptance of Mancio, are all explicable variations. +Nevertheless they showed a disregard for superficial consistency which +might easily be misinterpreted as caprice. The bias of the court had +been veering away from the prisoner for some time. His series of +actions with respect to Mancio lost him all judicial favour. His +judges considered him as an unreasonable man, a gifted sophist fertile +in inventing objections in and out of season, a hair-splitter +perpetually arguing for argument's sake. Luis de Leon was, as a rule, +so unaccommodating that some of his judges may have begun to think +they understood why he was not universally popular with members of his +own order. Nor did Luis de Leon's demeanour in court serve to +dissipate the<a name="pg74"></a><span class="pagenum">{74}</span> +atmosphere of almost arrogant rectitude which enveloped him. He felt +bound to criticize the machinery of the Inquisition. He may easily +have seemed to be criticizing those engaged in working the machinery. +At the best of times the procedure of the Court was not expeditious. +For example, though Luis de Leon was arrested on March 27, 1572, the +first hearing of his formal defence did not take place till April +14—more than a fortnight later. More than once Luis de Leon +complained of the Court's delays without going into questions of +motive.<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a +href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> In this he was clearly +right, for, as we have seen, the Supreme Inquisition was not wholly +satisfied with the progress made. At other times the prisoner stressed +the fact that constant postponements were apt to do him injury, and he +hinted rather plainly that there was an intention to wear him down by +deliberately prolonging the proceedings.<a name="FNanchor_153" +id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" +class="fnanchor">[153]</a> In this conjecture he was almost certainly +wrong. The Valladolid judges had no power to alter<a +name="pg75"></a><span class="pagenum">{75}</span> the system which +they found in existence; possibly, becoming accustomed to it, they +ended by thinking well of it. Its weak points were naturally more +evident to Luis de Leon, and his torrent of critical remarks may have +seemed to reflect on the intelligence and probity of the Court. +Administrators, however exalted, are human, and even the lowliest of +magistrates is prone to take offence, if given to understand that he +is considered dull and dishonest. Luis de Leon never was betrayed into +using disrespectful language; but his polite formulae could not +conceal the fact that he had no very high opinion of those in whose +hands his fate lay. Nor did the well-meant observance of established +forms on the part of the Court do anything to modify his sentiments. +It was in strict conformity with precedent that he should be adjured +to make a clean breast of it and should be informed that, while +truthfulness would meet with clemency, lying would be severely dealt +with.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a +href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> It is strange that it +should have been thought<a name="pg76"></a><span +class="pagenum">{76}</span> necessary to use this formula in the case +of Luis de Leon—a highly-strung, sensitive man, with an almost +morbid passion for truth. The sole excuse for the Inquisitors is that +this warning was given at the first sitting. But, at the second +sitting, the warning was repeated in almost identical terms.<a +name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" +class="fnanchor">[155]</a> It seems scarcely possible to show less +tact in the conduct of a difficult case. No doubt the explanation is +that none of the Valladolid judges was sufficiently independent to set +a precedent of his own.</p> + +<p>Large allowances must be made for those unhappy men. They cannot +reasonably be blamed for not taking it upon themselves to alter the +established procedure of the Court in which they sat. Their position +was always difficult, and it did not become easier as time went on. +They had good reason to know that a vocal group of influential persons +in Salamanca confidently expected them to condemn Luis de Leon; yet +some of them, at least, were uncomfortably aware<a +name="pg77"></a><span class="pagenum">{77}</span> that the evidence +before them would not warrant a conviction on the major charges. The +most damaging witnesses—Medina, Castro, and +Zúñiga—had been called at a very early stage of +the proceedings. These heavy guns had been fired without destroying +the adversary. There was nothing for it now but to hope for the worst +from the reports of the official <i>calificadores</i>, Dr. Cáncer, +Fray Nicolas Ramos, and Dr. Frechilla, who did their utmost to fulfil +expectations.<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a +href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> Lest the +pronouncements of this trio proved unconvincing, the precaution was +taken of excluding evidence. At the beginning of the case, any sort of +second-hand gossip was admitted as evidence on the chance that its +cumulative effect might be damaging to the accused. At Murcia, on +February 4, 1573, a hostile Augustinian, Fray Juan Ciguelo, a man of +doubtful character, was permitted to retail idle chatter on the part +of another Augustinian who averred that Luis de Leon was prone to +saying <i>Requiems</i> too often, and was in<a name="pg78"></a><span +class="pagenum">{78}</span> the habit of reading Latin too quickly.<a +name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" +class="fnanchor">[157]</a> Ciguelo's testimony, though malignant, had +done no harm; later on, it was thought more prudent to adopt the +opposite policy and to prevent as many as possible of the witnesses +for the defence from being heard. As late as July 7, 1576, no less +than three interrogatories<a name="FNanchor_158" +id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" +class="fnanchor">[158]</a> by Luis de Leon were rejected on the ground +that they were irrelevant (<i>impertinentes</i>).<a name="FNanchor_159" +id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" +class="fnanchor">[159]</a> It is difficult to reconcile these +decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later ruling was thought +to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the earlier one. In +their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion which was +easily disproved.<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a +href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p> + +<p>Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables +us to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to +supplement the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his +youth, may easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many +who had seen him. According to that painter's<a name="pg79"></a><span +class="pagenum">{79}</span> <i>Libro de Descripcion de verdaderos +Retratos de illustres y memorables varones</i>, Luis de Leon was below +the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered with thick +and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his brow was +broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his complexion was +darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was grave; and, we may +add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed, regarded Luis de +Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in mathematics, in +jurisprudence, in medicine—and, though self-taught as a +painter—an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a +compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of +Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose +enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his +account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The +fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable +record of the Valladolid<a name="pg80"></a><span +class="pagenum">{80}</span> trial confirms Pacheco's report of the +prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in +which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When +being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the +innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts +which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself, +to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or +scoffer in him.<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a +href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> But if Luis de Leon +was relatively poor in humour, he had an abundant store of mordant +sarcasm and a faculty for ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned +to their chagrin.<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a +href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Pacheco's opinion of +Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by the scrap of evidence +given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas—the sightless +dedicatee of <i>El aire se serena</i>. Salinas bore witness that some of +Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any +University chair against all competition.<a name="FNanchor_163" +id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" +class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Evidently to those who met him frequently<a +name="pg81"></a><span class="pagenum">{81}</span> Luis de Leon +conveyed the impression of irresistible talent. Though students voted +in professorial elections at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon +loyally, he did nothing to conciliate them, and expressed his opinion +of them with unquestionable candour. We gather that he was profoundly +attached to the ancient order of things<a name="FNanchor_164" +id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" +class="fnanchor">[164]</a> and that, though accused of interpreting +the Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical +book.<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a +href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> We learn that among +his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and Melchor Cano;<a +name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" +class="fnanchor">[166]</a> of these he would seem most to have +esteemed Cano.<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a +href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> With such masters, and +being the man he was, Luis de Leon would naturally have got together a +good theological library, and he was allowed to have some of his books +in his prison-cell; it is but natural that most of his requests should +be for theological works which would be of service in preparing his +defence on technical points. Reading was his sole solace during his +imprisonment, and it is<a name="pg82"></a><span +class="pagenum">{82}</span> noticeable that, whenever he asks for a +book he speaks of it—not with the dry, meticulous precision of a +bibliographer but—with all the caressing detail of a genuine +book-lover. He indicates the sizes of the various works which he +needs, describes their bindings, and mentions in what part of his +monastery-cell they will be found. He wants a Vatable with gilt edges, +bound in black; it should be found in a case for smaller volumes which +lies on his writing-table. He asks for a Bible, printed by Plantin, +bound in black leather and fastened with black silk ribbons. He +demands a Biblical concordance which is in folio. This lies on a high +shelf near the window.<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a +href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> He begs to have the +works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the left as +you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for +theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds +entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity. +When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in<a +name="pg83"></a><span class="pagenum">{83}</span> sheep's-skin; it +will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the +monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil—of which +there are a great many ('<i>de que hay hartos</i>'), so that he does not +particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in +sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves +where the works of St. Justin are.<a name="FNanchor_169" +id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" +class="fnanchor">[169]</a> Again, besides the works of St. Leo, bound +in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf; for a Pindar +(in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with gilt edges; +and for <i>Le prose dil Bembo</i>, a volume in small quarto with a +parchment binding.<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a +href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> This throws light on +Luis de Leon's progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for +an Italian book to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know +that language. In or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the +anonymous Italian work which disturbed Zúñiga's +scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though of course able to catch +the author's drift, did not<a name="pg84"></a><span +class="pagenum">{84}</span> really know Italian at that time.<a +name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" +class="fnanchor">[171]</a> This deficiency had been made good, as he +gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573—twenty eight +months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of <i>Le prose +dil Bembo</i> should be given to him in prison.</p> + +<p>The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of +Luis de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. +Towards the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary +judges there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological +student who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified +that for about two years he had discussed matters of theology, +mathematics, and astrology with Luis de Leon.<a name="FNanchor_172" +id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" +class="fnanchor">[172]</a> It may astonish some that Luis de Leon +toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have surprised +his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as to the +cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he had read +a compilation<a name="pg85"></a><span class="pagenum">{85}</span> on +astrology which had been lent to him by a student named Poza, a +licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have doubted whether he ought +to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de Leon on the question. Luis +de Leon dipped into the book, and came finally to the conclusion that +the whole thing was rubbish. But he found in the work some curious +observations, and was tempted to make at least one experiment which +involved the use of a pious formula. The owner of the book left +Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then raging there. Luis de +Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day, and had intended to burn +the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out the main part of his +intention by burning the work in the presence of Fray Bartolomé +de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this holocaust. No +more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's curiosity as +to the possibilities of astrology continued with but little +abatement.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a +href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> This half-belief in +astrology<a name="pg86"></a><span class="pagenum">{86}</span> as a +kind of black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and +vestiges of this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected +quarters till our own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus +to furnish his adversaries with ammunition which they might use +against him; but could anything bespeak conscious innocence more +strongly than his voluntary avowal?</p> + +<p>Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his +protestations of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court +what course it should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought +to order Leon de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.<a +name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" +class="fnanchor">[174]</a> Later on, he declared with vehemence that +his detention was without a shadow of legality, that his imprisonment +ought not to continue for a single day, and that he ought to be +compensated for the injury done him.<a name="FNanchor_175" +id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" +class="fnanchor">[175]</a> These may have been truths; but they were +decidedly unpalatable, and the expediency of making these assertions +to a prejudiced<a name="pg87"></a><span class="pagenum">{87}</span> +bench is at least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de +Leon could bring himself to use. He complained again and again of +delays, attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and +incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went +on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making +his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing +vehemence.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a +href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> He impressed on his +hearers the fundamental absurdity of certain charges against him, and, +waxing indignant at the statement that he had thrown doubt on the +coming of Christ, he objected to having so senseless a jest fathered +on him. There was always the alternative that he might be supposed to +have used in earnest the words imputed to him; in which case, even if +the evidence on this point were far more decisive than it actually +was, 'before believing it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether +I had gone out of my mind at the time, or were drunk'.<a +name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" +class="fnanchor">[177]</a> It is, no doubt, difficult<a +name="pg88"></a><span class="pagenum">{88}</span> to meet a contention +of this kind; but such a contention is not calculated to capture the +sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should it be overlooked that the +judges were subjected to continual pressure from the attacking +parties. The official <i>calificadores</i> took a serious view of Luis de +Leon's opinions on the authority of the Vulgate; they showered reports +upon the judges; naturally these reports did not always agree with one +another, but they were unanimous in one respect; they declared against +the teaching of Luis de Leon,<a name="FNanchor_178" +id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" +class="fnanchor">[178]</a> and this perhaps decided the tribunal in +giving judgement. We may think that the court unconsciously allowed +itself to be swayed by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was +at no great pains to conceal his estimate of its capacity. However +that may be, it must be admitted that the decision of the Court had +behind it a great body of what may be called expert opinion. The +question of the authority due to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the +foreground; and the<a name="pg89"></a><span +class="pagenum">{89}</span> report of even so liberal-minded a man as +the Dominican Hernando del Castillo was not wholly favourable. +Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion that Luis de Leon had uttered +nothing against faith; but while he acquitted the prisoner of teaching +'erroneous, temerarious or scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de +Leon was much to blame for dealing with the question when and where he +did.<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a +href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> The opinion of other +<i>calificadores</i> was still more hostile, though it is to be noted that +their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the +delivery of a decision drew near.<a name="FNanchor_180" +id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" +class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p> + +<p>That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year +after year. This series of postponements—ordered, despite the +wishes of the prisoner and (as he contended) against his +interests—had got on to Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to +occasional moods of depression, and had betrayed him into a few +irritable or intemperate outbursts. But these results were +unintentional. The Valladolid judges<a name="pg90"></a><span +class="pagenum">{90}</span> were well aware from the outset that no +time was to be lost. As early as July 29, 1572, they delegated a piece +of work to one of their commissaries in Salamanca, and impressed on +him the urgency of dispatch.<a name="FNanchor_181" +id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" +class="fnanchor">[181]</a> They secured from Benito Rodriguez, the +commissary in question, greater speed than they attained themselves. +This may have been due to accident, or to incompetence on their part. +But the policy of continual adjournment could not be prolonged for +ever. It had lasted too long for the patience of the Supreme +Inquisition:<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a +href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>...even the weariest river<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Winds somewhere safe to sea.<br/></span></div></div> + +<p>On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. +Seven members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, +Andrés de Álava, Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de +Albornoz voted that Luis de Leon should be put to the torture—a +moderate amount of torture in view of his frail health—and, when +this was done, the court should sit<a name="pg91"></a><span +class="pagenum">{91}</span> again and determine accordingly. Dr. +Guijano de Mercado and Dr. Frechilla took a more lenient view, +recommending that, in consideration of the more exculpatory reports +recently given by the <i>calificadores</i>, in consideration also of the +replies made by the prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be +reprimanded for dealing with so grave a matter (as the authority of +the Vulgate) at an unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; +that he should be called upon to renounce publicly certain views which +seemed ambiguous; that he should be told by his bishop to occupy +himself with matters of general interest; that he should cease +lecturing altogether; and that his <i>Song of Solomon</i>, done into +Spanish, should be seized. The Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to +give his decision in writing.<a name="FNanchor_183" +id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" +class="fnanchor">[183]</a> It may not have been committed to paper: at +any rate, it does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement +of Guijano and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, +which curtly<a name="pg92"></a><span class="pagenum">{92}</span> +ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to +reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to +confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the <i>Song of +Solomon</i>.<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a +href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> These orders, dated at +Madrid on December 7, 1576, were, of course, obeyed.<a +name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" +class="fnanchor">[185]</a> As the senior member of the Court, Dr. +Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up +while it was pronounced.<a name="FNanchor_186" +id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" +class="fnanchor">[186]</a> The date is not stated, but it cannot have +been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon +applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for +an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that +officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till +his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years' tenure.<a +name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" +class="fnanchor">[187]</a> Both applications were granted. But the +Ethiopian cannot change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, +that the petitioner received full satisfaction.<a name="FNanchor_188" +id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" +class="fnanchor">[188]</a><a name="pg93"></a><span +class="pagenum">{93}</span></p> + + + +<hr/> +<h2>III</h2> + + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_53">[53]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 143-144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_54">[54]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 174-176.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_55">[55]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon +administered a fund left by the late Doña Ana Abarca de +Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this fund a +life-pension was paid to Almansa (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. +XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears +from his request of December 20, 1572 (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, +vol. X, p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores +estará trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo +faltará lo mas della, porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi +gente; y podrá ser tener yo necesidad para mi negocio de +algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas agenas y que estan á +mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido darme libertad algun +dia. Suplico á V. md. por amor de Dios sea servido de enviar +á mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, ó á +Francisco de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo,<a +name="pg94"></a><span class="pagenum">{94}</span> que la cierre y tome +todas las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo hará muy bien, +porque es hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico á V. md. +no lo ponga en olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought +suspiciously warm; at any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de +Almansa, Familiar of the Inquisition at Salamanca. </p><p> When taken +into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the company of Fray +Alonso Siluente (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. +188).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_56">[56]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough Luis de Leon lost +exact account of time during his imprisonment, and was not very sure +as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y despues á +veinte tres, ó veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo pasado], +el dicho Señor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mandó +prender, ...' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. +185).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_57">[57]</a></p><p>Opinions differ +as to whether Luis de Leon was imprisoned in the original +Inquisitionary cells on the site of which 18 and 20 calle del Obispo +now stand. Blanco García thought that this was not the case +(<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 129 <i>n</i>). The recurrence of such phrases as +<i>mandó subir de su cárcel</i> (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>,<a name="pg95"></a><span class="pagenum">{95}</span> +vol. XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's +cell was underground.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_58">[58]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico á sus mercedes +sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre prior +[Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise á Ana de Espinosa, monja en el +monasterio de Madrigal, que envíe una caja de unos polvos que +ella solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolías y pasiones de +corazon, que ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas +necesidad que agora; y sobre todo que me encomiende á Dios sin +cansarse.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_59">[59]</a></p><p>The tone of his +request shows that he anticipated a refusal on the ground that he +might wilfully injure himself with a knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes +fuesen servidos, torno á suplicar se me dé un cuchillo +para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de Dios, seguramente +se me puede dar; que jamás deseé la vida y las fuerzas +tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que Dios me +ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 179-180).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_60">[60]</a></p><p>The concession +of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le dé esto que pide; y +atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron<a +name="pg96"></a><span class="pagenum">{96}</span> que mandaban y +mandaron que el alcaide le dé un cuchillo sin punta. Lo cual se +mandó al alcaide luego en su presencia' (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 180).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_61">[61]</a></p><p>It figures as +the sixth charge in the speech of the prosecuting counsel, Diego de +Haedo (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 208). Even at this +early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the prisoner should be +tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea puesto á +quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.' +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 209).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_62">[62]</a></p><p>The date of the +translation is stated on the authority of Luis de Leon himself +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 98).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_63">[63]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 271; see also <i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 214-215.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_64">[64]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 98-101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_65">[65]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_66">[66]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 98-99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_67">[67]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 489.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_68">[68]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_69">[69]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 505-509.<a name="pg97"></a><span +class="pagenum">{97}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_70">[70]</a></p><p>The exordium, +the translation of the first chapter of the <i>Song of Solomon</i> and the +commentary on this first chapter are printed in <i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 449-467.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_71">[71]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no obstante esto á +algunos amigos mios, y á otros, les ha parecido tener +inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y á mí, por la +misma razon, me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo +hubiera estorbado. Y para remedio dello, el año pasado +comencé á ponello en latin, para siendo examinado y +aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia todo lo que +anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de salud que he +tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y así digo que +estoy presto á hacer esta ó otra cualquier diligencia +que por V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que +haya cometido, ó en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, ó +en haber dado ocasion directa ó indirectamente á que se +divulgase. Y estoy aparejado á hacer en ello la enmienda que +por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que subjecto humilde y +verdaderamente á V.m. y á este Sancto Oficio y tribunal, +ansí este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina que +ó por<a name="pg98"></a><span class="pagenum">{98}</span> +escrito ó por palabra, leyendo ó disputando, ó en +otra cualquier manera haya afirmado ó enseñado, para en +todo ser enmendado y corregido.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_72">[72]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 252-254. The following occurs in a +document handed in by Luis de Leon on January 26, 1573: '...digo que +en fin del mes de hebrero que viene, deste presente año de +setenta y tres, ó por principio de marzo, se cumple el +cuadrienio por el cual me está proveida la cátreda de +Durando que tengo en la universidad de Salamanca, el cual cumplido +como es notorio se vacará, y no oponiéndome yo á +ella otra vez, se proveerá en el que se opusiere y los +estudiantes eligieren. Y aunque es verdad que yo no tengo deseo ni +intento de tratar mas de escuelas, habiendo trabajado en ellas tan +bien como mis concurrentes, y habiendo sacado por ocasion dellas y de +sus competencias el trabajo en que estoy; pero entendiendo que si en +esta coyuntura se vacase la dicha cátreda y se proveyese en +otra persona, mucho número de gentes que en el reino y fuera +dél tienen noticia de mi prision, y presumen por ella mal de +mí, sabiendo la dicha vacatura de cátreda y provision en +otra persona, no<a name="pg99"></a><span class="pagenum">{99}</span> +entendiendo como no entienden, ni saben la ley y estilo de la dicha +universidad, me tendrian del todo por culpado y condenado, y quedaria +siempre en pie esta mala opinion contra mí, aunque Vs. Mds. +conociendo en la prosecucion deste pleito mi inocencia, me den por +libre y me restituyan en mi honra como espero en Dios que +sucederá; porque las sobredichas personas que no saben el +estilo de la dicha universidad, viéndome fuera destas +cárceles, y fuera de las escuelas, siempre entenderian que +fué órden de Vs. Mds. y pena de mi culpa, siendo como +son los hombres fáciles á creer lo peor, en lo cual mi +órden y mis deudos, y lo que es principal, la opinion de mi +fé y doctrina recibiria notable agravio y detrimento; por tanto +en la mejor manera y conforme á derecho haya lugar, pido y +suplico á Vs. Mds. sean servidos de ó mandar á la +dicha universidad que no innove cosa alguna acerca de la dicha +cátreda, ni de otra cosa que me toque hasta que Vs. Mds. +habiendo conocido los méritos deste pleito juzguen y manden lo +que fueren servidos conforme á justicia, ó me den +licencia para... dar poder á dos ó las demas personas +que me pareciere en Salamanca, porque por mí y en mi nombre, al +tiempo que se vacare<a name="pg100"></a><span +class="pagenum">{100}</span> la dicha cátreda, se puedan oponer +y opongan á ella, y hagan por mí las demas diligencias +que conforme á las leyes y estatutos de aquella universidad +fueren necesarias.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_73">[73]</a></p><p>This is +recorded in a letter from Francisco Sancho to the Valladolid +Inquisitors (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 135): 'Tres +cartas tengo á que responder á Vs. Mds. La una es sobre +la cátedra del maestro Barrientos, en la cual mandan Vs. Mds. +que diga al rector de esta universidad, como está detenido en +ese Santo Oficio, y que en tanto que estuviere ansí detenido, +no se provea su cátedra, ni se haga mudanza en ello. Y luego +que recebí la dicha carta, que fué estando con el mesmo +rector, se la mostré y dijo que ansí lo haria y +cumpliria de buena voluntad.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_74">[74]</a></p><p>Gonzalez de +Tejada, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 44-46. No time was wasted in filling the +chair. It was declared vacant on March 30, 1573; Medina was elected to +it on April 4; he received 95 votes, and the Augustinian Pedro de +Uceda received 54. Uceda (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. +85-90) testified in favour of Fray Luis de Leon; his evidence gives +the impression that he was a timid man, overawed by the +court.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_75">[75]</a></p><p>The +Inquisitioners' phrase (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol.<a +name="pg101"></a><span class="pagenum">{101}</span> X, p. 180) has +been already quoted: 'atento que es hombre enfermo....'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_76">[76]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 188: 'E antes de ser llevado á su +cárcel, dijo quél está muy enfermo de calenturas +como á sus mercedes les consta, y no tiene quien le cure en su +cárcel sino un mochachico que está allí preso, +que es simple; y para habelle de despertar padece trabajo con +él, y ha venido dia de quedarse desmayado de hambre por no +tener quien le dé la comida; y que suplica á sus +mercedes le den un fraile de su órden que le sirva, pues en +esto no hay enconveniente, si ya no quieren permitir de que muera +entre cuatro paredes solo: que por reverencia de nuestro Señor +se duelan dél y le den un fraile que esté en su +compañía siquiera para que si se muere le ayude á +bien morir; y que podrá ser que fray Alonso Siluente, que +á la sazon que á este prendieron estaba en su +compañía, holgaria de venir á tenérsela si +está en Salamanca, ó sino que sea quien sus mercedes +mandaren. Con tanto fué llevado á su +cárcel.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_77">[77]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 197. In a letter which reached Madrid on +November 21, 1575, Luis de Leon wrote as follows to the +Inquisitor-General: 'Por lo cual<a name="pg102"></a><span +class="pagenum">{102}</span> y atento... a lo mucho que ha que estoy +preso, y á mis pasiones y flaquezas, en caso que pareciere ser +conveniente que la sentencia deste pleito se dilate; suplico á +V.S. Illma. por Jesucristo sea servido, dando yo fianzas suficientes, +mandarme poner en un monasterio de los que hay en esta villa, aunque +sea en S. Pablo, en la forma que V.S. Illma. fuese servido ordenar, +hasta la sentencia deste negocio, para que si en este tiempo el +Señor me llamare, lo cual debo temer por el mucho trabajo que +paso y por mis pocas fuerzas, muera como cristiano entre personas +religiosas, ayudado de sus oraciones, y recebiendo los sacramentos, y +no como infiel solo en una cárcel y con un moro á la +cabecera.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_78">[78]</a></p> <p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 194: 'Tambien se consultó +á su Señoría Reverendísima lo que +escribís cerca de la indispusicion del maestro fray Luis de +Leon y la necesidad que tiene de servicio, el cual pide que en el +monesterio de Sant Augustin de Salamanca ó en el de esta villa +se pida un fraile que esté con él, y ha parescido que +así se haga; pero adviérteseos que el fraile que se le +hubiere de dar no ha de salir de la compañía del dicho +fray Luis hasta que se acabe su causa,<a name="pg103"></a><span +class="pagenum">{103}</span> y ansí será bien se le +avise al que hubiere de ser antes que entre en las +cárceles.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_79">[79]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 50-51: '...ha tres años que +estoy preso, y todo este tiempo he estado sin el uso de los +sacramentos con detrimento de mi ánima, y sin causa que +conforme á derecho obligase á Vs. Mds. á privarme +dellos,... Por lo cual pido y suplico á Vs. Mds., y si menester +es les encargo las conciencias, pues que no son servidos de pronunciar +lo que en este mi negocio tienen difinido, y lo dilatan por concluir +primero otros procesos que no me tocan, ó por los respectos que +á Vs. Mds. parece y me tienen preso; alomenos no me priven de +este bien, sino que me den licencia para confesarme con quien Vs. Mds. +señalaren, y para decir misa en esta sala siquiera de quince en +quince días, en lo cual Vs. Mds. harán gran servicio +á Dios, y á mí darán grandísimo +consuelo.' This is from a document which was handed in by Luis de Leon +at Valladolid on March 12, 1575. An order was made that this document +should be forwarded to the Supreme Inquisition. I have failed to trace +any further reference to it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_80">[80]</a></p><p>They may have +thought that, owing<a name="pg104"></a><span +class="pagenum">{104}</span> to his unacquaintance with legal +procedure, Luis de Leon was wasting the time of the court; at any +rate, as early as May 6, 1572, Dr. Ortiz de Funes was appointed +counsel to the prisoner (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. +217). No saving of time was wrought by this change.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_81">[81]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 220: '...yo tengo flaca memoria, y +despues que estoy en la cárcel he perdido gran parte +della,...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_82">[82]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 193: 'Es imposible acordarse memoria de +hombre de todo lo que en las dichas juntas se ha dicho, mayormente que +con la cólera de la disputa, algunas veces salen de todos los +términos de razon y modestia los hombres, y se ciegan de manera +que dende á poco ellos mismos no saben lo que han +dicho.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_83">[83]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon's +memory betrayed him as regards the signatures attached to the Vatable +Bible. He was under the impression that he had signed a copy which was +handed over to Francisco Sancho. In this he proved to be mistaken. On +thinking the point over, Luis de Leon suggested that he must have +signed a copy in the possession of the Salamancan bookseller, Gaspar +de Portonariis;<a name="pg105"></a><span class="pagenum">{105}</span> +this impression was likewise mistaken. (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, +vol. X, pp. 520-527.) </p><p> An amazing lapse of memory led Luis de +Leon astray with respect to Bartolomé de Medina; as Medina did +not take his degree till 1570 (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vols. X, +p. 323, and XI, p. 340), Luis de Leon felt justified in stating that +his opponent did not take part in the revision of Vatable's Bible, +which (such was the prisoner's impression) was finished in 1569. The +discovery of Medina's signature in the Sancho copy of Vatable +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 522) rendered this position +untenable. The fact appears to be that the Old Testament was revised +in 1569; owing to the absence of Sancho and Luis de Leon, the revision +of the New Testament was suspended; it was not finished till 1571, and +thus Medina was enabled to sign the Vatable Bible. It seems clear that +Luis de Leon had no head for dates. He was, as we have seen (p. <a +href="#pg94">94</a>), doubtful as to when he was arrested, and he was +capable of imagining that a sitting of the Valladolid court had been +held a week before, when no such sitting had taken place. (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 18.)<a name="pg106"></a><span +class="pagenum">{106}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_84">[84]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 23, 24: '...antes de agora yo tengo +pedido que se me declaren los nombres y personas de los Señores +del Consejo de la santa y general Inquisicion, ante quien los auctos y +sentencias interlocutorias y difinitivas deste negocio pueden ir +á parar, para que sabiendo quien son yo pueda deliberar lo que +conviene á mi justicia, y si tengo justa causa para recusar +á alguno dellos; y por no se me haber declarado yo tengo +apelado. Y porque por estar preso en cárceles secretas no puedo +por mí ni por otro informarme... pido y suplico á Vs. +Mds., é si necesario es, con debido acatamiento y reverencia +requiero, no se envíe cosa alguna de lo tocante á este +mi proceso á los dichos Señores del Consejo, y protesto +la nulidad de lo que en contrario se hiciere. Y si tácita +ó expresamente me fuere denegado otra vez, apelo para ante +quien y con derecho debo, y pido los apóstolos desta mi +apelacion con las instancias é ahincamientos necesarios, y +pídolo por testimonio.' It will be seen that the account given +in the text is an under-statement. Luis de Leon not only appealed over +the heads of the Valladolid judges to the General Inquisition; he was +prepared also to challenge, if<a name="pg107"></a><span +class="pagenum">{107}</span> necessary, individual members of the +General Inquisition itself.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_85">[85]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 81-83. Diego de Gaona states that he +knew Luis de Leon in 1567 or 1568. Gaona esteemed Luis de Leon to be +'hombre muy hábil en su facultad de teología, aunque le +tenia por hombre algo atrevido en su manera de leer, y á esta +causa este testigo... le oia muy pocas veces por ver su desenvoltura +en las liciones que leia... entraba muy pocas veces á oir al +dicho fray Luis de Leon, é que á esta causa no se le +acuerda quienes estaban presentes, mas de que estaba el general lleno +de gente...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_86">[86]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon +frequently makes this point. The following passage (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 482) is sufficiently categorical to +render further quotations superfluous: 'Demás desto digo que el +dia pasado aquí en la audiencia entendí que algunos de +mis papeles, los cuales se veen por mandado de Vs. Mds. se han dado +á ver y examinar á fray Juan Gutierrez fraile dominico, +y ansí entiendo que se habrán dado á otros de la +misma órden: y siendo notorio como es que todos los frailes de +la dicha órden son sospechosos contra mí por las +competencias que<a name="pg108"></a><span class="pagenum">{108}</span> +mi órden, y yo señaladamente he tenido con ellos, y por +la cátreda que les hemos quitado, y por las demas causas que yo +en este proceso tengo alegadas y probadas, por las cuales los tengo +tachados por enemigos...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_87">[87]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 559-560: 'Que por cuanto para hacer el +juicio difinitivo acerca de la cualidad de mi doctrina, Vs. Mds. han +de consultar á teólogos doctos y desapasionados; y +porque yo tengo tachados por apasionados y sospechosos á todos +los frailes de la órden de Santo Domingo y de Sant +Hierónimo, y agora de nuevo tacho por lo mismo á los +teólogos de la universidad de Alcalá, porque como es +notorio estan encontrados con los teólogos de Salamanca por +muchas causas antiguas y recientes, y señaladamente porque el +Consejo general de la Inquisicion cosas notadas y censuradas por ellos +las ha remitido á los de Salamanca, los cuales corrigieren las +censuras de los dichos, y el Consejo siguió el parecer de los +de Salamanca...' According to Juan de Guevara (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 277): 'hizo el dicho fray Luis +públicamente cuanto pudo contra Hector Pinto, fraile +gerónimo, en la sostitucion de Biblia, por el maestro Grajal; y +los dichos<a name="pg109"></a><span class="pagenum">{109}</span> +frailes gerónimos se quejaron dél en el monasterio de +Sant Augustin'.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_88">[88]</a></p><p>See the first +part of the previous note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_89">[89]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon's +first application on this point is dated October 20, 1573 (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 483-488): in this he mentions his +brothers (who were both lawyers) as well as his uncle. The subsequent +proceedings illustrate the leisurely methods of the Inquisition. +Nothing seems to have been done in the matter up to May 12, 1574, when +Luis de Leon made another application to the Inquisitor General; this +was entrusted to the Valladolid judges to forward. Though the Supreme +Inquisition directed that an inquiry be held, no reply had reached +Luis de Leon on July 14, 1574, on which date he renewed his +application. He presented a fourth petition on the subject on August +7: in this he substitutes his father for his brothers (who were not +included in his second and third applications). His request was +refused by the authorities in Madrid on August 13, 1574 (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 5-7, 17, 24-25).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_90">[90]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vols. X, XI, <i>passim</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_91">[91]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 353.<a name="pg110"></a><span +class="pagenum">{110}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_92">[92]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 318: 'Y para este efecto [fray +Bartolomé de Medina y el maestro Leon de Castro] hicieron junta +de estudiantes, y el dicho Medina llamó á su celda +á muchos dellos, y inquirió dellos si habian oido +ó sabian algo, poniéndolos en escándalo, y +tomándoles firmas y juramentándolos para que no le +descubriesen. Y con el dicho maestro Leon, y ciertos frailes +hierónimos y otras personas enemigas, se concertó lo que +habian de hacer, y repartieron entre si como en caso de guerra las +partes por donde habian de acometer cada uno y lo que habia de decir, +como vuestras mercedes podrán ser informados de fulano de +Alarcon, colegial de Sanct Millan en Salamanca, que fué uno de +los llamados, y él dirá de otros; y fray Gaspar de Uceda +fraile y lector en Sanct Francisco de Salamanca sabe tambien mucho +desto.' Luis de Leon repeats the accusation of conspiracy in +<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 353, with some comments on +Castro's motives.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_93">[93]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 318, 321, 324, 433.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_94">[94]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 348, 439.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_95">[95]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 32.<a name="pg111"></a><span +class="pagenum">{111}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_96">[96]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 369: 'Habrá cuatro años +ó poco mas que por insistir yo en ello, en un capítulo +provincial de mi órden se votó secreto en la eleccion +conforme al concilio, y se atajaron los pasos á la ambicion de +muchos, y resultó que este que se tenia ya por provincial por +la violencia de un su amigo, que si se votara público como +solia, era muy poderoso, quedó en vacío. Y estas son +todas sus lágrimas y mis desobediencias.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_97">[97]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 32: 'Item dijo que este declarante ha +oido decir, no se acuerda á qué personas, que el padre +de dicho fray Luis de Leon le dejó muy encargado que fuese muy +obediente á sus prelados, y que siguiese la opinion comun en +las letras...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_98">[98]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 366, 368: '...entre nosotros es este +conocido por hombre que sino es por descuido, jamás dice +verdad.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_99">[99]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_100">[100]</a></p><p>This we know +from Luis de Leon himself: 'fué mi discípulo' +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 370).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_101">[101]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 35-40.<a name="pg112"></a><span +class="pagenum">{112}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_102">[102]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 371: 'Y porque mas claramente conozcan +Vs. Mds. la mala intencion deste que depone,... me dijo que tenia los +papeles de aquella lectura de la Vulgata, y que era la mejor cosa del +mundo,... con otras palabras tan encarecidas que no me estan á +mí bien decillas.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_103">[103]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_104">[104]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 33, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_105">[105]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas is brutally frank. After +mentioning that Arboleda was annoyed at Luis de Leon's preference for +Fray Diego de Caravajal, he continues: 'y que tiene para sí que +por esta razon habrá algun resentimiento de parte del dicho +fray Francisco de Arboleda contra el dicho fray Luis de Leon, por ser +el dicho Arboleda cabezudo y no de mucho entendimiento'.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_106">[106]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 396. The word 'perjuro' is again used by +Luis de Leon of this witness in <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, +p. 375.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_107">[107]</a></p><p>F. Picatoste +y Rodríguez, <i>Apuntes para una biblioteca científica +española del siglo XVI</i> (Madrid, 1891), pp. 340-344.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_108">[108]</a></p><p>Galileo +Galilei, <i>Opere</i> (Milano, 1811), vol. XIII, p. 49.<a +name="pg113"></a><span class="pagenum">{113}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_109">[109]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 373: '...es un fraile de mi órden +que se llama fray Diego de Zúñiga, ó por otro +nombre Rodriguez, el cual me quiere mal por las causas que +articularé en su tiempo y lugar; y en esta deposicion lo +muestra no obscuramente, porque demás de no referir verdad en +muchas cosas, ninguna cosa dice en ella forzado por la consciencia, +sino movido por su libre y mala voluntad.' Other instances will be +found in Luis de Leon's <i>Quinto interrogatorio</i> (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI): 'Item si saben etc. que... fray Diego +Rodriguez, ó de Zúñiga por otro nombre, se +desmandó ..., y que allí se ordenó que castigasen +al dicho fray Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga' (p. 335). +'Item si saben etc. que en un acto,... el dicho fray Diego Rodriguez +ó Zúñiga,...' (p. 336). 'Item si saben etc. que +el dicho Rodriguez ó Zúñiga, de algunos +años á esta parte, ha mostrado en sus palabras y +pláticas tener enemistad y mala voluntad al dicho maestro fray +Luis, hablando mal dél y de sus cosas, y diciendo que el dicho +maestro no habia consentido que el dicho Rodriguez viviese en S. +Augustin de Salamanca, porque sabia mas que el dicho maestro, y otras +cosas ansí' (p. 336).<a name="pg114"></a><span +class="pagenum">{114}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_110">[110]</a></p><p>Pedro de +Rojas refers to the fact 'quel dicho fray Diego Rodriguez ó +Zúñiga pasó algunas palabras descorteses con el +padre Cueto,...' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. +345).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_111">[111]</a></p><p>C. +Muiños Sáenz, <i>Fr. Luis de Leon y Fr. Diego de +Zúñiga</i> (El Escorial, [1915]), pp. 47, 245.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_112">[112]</a></p><p>C. +Muiños Sáenz, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_113">[113]</a></p><p>C. +Muiños Sáenz, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 57, 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_114">[114]</a></p><p>It is +inferred that Zúñiga was professed when he entered Luis +de Leon's cell thirteen years before 1572 (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 67-68). There is, however, some +difficulty in adjusting the date of this profession with the statement +that Zúñiga was thirty-six when he gave +evidence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_115">[115]</a></p><p>C. +Muiños Sáenz, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_116">[116]</a></p><p>C. +Muiños Sáenz, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 224-240.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_117">[117]</a></p><p>He became +professor of Scripture at Osuna in 1575. See F. Rodríguez +Marín, <i>Cervantes y la Universidad de Osuna</i> in <i>Homenaje +á Menéndez y Pelayo</i> (Madrid, 1899), vol. II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_118">[118]</a></p><p>It needed +uncommon courage to pronounce in favour of Copernicus at the end of +the sixteenth century. The assertion that 'the advancement of +Spaniards is <a name="pg115"></a><span +class="pagenum">{115}</span>evidenced by the facility with which the +theory of Copernicus... was accepted in Spain, when it was rejected +elsewhere' is in the nature of an over-statement. According to +Muiños Sáenz (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 19-20), who refers to his +brother-Augustinian, M. Gutiérrez, 'la doctrina copernicana +pugnaba con la opinión generalizada en las escuelas, y tuvo en +España impugnadores que, como Pineda, y con referencia personal +á Zúñiga, la calificaron de <i>falsa</i>, no sin +añadir que, á juicio de otros autores, merecía +las calificaciones de <i>temeraria, peligrosa y opuesta al sentir de la +Sagrada Escritura</i>.' It seems likely that Zúñiga was +dead before this sweeping condemnation appeared, but the fact that he +thought it prudent to modify the expression of his unqualified +acceptance of the Copernican theory favours the assumption that he may +have had to endure some volume of hostile private criticism. Whatever +may have been Zúñiga's reasons for qualifying his early +adhesion to the Copernican theory, it seems safe to think that +timidity was not one of them. His nerve was unshaken. Towards the end +of his life he was engaged on a task after Luis de Leon's own heart: +the bringing to book of an unreasonable Provincial.<a +name="pg116"></a><span class="pagenum">{116}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_119">[119]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon +describes (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 374) the +circumstances as follows: 'Díjome un dia ansí por estas +palabras que el Papa tenia gran noticia de su persona y le estimaba en +mucho; y trás desto refirióme un largo cuento de un +mercader y de un cardenal por cuyos medios florecia su nombre en la +corte romana, lleno todo de su vanidad; y añadió que +habia enviado al Papa un tratadillo que habia compuesto, porque Su +Santidad tenia deseo como él decia, de ver alguna cosa suya; y +mostrómele para que yo le viese... Visto, porque me +pidió mi parecer y yo soy claro, díjele que quisiera que +una cosa que enviaba á lugar tan señalado por muestra de +su ingenio, fuera de mas substancia, ó que á lo menos +aquel argumento lo tratara mas copiosamente, porque traia pocos +lugares, y esos ordinarios, aunque como le dije yo creia que aquellos +lugares que alegaba los habia él sacado de su estudio y no de +los libros ordinarios. Respondióme que era gran verdad que +él con su trabajo los habia notado en la Biblia sin ayudarse de +otro libro; y créolo porque no se precia de leer ni aun +á los sanctos, y promete que de improviso dirá una hora +y mas sobre cualquier paso de la Biblia que <a name="pg117"></a><span +class="pagenum">{117}</span>le abrieren; y si le dicen que lea los +sanctos dice que no los lee porque no le sirven de nada. Díjele +mas que no debiera, porque para su condicion fué palabra +dura.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_120">[120]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 335-336. Luis de Leon suggests that +five Augustinians whom he mentions by name be asked if they knew 'que +en un capítulo provincial... que habrá diez ó +once años que se hizo en la villa de Dueñas, fray Diego +Rodriguez, ó de Zúñiga por otro nombre, se +desmandó en palabras con fray Francisco Cueto, el cual era en +aquel capítulo definidor mayor, y que el dicho Cueto se +quejó del dicho fray Diego en definitorio al provincial fray +Diego Lopez y á los definidores presentes, de los cuales era +uno el dicho maestro fray Luis, y que allí se ordenó que +castigasen al dicho fray Diego Rodriguez ó +Zúñiga, y que otro dia en ejecucion dello el dicho +provincial le dió en el refitorio delante de toda la provincia +una disciplina, que es cosa que se tiene por grande afrenta; y que por +esta causa el dicho Zúñiga tiene enemistad con el dicho +provincial fray Diego Lopez y con el dicho maestro que era definidor +entonces, y es amigo del dicho provincial.' As not all the five +Augustinians were called, it may be <a name="pg118"></a><span +class="pagenum">{118}</span>assumed that the Court considered the +point proved.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_121">[121]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas states: 'Y que sabe este +testigo de cierto que por esta causa el dicho fray Diego tuviese +enemistad con el dicho fray Luis, que no lo puede saber por ser +negocio interior; pero que á lo que puede imaginar de la +condicion del dicho fray Diego [Rodriguez ó +Zúñiga] no dejaria de creer que es ansí, porque +es recio de condicion y algo vengativo, y trás esto siempre le +ha visto enemigo declarado contra fray Diego Lopez, y tambien ha visto +que despues acá nunca vió amistad entre los dichos fray +Diego y fray Luis.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_122">[122]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 67 and 71. Zúñiga is +careful to state that he is 'predicador y religioso, morador en el +monasterio de Sanct Agustin de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, de edad de +treinta y seis años', and again, 'predicador, profeso de la +órden de Sanct Agustin... de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, +é dijo ser de edad de treinta y seis años'. It appears +that in the sixteenth century a very straight line was drawn by the +Augustinians between official 'preachers' and 'professors': it was +thought that the qualities <a name="pg119"></a><span +class="pagenum">{119}</span>needed by the one were not likely to be +found in the other. There were distinguished exceptions, no doubt. But +as a general rule a 'predicador' was rarely considered eligible for a +university chair. (Muiños Sáenz, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. +64-67.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_123">[123]</a></p><p>See the +previous note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_124">[124]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 305: '...era mancebo y +melancólico, y le paresció á este que habia ido +muy adelante en imaginar mal del dicho Benito Arias;...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_125">[125]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 68-69. The following is +Zúñiga's account of what occurred: 'Item dijo que +habrá trece años estando en Salamanca por huesped, le +dijo Fr. Luis de Leon en su celda, que habia venido á sus manos +un libro estrañamente curioso, el cual le habia dado Arias +Montano... y que en el principio del libro contaba una revelacion que +habia tenido el que lo compuso, estando de noche orando, que +vió en la oscuridad una luz, y que della oyó que salia +una voz que dijo: <i>Quomodò obscuratum est aurum, mutatus est +color optimus!</i> y que temiéndose este declarante no fuese algun +mal libro, le habia mucha instancia que le dijese si habia en +él alguna herejía, y que el dicho Fr. Luis de Leon le +respondió <a name="pg120"></a><span +class="pagenum">{120}</span>que en lo de confesion le parescia que +decia una herejía, y que entonces este declarante le dijo que +quitase allá tal libro y tal revelacion como decia; y que con +esto no le dijo mas el dicho fray Luis de Leon; y que despues +formó este declarante escrúpulo si estaba obligado +á denunciar de aquello que le habia dicho, y que lo +preguntó á dos personas de ciencia y consciencia, +religiosos de su órden, y le dijeron que sí;... Y este +declarante determinado de denunciar, preguntó al dicho Fray +Luis de Leon á solas por el dicho Arias Montano que le habia +dado el dicho libro, que si era buen cristiano; que el dicho Fr. Luis +de Leon se alteró con esta pregunta, y le dijo muy +encarescidamente que era muy buen cristiano, y en prueba dello +mostró á este declarante una carta que le habia escripto +el dicho Arias Montano en que le daba muy buenos +consejos:...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_126">[126]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 369. In relation to Montoya, Luis de Leon +says: 'Y cuanto toca al capítulo tercero, si yo no temiera +aquella sentencia <i>Malédici regnum Dei non possidebunt</i>, y +aquella <i>Invicem mordentes, invicem consumemini</i>, yo pudiera relatar +mas de dos cosas, algo mas pesadas que es dar un <i>agnus Dei</i> un fraile +á otro sin <a name="pg121"></a><span +class="pagenum">{121}</span>pedir al perlado licencia, de las cuales +este hombre religioso no hace escrúpulo. Y esta fuera su +merecida respuesta; pero aunque él hable lo que ni sabe ni +debe, yo miraré lo que debo á mi hábito y +á mi persona.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_127">[127]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 217-218.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_128">[128]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 13-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_129">[129]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_130">[130]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 14-15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_131">[131]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_132">[132]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 15-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_133">[133]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 12-13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_134">[134]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_135">[135]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_136">[136]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 316-318, 325.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_137">[137]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_138">[138]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 29-30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_139">[139]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 30-35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_140">[140]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 35. Luis de Leon had applied for a +special <a name="pg122"></a><span class="pagenum">{122}</span>hearing: +'...para suplicar á sus mercedes que ninguno de sus papeles se +dé al maestro Mancio para que los lleve á su casa por el +peligro que hay de poderlos ver frailes suyos, á los cuales +tiene tachados...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_141">[141]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 35-36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_142">[142]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_143">[143]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 37. The instructions of the Supreme +Inquisition to the Valladolid judges were as follows: 'En lo que +escrebís quel maestro fray Luis de Leon ha recusado al maestro +Mancio, que le habia nombrado por patrono, y pedido traslado de lo que +dejó escripto en su negocio; consultado con el +Reverendísimo Señor Inquisidor general, ha parecido +aviseis, Señores, al dicho maestro Mancio que no vuelva +ahí hasta que otra cosa se le ordene, y proseguiréis en +la causa del dicho fray Luis de Leon sin embargo de la dicha +recusacion, y sin darle copia de lo quel dicho maestro Mancio +dejó anotado en él; y ponersehá la dicha nota en +el proceso signado y autorizado de uno de los notarios del Secreto, +para que dello conste. Guarde nuestro Señor vuestras muy +Reverendas personas.' This letter was signed in Madrid on November 4, +1574.<a name="pg123"></a><span class="pagenum">{123}</span></p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_144">[144]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 41-42: 'Digo que yo nombré por +mi patron al maestro Mancio catredático de prima de +teulugía en Salamanca, el cual habiendo comenzado á ver +mi negocio se ha ausentado á leer su cátreda, y porque +pudiendo fácilmente dar su parecer se ha hecho +vehementísimamente sospechoso que es partícipe y +compañero en la maldad que contra mí ha intentado fray +Bartolomé de Medina, fraile de su órden y casa, porque +conforme á derecho no carece de sociedad oculta el que deja de +obrar á tan manifiesta malicia; y siendo obligado á +defenderme por el juramento que se le tomó y por haber empezado +el negocio, en desampararme cometió grandísimo pecado, +porque conforme á derecho tambien es falso testigo el que deja +de decir verdad cuando es obligado á la decir, como el que dice +falso testimonio. Y la causa de ir á leer su cátreda no +le escusa, porque mi defensa se habia de hacer en muy pocos dias, y +estando él impedido por Vs. Mds. ni habia de perder la +cátreda ni multarle en ella, ni los estudiantes recibian +detrimento considerable, porque en las cátredas de propriedad +se asignan lecturas que no las acaban, y el sostituto podia leer de lo +del cabo de la asignatura si él queria leer <a +name="pg124"></a><span class="pagenum">{124}</span>del principio como +lo hacen los catredáticos de propiedad que al principio de Sant +Lucas están impedidos.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_145">[145]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_146">[146]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 45-46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_147">[147]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 46: '...suplico á Vs. Mds. le +manden que con brevedad se resuelva y dé su parecer, y +ansí mismo suplico, y con el acatamiento que debo requiero +á Vs. Mds. manden que ansí el parecer que diere en lo +que vea agora, como el que ha dado en la Vulgata el dicho maestro +Mancio, los comunique conmigo antes que se vaya; porque el fin de su +oficio le obliga á ello, y yo le nombré por patron +debajo desta condicion, y no en otra manera, ...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_148">[148]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 47-48: '...como otras veces he dicho ha +mas de dos meses que persevero pidiendo audiencia con el maestro +Mancio, y no me se ha dado... Y aunque yo tengo por cierto que el +dicho maestro ha aprobado las proposiciones [que se dicen resultar +deste proceso] porque son así ciertas y llanas las que yo he +afirmado, que decir lo contrario es ó temeridad ó error; +y porque cuando las comuniqué con él, me dijo claramente +delante de Vs. Mds.<a name="pg125"></a><span +class="pagenum">{125}</span> que eran cosas llanas; pero si por caso +hubiese otra cosa, digo que no me dañan porque no se me ha dado +en ello el lugar de defensa que de derecho se me debe: lo uno porque +no me han querido Vs. Mds. dar audiencia para informar enteramente al +dicho maestro mi patron; lo otro porque si ha dado parecer sin haberse +comunicado conmigo no he tenido patron;... </p><p> Demás desto +digo que el mismo negocio me da á entender que este proceso +está visto por Vs. Mds. dias ha y decretada la sentencia +definitiva dél; y que no se pronuncia por una de dos cosas, +ó porque el fiscal ha apelado del dicho decreto para el Consejo +general de la Inquisicion, ó porque los Señores +dél han mandado que se suspenda la pronunciacion della hasta +que se averiguen los pleitos de los demas maestros que fueron presos +cuando yo lo fuí.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_149">[149]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_150">[150]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 52-53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_151">[151]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 53-55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_152">[152]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 315: '...suplico á Vs. Mds. sean +servidos que se me dé entera noticia de todo lo que hay contra +<a name="pg126"></a><span class="pagenum">{126}</span>mí, por +que despues de tantos meses parece justo que yo sepa por qué +fuí preso, lo cual no alcanzo hasta agora por las deposiciones +que he visto; y que pueda responder por mí y defenderme +enteramente, lo cual no puedo hacer no se haciendo publicacion +entera!' It would be easy, but superfluous, to quote other examples of +Luis de Leon's complaints on this point; his evidence is honeycombed +with them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_153">[153]</a></p><p>As early as +January 21, 1573, Luis de Leon complained in writing (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 250): 'que en todo el tiempo que ha que +estoy preso, que son ya poco menos de diez meses, no se habia hecho en +este mi pleito publicacion de testigos, ni se me habia dado lugar de +entera defensa, no pareciendo haber para la tal dilacion causa ninguna +jurídica ni necesaria,... y yo, dilatándose la +publicacion y el tiempo de mi defensa, corria riesgo de no poder +probar mi inocencia por los casos ordinarios de muerte y ausencia que +podrian suceder á mis testigos;...' See also <i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 474 and 563.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_154">[154]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 183: 'Fuéle dicho que en este +Santo Oficio naide se prende sin causa de culpa que tenga en <a +name="pg127"></a><span class="pagenum">{127}</span>cosas que sean +contra nuestra santa fe católica; por tanto que se le amonesta +por reverencia de nuestro Señor Jesucristo y su bendita madre, +que diga enteramente la verdad; y haciéndolo ansí de lo +que sabe de su persona y de otros, se usará con él de +mucha misericordia: donde no, que se hará justicia.'</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_155">[155]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 184.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_156">[156]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 151-186.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_157">[157]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 77: 'Preguntado qué es lo que +quiere: dijo quél ha entendido quel P. maestro fray Luis de +Leon, catredático de Salamanca de la órden de +Señor San Agustin, está preso en la Inquisicion de +Valladolid; y que habia un mes que estando este en el convento de la +dicha ciudad de la dicha órden, hablando con fray Martin de +Guevara, natural de Lorca, residente en el dicho monasterio de San +Agustin desta ciudad, le dijo el dicho fray Martin quél habia +ayudado muchas veces á decir misa al dicho fray Luis de Leon en +su celda en Salamanca, y que siempre se la oyó decir de +<i>Requiem</i>, aunque fuese fiesta, y que nunca le entendia lo que decia +porque hablaba tu tu tu, de manera <a name="pg128"></a><span +class="pagenum">{128}</span>que no lo entendia, y acababa muy presto. +Y cuando se lo dijo, estaban los dos solos paseándose en el +monasterio desta ciudad. Y en lo que dice que ha un mes que se lo +dijo, no está bien cierto, sino que de tres meses á esta +parte se lo oyó decir, y esta es la verdad, y que no hubo +ocasion mas que estar hablando de su prision.' </p><p> It is right to +add that Ciguelo, who appears to have been silly and malignant, was +not summoned by the Inquisition. He appeared as a volunteer witness +who came forward of his own accord to give evidence. At the same date, +he insinuated that Luis de Leon did not believe in the coming of +Christ. On being pressed to give the names of those who had heard Luis +de Leon say anything of the sort, Ciguelo declared that he had not +been told them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_158">[158]</a></p><p>The +interrogatories rejected will be found in <i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 268-272, 273-275, 286-290, +293-294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_159">[159]</a></p><p>The +Licentiate Diego Gonzalez, Doctor Guijano de Mercado, and the +Licentiate Andrés de Álava gave the following ruling +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 273): 'Dijeron que el +segundo, tercero y cuarto interrogatorios presentados por el dicho +fray<a name="pg129"></a><span class="pagenum">{129}</span> Luis de +Leon, en esta causa dados, y otras preguntas añadidas en otras +dellos dadas, que van señalados, les paresce son impertinentes, +y que no se debe hacer diligencias por ellos.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_160">[160]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_161">[161]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 272: 'Item si saben que el dicho maestro +fray Luis no es mofador ni murmurador, ni de los sanctos ni de los no +sanctos, sino que es de condicion modesta y humilde.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_162">[162]</a></p><p>A good +specimen of Luis de Leon's sarcasm is given on pp. 320-321 of +<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X: 'Los dominicos se sintieron +desto mucho; y porque yo soy particular servidor del dicho D. Juan [de +Almeida], entendieron que era cosa comunicada, y acusaron al dicho +Medina, el cual movido con el sanctísimo celo que le pudo poner +esta nueva, paresció delante de Vs. Mds. en tantos de hebrero +del dicho año [1571] á hacer esta segunda +declaración, donde comenzó á descubrir mas la +piedad de su buen ánimo; y ansí como no tenía de +nuevo cosa particular que decir de mí,... dice confusamente que +me sintió inclinado á novedades agenas de la +antigüedad de nuestra fe y religion, en lo cual si este testigo +<a name="pg130"></a><span class="pagenum">{130}</span>tuviese +conciencia..., habia de señalar en particular algunas novedades +que hubiese visto en mi doctrina, ó oido en mis disputas;... +Demás desto si es verdad que sintió de mí lo que +dice ¿por qué en la deposicion primera que hizo por el +diciembre no lo declaró? Pues ninguna cosa de las que entonces +declaró es tan pesada como es esto si fuera verdad. Y por la +misma causa no es creible que lo dejó por olvido +habiéndose acordado de cosas muy menores, y siendo verdad como +he dicho, que anduvo muchos dias tratando y ordenando esta buena +obra.' Of Luis de Leon's banter a specimen will be found a few pages +further on (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 347): 'Y hecha la +censura, y leyéndola yo á los sobredichos maestros que +me estaban esperando, me acuerdo que llegando á aquellas +palabras añadidas dije: "Estas puse mas de lo que Vs. Mds. +ordenaron por contentar al Señor maestro Leon"; y +volvíme á él riyendo, y díjele: +"alomenos hoy no podrá decir sino que le tengo bien +contento"; y ansí con risa y muy en paz y amistad nos +levantamos todos, y quedó ordenada y firmada la dicha +censura.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_163">[163]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 303: 'A la décima pregunta dijo +que lo que sabe <a name="pg131"></a><span +class="pagenum">{131}</span>de la pregunta es haber oido decir quel +dicho maestro fray Luis de Leon era tan buen letrado que á +cualquiera con quien se pusiese, pudiera llevar cualquier +cátreda, y mas la d'Escriptura.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_164">[164]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 321-322: 'Ultimamente véanse mis +leturas: y si en ellas se hallare rastro de novedades, sino antes +inclinacion á todo lo antiguo y lo sancto, yo seré +mentiroso, si no es que este testigo llama novedad todo lo que no +halla en sus papeles.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_165">[165]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 210: '...este declarante... jamás +leyó ningun rabino,...' <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, +p. 295: 'Al capítulo octavo dijo que este nunca defendió +interpretaciones de judíos por ser de judíos, ni en su +vida ha leido comentario de judíos...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_166">[166]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 267.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_167">[167]</a></p><p>This +inference is based on the fact that Luis de Leon refers to Cano more +often than to any of the others, that he sometimes mentions Cano +separately, and that his allusions to Cano are always couched in the +most respectful terms: '...oyendo al maestro Cano que fué mi +maestro,...' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 239).<a +name="pg132"></a><span class="pagenum">{132}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_168">[168]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 388.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_169">[169]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 510.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_170">[170]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_171">[171]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 305: 'Al segundo capítulo dijo que +como tiene declarado en sus confesiones, ha once ó doce +años que desde Salamanca vino este confesante no á otra +cosa, sino á dar cuenta á los Señores +Inquisidores de aquel libro en vida de los Señores Inquisidores +Guigelmo y Riego, y lo dió por escripto, porque á este +le paresció que aunque tenia el dicho libro muchas cosas +católicas, tenia otras que le parescian á este +peligrosas que no las entendia este bien, porque era en lengua +toscana, la cual este no sabia entonces. Y este no lo leia sino que se +lo leian á él, como lo declaró por el dicho +escripto al cual se remite.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_172">[172]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 303-304.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_173">[173]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 200-202: 'Tambien estando escribiendo +esto se me ha ofrecido á la memoria que habrá como +año y medio que en Salamanca un estudiante licenciado en +cánones, que se llamaba el licenciado Poza, que me leia +principios de astrología, me dijo un dia que él tenia un +cartapacio de cosas curiosas, y que tenia <a name="pg133"></a><span +class="pagenum">{133}</span>algun escrúpulo si le podia tener; +que me rogaba le viese y le dijese si le podia tener, porque si podia +se holgaria mucho. Era un cartapacio como de cien hojas, de ochavo de +pliego, de letra menuda. Víle á ratos, y habia en +él cosas curiosas, y otras que tocaban á sigillos +astrológicos, y otras que claramente eran de cercos y +invocaciones, aunque á la verdad todo ello me parecia que aun +en aquella arte era burlería. Y acusome que leyendo este libro, +para ver la vanidad dél, probé un sigillo +astrológico, y en un poco de plomo que me dió el mismo +licenciado, con un cuchillo pinté no me acuerdo qué +rayas, y dije unas palabras que eran sanctas, y protesté que +las decia al sentido que en ellas pretendió el Espíritu +Sancto, acordándome que Cayetano en la Suma cuenta de sí +haber probado una cosa semejante con la misma protestacion, para ver y +mostrar la vanidad della; y así todo aquello pareció +vano. Y tambien me acuso que otro dia de aquellos en que iba mirando +lo que habia en aquel libro, tuve casi deliberada voluntad, estando +solo, de probar otra cosa que parecia fácil, aunque de hecho no +la probé, porque mudé la voluntad. Yo quise quemar este +libro en presencia de su dueño, <a name="pg134"></a><span +class="pagenum">{134}</span>y esperándole un dia que me habia +de venir á ver, supe que dos dias antes se habia ido á +Avila, huyendo de la enfermedad de pintas que andaba entonces en +Salamanca; y así le quemé aquella noche en mi celda en +una chimenea que hay en ella. Y á todo lo que agora me puedo +acordar, me parece que estaba conmigo entonces el padre fray +Bartolomé de Carranza, y que me preguntó por qué +quemaba aquello, y se lo dije. Este estudiante me escribió +pocos dias despues preguntándome por el libro: yo no le +respondí, porque no hubo con quien, ni despues acá he +sabido ni oido mas dél, porque no volvió mas á +Salamanca, ni yo me he acordado dél hasta este punto. No me +acuerdo bien si me dijo un dia que quien le habia dado aquel libro +habia experimentado lo de los conjuros. No me dijo quien era ni yo se +lo pregunté ni lo sé.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_174">[174]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 439: 'Este testigo no me perjudica por +ser el maestro Leon á quien tengo tachado por mi enemigo, y es +singular, y es testigo falso, y como contra tal se debe proceder +contra él por ser falso en cosa tan substancial como esta, y +las demas que ha dicho contra mí, fuera de lo que yo tengo +confesado.'<a name="pg135"></a><span +class="pagenum">{135}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_175">[175]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 193: 'Por todo lo cual digo que es +notorio y manifiesto que en mí no hay conforme á razon y +derecho, alguna color ni parte de sospecha; ni por esta causa puedo ni +debo ser detenido por vuestras mercedes ni un solo dia, y que en ello +recibo claro agravio y que debe ser por vuestras mercedes +enmendado.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_176">[176]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 19, 142, 149.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_177">[177]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 385: 'Item ello en sí no tiene +ninguna verosimilitud ni apariencia de verdad porque ¿en +qué seso cabe que un hombre que no es hablador ni le tienen por +tonto, habia de decir un desatino semejante, y en un lugar tan +público como es un convite? Porque si lo echan á +donaire, demás de ser muy necio donaire, y muy sin +órden, no era donaire que ningun hombre de juicio lo habia de +decir en los oidos de tan diferentes gentes como son las que se juntan +en un banquete donde unos son necios, y otros escrupulosos, y otros +enemigos y naturalmente malsines, y amigos de echallo todo á la +peor parte. Y si quieren decir que se dijo de veras, lleva mucho menos +camino que yo lo dijese, porque cosa cierta es que los que tratan de +semejantes males, no los <a name="pg136"></a><span +class="pagenum">{136}</span>dicen á voces, ni en +público, sino muy en particular y muy en secreto, y muy despues +de haber conocido y tratado á los que los dicen, y +fiándose mucho dellos, y á fin de persuadir y no de +reir. Y cuando en esto hubiera testimonios contra mí mas claros +y mas ciertos que el sol, antes de creello habian Vs. Mds. informarse +de si aquel dia habia yo perdido el seso ó si estaba borracho, +porque si no era así no era creible cosa semejante.'</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_178">[178]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 151-171, 173-179, 179-183, 183-186, +199-214, 220-253.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_179">[179]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 228-230: '...no me parece que hay cosa +contra la fe, ni doctrina errónea, temeraria ó +escandalosa. Mas no puede el autor excusarse de gran culpa en haber +tratado materia y cuestion semejante en estos tiempos, y +leídola á multitud de estudiantes, entre los cuales los +rudos, los idiotas, los libres y los desasosegados ingenios, y los mal +intencionados y los simples y flacos no podrian sacar aprovechamiento +ni edificacion, sino atrevida osadía y poca reverencia á +la edicion Vulgata que la iglesia católica nos da por +auténtica. Y aunque las palabras y razones y autoridades de +doctores con que el autor procede, <a name="pg137"></a><span +class="pagenum">{137}</span>no sean en sí malas; pero piden +auditorio muy pio, muy docto y muy atento para no tomar de aquí +ocasion á tener en poco nuestra Biblia latina, y errar.... Mas +no todas las verdades se han de sacar á plaza, ni todos los +oyentes son capaces dellas; y por doctrina suelen sacar errores y +escándalo, y tal es esto: porque el oficio del teólogo +en públicas lecciones no era desnudar sino vestir cuanto +pudiese la edicion que el concilio aprueba, y no dejarla tan en los +huesos como la deja, que es todo lo posible sin ser hereje, ni tener +nota de error, temeridad ó sospecha en la fe, ni ser +proposiciones escandalosas. </p><p> De la proposicion 4ª digo que +es falsa,... Pero no hay cosa en todo ello para retratar.' </p><p> +This <i>calificacion</i> appears to be in the handwriting of Fray Hernando +de Castillo, who signed it. It is also signed by the Dominican Antonio +de Arce and by Dr. Cáncer. Cáncer appears to have been +ready to put his name to anything. Earlier in the same year, as it +seems—for no date is attached in <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, +vol. X, pp. 122-127—Cáncer wrote, concerning one of Luis +de Leon's tenets: 'Haec propositio est irrisoria, injuriosa, temeraria +et... haeretica in 2º gradu...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_180">[180]</a></p><p>This +mellowing of judgement is particularly <a name="pg138"></a><span +class="pagenum">{138}</span>the case with the Franciscan Fray +Nicolás Ramos. Cp. <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. +231, and pp. 234-237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_181">[181]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 295: 'Y hacersehá todo luego +porque importa la brevedad, y vendrá esta por cabeza de +todo.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_182">[182]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 195: '...y hecho esto pasaréis +adelante con el negocio como os está ordenado, con toda +brevedad, pues veis lo que importa'. This occurs in a letter dated +'Madrid, 8 de otubre de 1575'. There seems to be a mistake in the +heading of this letter: according to this heading, the letter from the +Supreme Inquisition reached Valladolid on October 8, 1575. I cannot +say whether this is a slip of Pedro Bolivar, notary to the Holy Office +at Valladolid, or a slip in transcription made by Miguel Salvá +and Sainz de Baranda. It can scarcely be a mere misprint.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_183">[183]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 351-353: 'Al margén se halla la +siguiente nota. "<i>Cuando este proceso se comenzó á +ver y hasta la mitad dél, se hallaron á la vista los +Señores licenciados Juan de Ibarra y Don Hernando Niño, +y no lo votaron por no poderlo acabar de ver por estar +enfermos.</i>" En la villa de Valladolid á veinte é +ocho <a name="pg139"></a><span class="pagenum">{139}</span>dias del +mes de setiembre de mill y quinientos y setenta y seis años, +habiendo visto los Señores licenciado D. Francisco de Menchaca +del Consejo de S.M., é dotor Guijano de Mercado, é +licenciado Andrés de Álava Inquisidores, juntamente con +los Señores licenciado Luis Tello Maldonado, D. Pedro de +Castro, Francisco de Albornoz, oidores desta Real audiencia é +chancillería, asistiendo á ello por ordinario del +obispado de Salamanca el Señor doctor Frechilla +catredático en esta universidad, por virtud del poder que para +ello tiene del Señor obispo de Salamanca, que está en el +secreto deste Sancto Oficio, el proceso criminal de fray Luis de Leon, +de la órden de Sancto Agustin; los dichos Señores le +votaron en la forma siguiente. </p><p> Los dichos Señores +licenciados Menchaca, Álava, Luis Tello y Albornoz, dijeron que +son de voto y parecer que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea puesto +á qüistion de tormento sobre la intencion y lo indiciado y +testificado, y sobre las proposiciones que estan cualificadas por +heréticas, no embargante que los teólogos digan +últimamente que satisface, entendiéndolo como él, +respondiendo á ellas, dice que lo entendió; y que el +tormento se le dé moderado, atento que el reo es delicado:<a +name="pg140"></a><span class="pagenum">{140}</span> y con lo que +dél resultare, se torne á veer y determinar. </p><p> Los +dichos Señores Inquisidores doctor Guijano, é Frechilla, +ordinario, dijeron que atento lo que los calificadores que +últimamente vieron las proposiciones cargadas al reo, y lo que +él y su patron responden á ellas, califican; que su voto +y parecer es que este reo sea reprendido en la sala deste Sancto +Oficio por la culpa que tuvo en tratar desta materia en estos tiempos, +por los inconvenientes que dello resultan, y por el peligro y +escándalo que podia causar, como lo dicen los calificadores en +la censura general que hicieron de todo el cuaderno de donde se +sacaron las diez y siete proposiciones de latin; y que en el general +grande de las escuelas mayores, estando juntos los estudiantes y +personas de la universidad, y algunos doctores del claustro della, +este reo declare las proposiciones sospechosas é ambigüas, +y que pudieron dar escándalo, que se le darán en +escripto en un memorial ordenado por los teólogos calificantes +con la declaracion que ellos ordenaren; y que extrajudicialmente se +diga á su perlado que sin privacion ni otra declaracion, mande +á este reo emplear sus estudios en otras cosas de su facultad +en que <a name="pg141"></a><span class="pagenum">{141}</span>aproveche +á la república, y se abstenga de leer +públicamente en escuelas ni en otra partes, y que el libro de +los Cánticos, traducido en romance, se prohiba y recoja, siendo +dello servido el Illmo. Señor Inquisidor General y +Señores del Consejo. Y que los libros y papeles pertenecientes +á los cargos deste proceso se retengan en este Sancto Oficio. +</p><p> El dicho Señor licenciado D. Pedro de Castro dijo que +dará su voto por escripto.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_184">[184]</a></p><p>The +peremptory letter of the Supreme Inquisition to the Valladolid +tribunal is printed in <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 354: +'Aquí se ha visto el proceso contra fray Luis de Leon, de la +órden de Sant Agustin, preso en esas cárceles, y va +determinado como veréis por lo que al fin dél va +asentado. Aquello se ejecutará. Y advertiréis á +este reo que guarde mucho secreto de todo lo que con él ha +pasado y toca á su proceso; y que no tenga pasion ni +disensiones con persona alguna, sospechando que haya testificado +contra él en esta su causa; porque de todo lo que á esto +tocare se tratará en el Sancto Oficio, y no se podrá +dejar de proveer en ello justicia con rigor. Hacerloéis, +Señores, así. Guarde nuestro Señor vuestras muy<a +name="pg142"></a><span class="pagenum">{142}</span> Reverendas +personas. En Madrid siete de diciembre 1576.' </p><p> The decision of +the Supreme Inquisition is reproduced in <i>Documentos inéditos</i>, +vol. XI, p. 353: </p><p> 'En la villa de Madrid á siete dias +del mes de diciembre de mill y quinientos y setenta y seis +años, habiendo visto los Señores del Consejo de S.M. de +la Sancta general Inquisicion, el proceso de pleito criminal contra +fray Luis de Leon, de la órden de Sant Agustin, preso en las +cárceles secretas del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de +Valladolid; mandaron que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea absuelto de la +instancia deste juicio, y en la sala de la audiencia sea reprendido y +advertido que de aquí adelante mire como y adonde trata cosas y +materias de la cualidad y peligro que las que deste proceso resultan, +y tenga en ellas mucha moderacion y prudencia como conviene para que +cese todo escándalo y ocasion de errores; y que se recoja el +cuaderno de los Cantares traducido en romance y ordenado por el dicho +fray Luis de Leon.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_185">[185]</a></p><p>It is +unnecessary to reproduce the exact terms of the judgement (<i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 354-357), for this closely <a +name="pg143"></a><span class="pagenum">{143}</span>follows the terms +employed by the Supreme Inquisition.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_186">[186]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_187">[187]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 357-358: 'El maestro fray Luis de Leon +suplico á vuestras mercedes sean servidos mandar que me sea +dado un testimonio en manera que haga fe, por donde conste al claustro +de la universidad de Salamanca que yo por vuestras mercedes fuí +absuelto de la instancia<a name="FNanchor_A" id="FNanchor_A"></a><a +href="#Footnote_A" class="fnanchor">[A]</a> que contra mí hizo +el fiscal deste Santo Oficio delante de vuestras mercedes, y dado por +libre, en manera que pueda ejercer cualquiera de las cosas que tocan +á mis órdenes y oficio, y sin penitencia ni nota alguna. +</p><p> Item suplico á vuestras mercedes manden se me dé +un mandamiento para el pagador de las escuelas de Salamanca<a +name="FNanchor_B" id="FNanchor_B"></a><a href="#Footnote_B" +class="fnanchor">[B]</a> para que pague lo corrido de mi +cátreda desde el dia de mi prision hasta el dia que vacó +por el cuadrienio. Y en todo imploro el oficio etc.—</p></div> + +<table summary="index"> <tr><td></td><td><div class="footnote"><a +name="Footnote_A" id="Footnote_A"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A">[A]</a> Al +márgen se lee: "Que se le de la fee".</div> <div +class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_B" id="Footnote_B"></a><a +href="#FNanchor_B">[B]</a> Al márgen: "Que se le de +mandamiento. En 15 de diciembre de 1576".'</div></td></tr> +</table> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><p +class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_188">[188]</a></p><p><i>Documentos +inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 358: 'En 13 de agosto de 1577 +años, por mandado <a name="pg144"></a><span +class="pagenum">{144}</span>de los señores Inquisidores +saqué esta sentencia de fray Luis, signada, é la +entregué al Señor Inquisidor doctor Guijano. +Sacóse para el maestrescuela de Salamanca.' This sentence is +probably written by the secretary, Celedon Gustin.<a +name="pg145"></a><span class="pagenum">{145}</span></p></div> + + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="IV" id="IV"></a>IV</h2> + + +<p>When did Luis de Leon return to Salamanca, and how was he received +there? According to an anonymous contemporary, whom Gallardo +conjectured to be a Jesuit, Luis de Leon made a sort of triumphal +entry into Salamanca, accompanied by a procession which marched along +to the sound of timbrels and trumpets.<a name="FNanchor_189" +id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" +class="fnanchor">[189]</a> This procession is alleged to have taken +place in the afternoon of December 30, 1576; but, as the statement is +made by one who has no divine idea of a date,<a name="FNanchor_190" +id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" +class="fnanchor">[190]</a> it would be imprudent to rely on his +unsupported authority in this particular. The date of the procession +may be doubtful. There is no reason to doubt the general accuracy of +the assertion that there was some public manifestation of joy at Luis +de Leon's release.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a +href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Though he was not +popular, his fellow-citizens were proud of him, and there is <a +name="pg146"></a><span class="pagenum">{146}</span>a natural tendency +to show sympathy with a man who has been hardly used. But life is not +made up of triumphal processions. On December 31<a name="FNanchor_192" +id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" +class="fnanchor">[192]</a> Luis de Leon met the <i>Claustro</i> of the +University, which had been duly informed of his acquittal. After +congratulatory phrases from the Rector, the released man was invited +to speak. According to the decree of the Inquisition, Luis de Leon was +entitled to claim restitution to his University chair. There were +practical difficulties in the way. Luis de Leon's tenure had lapsed +while he was in prison at Valladolid; his immediate successor had been +Bartolomé de Medina, a dangerous enemy, and the chair was +subsequently occupied by the Benedictine Fray Garcia del Castillo, +another declared opponent who had intervened at an early stage of the +case. Luis de Leon renounced all claim, present or future, to his +former chair—<i>que la daba por bien empleada</i>—so long as it +was held by Castillo. He besought the <i>Claustro</i> to bear in mind his +past services, pointed <a name="pg147"></a><span +class="pagenum">{147}</span>out that his acquittal implied a general +approval of his teaching, and then left the meeting.<a +name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" +class="fnanchor">[193]</a> Finally the <i>Claustro</i> of Salamanca agreed +to create a new chair for Luis de Leon, with a salary of two hundred +ducats a year, his duty being to lecture on theology.<a +name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" +class="fnanchor">[194]</a></p> + +<p>We now come to the best-known trait in Luis de Leon's career. He +would seem to have begun lecturing in his new chair on January 29, +1577.<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a +href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> The gathering was +large, and now and here—if at any time and in any place—he +must have begun his lecture with the famous phrase: 'As we were saying +yesterday' (<i>Dicebamus hesterna die</i>). Almost everybody who hears the +story for the first time takes it for granted that the remark was made +to what was left of Luis de Leon's old class—the class which he +had been instructing just previous to his arrest: otherwise, the +anecdote loses great part of its point. It behoves us therefore to +examine the circumstances in which the story was first made public. +The earliest mention of <a name="pg148"></a><span +class="pagenum">{148}</span>the incident occurs apparently in the +<i>Monasticon Augustinianum</i> by the once well-known Nicolaas Cruesen, +whose work appeared at Munich in 1623.<a name="FNanchor_196" +id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" +class="fnanchor">[196]</a> The picturesque narrative soon struck the +popular imagination, and it has been repeated times innumerable.<a +name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" +class="fnanchor">[197]</a> One is always reluctant to part with a good +tale, but there is no denying the fact that the evidence in favour of +the current version is slighter than one could wish it to be. The +silence of all contemporary Spaniards with respect to this episode is +not a little strange. It is singular that the anecdote should reach +Spain from abroad, and that it should not be printed till forty-six +years after it is supposed to have occurred; that is to say, till Luis +de Leon had been thirty-two years in his grave. It does not +necessarily follow that the story is untrue. Nobody imagines that +Cruesen deliberately invented it. So far as appears, Cruesen was an +absolutely upright man who recorded with fidelity such information as +he could obtain. He was not ill-placed for obtaining i<a +name="pg149"></a><span class="pagenum">{149}</span>nformation. Himself +an Augustinian, he was something of a cosmopolitan. Though Flemish by +blood, Cruesen was technically a Spanish subject; he was in full +sympathy with the politico-religious aims of Spain in the Low +Countries, and during the Spanish occupation he must have had +opportunities of meeting and questioning men who were Spanish by race. +Moreover, it seems to be established that, though the story concerning +Luis de Leon's remark did not appear in print till 1623, the chapter +containing it was written previous to 1612.<a name="FNanchor_198" +id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" +class="fnanchor">[198]</a> If this be so, the account given by Cruesen +must be dated thirty-five years after the alleged occurrence and +twenty-one years after Luis de Leon's death. Further, Cruesen, who +knew Spanish, travelled in Spain. There he seems to have made the +acquaintance of Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon, Luis de Leon's able and +admiring nephew. It is by no means impossible that Fray Basilio was +Cruesen's informant,<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a><a +href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> and, if this were +proved, the case for the <a name="pg150"></a><span +class="pagenum">{150}</span>story would be greatly strengthened, since +it is inconceivable that the nephew should repeat the anecdote, for +the purposes of publication, unless he had had it direct from his +famous uncle. These, however, are conjectures, more or less probable. +The story may derive from Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon or it may not. It +is the kind of story that any unscrupulous person might easily invent +and repeat to a too credulous visitor. As it stands, the evidence in +its support is, on the face of it, unsatisfactory. The case for the +story is perhaps not quite so weak as has been supposed;<a +name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" +class="fnanchor">[200]</a> ingenuity has shown that the case against +it may, to some extent, be frittered away.<a name="FNanchor_201" +id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" +class="fnanchor">[201]</a> Still, there is no getting over the fact +that this charming anecdote is first reported outside of Spain by a +foreigner who related it in print long after Luis de Leon's death. No +first-hand testimony in its favour has hitherto been produced. Those +who choose to believe in the authenticity of the current version may +not unreasonably do so; it is obvious, <a name="pg151"></a><span +class="pagenum">{151}</span>however, that, in the absence of direct +evidence, they will have great difficulty in persuading others to +share their belief.</p> + +<p>To return to prosaic details. The <i>Claustro</i> had promptly created a +chair for Luis de Leon after his release from prison; there was more +ado about granting his request—made on the ground of +health—that he should be allowed to lecture from ten till eleven +o'clock. Unluckily, this time had been already allotted to the Dean of +the Theological Faculty, Diego Rodriguez, a Dominican, who objected to +the proposal. Bartolomé de Medina not unnaturally stood by his +brother-Dominican, opposed the demand of the newly elected professor +on the ground that it could not be granted without showing disrespect +to the Dean, and suggested that Luis de Leon should be instructed to +lecture from four to five o'clock. On a vote being taken, the +<i>Claustro</i> gave Luis de Leon a majority; but, as the Rector of the +University claimed to be the deciding authority on such questions, the +matter <a name="pg152"></a><span class="pagenum">{152}</span>was not +finally decided at this meeting.<a name="FNanchor_202" +id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" +class="fnanchor">[202]</a> It might seem that, in practice, Luis de +Leon carried his point for, as the clock struck ten on January 29, +1577, he began his first lecture in his new post; but this was mainly +a formal taking possession of the post, and the professor in his +fragmentary lecture took occasion to protest against not having a +lecture hour assigned to him.<a name="FNanchor_203" +id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" +class="fnanchor">[203]</a> Luis de Leon continued to occupy the chair +that had been created for him. The death of Francisco Sancho, bishop +of Segorbe, in June 1578 caused a vacancy in the university chair of +Moral Philosophy. Luis de Leon determined to present himself as a +candidate. A rival candidate came forward in the person of Fray +Francisco Zumel, Rector of the Mercenarian College. The struggle was +vehement. Zumel did not stick at trifles; he charged his opponent with +exercising undue pressure on the electors by means of cajolery, +threats, lavish hospitality (which was dispensed with the aid of +brother-Augustinians), <a name="pg153"></a><span +class="pagenum">{153}</span>bribery, and attempted personal +violence.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a +href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> Luis de Leon was not +behindhand: he sought to have Zumel disqualified on technical grounds, +and further accused his opponent of breaking the law governing +elections. In the heat of conflict, the very best of men seem able to +persuade themselves that the most extravagant assertions are true. No +one but the candidates can have taken these amenities seriously. When +the battle was ended on August 14, 1578, Luis de Leon, who received +301 votes, was in a majority of seventy-nine.<a name="FNanchor_205" +id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" +class="fnanchor">[205]</a> This check appears to have rankled in +Zumel's mind. Luis de Leon celebrated his success by taking the degree +of Master of Arts on October 11. Why? It is hard to say. He cannot +well have thought that the possession of a Master's degree would +strengthen his position as one of the members representing the +University of Salamanca on the Committee appointed to report on the +projected reform of the calendar.<a name="FNanchor_206" +id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" +class="fnanchor">[206]</a> Normally this Committee, <a +name="pg154"></a><span class="pagenum">{154}</span>of which Medina and +Domingo Bañez were also members, would have absorbed much of +Luis de Leon's attention. His energies were to be otherwise exercised +in the immediate future. The death of Gregorio Gallo, Bishop of +Segovia, on September 25, 1579, caused a vacancy in the Biblical chair +at Salamanca. The late bishop had viewed with no very friendly eyes +some of Luis de Leon's proceedings before the Valladolid trial,<a +name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" +class="fnanchor">[207]</a> and it might have troubled him to think +that Luis de Leon was destined to follow him at Salamanca. That, +however, was what happened. The position was not carried without a +stiff fight. At Valladolid, Salinas had said it was commonly thought +by some of Luis de Leon's admirers that he could carry any University +chair—especially a chair of Scripture—against all +comers.<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a +href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> It was now to be seen +whether this opinion was, or was not, well founded. A formidable +competitor appeared in the person of Fray Domingo de Guzman, the third +son <a name="pg155"></a><span class="pagenum">{155}</span>of +Garcilasso de la Vega. Though Guzman had not inherited his father's +poetic gift, he had a turn for versifying, and his burlesque <i>glosa</i> +of Luis de Leon's celebrated <i>quintillas</i>—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Aqui la envidia y mentira<br/></span> +<span>me tuvieron encerrado—<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>is not wholly forgotten, since four lines of it find a resounding +echo in Cervantes' preliminary verses at the beginning of <i>Don +Quixote</i> to Urganda la Desconocida.<a name="FNanchor_209" +id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" +class="fnanchor">[209]</a> But the relative merits of the two +candidates for the vacant chair were not the point at issue. More +relevant was the fact that Guzman was a Dominican with all the +strength of the massed Dominican vote at his back. Whatever may have +been the case at other times and places, at this period there was no +love lost between Dominicans and Augustinians in Salamanca. Medina +represented with distinction the more rigid teaching of the Dominican +school; with at least equal distinction Luis de Leon represented the +freer tendencies of the Augustinians. He <a name="pg156"></a><span +class="pagenum">{156}</span>was almost imprudently loyal to his own +order. He publicly championed Augustinian candidates whenever a +suitable chair became vacant at the University of Salamanca, and, +despite the secrecy enjoined by the Inquisition, it had probably +leaked out that, at his recent trial in Valladolid, he had repeatedly +objected to all Dominicans as being so many enemies. In the nature of +things he could not be popular with the Dominicans and their +sympathizers. In this particular contest, however, his great personal +qualities were somewhat overclouded. He and Domingo de Guzman were but +standard-bearers. The conflict in which they were engaged resolved +itself into a struggle for supremacy between two potent religious +orders. Apart from the personal merits of the respective candidates, +the forces marshalled on each side were about equal. Passions ran +high. Poetasters on both sides did their part.<a name="FNanchor_210" +id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" +class="fnanchor">[210]</a> It speedily became evident that the margin +of the successful candidate would be narrow.<a name="pg157"></a><span +class="pagenum">{157}</span> This prevision proved to be correct. When +the poll was declared on December 6, 1579, Luis de Leon's total of +votes amounted to 285, giving him a majority of thirty-six over his +opponent.<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a +href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> Since he stood against +Grajal, and was defeated, at the very outset of his professorial +career, he had hardly ever been so pressed in any academic struggle. +Unfortunately, in the contest against Guzman there was some +irregularity in the voting; each side accused the other of +malpractices; an appeal was lodged on behalf of Domingo de Guzman; for +some unknown reason the case was not decided till over twenty-two +months later. Finally, on October 13, 1581, judgement was delivered in +favour of Luis de Leon at Valladolid.<a name="FNanchor_212" +id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" +class="fnanchor">[212]</a> The equity of this decision has been +questioned;<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a><a +href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> but there is no reason +to doubt the substantial justice of the verdict given by a court with +all the facts before it, and with the opportunity of cross-examining +the witnesses who appeared to give evidence.<a name="pg158"></a><span +class="pagenum">{158}</span> It should be said, however, that the +Dominicans never accepted the official decision, and put about a +rumour that the irregularity had been committed by a supporter of Luis +de Leon's—a supporter who (so it was alleged) some twenty years +later avowed his transgression and sought to make amends for it by +paying a sum of 8,000 <i>reales</i> into the Dominican chest.<a +name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" +class="fnanchor">[214]</a> Meanwhile Luis de Leon (who, like Domingo +de Guzman, was perfectly innocent of any share in these clandestine +manœuvres) had taken possession of the Biblical Chair at +Salamanca by reading himself in on December 7, 1579. Hitherto his +reputation, great as it was, had been more or less local: that is to +say, it depended mainly on his University lectures, which were +exploited by certain unscrupulous persons. It was not till 1580 that, +at the express command of his superior, Fray Pedro Suarez,<a +name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" +class="fnanchor">[215]</a> he issued his first book: a Latin +commentary on the <i>Song of Songs</i>. On the title-page stood a +characteristic motto from his favourite H<a name="pg159"></a><span +class="pagenum">{159}</span>orace: <i>ab ipso ferro</i>. Possibly at this +moment Luis de Leon looked forward to a period of learned leisure:</p> + + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>O ya seguro puerto<br/></span> +<span>de mi tan luengo error! o deseado<br/></span> +<span>para reparo cierto<br/></span> +<span>del grave mal pasado,<br/></span> +<span>reposo dulce, alegre, reposado!<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>If the author of this opening stanza of <i>Al apartamiento</i> were +optimistic enough to assume that these verses might be applied to his +own case, he was destined to be speedily disillusioned.</p> + +<p>The Valladolid Inquisitors had not treated him in such fashion as +to make him desirous of meeting them again. This experience was, +however, awaiting him.<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a +href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> On January 20 or 21, +1582,<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a +href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> his former opponent, +the Mercenarian Fray Francisco Zumel, took the chair at a theological +meeting in Salamanca. At this meeting a Jesuit named Prudencio de +Montemayor put forward a thesis which opened up the difficulties +connected with the reconciliation of the theological doctrines <a +name="pg160"></a><span class="pagenum">{160}</span>of predestination +and free-will. Owing to some disturbance in the assembly, Montemayor's +voice did not reach all who were present and, in the interest of the +audience, Luis de Leon repeated Montemayor's arguments without lending +them any support; his action was misunderstood, and many supposed that +he was expressing his personal opinions. In the ensuing discussion his +vanquished opponent, Domingo de Guzman, intervened, and with +unnecessary acerbity declared that Montemayor's views were heretical. +Nothing would have been easier than for Luis de Leon to keep out of +the fray, especially as he himself held, and had always taught, +opinions opposed to those advanced by Montemayor. If, as Pacheco +reports, Luis de Leon was the most taciturn of men, he was chivalrous +to the point of quixotism. In the circumstances silence was impossible +for him. He was for as much liberty of thought as was compatible with +orthodoxy; he was persuaded that much of the opposition of <a +name="pg161"></a><span class="pagenum">{161}</span>the Dominicans to +Montemayor was due to the fact that the latter was a Jesuit;<a +name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" +class="fnanchor">[218]</a> and no doubt he was quite human enough to +be annoyed at the intrusion of Domingo de Guzman as the champion of +doctrinal intolerance.... Be this as it may, Luis de Leon took up the +cudgels for Montemayor's views which, as he maintained, were perfectly +tenable. At a later meeting in Salamanca, Fray Juan de +Castañeda, a Benedictine,<a name="FNanchor_219" +id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" +class="fnanchor">[219]</a> advanced views very similar to those of +Montemayor; Domingo Bañez, whose relations with Luis de Leon +were never cordial, was even more emphatic than his brother-Dominican, +Domingo de Guzman, and denounced Castañeda's views as savouring +of Pelagianism. A sharp passage of arms followed between Bañez +and Luis de Leon,<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a +href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> and, after some +exchange of argument, Bañez professed to be satisfied with +Castañeda's thesis, and therefore with Luis de Leon's +explanations.<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a><a +href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> Others were less +easily contented; even some of the Augustinian professors at Salamanca +were <a name="pg162"></a><span class="pagenum">{162}</span>uneasy;<a +name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" +class="fnanchor">[222]</a> and finally the case came before the +Inquisition of Valladolid, though the sittings of the court were held +in Salamanca. The delator would appear to have been a Jeromite, Fray +Joan de Santa Cruz, who took objection to some sixteen propositions +which, as he alleged, were put forward by Luis de Leon.<a +name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" +class="fnanchor">[223]</a> Some exaggeration on the part of Santa Cruz +is conceivable. As a Jeromite, he bore a grudge against Luis de Leon +for his overt opposition to the candidature of Hector Pinto at +Salamanca University and, as Francisco de Palacios deposed at +Valladolid on February 5, 1573, Santa Cruz had been somewhat excited +by the news of Grajal's arrest and was anxious to know if Luis de Leon +had been apprehended at the same time.<a name="FNanchor_224" +id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" +class="fnanchor">[224]</a> This incident implies no great impartiality +on the part of Santa Cruz. Still, a report made officially has to be +met. On March 8, 1582, Luis de Leon, adopting the same procedure which +he had followed at Valladolid, voluntarily presented himself before <a +name="pg163"></a><span class="pagenum">{163}</span>the Inquisitionary +tribunal at Salamanca, and read his account of what had occurred.<a +name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" +class="fnanchor">[225]</a> In several particulars he was enabled to +correct the version of Santa Cruz, which was admittedly second-hand in +part.<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a +href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> He must have thought +of 'old, unhappy, far-off things' as he entered the Court and +recognized the Inquisitionary secretary with the singular name of +Celedon Gustin; these remembrances probably led him to take additional +precautions. On March 31 he appeared a second time before the +Inquisitionary Court at Salamanca, and volunteered the statement that, +though he still believed Montemayor's thesis to be free from heretical +taint, reflection caused him to think that it was temerarious +(inasmuch as it differed from the usual scholastic teaching on the +subject); that its promulgation in a public assembly was regrettable; +and that he was ready to make amends if he had in any way exceeded in +his defence of Montemayor.<a name="FNanchor_227" +id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" +class="fnanchor">[227]</a> A little later three Augustinians, one of +them a man of some <a name="pg164"></a><span +class="pagenum">{164}</span>prominence in the order, appeared with a +view to disassociate themselves from Luis de Leon's action;<a +name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" +class="fnanchor">[228]</a> and a fourth witness came forward in the +person of Fray Francisco Zumel, who produced fragments of a lecture on +predestination delivered by Luis de Leon at Salamanca as far back as +1571.<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a +href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> One hardly knows +whether to say that Luis de Leon was fortunate or unfortunate in his +opponents. Zumel, as we have seen, was a defeated competitor for the +chair of Moral Philosophy at the University of Salamanca in 1578. +Similarly, Domingo de Guzman was a defeated competitor for the +Biblical Chair at the University of Salamanca in 1579. So, too, at the +dawn of his professorial career, Luis de Leon had easily carried a +<i>substitucion de vísperas</i> against Domingo Bañez.<a +name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" +class="fnanchor">[230]</a> These men were the soul of the opposition +to Luis de Leon in his second encounter with the Inquisitionary +tribunal; inasmuch as they had all three been beaten in open contest +by Luis de Leon, their motives <a name="pg165"></a><span +class="pagenum">{165}</span>were not altogether free from some +suspicion of personal animus; but their united hostility was +undoubtedly formidable. Luis de Leon's foes were not, however, limited +to the Dominicans and the Jeromite whom he had defeated for University +Chairs. Some members of his own order had been rendered unhappy by his +latest outbreak. Fray Pedro de Aragon, Fray Martin de Coscojales, and +Fray Andrés de Solana were not alone.<a name="FNanchor_231" +id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" +class="fnanchor">[231]</a> This is obvious from a highly disagreeable +letter written in Madrid on February 15, 1582, by the well-known +Augustinian Fray Lorenzo de Villavicencio. In this letter, which was +laid before the Inquisition by Luis de Leon, Villavicencio thought it +his duty to tell his correspondent to mind his own business, to cease +denouncing tyranny, and to understand that his action, while it did +good to nobody, was a source of annoyance to many.<a +name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" +class="fnanchor">[232]</a> Manifestly Luis de Leon's passion for fair +play was altogether incomprehensible to his opponents, and it may be +that he made no <a name="pg166"></a><span +class="pagenum">{166}</span>great effort to win their support. If, +however, his experience of the Inquisition had made him more cautious +in his dealings with it, the Inquisition had learned a lesson from its +previous experience with Luis de Leon. He was not arrested, but was +allowed to go about his business as usual; no prosecuting counsel was +appointed, and when the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid called upon the +Valladolid judge to make a report,<a name="FNanchor_233" +id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" +class="fnanchor">[233]</a> Juan de Arresse confined himself to +suggesting that Luis de Leon should be severely reprimanded, and +should be called upon to express publicly from his University chair +his regret for having described as heretical opinions which were not +his.<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a +href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> This must have been +signed shortly after August 7, 1582, the date on which the request of +the Supreme Inquisition reached Valladolid. Mitigated as it was, the +suggestion of the Valladolid judge seemed too severe to the Supreme +Inquisition. For reasons which are unknown the case was not ended till +February 3, 1584. On this <a name="pg167"></a><span +class="pagenum">{167}</span>date Luis de Leon was summoned to Toledo +and was there privately reprimanded by the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal +Gaspar de Quiroga, to whom in 1580 he had dedicated his <i>In Psalmum +vigesimum sextum Explanatio</i>, a work written during the tenth month of +his imprisonment at Valladolid. Luis de Leon appears to have thought +that he had a friend in Quiroga, but for whose intervention his +imprisonment at Valladolid would have been still further prolonged. As +Quiroga became Grand Inquisitor on April 20, 1573, and as the prisoner +in the Valladolid cells was not released till the month of December +1576, Luis de Leon's gratitude has been thought excessive.<a +name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" +class="fnanchor">[235]</a> However, he knew the facts better than +anybody else, and Quiroga's attitude at Toledo was benignant. Instead +of giving the severe reprimand which was suggested by the Valladolid +Inquisitors, Quiroga 'charitably and kindly' rebuked the Augustinian +in private and dismissed him with a solemn warning not to uphold such +<a name="pg168"></a><span class="pagenum">{168}</span>views as he was +alleged to have defended.<a name="FNanchor_236" +id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" +class="fnanchor">[236]</a> It has been held that the Inquisition +proceeded against Luis de Leon a third time.<a name="FNanchor_237" +id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" +class="fnanchor">[237]</a> No evidence to support this view has been +hitherto produced.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile in 1583 appeared <i>Los nombres de Cristo</i> and <i>La perfecta +casada</i>. The theologian, philosopher, and poet was also a man of +affairs. That he was so esteemed by his colleagues is proved by the +fact that he was nominated by them to take in hand, and settle, a +long-standing suit between the University of Salamanca and the +<i>Colegios Mayores</i> which had secured from Rome two concessions that +were held to be injurious to the interests of the University. This +suit, begun in 1549, was taken charge of by Luis de Leon in January +1585; in February Dr. Antonio de Solís, a learned lawyer, was +dispatched to Madrid to give advice on legal points; Solís fell +ill and was replaced by Doctor Diego de Sahagun. The business involved +an interview with Philip II and, as the king was absent <a +name="pg169"></a><span class="pagenum">{169}</span>from the capital, +Luis de Leon wrote to the University authorities explaining the +situation, and suggesting that, in the interests of economy, the +mission should be recalled. The University evidently acted upon this +suggestion, for on August 1 Luis de Leon was back in Salamanca.<a +name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" +class="fnanchor">[238]</a> He was re-appointed to take up the same +work again on November 22, 1586, and on January 17, 1588, he was able +to report that the everlasting lawsuit was at an end, and that the +contention of the University of Salamanca had been accepted.<a +name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" +class="fnanchor">[239]</a> The <i>Claustro</i> was so overjoyed that it +authorized the fulfilment of its promise to pay Luis de Leon his +salary and expenses. This elation and fit of generosity proved to be +premature. On March 5, 1588, Luis de Leon was obliged to ask for the +return of the original <i>cédula</i> and to state that no use could +meanwhile be made of it.<a name="FNanchor_240" +id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" +class="fnanchor">[240]</a> The disappointment at Salamanca was great, +and the <i>Claustro</i> showed its irritation by ordering the <a +name="pg170"></a><span class="pagenum">{170}</span>return of Luis de +Leon and by voting that the payment of his salary be suspended after +October 18, if he had not returned by that date. Owing to Luis de +Leon's illness a prolongation of his absence was agreed to, later on; +but this concession implied no change of mind on the part of the +<i>Claustro</i>. A certain University Professor, Dr. Bernal, who had acted +for several years as <i>Regidor</i> of Salamanca, and had been from the +first hostile to Luis de Leon in this matter, moved that the absentee +be ordered back to Salamanca at once with a view to avoiding the +unnecessary expense of paying the salary of a substitute to deliver +lectures. This was carried by an overwhelming majority on January 20, +1589,<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a><a +href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> and three days later +it was resolved that Luis de Leon be instructed to return to his chair +within a month. As Luis de Leon was plunged in important business +which could not be broken off lightly, Philip II caused a letter to be +written on March 7 in which he requested the <i>Claustro</i> to authorize +Luis <a name="pg171"></a><span class="pagenum">{171}</span>de Leon's +absence from his chair till the end of August.<a name="FNanchor_242" +id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" +class="fnanchor">[242]</a> The royal request was refused and, as if to +mark a want of confidence in Luis de Leon, another member was +nominated to conduct the negotiations at Madrid. Luis de Leon's +mission was really ended, for his delegated powers had expired; +nevertheless, he acted as though they were still in force and with +such effect that on August 23 he appeared before the <i>Claustro</i> with +the royal warrant.<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a +href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> He was warmly +complimented on his success, but the <i>Claustro</i> was less profuse of +deeds than of words. On August 26 Luis de Leon made three requests:<a +name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" +class="fnanchor">[244]</a> (<i>a</i>) that his arrears of salary be paid +for the time that he had represented the University in Madrid; (<i>b</i>) +that some compensation be paid to his monastery for the time he had +been engaged on University business after his mandate had expired; and +(<i>c</i>) that he be given two years' leave of absence from his chair. As +to the first point, Doctor Diego Henriquez was commissioned <a +name="pg172"></a><span class="pagenum">{172}</span>to examine vouchers +and pay the petitioner what was due; as to the second point, the +decision was referred to a group of professors who held their chairs +by a life-tenure; it was agreed to grant the third request, if the +King's approval was secured. This sounds like satisfactory treatment. +In practice the concessions were not made. On December 20, 1589, the +arrears of salary still remained unpaid; on October 20, 1589, it +appeared that the <i>Claustro</i> had no power to grant leave of absence.<a +name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" +class="fnanchor">[245]</a> It had apparently the power to fine Luis de +Leon for not lecturing, and it did so with such insistency that the +Prior of the Augustinian monastery in Salamanca felt compelled to +lodge a protest against this action, which, it was contended, was +unconstitutional. This protest was set aside on March 9, 1590, and two +professors—one of whom was the Jeromite Zumel—were +appointed to defend the position taken up by the University of +Salamanca.<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a><a +href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> It is impossible to +deny that the behaviour of <a name="pg173"></a><span +class="pagenum">{173}</span>the University of Salamanca to Luis de +Leon was most unhandsome, not to say shabby.</p> + +<p>As his life drew to a close, and as his fame increased, constant +demands were made upon him. Apparently he refused the invitation of +Sixtus V and Philip II to join a committee appointed to revise the +Vulgate; it is not clear that he altogether approved of the project, +nor of the plan on which the revision was to be carried out.<a +name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" +class="fnanchor">[247]</a> Not only was his scholarship held in +honour; his rigorous, valiant righteousness was universally +recognized. On April 13, 1588, the papal nuncio signed a brief naming +Luis de Leon one of two commissaries who were entrusted with the +delicate task of inquiring into the administration of certain funds by +the Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile. The result of this +inquiry seems not to be recorded, but a passage in an extant autograph +letter of Luis de Leon's suggests that his conclusions were +unfavourable to his official superior.<a name="FNanchor_248" +id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" +class="fnanchor">[248]</a><a name="pg174"></a><span +class="pagenum">{174}</span> Luis de Leon's zeal led him to champion +(perhaps inopportunely) a change in the constitution of his order.<a +name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" +class="fnanchor">[249]</a> In 1588 appeared his edition of Saint +Theresa; and as the letter dedicatory to Madre Ana de Jesús is +dated September 15, 1587, it may perhaps be inferred that the editor +before this date was personally acquainted with the great saint's +successor. If not a judge of scholarship, Ana de Jesús was an +excellent judge of character. She had shown uncommon insight in +choosing Luis de Leon as editor of her great friend's writings; she +esteemed him for his eminent sanctity; he proved worthy of her +confidence, and upheld her plans for reform against Nicolás de +Jesús Maria Doria, the Provincial of the Barefooted Carmelites +in Spain. Doria was supported by Philip II and, to some extent, by +Sixtus V. The proceedings of the Carmelite nuns were conducted from +this point onwards with supreme ability. Doctor Bernabé del +Mármol was sent to Rome on a secret mission. His object <a +name="pg175"></a><span class="pagenum">{175}</span>was to obtain the +papal sanction for reforms which had been advocated by Saint Theresa +herself. Mármol succeeded to admiration. His antagonists had no +suspicion of his errand. A papal brief, dated June 5, 1590, granted +the desired sanction; and a second brief, dated June 27, appointed +Teutonio de Braganza, Archbishop of Evora, and Luis de Leon to carry +the first brief into effect. Braganza was too busy to do the necessary +work, and authorized Luis de Leon to act for him. Luis de Leon begged +the University of Salamanca to grant him some days' leave to attend to +the business. This petition was rejected. But the indomitable man went +on. Taken aback and irritated, Doria hastened to the Prado and easily +induced Philip II<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a +href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> (who was, in fact, +already won over to approval of Doria's scheme) to obtain from the +papal nuncio an order suspending the delegate's instructions. After a +reasonable time had elapsed Luis de Leon returned to the charge, and +called <a name="pg176"></a><span class="pagenum">{176}</span>a meeting +of those immediately concerned; the papal nuncio made no sign, as the +King had not spoken to him again on the subject. Meanwhile Doria, who +was better informed as to what was afoot in Madrid than as to what was +afoot in Rome, once more interviewed Philip II and urged him to stop +Luis de Leon's proceedings. Philip took action. As Luis de Leon's +supporters were filing into the room where they were to discuss the +situation, they were approached by a member of the royal household who +informed them that he had it in command from the King to bid them +suspend the execution of the brief till fresh orders came from Rome. +Annoyed at this piece of fussiness, Luis de Leon is stated to have +left the room, remarking: 'No order of His Holiness can be carried out +in Spain'<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a +href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>. This report, which +comes down to us on the dubious authority of the Carmelite chronicler, +Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, may, or may not, be correct. The +impetuous Luis de<a name="pg177"></a><span +class="pagenum">{177}</span> Leon was no doubt extremely capable of +showing that he resented Philip II's interference in church matters. +On the other hand, Santa Maria cannot have written with any personal +knowledge of the facts, as he belonged to a much later generation. +Even had he been an exact contemporary,<a name="FNanchor_252" +id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" +class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Santa Maria's statements would call for +careful examination, for he does not appear to have had a critical +intelligence, since he commits himself to two assertions, one of which +is certainly false and the other—intrinsically unlikely—is +without a shred of corroboration. Santa Maria avers that Philip II +showed his displeasure by forbidding the Augustinians of Castile to +elect Luis de Leon as their Provincial. It is on record, however, that +Luis de Leon was elected Provincial of the Augustinians of Castile on +the earliest opportunity (August 14, 1591) that presented itself. +Santa Maria further states that Luis de Leon took the King's annoyance +so much to heart that his death was hastened in consequence.<a +name="pg178"></a><span class="pagenum">{178}</span> No evidence is +produced to support a story so innately improbable. This legend +evidently throve in credulous opposition circles, for something of the +same sort had been set about earlier by Fray José de +Jesús y Maria, a Carmelite historian who, unaware that Luis de +Leon had declined an archbishopric, added a calumnious insinuation +that the editor of Saint Theresa's works was a disappointed aspirant +to episcopal honours.<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a +href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> Santa Maria, not +knowing that Philip II highly esteemed Luis de Leon, seems to have +been content to report such gossip as filtered down to him.</p> + +<p>The correspondence connected with the papal brief dragged on till +January or February 1591.<a name="FNanchor_254" +id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" +class="fnanchor">[254]</a> To all who saw Luis de Leon at this time it +must have occurred that his career was drawing to a close. He had +never been robust; his sedentary habits, his ascetic practices, and +his prolonged imprisonment combined to wear him down. His last years +were packed with troubles. The Inquisition <a name="pg179"></a><span +class="pagenum">{179}</span>watched him with suspicious eyes; he had +always regarded the Dominicans and Jeromites as his enemies; he had +contrived to increase the forces hostile to him by alienating the +Carmelites. Doria was not without the power to make his resentment +felt; a few well-meaning Augustinians did Luis de Leon more harm than +good by suggesting that he had extorted from the Inquisition the +admission that his doctrinal teachings were correct;<a +name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" +class="fnanchor">[255]</a> he was deeply affected by the enmity of +other Augustinians whom he (perhaps too hastily) denounced by name to +the Inquisitors.<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a +href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> Many of his colleagues +at Salamanca stood aloof from him; some were openly opposed to him; +one or two carried their spite so far as to suggest that he should be +deprived of his University chair. His constant absence from Salamanca +gave his foes a handle; it is conceivable that they might have +succeeded in ousting him from his chair had his life been prolonged. +Apart from public business, connected with his own order <a +name="pg180"></a><span class="pagenum">{180}</span>and with the +proposed reform of the Carmelite nuns, Luis de Leon was retained in +Madrid by his failing health. On January 11, 1591, he was examined by +Doctor Estrada, who reported that his patient was suffering from a +cystic tumour of the kidney.<a name="FNanchor_257" +id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" +class="fnanchor">[257]</a> This is a malady which might last many +years. No doubt Luis de Leon had had the tumour for a long while; it +is extremely likely that at the end the growth became malignant and +that he died from it. It has been alleged that Luis de Leon's end came +suddenly.<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a +href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> This is not so. His +death was lingering. For all but himself this was fortunate, and, even +for himself the pause before the end was convenient, for it enabled +him to discharge certain duties. As editor, he was naturally in +possession of many of Saint Theresa's papers; these he had time to +make over to Doctor Sobrino, Professor of Theology in the University +of Valladolid, and to Fray Agustin Antolinez, a future bishop, with +instructions to return them to Madre Ana <a name="pg181"></a><span +class="pagenum">{181}</span>de Jesús. Nevertheless the saint's +papers were not destined to reach Madre Ana de Jesús, for +Philip II asked both the trustees to give him the holograph copies to +be deposited in the Library at the Escorial. The trustees complied, +and the papers are now stored in the <i>Camarín de Santa +Teresa</i>.<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a +href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> Assiduous to the last +in the discharge of his duties, Luis de Leon dragged himself to +Madrigal, where a Chapter of the Augustinian Order was to be held in +August 1591. The effort was too much for him. He had to take to his +bed, and was still there on August 14 when he was elected Provincial<a +name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" +class="fnanchor">[260]</a>. He did not enjoy the honour long, for he +died on August 23.</p> + +<p>Though most people who are interested in Luis de Leon at all are +familiar with Pacheco's portrait of him, Pacheco's character-sketch is +so apt to be overlooked that it may be briefly summarized here.<a +name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" +class="fnanchor">[261]</a> Pacheco reports Luis de Leon as having a +special gift of silence, as being the most taciturn of men though one +of <a name="pg182"></a><span class="pagenum">{182}</span>the wittiest; +as being a man most trustworthy, truthful and upright, precise in +speech and in the keeping of promises, reserved, not given to smiling; +in the gravity of his countenance his nobility of soul and, still +more, his deep humility were obvious; most cleanly, chaste, and +reflective, he was a great monk and a close observer of laws; so +marked was his devotion to the Blessed Virgin that he fasted on the +eve of feasts, dined at three, and ate no supper; in her honour he +wrote the lovely hymn <i>Virgen que el Sol mas pura</i>, very +spiritually-minded and greatly given to prayer, at the time of his +severest trials God hearkened to him. Though by nature hasty, he was +very long-suffering and gentle to those with whom he had to deal; he +was most abstemious in matters of food, drink, and sleep; indeed with +regard to sleep (as was stated to Pacheco by Fray Luis Moreno de +Bohorquez, who had lived in the same monastery as Luis de Leon for +four years) he carried mortification so far that he seldom lay down, +<a name="pg183"></a><span class="pagenum">{183}</span>and the monk who +had to make his bed would often find that it had not been slept in. So +great were his intellectual gifts that he seemed more meet to teach +every one than to learn things from anybody. On matters concerning +government his judgement was sound; he was highly esteemed by +prominent men both in Spain and out of it; Philip II was wont to +consult him in difficult cases, and would send messengers from Madrid +to Salamanca; when he visited Madrid on University business he was +admitted to private audience and received signal marks of royal +favour; with respect to offers of bishoprics and the Archbishopric of +Mexico he displayed his courage and magnanimous spirits not only by +stripping himself of rank (a thing seldom done) but of all he had in +the world; a man of truly evangelical temper. In those holy exercises, +and in fitting sequel to his life, he piously ended his course as +Provincial of Castile, leaving all in great affliction, but with a +still greater certainty of his glory.<a name="pg184"></a><span +class="pagenum">{184}</span></p> + +<p>This estimate was printed in 1599, eight years after Luis de Leon's +death and one year after Philip II's death. Making some allowance for +the partiality of an admirer, Pacheco's description may stand. A dry +contemporary chronicler, like Luis Cabrera de Córdoba,<a +name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" +class="fnanchor">[262]</a> after paying tribute to Luis de Leon's +intellectual gifts and heroic courage in adversity, speaks of his +death as a national loss. Even in his lifetime Luis de Leon was +recognized by men of exceptional genius as one of themselves. His +poems, which were not published till forty years after his death, must +have been handed about in manuscript long before. In 1585 Cervantes in +his <i>Galatea</i> introduced Luis de Leon into the <i>Canto de Caliope</i>. It +cannot well be maintained that Cervantes had been impressed by Luis de +Leon's Latin treatises, by <i>De los nombres de Cristo</i>, and by <i>La +perfecta casada</i>. The <i>Canto de Caliope</i> records the names of those +only whom Cervantes considered to be eminent poets—masters <i>en +la alegre sciencia dela poesia</i>—and <a name="pg185"></a><span +class="pagenum">{185}</span>hence it is to the poet that he refers +when he writes in his 84th stanza:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Quisiera rematar mi dulce canto<br/></span> +<span>en tal sazon pastores, con loaros<br/></span> +<span>vn ingenio que al mundo pone espanto<br/></span> +<span>y que pudiera en estasis robaros.<br/></span> +<span>En el cifro y recojo todo quanto<br/></span> +<span>he mostrado hasta aqui, y he de mostraros<br/></span> +<span>Fray Luys de Leon el que digo<br/></span> +<span>a quien yo reuerencio, adoro, y sigo.<br/></span> +</div></div> +<p><a name="pg186"></a><span class="pagenum">{186}</span></p> + + +<hr/> +<h2>IV</h2> + + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_189">[189]</a></p><p>Bartolomé José Gallardo, <i>Ensayo de una biblioteca +española de libros raros y curiosos</i> (Madrid, 1863-66-88-89), vol. IV, +col. 1328: 'En unos apuntes cronológicos que hacia en Salamanca un +curioso (jesuita?) á fines del siglo XVI, fol. 23 de un tomo de +<i>Papeles varios</i>, en folio, se lee: +</p><p> +'Año de 76, Mártes 23 de diciembre dia de San Dámaso, dieron por libre +a <i>fr. Luis</i> sin pena. Y donde a 30 de diciembre entró en Salamanca a +las tres de la tarde con atabales, trompetas y gran acompañamiento de +Caballeros, Doctores, Maestros, &c.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_190">[190]</a></p><p>He is clearly wrong in stating that Luis de Leon was +set free on December 23. We have already seen that Luis de Leon +presented two applications in writing on December 15. From the nature +of these applications, it is a fair inference that he was free when he +made them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_191">[191]</a></p><p>Especially as the fact is confirmed by a contemporary +Augustinian, Fray Juan Quijano: see Blanco García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 206, +<i>n.</i> 1.<a name="pg187"></a><span class="pagenum">{187}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_192">[192]</a></p><p>This date is given on the authority of the anonymous +writer quoted by Gallardo, <i>op. cit.</i>, col. 1328: 'Y lunes <i>adelante</i> +le presentó el Comisorio al Claustro, para que se le diese su proprio +lugar, honra y cátedra de <i>Durando</i>. Él no la quiso y la Universidad +cedió 200 ducados de partido.' The date in this case is corroborated +by a summons from the Rector of the University: see P. Fr. Luis G. +Alonso Getino, O.P., <i>Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de León</i> +(Salamanca, 1907), p. 244.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_193">[193]</a></p><p>According to Blanco García (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 207), Luis +de Leon did not vote, but assigned his proxy to Bartolomé de Medina. +This incident occurred, but it happened at a meeting of the <i>Claustro</i> +held two days later: see Alonso Getino (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 252-254). +Medina seems to have thought that Luis de Leon's chair had not been +legally vacated, and that it was not in Luis de Leon's power to say +that he would assign it to Castillo.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_194">[194]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 258.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_195">[195]</a></p><p>Gallardo, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...y martes +a 29 [de enero de 1577] empezó a leer. Hubo gran concurso, &c.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_196">[196]</a></p><p><i>Monasticon Augustinianum</i> (Munich,<a name="pg188"></a><span class="pagenum">{188}</span> 1623), p. 208: +'Primam vero lectionem post tenebras ut auspicabatur, pleno concessu +ad novitatem evocato, inquit: <i>Dicebamus hesterna die</i>.' Blanco +García, who quotes this passage (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 209, <i>n.</i> 1), refers +also to p. 119 of a reprint issued at Valladolid in 1890: this reprint +I have not seen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_197">[197]</a></p><p>Early instances, dating from 1636, are given by Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 209, <i>n.</i> 2. The story first appeared in print +in Spain in 1771, when it was given in the fifth volume of Juan Josef +Lopez de Sedano, <i>Parnaso Español</i> (Madrid, 1768-1778).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_198">[198]</a></p><p>C. Muiños Sáenz, <i>Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos</i> in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_199">[199]</a></p><p>C. Muiños Sáenz, <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1909), vol. +LXXIX, p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_200">[200]</a></p><p>Luis G. Alonso Getino, <i>Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. +Luis de León</i> (Salamanca, 1907), pp. 242-243, 262-263.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_201">[201]</a></p><p>C. Muiños Sáenz, <i>El 'Decíamos ayer' de Fray Luis de +León</i> (Madrid, 1905) and <i>Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos</i> in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, +544-560; (1909), vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, +529-552; (1909), vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, and 177-197.<a name="pg189"></a><span class="pagenum">{189}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_202">[202]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 260-261.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_203">[203]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 262-263: 'É despues de +lo sobredicho en la dicha ciudad de Salamanca martes á la hora que dió +las diez de la mañana el relox de la iglesia mayor, al fin de la +lecion del padre mº. Pedro de Uceda, que se contaron veinti nueve dias +del mes de Enero... Antonio de Almaraz bedel puso en la posesion del +dicho salario al dicho padre mº. fray Luis de Leon en la catedra +questá en el general mayor de theologia de escuelas mayores, el qual +la tomó é apprehendió sin contradicion ninguna, y <i>en lugar de +posesion leyó un poco</i>. É dijo y protestó... que estaba y está presto +de leer el dicho salario é partido, é que si no leyere no se le pare +por ello perjuicio ni se le descuente de su salario y partido ni por +ello sea multado en cosa alguna, pues no es su culpa, hasta tanto que +le den hora en que lea, conforme á lo proveido por la junta de los +señores theologos... y le señalen lectura, é asi lo pidió é protestó, +siendo presentes por todo el Padre mº. Pedro de Uceda... é Antonio de +Almaraz bedel, é otros muchos estudiantes y personas de la universidad +é yo Bartme. Sanchez notario é vicesecretario.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_204">[204]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 266-268.<a name="pg190"></a><span class="pagenum">{190}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_205">[205]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 212-213.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_206">[206]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 214, <i>n.</i> 1; Alonso +Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 282-301.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_207">[207]</a></p><p>The bishop seems to have resented Luis de Leon's +opposition to the candidature of the bishop's brother, Juan Gallo, for +the <i>cátedra de vísperas de teología</i>. In this contest Juan Gallo, a +Dominican, was defeated by the Augustinian Fray Juan de Guevara +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. 275-277). Guevara was present +when the bishop told Luis de Leon that 'he knew Luis de Leon's +hostility to his (the bishop's) brother had done him more harm than +all the rest' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 261). Later on, Juan +Gallo appears to have been appointed to another chair at Salamanca +(<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 318).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_208">[208]</a></p><p><i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 303. Salinas, it +should be noted, denied having heard that this applied specially to +opponents of the Dominican order.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_209">[209]</a></p><p>The verses ascribed to Domingo de Guzman are reproduced +in part by Adolfo de Castro, <i>Biblioteca de Autores Españoles desde la +formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias</i> (Madrid, 1847-1880), vol. +XXXV, p. x; they are given in full by Cayetano<a name="pg191"></a><span class="pagenum">{191}</span> Alberto de la Barrera +in the <i>Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes</i> (Sevilla, 1856), vol. +II, pp. 731-741; (Sevilla, 1857), vol. III, pp. 5-22, 69-80, 209-220. +La Barrera, following Gallardo, was careful to point out that lines +37-40 of the verses to Urganda la Desconocida are practically +identical with four lines in Domingo de Guzman's <i>glosa</i>. Sr. +Rodríguez Marín, in his edition of <i>Don Quixote</i>, published at Madrid +in 1916-1917, prints the four lines (vol. I, pp. 49-50) in inverted +commas. Cervantes, if he meant to quote, must have trusted to his +memory. +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>GUZMAN<br/></span> +<span><br/></span> +<span>que don Albaro de Luna,<br/></span> +<span>que Anibal Cartajines,<br/></span> +<span>que Francisco Rey frances,<br/></span> +<span>se queja de la fortuna.<br/></span> +</div> +<div class="stanza"> +<span>CERVANTES<br/></span> +<span><br/></span> +<span>Que don Aluaro de Lu<br/></span> +<span>Que Anibal el de Carta<br/></span> +<span>Que Rey Francisco de Espa<br/></span> +<span>Se quexa de la fortu.<br/></span> +</div></div> +<p> +In Guzman's case I reproduce La Barrera's transcription. In the case +of Cervantes I follow the spelling adopted in the <i>princeps</i> of the +First Part of <i>Don Quixote</i>. +</p><p> +For some readers, it may be convenient to refer to the revised but +abridged reprint in C.A. de la Barrera, <i>El Cachetero del Buscapié</i> +(Santander, 1916), pp. 133-136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_210">[210]</a></p><p>The first <i>quintilla</i> of some verses by a poetaster on +Luis de Leon's side is quoted by Fray Antolin Merino in the preface to +his <a name="pg192"></a><span class="pagenum">{192}</span>edition of the <i>Poesías</i> of Luis de Leon contained in the <i>Obras +del Il. Fr. Luis de Leon</i> (Madrid, 1804-1805-1806-1816), vol. XI, p. +xxv: +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Luis y Mingo pretenden<br/></span> +<span>casarse con Ana bella,<br/></span> +<span>cada cual pretende habella,<br/></span> +<span>mas segun todos entienden<br/></span> +<span>muérese por Luis ella.<br/></span> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_211">[211]</a></p><p>Gallardo, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...En este +año (79) domingo 6 de diciembre se proveyó la (cátedra) de Biblia a +Fr. Luis de Leon, y el dia siguiente tomó la posesión: tuvo 281 votos, +y el maestro fr. Domingo de Guzman tuvo 245: llevóla con 36 votos.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_212">[212]</a></p><p>Gallardo, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. IV, col. 1328-1329: +'Reguláronse los cursos, y vino en llevarla por solo tres Cursos, y +esto fué quitando un voto señalado, que tenia cinco cursos, el cual se +sospechó era Dominico. No pudiendo conformarse con él, hubo concierto +entre los frailes, que votasen de Santo Domingo 100 y de San Agustin +50. Anduvo pleito hasta viernes 13 de Octubre de 81, que sentenciaron +en Valladolid en favor de fr. Luis de Leon.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_213">[213]</a></p><p>For example, by Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 268-274.<a name="pg193"></a><span class="pagenum">{193}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_214">[214]</a></p><p>This is stated by Alonso Fernandez, who wrote more than +twenty years after the election. A relevant passage is given in Alonso +Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 272-273.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_215">[215]</a></p><p>The terms of Suarez's order are reproduced by Blanco +García, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 218, <i>n.</i> 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_216">[216]</a></p><p>Nothing was known of this second suit by the Valladolid +Inquisitors till 1882, when a considerable part of the report of the +proceedings was published by Sr. D. Álvarez Guijarro in the <i>Revista +Hispano-Americana</i>. +</p><p> +It was given later more fully in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (Madrid, 1896), +vol. XLI, pp. 15-31, by P. Francisco Blanco García. The subsequent +references are to the <i>tirage à part</i> entitled: <i>Segundo Proceso +instruído por la Inquisición de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de León +con prólogo y notas del P. Francisco Blanco García</i> (Madrid, 1896).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_217">[217]</a></p><p>Zumel gives the date (Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, +p. 40) as January 21; the delator, Santa Cruz, fixes the date a day +earlier (Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 20).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_218">[218]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 31: '...mouime lo +uno por parecerme que los padres dominicos le querian oprimir <a name="pg194"></a><span class="pagenum">{194}</span>por ser +de la compañia contra la qual se muestran siempre apasionados y lo +otro y principal porque me pareció gran sin razon condenar por eregía +vna cosa que la presuponen por cierta muchos sanctos y otros muchos +catholicos sanctos y no sanctos la afirman y defienden...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_219">[219]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon merely says (Blanco García, <i>Segundo +proceso</i>, p. 31) 'vn fraile benito': Castañeda's full name is given in +the report of the Valladolid Inquisitors (Blanco García, <i>Segundo +proceso</i>, p. 52).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_220">[220]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 32: '...porque se +dezia en la escuela que el maestro yuañez dezia que era error +pelagiano yo dixe que no tenia razon de ponelle aquella nota,...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_221">[221]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 33: '...y despues +del acto me dixo el maestro Vañez que el quedaba bien satisfecho de la +manera como el sustentante auia declarado su opinion'.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_222">[222]</a></p><p>Juan de Guevara and Pedro de Aragon, for example. This +emerges from the evidence of the Augustinian Fray Martín de Coscojales +(Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 37). Pedro de Aragon was Duns +Scotus Professor of Theology at Salamanca, a <a name="pg195"></a><span class="pagenum">{195}</span>former pupil of Luis de +Leon's and a great admirer of his. He appeared as a witness against +Luis de Leon (Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, pp. 36-37).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_223">[223]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, pp. 20-27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_224">[224]</a></p><p><i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, p. 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_225">[225]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, pp. 28-34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_226">[226]</a></p><p>Even in his official <i>calificacion</i> Joan de la Cruz +(Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 24) speaks of 'las [cosas] que +yo ví y las que oy y se por Relacion....'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_227">[227]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_228">[228]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, pp. 36-40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_229">[229]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico</i>, +p. 225; Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, pp. 40-45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_230">[230]</a></p><p>This seems to follow from a question which Luis de Leon +proposed to put to six witnesses: the Augustinians Juan de Guevara, +Pedro de Rojas, and Hernando de Peralto, and three laymen, Loarte, +Ruiz, and Madrigal: 'Item si saben etc. que el maestro fray Domingo +Ibañez, antes y al tiempo que juró y depuso en esta causa, era y es +enemigo capital del dicho fray Luis de Leon, ansí por <a name="pg196"></a><span class="pagenum">{196}</span>ser fraile +dominico como porque se opuso contra él á una substitucion de +vísperas, y se la llevó fray Luis de Leon con mucho exceso, de lo cual +él y sus frailes se sintieron mucho' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, +pp. 261-263). Luis de Leon was mistaken in supposing that Bañez had +deposed against him at Valladolid. Alonso Getino endeavours to show +(<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 384-386) that Luis de Leon never competed against +Bañez, and that his memory played him a trick on this point.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_231">[231]</a></p><p>See note <a href="#Footnote_222">222</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_232">[232]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, pp. 46-47: 'V.P. dexe +las cosas de la orden aunque esten en peor estado del que hahora +tienen, trate de su cathreda, y dexe de tomar á su cargo el remedio de +las tiranias. No llame tyrano a nadie, y sepa V.P. que publicamente +dicen muchos religiosos que V.P. no hiço bien a nadie y disgustos sí a +muchos, recibiendo buenas obras de aquellos a quien hahora maltrata, +cosa que no puede tener buen suçeso ni puede parecer bien a nadie.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_233">[233]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_234">[234]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, pp. 52-53: '...sea +grauemente Reprehendido, y... que en su cathedra publicamente declare +la calidad de las proposiciones que <a name="pg197"></a><span class="pagenum">{197}</span>se le dieren diçiendo que en +dezir que lo contrario de lo que el sustentaba era heregía, dixo mal, +y que esto era su parezer'. The official report of the proceedings +must be incomplete, for Arresse's <i>parecer</i> mentions that Domingo de +Guzman had spoken of receiving an apology from Luis de Leon. No +evidence by Domingo de Guzman is disclosed in the record.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_235">[235]</a></p><p>Fr. Heinrich Reusch, <i>Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition</i> (Bonn, 1873), p. 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_236">[236]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 53: 'En Toledo... +parescío siendo llamado, el Maestro fray luis de leon..., al qual su +señoría Ill<sup>ma</sup> reprehendío y declaro la culpa que contra el resulta +por los auctos y meritos deste processo, y le amoneste benigna y +caritatiuamente, que de aquí adelante se abstenga de dezir, ni +deffender publica ni secretamente, las proposiciones que paresce hauer +dicho y defendido,... y el ha confesado que la sentencia dellas no +caresce de alguna temeridad, ni otras semejantes, con apercibimiento +que no lo cumpliendo se procedera contra el por todo rigor de derecho, +y el dicho fray luis de leon promettío de lo cumplir y que lo haria +assí.<a name="pg198"></a><span class="pagenum">{198}</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_237">[237]</a></p><p>By Sr. D. Carlos Álvarez Guijarro. Blanco García +(<i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 54, <i>n.</i> 1) dissents from this view.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_238">[238]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 305-308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_239">[239]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 308-315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_240">[240]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 316.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_241">[241]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 309, 317-318.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_242">[242]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 319-320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_243">[243]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 321.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_244">[244]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 327-329.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_245">[245]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 329-331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_246">[246]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 329-335.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_247">[247]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico, +&c.</i>, pp. 236-239.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_248">[248]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico</i>, +pp. 239-240. The pressmark of this autograph letter in the British +Museum is Add. MSS. 28, 698.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_249">[249]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico</i>, +pp. 242-244.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_250">[250]</a></p><p>The whole episode is clearly set forth by Blanco +García, <i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico</i>, pp. 246-250.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_251">[251]</a></p><p>Blanco García, <i>Fr. Luis de León: estudio biográfico</i>, +pp. 248-249; Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 349-351.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_252">[252]</a></p><p>A passage in Alonso Getino (<i>op. cit.</i>, <a name="pg199"></a><span class="pagenum">{199}</span>p. 349) +describes Santa Maria as 'contemporáneo de los sucesos'. This, though +literally true, is somewhat misleading. Santa Maria was twenty-four +the year that Luis de Leon died. See Gallardo, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. IV, +col. 489.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_253">[253]</a></p><p>'...al principal de ellos [los que habían procurado el +Breve] y pretensor de mitra, le costó la vida el sentimiento que tuvo +de ver tan indignado al Rey Católico'. I have not been able to consult +Jesús y Maria's work. My quotation, like Alonso Getino's (<i>op. cit.</i>, +p. 354), is taken at second-hand from Vicente de la Fuente's edition +of Saint Theresa's works.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_254">[254]</a></p><p>January 26, 1591, is the latest date attached to the +<i>Documentos</i> published by Cristóbal Pérez Pastor, <i>Bibliografía +madrileña</i> (Madrid, 1907), Parte III, pp. 404-409. On January 25, +1591, Luis de Leon signed a document undertaking to accept 1,000 +<i>reales</i> in lieu of 2,800 due to him by the estate of Cornelio Bonard, +formerly a bookseller at Salamanca; see Cristóbal Pérez Pastor, +<i>Bibliografía madrileña</i> (Madrid, 1906), Parte II, pp. 454-455.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_255">[255]</a></p><p>F. Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 53. The +Salamancan Inquisitors reported <a name="pg200"></a><span class="pagenum">{200}</span>to the Supreme Inquisition: '...hauemos +entendido que los de su orden se xatan y alaban de que en este +s<sup>to</sup> offi<sup>o</sup> se a declarado ser verdad lo que el dho frai luis +sustentó...'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_256">[256]</a></p><p>F. Blanco García, <i>Segundo proceso</i>, p. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_257">[257]</a></p><p>C. Muiños Sáenz, <i>Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos</i> in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_258">[258]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_259">[259]</a></p><p>C. Muiños Sáenz, <i>Sobre el 'Decíamos ayer'... y otros +excesos</i> in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540, <i>n.</i> 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_260">[260]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino writes (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 355): 'al ser +elegido Provincial, nueve dias antes de morir, no puede suponerse que +estuviera enfermo de consideración'. This is a guess very wide of the +mark. F. de Méndez, in the <i>Revista Agustiniana</i> (1881), quoted (p. +351) Juan Quijano, a contemporary whose chronicle is now lost, as +saying that when Luis de Leon was elected Provincial he was already +confined to his bed with the illness of which he died.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_261">[261]</a></p><p>The portrait and character-sketch will be found in the +photo-chromotype reproduction of Francisco Pacheco, <a name="pg201"></a><span class="pagenum">{201}</span><i>Libro de +descripcion de verdaderos retratos de illustres y memorables +varones</i>. The original is dated Sevilla, 1599. The reproduction, due +to José María Asensio y Toledo, was photo-chromotyped between 1881 and +1884. Owing to the rarity of the reproduction, it has been thought +desirable to reprint in an appendix the passage in which Pacheco deals +with Luis de Leon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_262">[262]</a></p><p>The reference is given by C. Muiños Sáenz, <i>Sobre el +'Decíamos ayer'... y otros excesos</i> in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> (1909), +vol. LXXX, p. 119.<a name="pg202"></a><span class="pagenum">{202}</span></p></div> + + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="V" id="V"></a>V</h2> + + +<p>By his contemporaries Luis de Leon was perhaps more esteemed as a +theologian or a scholar than as a man of letters. This judgement has +been reversed by posterity mainly on the strength of the Spanish poems +which were little known during the author's lifetime beyond a small +circle of his personal friends.<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> Experts tell us that as a +theologian he ranks below his master Melchor Cano; and in the annals +of scholarship Luis de Leon is less conspicuous than Benito Arias +Montano and than Francisco Sanchez (<i>el Brocense</i>). Few now read for +pleasure the treatises which Luis de Leon composed in a dead language: +in any case these treatises can add nothing to his reputation as a +writer of Spanish, and it is solely as a Spanish author that he +<a name="pg203"></a><span class="pagenum">{203}</span>concerns us here and now. He was by no means the earliest of devout +writers to use Spanish as a literary medium. There is a long and +illustrious bead-roll of authors from Bernardino de Laredo to Saint +Theresa to prove the contrary. Much less was Luis de Leon the first +post-Renaissance scholar to recognize that Spanish had a great future +before it. Yet, if we take leave to assume that Luis de Granada was an +ascetic rather than an extatic, we may account Luis de Leon as perhaps +the first professional scholar to perceive that Spanish was adequate +to convey the subtleties of theology and the ravishments of mysticism. +His chief prose works in Castilian include the <i>Exposicion del libro +de Job</i>, a commentary dedicated to Madre Ana de Jesús, but not +published till near the end of the eighteenth century (1779). The +<i>provenance</i> of this work calls for no explanation. Apart from the +quotation of a passage in Jorge Manrique's <i>Coplas</i>, the <i>Exposicion +del libro de Job</i> offers few indications of Spanish origin and fewer +<a name="pg204"></a><span class="pagenum">{204}</span>personal touches. Equally Biblical in origin are a rendering of the +<i>Song of Songs</i> and a corresponding commentary; the existence of both +has a personal interest inasmuch as they prove that Luis de Leon was +enabled to carry out a long cherished design by means of which he +hoped, as he declared at Valladolid, to counterbalance the indiscreet +prying of Fray Diego de Leon. <i>La Perfecta Casada</i> (1583) and <i>De los +nombres de Cristo</i> (1583-1585) likewise have their roots in Scripture. +<i>La Perfecta Casada</i> is avowedly based on the thirty-first chapter of +<i>Proverbs</i>, and <i>De los nombres de Cristo</i>, the first part of which +appeared simultaneously with <i>La Perfecta Casada</i>,<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> discusses the +various symbolic names applied to the Saviour in the Bible.</p> + +<p><i>La Perfecta Casada</i> is dedicated to Maria Varela Osorio, a recently +wedded bride, who may have been a distant kinswoman of the +author's.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> Nowhere more clearly than in this treatise does Luis de +Leon justify the statement that <a name="pg205"></a><span class="pagenum">{205}</span>he had a Hebrew soul. He takes for +granted the Oriental point of view, and illustrates his imperious +thesis with ample quotations from writers of all types—pagans, +Christians, saints, and laymen. There are references to Simonides, to +Sophocles, to Euripides, to Plutarch, to Saint Clement of Alexandria, +to Saint Cyprian, to Saint Ambrose, to Garcilasso de la Vega. It seems +likely that <i>La Perfecta Casada</i> was written after <i>De los nombres de +Cristo</i>, which was almost certainly begun in prison. But there is +perhaps nothing in the internal evidence of the style which would +point to that conclusion. The style of <i>La Perfecta Casada</i> is +vigorous and clear; but it is marred by gusts of rhetoric and by an +excess of copulative conjunctions. These peculiarities produce the +effect of relative inexperience, and might easily mislead a too +confident critic.</p> + +<p><i>De los nombres de Cristo</i> is cast in the Platonic form of dialogue, +and, in the section entitled <i>Pastor</i>, Plato is quoted <a name="pg206"></a><span class="pagenum">{206}</span>by name. But +the Hellenic influence, though present, is not dominant. Already +Alonso de Orozco had anticipated Luis de Leon with <i>De los nueve +nombres de Cristo</i>,<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> and there are points of contact in the +handling as is inevitable from the similarity of the subject. But it +cannot be denied that Luis de Leon's work is suffused with a warmer, +more human interest than Orozco's brief sketch. These more intimate +personal elements are present on almost every page of <i>De los nombres +de Cristo</i>. Nobody can read far without perceiving that Marcello, +hindered by his <i>poca salud y muchas occupaciones</i>, is manifestly a +double of Luis de Leon; there are passages which gloss themes +developed metrically elsewhere; there are retrospicient glances at the +Valladolid trial; the scene of the dialogue is laid within view of La +Flecha, and the details of the landscape are reproduced with exact +fidelity; Luis de Leon has a freer hand in <i>De los nombres de Cristo</i> +than in his other prose works, but here again <a name="pg207"></a><span class="pagenum">{207}</span>in his paraphrases of +the Biblical passages relating to Christ his interpretation is at one +with the interpretation of the prophets. And this identity of +sentiment has in it nothing dramatic. Those who have alleged that Luis +de Leon came of Jewish stock may have been—apparently were—mistaken; +but their mistake is comprehensible, for more than any contemporary +Spanish poet—more even than Herrera in his odes—is he saturated with +the Jewish spirit. In all his work Luis de Leon adheres closely to the +Bible. In the <i>De los nombres de Cristo</i> he is also a Platonist within +limits: not so much as regards the manner (which tends to an +oratorical pomp more reminiscent of Cicero) as in his conciliatory +method. With the Jewish and Hellenic blend of influence we must rate +the Latin influence—that of Horace and of Virgil. The influence of +Horace on Luis de Leon has been often noted. It exists no doubt, but +has perhaps been exaggerated: why should we suppose that his love of +moderation <a name="pg208"></a><span class="pagenum">{208}</span>was learnt from Horace and was not partly, at least, +temperamental? May not the references to Horace be a characteristic of +humanism? An opinion backed by the weight of classical authority must +reach us with irresistible force, must it not? However this may be, +the predominant influence in <i>De los nombres de Cristo</i>, as in all +Luis de Leon's prose, is Scriptural and Christian. In maturity of +development, in intellectual force, in beauty of expression, and in +general adequateness, <i>De los nombres de Cristo</i> exhibits Luis de +Leon's prose at its culmination. The book is dedicated to Pedro +Portocarrero,<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> Bishop of Calahorra, who had previously twice been +rector of Salamanca University. It seems probable that Luis de Leon's +friendship with him dates back to 1566-1567, when Portocarrero held +the office of rector for the second time. Besides <i>De los nombres de +Cristo</i> Luis de Leon dedicated to Portocarrero <i>In Abdiam prophetam +Explanatio</i> (1589) and the manuscript collection of his poems.<a name="pg209"></a><span class="pagenum">{209}</span> For +some reason not very obvious this collection of verses was not +published till 1631 when it was issued by Quevedo, who hoped that it +would help to stem the current of Gongorism in Spain. The poems, +printed forty years after the author's death, appeared too late to +affect the public taste. Góngora himself had died in 1627, but his +influence was undiminished. Quevedo, who had obtained his copies of +Luis de Leon's verses from Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, a canon of +Seville cathedral, did his share as editor by writing two prefaces, +one addressed to Sarmiento de Mendoza, and the other to Olivares who +was manifestly expected to pronounce against Gongorism. Olivares, +however, had no reason to love Quevedo, and was resolved to take no +active part in what he doubtless regarded as a scribblers' quarrel. +Gongorism pursued its way unchecked. Quevedo's edition, though +incomplete and disfigured by certain errors, was reprinted at Milan +during the same year (1631), and then all <a name="pg210"></a><span class="pagenum">{210}</span>interest in Luis de Leon +flickered out for a while.</p> + +<p>In the prefatory note of the 1631 Madrid edition—entitled <i>Obras +propias, y tradvciones latinas, griegas y italianas</i>—Luis de Leon +speaks of his poems slightingly as mere playthings of his youth, now +brought together at the request of an anonymous friend—perhaps Benito +Arias Montano—to whom they had been ascribed. Luis de Leon arranges +the material in three books, containing respectively his original +compositions, his translations from authors profane, and his versions +of certain psalms, a hymn, and chapters from the Book of Job. But, +beyond the general statement as to the early date of composition, Luis +de Leon gives no precise information as to when individual poems were +written. The assertion that the poems date back almost to the author's +childhood is contradicted by concrete facts. Take, for instance, the +celebrated <i>Noche serena</i> dedicated to Oloarte. If, as I conjecture, +the dedicatee of the <i>Noche serena</i> is <a name="pg211"></a><span class="pagenum">{211}</span>identical with the Diego de +Loarte, archdeacon of Ledesma, who gave evidence at Salamanca on +January 27, 1573, and who on that date had known Luis de Leon for +fourteen years, the <i>Noche serena</i> cannot have been composed earlier +than 1559 when Luis de Leon was thirty-one—youthful, indeed, but long +past his <i>niñez</i>. On January 17, 1573, Francisco Salinas testified at +Salamanca to having known Luis de Leon for six years: whence it +follows that <i>El aire se serena</i> cannot have been written before 1567, +when Luis de Leon was bordering on his fortieth year. As Don Carlos +died on July 24, 1568, the <i>Cancion a la muerte de don Carlos</i> and the +<i>Epitafio al túmulo del príncipe don Carlos</i> must necessarily have +been composed after that date; that is, when Luis de Leon was just +forty and had left his <i>niñez</i> far behind him. Besides a general +dedication to Portocarrero, the collection includes three individual +poems which are dedicated to that personage: (1) <i>Virtud, hija del +Cielo</i>; (2) <i>No siempre es poderosa</i>;<a name="pg212"></a><span class="pagenum">{212}</span> (3) <i>La cana y alta cumbre</i>. In +<i>La cana y alta cumbre</i> there is a reference to</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">la cruda guerra<br/></span> +<span>que agora el Marte airado<br/></span> +<span>despierta en la alta sierra.<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>These verses can scarcely allude to anything but the Alpujarras rising +of 1568-1571, and the conjecture hardens into certainty in view of the +mention of Alonso and Poqueira: this is clearly the Alonso +Portocarrero who, as Hurtado de Mendoza records, perished at Poqueira, +'trabado del veneno usado dende los tiempos antiguos entre cazadores'. +This poem must have been written when Luis de Leon was at least +forty-one. <i>Virtud, hija del cielo</i>, in mentioning the <i>Miño</i>, refers +to Portocarrero's appointment in Galicia; and as Portocarrero's term +of office appears to have lasted from 1571 to 1580, the poem cannot be +dated earlier than 1571 when Luis de Leon was over forty-three. If the +mention of <i>la morisca armada</i> in the lines <i>A Santiago</i> glances at +the battle of Lepanto which was fought on October 7,<a name="pg213"></a><span class="pagenum">{213}</span> 1571, then the +poem must have been written after that date, when the author was close +on forty-four. The verses dedicated to Juan de Grial, with their +closing reference to the writer's trials:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">Que yo, de un torbellino<br/></span> +<span>traidor acometido, y derrocado<br/></span> +<span>del medio del camino<br/></span> +<span>al hondo, el plectro amado<br/></span> +<span>y del vuelo las alas he quebrado;<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="noindent">the fervent entreaty <i>A todos los santos</i> and its unreserved lament:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>No niego, dulce amparo<br/></span> +<span>del alma, que mis males son mayores<br/></span> +<span>que aqueste desamparo;<br/></span> +<span>mas cuanto son peores,<br/></span> +<span>tanto resonaran mas tus loores;<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="noindent">the very beautiful and justly renowned <i>Virgen que el sol mas pura</i>, +with its heart-rending supplication:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>los ojos vuelve al suelo<br/></span> +<span>y mira un miserable en cárcel dura<br/></span> +<span>cercado de tinieblas y tristeza:<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="noindent">possibly<a name="FNanchor_268" +id="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" +class="fnanchor">[268]</a> the song <i>Del conocimiento de si mismo</i>, +with its significant simile:</p> +<p><a name="pg214"></a><span class="pagenum">{214}</span></p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>el gusanillo de la gente hollado<br/></span> +<span>un rey era, conmigo comparado;<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="noindent">and assuredly the famous <i>quintillas</i> beginning <i>Aqui la envidia y +mentira</i>: these compositions were probably composed during, or after, +the writer's imprisonment at Valladolid, that is to say between the +spring of 1572 and the winter of 1576, when Luis de Leon was from +forty-four or forty-five to forty-eight or forty-nine. <i>Del mundo y su +vanidad</i> glances at</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">la grave desventura<br/></span> +<span>del lusitano, por su mal valiente,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">la soberbia bravura<br/></span> +<span class="i2">de su animosa gente<br/></span> +<span class="i2">desbaratada miserablemente.<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>This passage obviously recalls the disastrous defeat of Sebastian I, +King of Portugal, at Al-Kaor al-Kebir in August 1578, when Luis de +Leon was more than fifty years of age. If these inferences are valid, +it would follow that many of his original poems were not composed till +he was nearly forty or more. It is difficult to reconcile these +conclusions with the <a name="pg215"></a><span class="pagenum">{215}</span>author's categorical assertion that the poems +were produced during his early years. As Luis de Leon was the least +vain, as well as the most truthful of men, an explanation must be +found, and it is perhaps permissible to suggest that Luis de Leon +wrote a prefatory note to Portocarrero intending it to be placed at +the beginning of the Second Book which contains his poems translated +from Roman and other authors. By some mischance the poet's intention +was frustrated; perhaps a leaf was out of place in Sarmiento de +Mendoza's copy; perhaps Quevedo is directly responsible for what +occurred. At any rate, the letter dedicatory was bisected, the greater +part of it being transferred to the beginning of the First Book, while +a mere morsel came to be printed at the beginning of the Third Book. +This surmise may serve till a better explanation is forthcoming.</p> + +<p>It is not to be inferred from the foregoing summary that all Luis de +Leon's original and graver compositions were <a name="pg216"></a><span class="pagenum">{216}</span>written during his +maturity, but there is some reason to think that his earlier efforts +in verse took the form of translations. Though it is undoubtedly true +that his poems as a whole were not published till 1631, four isolated +pieces of his strayed into print as early as 1574 when they were +included by Francisco Sanchez, <i>el Brocense</i>, in the notes to his +edition of the <i>Obras del excelente poeta Garci-Lasso de la +Vega</i>.<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> At that date Luis de Leon was in the secret prison-cells +of the Inquisition at Valladolid. Sanchez had been a colleague of his +at Salamanca for some six years, was on friendly terms with him, knew +the exact turn things were taking, felt that no good, and possibly +some harm, might be done by mentioning the prisoner's name, and +accordingly gave a version of an Horatian ode with the comment: 'vn +docto destos reynos la traduxo biẽ'<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>. This needs +interpretation. There can be no doubt that Luis de Leon was a very +competent Latin scholar; neither is there any doubt that he had a +profound admiration <a name="pg217"></a><span class="pagenum">{217}</span>for Horace. At his best, his Horatian versions, +if somewhat lacking in polish, are remarkably faithful and vigorous. +But when we find him in his translation of the eighteenth ode of the +Second Book rendering <i>salis avarus</i> by <i>de sal avariento</i>—the second +person singular of the present indicative of the verb <i>salire</i> being +mistaken for the genitive of the substantive <i>sal</i><a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>—we may +perhaps conclude that a boyish exercise has somehow escaped +destruction.</p> + +<p>It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is restricted in +his choice of themes, and it is impossible to deny that his sacred +profession acted as something of a limitation to him. Still, when the +mood was on him, he rent his chains asunder as readily as Samson broke +the seven green withs at Gaza: 'as a thread of tow is broken when it +toucheth the fire.' Perhaps nobody would guess off-hand that the +<i>Profecia del Tajo</i> was the handiwork of a sixteenth-century monk, a +dweller in the rarefied atmosphere of mysticism. It <a name="pg218"></a><span class="pagenum">{218}</span>only remained for +a friar in the opposition camp to discover nearly three hundred years +later a tendency in Luis de Leon to treat sensual themes in a sensual +fashion.<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> To deal seriously with a belated judgement based on +malignant ignorance would be a waste of time. It is the very irony of +fate that the poem which has been the subject of severe censure should +prove to be a translation from Cardinal Bembo.<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> The standard of +the twentieth century is not the standard of the sixteenth, and it is +certain that Luis de Leon has not the unfettered liberty of a godless +layman. He is restrained by his austere temperament, by his monk's +habit, by Christian doctrine. Nevertheless he moves with easy grace +and dignity on planes so far apart as those of patriotism, of +devotion, of human sympathy, of introspection. His patriotism finds +powerful expression, as already noted, in the <i>Profecia del Tajo</i>, +besprinkled with sonorous place-names, these growing fewer as the +movement is accelerated, and Father Tagus describes <a name="pg219"></a><span class="pagenum">{219}</span>with a mixture of +picturesque mediaeval sentiment and martial music the onset of the +Arabs and the clangour of arms as they meet the doomed Gothic host. In +the sphere of devotional poetry Luis de Leon nowhere displays more +unction, more ecstatic piety than in the verses on the Ascension +beginning with the line:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Y dexas, Pastor santo.<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>It will be observed that the conjunction <i>y</i>, so superabundant in <i>La +Perfecta Casada</i>, is the first word of this poem, of which Churton has +supplied a well-known rendering:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>And dost Thou, holy Shepherd, leave<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Thy flock in this dark vale alone,<br/></span> +<span>In cheerless solitude to grieve,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Whilst Thou to endless rest art gone?<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span>The sheep, in Thy protection blest,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Untended wilt Thou leave to mourn?<br/></span> +<span>The lambs, once cherished at Thy breast,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Forlorn,—oh! whither shall they turn?<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span>Where shall those eyes now find repose,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">That pine Thy gracious glance to see?<br/></span> +<span>What can they hear but sounds of woes,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Sad exiles from discourse with Thee?</span> +</div></div> +<p class="intable"><a name="pg220"></a><span class="pagenum">{220}</span></p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>And who shall curb this troubled deep,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">When Thou no more amidst the gloom<br/></span> +<span>Shalt chide the wrathful winds to sleep,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">And guide the labouring vessel home?<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span>For Thou art gone! that cloud so bright<br/></span> +<span class="i2">That bears Thee from our gaze away,<br/></span> +<span>Springs upward into dazzling light,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">And leaves us here to weep and pray.<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Four additional stanzas, accepted as authentic by perhaps the most +painstaking of Luis de Leon's editors, are thus Englished by Churton:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Our life has lost its richest store,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">The balm for sorrow's inward thorn,<br/></span> +<span>The hope, that, gladd'ning more and more,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Out-brighten'd all the springs of morn.<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span>Ah me! my soul, what hateful chain<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Holds back thy freeborn spirit's flight?<br/></span> +<span>Oh break it, disenthrall'd from pain,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">And mount those azure depths of light.<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span>Why should'st thou fear? What earth-born spell<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Is on thee, with thy choice at strife<br/></span> +<span>The soul no dying pang can quell,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">But loss of Christ is death in life.</span></div></div> +<p class="intable"><a name="pg221"></a><span class="pagenum">{221}</span></p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Dear Lord, and Friend, more dear to me<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Than all the names Earth's love hath found,<br/></span> +<span>Through darkest gloom I'll follow Thee,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Or cheer'd with beaming glory round.<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Now there is no question of mere executive skill and simple +craftsmanship in Luis de Leon's poems. He is, indeed, always sound and +competent in these respects; but artistry is not his supreme virtue as +a poet. He is ever prone to be a little rugged in his manner, and this +ruggedness has proved something of a trap to the unwary. Luis de Leon +has no real mannerisms, and is no more to be parodied than is +Shakespeare. Yet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish him at his +worst from his imitators at their best. Though withheld so long from +the public, Luis de Leon's poems, while still in manuscript, were +repeatedly imitated—especially by Augustinians. To my way of +thinking, he is most nearly approached by his friend Arias Montano. +But it should be said that this is not the general verdict. That <a name="pg222"></a><span class="pagenum">{222}</span>goes +decisively in favour of Miguel Sanchez, <i>el Divino</i>. Miguel Sanchez is +the author of a beautiful <i>Cancion de Cristo Crucificado</i>, a poem +which, though not published till 1605 with the real writer's name +attached to it, has constantly been ascribed to Luis de Leon.<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> The +<i>Cancion</i> is no doubt a composition of great charm and mystic unction; +but it lacks the concentrated force of Luis de Leon. Luis de Leon has +a lofty dignity of his own; he outstrips all rivalry by virtue of his +nobility, by virtue of his intellectual vigour, by virtue of sheer +excellence rather than by curious refinements of technique. These +positive qualities defy reproduction by even the most accomplished of +imitators. It has been said that Luis de Leon's verse, as well as his +prose, has noticeable roughnesses; but let us not derive a wrong +impression from this assertion. Luis de Leon is not 'finicking'. +Withal he is a master of his art. Retrograde as we may perhaps think +him in some matters, he was on the side of the reformers in the +<a name="pg223"></a><span class="pagenum">{223}</span>matter of metrics. He was a partisan of Boscan's innovating methods: +so much might be expected from a man of his period. It is to be noted +that, in his best poems, he shows a decided preference for <i>liras</i>, a +form apparently invented by Bernardo Tasso before it was transplanted +to Spain by Garcilasso de la Vega. Luis de Leon was of opinion that +those who violate poetry, using it for purposes of a meretricious +kind, deserved punishment as public corrupters of two most sacred +things: poetry and morals. It is one of the curious ironies of art +that the measure which the seductive Garcilasso used for amatory +purposes should have appealed to Luis de Leon as the vehicle most +suited to enraptured chants and hymns of philosophic meditation.</p> + +<p>It is obvious that Luis de Leon took a keen interest in all the real +essentials of his art. It is no less obvious that he saw matters in +their actual perspective, that he attached no undue importance to +technique, as such, and that he gave no less <a name="pg224"></a><span class="pagenum">{224}</span>weight to the choice of +matter than to the choice of form. Luis de Leon was not incapable of +metrical audacities: as when he divides into two separate words +adverbs in <i>-mente</i> occurring at the end of a line. This practice was +audacious, but it was not an innovation. Juan de Almeida defended it +by citing a host of precedents from other literatures and, had Almeida +been a prophet, he might have foretold that this device was destined +to be repeated hundreds of years later by that innovating genius Rubén +Darío. But Almeida was not a prophet. His titles to remembrance are +that he was learned, and that he may rank with Miguel Sanchez, with +Alonso de Espinosa, and with Benito Arias Montano as among the least +unsuccessful of Luis de Leon's followers. They often follow his lead +with undeniable adroitness. Yet they never attain his incomparable +concentration, his majestic vision of nature and his characteristic +note of ecstatic aloofness. Nowhere is he more himself than in the +<a name="pg225"></a><span class="pagenum">{225}</span>immortal stanzas dedicated to Oloarte under the title of <i>Noche +serena</i> of which Churton has bequeathed us an English version which I +will quote, though it gives but a far-off echo of the original's magic +melody:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">When nightly through the sky<br/></span> +<span>I view the stars their files unnumber'd leading,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Then see the dark earth lie<br/></span> +<span class="i4">In deathlike trance, unheeding<br/></span> +<span>How Life and Time with those bright orbs are speeding:<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">Strong love and equal pain<br/></span> +<span>Wake in my heart a fire with anguish burning;<br/></span> +<span class="i4">The tear-drops fall like rain,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Mine eyes to fountains turning,<br/></span> +<span>And my sad voice pours forth its tones of mourning:<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">O mansion of high state,<br/></span> +<span>Bright temple of bright saints in beauty dwelling,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">The soul, once born to mate<br/></span> +<span class="i4">With these, what force repelling<br/></span> +<span>Hath bound to earth, its light in darkness quelling?</span></div></div> +<p class="intable"><a name="pg226"></a><span class="pagenum">{226}</span></p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">What mortal disaccord<br/></span> +<span>Hath exiled so from Truth the mind unstable?<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Why of its blest reward<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Forgetful, lost, unable,<br/></span> +<span>Seeks it each shadowy fraud and guileful fable?<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">Man lies in slumber dead,<br/></span> +<span>Like one that of his danger hath no feeling,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">The while with silent tread<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Those restless orbs are wheeling,<br/></span> +<span>And, as they fly, his hours of life are stealing.<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">O mortals, wake and rise;<br/></span> +<span>Think of the loss that on your lives is pressing;<br/></span> +<span class="i4">The soul, that never dies,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Ordain'd for endless blessing,<br/></span> +<span>How shall it live, false shows for truth caressing?<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">Ah, raise your fainting eyes<br/></span> +<span>To that firm sphere which still new glory weareth,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">And scorn the low disguise<br/></span> +<span class="i4">The flattering world prepareth,<br/></span> +<span>And all the world's poor thrall hopeth or feareth.</span></div></div> +<p class="intable"><a name="pg227"></a><span class="pagenum">{227}</span></p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">O what is all earth's round,<br/></span> +<span>Brief scene of man's proud strife and vain endeavour,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Weigh'd with that deep profound,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">That tideless Ocean-river,<br/></span> +<span>That onward bears Time's fleeting forms for ever?<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">Once meditate, and see<br/></span> +<span>That fix'd accord in wondrous variance given,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">The mighty harmony<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Of courses all uneven,<br/></span> +<span>Wherein each star keeps time and place in heaven.<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">Who can behold that store<br/></span> +<span>Of light unspent, and not, with very sighing,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Burst earth's frail bonds, and soar,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">With soul unbodied flying,<br/></span> +<span>From this sad place of exile and of dying?<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">There dwelleth sweet Content;<br/></span> +<span>There is the reign of Peace; there, throned in splendour,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">As one pre-eminent,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">With dove-like eyes so tender,<br/></span> +<span>Sits holy Love,—honour and joy attend her.</span></div></div> +<p class="intable"><a name="pg228"></a><span class="pagenum">{228}</span></p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">There is reveal'd whate'er<br/></span> +<span>Of Beauty thought can reach; the source internal<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Of purest Light, that ne'er<br/></span> +<span class="i4">To darkness yields; eternal<br/></span> +<span>Bloom the bright flowers in clime for ever vernal.<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">There would my spirit be,<br/></span> +<span>Those quiet fields and pleasant meads exploring,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Where Truth immortally,<br/></span> +<span class="i4">Her priceless wealth outpouring,<br/></span> +<span>Feeds through the blissful vales the souls of saints adoring.<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The fact that the original is cast in the <i>lira</i> form would compel one +to assign this composition to a date not earlier than 1542, when +Garcilasso's poems were first published. Nothing, however, could be +more remote from Garcilasso's nebulous half-pagan melancholy; we are +no less distant from the pseudonymous nymphs of Cetina and Francisco +de la Torre: the elegant Amaryllis of the one, the elusive Filis of +the other, though destined to be re-incarnated by a tribe of later +poets, <a name="pg229"></a><span class="pagenum">{229}</span>find no place in these stately numbers. Luis de Leon does not +emulate Alcázar's epigrammatic wit, nor Herrera's Petrarchan +sweetness, nor Ercilla's tumultuous rhetoric. He has an individuality +all his own, the moral purpose of the man is wedded to the poet's art +in such wise that he strikes a note individual and completely new in +Spanish literature—a note rarely heard in any literature till we +catch its strain in the verses of him who tells us that</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>The Youth, who daily farther from the east<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Must travel, still is Nature's Priest,<br/></span> +<span class="i2">And by the vision splendid<br/></span> +<span class="i2">Is on his way attended;<br/></span> +<span>At length the Man perceives it die away,<br/></span> +<span>And fade into the light of common day.<br/></span> +</div></div> + +<p>In Luis de Leon, as in Wordsworth, art is raised to a hieratic +dignity: both have a splendid simplicity, a most lofty expression of +sublime meditation—qualities rare everywhere in every age, and rarest +of all in the flamboyant, if gloomy, Spain of the sixteenth century.<a name="pg230"></a><span class="pagenum">{230}</span></p> + +<p>Luis de Leon has his weak points. He does not attain to the angelic +melody of St. John of the Cross. He is apt to be indifferent to sheer +beauty of form; though he often reaches it, this success seems with +him to be a happy accident. Lucidity is not his main object; though he +uses simple terms, his immense range of knowledge tempts him at whiles +to indulge in allusions which it might tax all the ingenuity of +commentators to explain. Commentators of Luis de Leon have a +sufficiently heavy task before them in reconstructing the text of his +poems—the heavier because the originals no longer exist. Sr. de Onís +has given us some idea of the problems to be solved.<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> Whatever +flaws are revealed in Luis de Leon's manner, he is nearly always +vital, nearly always has something elevating, illuminating and +beautiful to say. As a human being, too, he is not above criticism. +There is an unpleasant savour in the story that he asked Antonio Perez +to let him have the Chrysostom manuscript <a name="pg231"></a><span class="pagenum">{231}</span>which he proposed to +translate in Paris, the profits to be divided. We need not believe +this perhaps calumnious little tale. Antonio Perez is open to +suspicion of being an assassin and a traitor; he may also have been +untruthful. Luis de Leon is not a candidate for canonization. He was +no icicle of perfection. He was something vastly more interesting than +a chill intellectual: a man ardent, austere, conscious of resplendent +intellectual faculties, perhaps a little arrogant when off his guard, +incautious but wary, individualistic but self-sacrificing, emotional, +sensitive, reticent: a mass of conflicting qualities blended, unified +and held in subjection by sheer strength of will, fortified by a +professional discipline, deliberately embraced and rigorously +followed. Add to this that he had in a supreme degree the creative +impulse, an irrepressible instinct for self-expression. It is not +strange that the self-expression of a personality so fine, so complex, +so rich, so rare, should produce the series of compositions which +<a name="pg232"></a><span class="pagenum">{232}</span>entitle Luis de Leon to rank among the very greatest of Spanish +poets, and beside the most glorious figures in the history of any +literature. He stands a little apart from the rest of Spanish poets in +a splendid solitude which befits him; he must perforce be solitary, +dwelling as he most often does at altitudes inaccessible to ordinary +mortals.</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Those solemn heights but to the stars are known,<br/></span> +<span>But to the stars, and the cold lunar beams:<br/></span> +<span>Alone the sun arises, and alone<br/></span> +<span class="i10">Spring the great streams.<br/></span> +</div></div> +<p><a name="pg233"></a><span class="pagenum">{233}</span></p> + + +<hr/> +<h2>V</h2> + + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_263">[263]</a></p><p>They must have been known to the dedicatee of the +<i>Noche serena</i>, whom I am inclined to identify with Diego de Olarte +who appeared before the Valladolid tribunal (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, +vol. XI, pp. 301-302). But the only positive evidence on this head is +given by Francisco de Salinas who testified 'que era amigo del dicho +fray Luis de Leon, el cual venia muchas veces á casa deste testigo, y +oyó deste testigo la especulativa, y comunicaba con este testigo cosas +de poesía y otras cosas del arte' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. XI, pp. +302-303).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_264">[264]</a></p><p>In the early editions—those of 1583, 1585, 1587, 1595, +and 1603—<i>De los nombres de Cristo</i> and <i>La Perfecta Casada</i> are +bound up together. Each treatise has a separate pagination in all five +cases.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_265">[265]</a></p><p>Luis de Leon's mother was 'Inés de Valera, hija de Juan +de Valera, vecino que fué de la villa de Belmente, escudero, que vivia +de su hacienda' (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, pp. 170-171). The +substitution of<a name="pg234"></a><span class="pagenum">{234}</span> Varela for Valera, or vice versa, is easy in Spanish. +An example of such a substitution in the case of Luis de Leon's mother +is given by Blanco García, <i>Fr. Luis de León</i>, p. 24, <i>n.</i> 1. Blanco +García mentions a tombstone in the monastery of San Jerónimo at +Granada with the following inscription: +</p><p> +'<i>En esta capilla está enterrado el noble hidalgo el Lic. Lope de Leon +del Cº del Rey nuestro Señor, Oidor que fué de Granada, y Asistente de +Sevilla: falleció á 24 de Julio de 1562 años: y Doña Inés Barela</i> +(sic), <i>y Alarcon, su mujer, dotó esta capilla para entierro suyo y de +sus descendientes.</i>' +</p><p> +The name of Luis de Leon's maternal grandmother was Mencía Alvarez +Osorio. From these circumstances, it appears possible that some +relationship existed between the dedicatee of <i>La Perfecta Casada</i> and +the author of that treatise. Luis de Leon had four maternal uncles, +three of whom were laymen—Francisco de Valera, Bernardino de Valera, +and Cristóbal de Alarcon, 'capitan que fué en Italia'. All three had +died before April 15, 1572 (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. X, p. 181). +</p><p> +It is also possible that Isabel Osorio (<i>Documentos inéditos</i>, vol. +XI, p. 271), to whom the manuscript of the vernacular version of <a name="pg235"></a><span class="pagenum">{235}</span>the +<i>Song of Songs</i> was lent, may likewise have been related to Luis de +Leon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_266">[266]</a></p><p>Orozco's treatise was printed in <i>La Ciudad de Dios</i> +(1888), vol. XXI, pp. 393-401, and vol. XXII, pp. 543-550. It is +reproduced by Sr. D. Federico de Onís in his edition of <i>De los +nombres de Cristo</i> in the series of <i>Clásicos Castellanos</i> (1914), +vol. XXVIII, pp. 261-281, and (1917), vol. XXXIII, pp. 257-271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_267">[267]</a></p><p>Nowhere have I found an indication of Portocarrero's +birth-date. He became Bishop of Calahorra in 1587, and was translated +to Córdoba in 1594; he died on September 20, 1600.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_268">[268]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 48) writes, however: 'la +<i>Canción del conocimiento de sí mismo</i>, que es la primera cuya fecha +se puede averiguar, la escribió diez años después de entrar en +religión'. This is an inference from the closing lines of the poem: +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>aunque sané del mal y su accidente<br/></span> +<span>diez años há que soy convaleciente.<br/></span> +</div></div> +<p> +In a note to the passage quoted above, Alonso Getino refers to the +<i>Canción al nacimiento de la hija del Marqués de Alcañices</i>, written, +as he thinks, 'en un tono impropio de un <a name="pg236"></a><span class="pagenum">{236}</span>imberbe'. He appears to have +no doubt as to the authenticity of this composition: the correctness +of the ascription of this poem to Luis de Leon is at least +questionable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_269">[269]</a></p><p>The pieces printed by Sanchez are translations of Ode +X, Book II; Ode XXII, Book I; Ode XIII, Book IV; and Epode II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_270">[270]</a></p><p><i>Obras del excelente poeta Garcilasso de la Vega</i>, +Salamanca, 1577. This (second) edition is the earliest to which I have +access. On pp. 91-92 Sanchez writes: 'Trato este elegantemente +Horacio, Oda 10. lib. I. Y porque vn docto destos reynos la traduxo +biẽ, y ay pocos casos destos en nuestra lengua, le pondre aqui +todo: y ansi entiẽdo hazer en el discurso destas sentencias quando +se ofreciere'. On p. 94, Sanchez writes: 'Por traer el lugar de +Horacio, donde todo esto se toma, aure de poner toda la Oda, sacada +por el mismo que traduxo la otra'. On pp. 97-98 Sanchez writes: 'Al +reues desto se burla Horacio de vna dama, motejandola de vieja: y q̃ +ya se le passo la flor, aunque ella no lo piensa. Y por estar +traduzida por el mismo q̃ las pasadas, pgo aqui la Oda, que es +del libro 4 l. 13.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_271">[271]</a></p><p>This slip has been pointed out by Menéndez y Pelayo in +both editions (Madrid,<a name="pg237"></a><span class="pagenum">{237}</span> 1878[?] and 1885) of his <i>Horacio en España. +Solaceas bibliográficas</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_272">[272]</a></p><p>Alonso Getino (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 50) and in <i>El Correo +Español</i> (1908). A reply to these views has been made in the form of +an open letter to Sr. Berrueta, Director of <i>El Lábaro</i>, by P. Conrado +Muiños Sáenz. The reply of Muiños Sáenz will be found in <i>La Ciudad de +Dios</i> (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560, vol. LXXIX, pp. +18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, +177-197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_273">[273]</a></p><p>M. Menéndez y Pelayo, <i>Antología de poetas líricos +castellanos</i> (1908), vol. XIII, p. 332.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_274">[274]</a></p><p>It is printed among Luis de Leon's poems in the +<i>Biblioteca de Autores Españoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta +nuestros dias</i>, vol. XXXVII, pp. 12-13. As this is perhaps the +best-known edition of Luis de Leon's poems, most of my quotations are +taken from it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><p class="noindent"><a href="#FNanchor_275">[275]</a></p><p><i>Sobre la transmisión de la obra literaria de Fr. Luis +de León</i> in <i>Revista de Filología española</i> (1915), vol. II, pp. +217-257.</p></div> +<p><a name="pg238"></a><span class="pagenum">{238}</span></p> + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX</h2> + +<h3>EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON</h3> + + +<p>Silas obras acertadas de algun Artifice le estan (como dize el Sabio) +alabando siempre, con cuanta mayor razon las de Dios nos dan motivo +para engrandecer su infinita Sabiduria. i mas cuando vemos que nacen +algunos ombres, acpañados de tantas gracias que parece que fueron +hechos, sin otro medio, por sus divinas manos, sien alguno se puede +esto verificar, es en el gran Maestro (como veremos) sus Progenitores +fueron de Belmonte, de clarissimo linage, en el cual resplandecieron +muchos varones insignes en letras i Santidad. El Licenciado Lope de +Leon su Padre, siendo uno de los mayores letrados de su tiempo, vino +por Oidor a Sevilla, donde hizo oficio de Asistente, <a name="pg239"></a><span class="pagenum">{239}</span>i en ella tuvo +(para onra de nuestra Patria) este ilustre hijo, que siendo promovido +luego ala chancilleria de Granada, nacio en ella, elaño 1528 para +engrandecer l' Andaluzia la Nacion Española, i el mundo. En lo +natural, fue pequeño de cuerpo, en devida proporcion, la cabeça +grande, bien formada, poblada de cabello algo crespo, i el cerquillo +cerrado, la frente espaciosa, el rostro mas redondo que aguileño, +(como lo muestra el Retrato) trigueño el color, los ojos verdes i +vivos. En lo moral, con especial don de Silencio, el ombre mas callado +que sea conocido, si bien de singular agudeza en sus dichos, con +estremo abstinente i templado, en la comida bevida, i sueño. de mucho +secreto, verdad, i fidelidad: puntual en palabra i promessas; +compuesto, poco onada risueño. Leiasse en la gravedad de su rostro, el +peso de la nobleza de su alma, resplandecia enmedio desto por +eccelencia una umildad profunda. fue limpissimo, mui onesto i +recogido, gran Religioso, i observante de las Leyes. Amava ala +<a name="pg240"></a><span class="pagenum">{240}</span>santissima Virgen ternissimamente, ayunava las visperas de sus +fiestas, comiendo alas tres de la tar de, ino haziendo colacion. de +aqui nacio aqella regalada Cancion que comienca; <i>Virgen q'el Solmas +pura</i>. fue mui espiritual, i de mucha Oracion, i en ella en tiempo de +sus mayores trabajos, favorecido de Dios particularissimamente. con +ser de natural colerico fue mui sufrido i piadoso para los que le +tratavan. tan penitente i austero consigo, que las mas noches no se +acostava en cama, i el que la avia hecho la hallava ala mañana de la +misma manera certificalo el Padre Maestro frai Luis Moreno de +Bohorquez (onra de su Religion, que estuvo 4 años en su compañia) a +quien devemos la verdad deste discurso, Professo en el Monesterio de +San Agustin de Salamanca, en 29 de Enero de 1544, siendo de edad de 16 +años. en lo adquisito, fue gran Dialetico i Filosofo, Maestro graduado +en Artes, i Dotor en Teologia, por aquella insigne Universidad; donde +fue Catedratico mas de 36 años, en la<a name="pg241"></a><span class="pagenum">{241}</span> Catedra de Santo Tomas de +Durando, de Filosofia moral, i de Prima de Sagrada Escritura, que tuvo +con crecido premio, por que leyesse una leccion, supo Escolastico tan +aventajadamente, como sino tratava de Escritura, i de Escritura, como +sino tratava de Escolastico. fue la mayor capacidad de ingenio que sea +conocida en su tiempo, para todas Ciencias i Artes; escrevia no menos +que nuestro Francisco Lucas, siendo famosso Matematico, Aritmetico, i +Geometra; i gran Astrologo, i Judiciario, (aunque lo uso con +templança) fue eminente en el uno i otro derecho, Medico superior, que +entrava en el General con los desta Facultad, i arguía en sus actos. +fue gran Poeta Latino i Castellano, como lo muestran sus versos. +estudio sin Maestro la Pintura, i la exercitò tan diestramente que +entre otras cosas hizo (cosa dificil) su mesmo Retrato. tuvo otras +infinitas abilidades, que callo por cosas mayores. La lengua Latina, +Griega, i Hebrea, la Caldea i Siria, supo como los Maestros della. +pues la muestra con <a name="pg242"></a><span class="pagenum">{242}</span>cuanta grandeza? siendo el primero que escrivio +en ella con numero i elegcia; digalo el Libro de los Nombres de +Cristo i perfeta casada, encarecido i admirado de los doctos, que no +sabe acabar de loarlo Antonio Possevino en su Biblioteca. escrivio en +Latin Comentarios sobre los Cantares, i fue el primero que allanò las +dificultades de la letra: i sobre el Psalmo 26 i el Profeta Abdias, i +la Epistola ad Galatas, i un tratado de utriusq agni: expuso otros +libros de la Escritura que no estan impressos. ai muchas obras suyas +de mano en verso, divididas en tres partes, la primera de las cosas +proprias, la segunda lo que traduxo de autores Profanos, la tercera de +los Psalmos, Cantares i Capitulos de Job. lo cual asido siempre +estimadissimo, con la carta a don Pedro Puertocarrero, a quien lo +dirige, escrivio otra en san Felipe de Madrid año 1587 alas Carmelitas +descalças, en favor del espiritu i escritos de Santa Teresa de Jesus, +que anda con su libro, digna de la eccelencia de su ingenio. Al passo +destas <a name="pg243"></a><span class="pagenum">{243}</span>grandezas, fue la invidia que le persiguio, pero descubrio +altamente sus quilates, saliendo en todo superior, i con el mayor +triumfo i onra que en estos Reinos sea visto. fue varon de tanta +autoridad, que parecia mas a proposito para mostrar alos otros, que +para aprender de ninguno. grande su juizio i prudencia en materias de +govierno, alcançò mucha estimacion en España i fuera della con los +mayores ombres; consultavalo el Rei Filipo Segundo en todos los casos +graves de conciencia enviandole correos estraordinarios a Salamanca; i +despues yendo por orden de la Universidad, con particular comision, a +su Magestad, lo tratò i comunicò, haziendole especial favor imerced. i +en los acometimientos onrosos de Obispados, i del Arçobispado de +Mexico, descubrio su valor i animo grande, no solo para desnudarse de +la dignidad (cosa intentada de pocos) mas aun de todo cuanto tenia en +la tierra: varon de veras Evangelico. en estos santos exercicios i con +esta continuacion de vida, siendo Provincial de la<a name="pg244"></a><span class="pagenum">{244}</span> Provincia de +Castilla, acabò su curso santamente (dexando en todos harto +desconsuelo, aun que mayor certeza de su gloria) en la villa de +Madrigal en 24 de Agosto del año 1595. de 63 años de edad. traxeronle +con la devida onra a san Agustin de Salamanca donde avia tomado el +abito, i yaze sepultado en el claustro de aquel ilustre Convento. I +para cumplimiento de su Elogio i de mi desseo no me contentè con menos +(en onra de tan insigne varon) de que los versos Latinos fuessen del +Licenciado Rodrigo Caro, i los Castellanos de Lope de Vega, en su +Laurel de Apolo, con que se encarecen basttemẽte.<a name="pg245"></a><span class="pagenum">{245}</span></p> + + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="EPIGRAMMA" id="EPIGRAMMA"></a>EPIGRAMMA</h2> + + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span>Hispalis, Iliberis, Salmantica, Monta, Toletum<br/></span> +<span>Municipem iactant te, Ludovice, suum.<br/></span> +<span>Contigit id magno quondam certamen Homero:<br/></span> +<span>Contigit Hesperio sicqȝ Melesigeni.<br/></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span>Agustino León, Frai Luis divino<br/></span> +<span>o dulce Analogia de Agustino!<br/></span> +<span>conque verdad nos diste<br/></span> +<span>al Rei Profeta en verso Castellano,<br/></span> +<span>que con tanta elegancia tra duziste;<br/></span> +<span>ô cuanto le deviste<br/></span> +<span>(como en tus mismas obras encareces)<br/></span> +<span>ala invidia cruel, porquien mereces<br/></span> +<span>Laureles inmortales;<br/></span> +<span>tu prosa, i verso iguales<br/></span> +<span>conservaran la gloria de tu nombre;<br/></span> +<span>i los Nombres de Cristo Soberano<br/></span> +<span>tele daran eterno, porque asombre<br/></span> +<span>la dulce pluma de tu heroica mano<br/></span> +<span>de tu persecusion la causa injusta,<br/></span> +<!-- <a name="pg246"></a><span class="pagenum">{246}</span> --> +<span>tu fuiste gloria de Agustino Augusta,<br/></span> +<span>tu el onor de la lengua Castellana,<br/></span> +<span>que desseaste introduzir escrita,<br/></span> +<span>viendo que ala Romana tanto imita<br/></span> +<span>que puede competir con la Romana.<br/></span> +<span>Si en esta edad vivieras<br/></span> +<span>fuerte Leon en su defensa fueras.<br/></span> +</div></div> +<p><a name="pg247"></a><span class="pagenum">{247}</span></p> + + + +<hr/> +<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2> + +<h4>A</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Abarca de Sotomayor (Ana)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg93">93</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><i>Agustiniana, Revista</i></td> +<td class="refnum"> <i>passim</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alarcon (Cristóbal de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alarcon (fulano de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg110">110</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alarcon (Inés de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg27">27</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alarcon (María de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg28">28</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Álava (Andrés de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg90">90</a>, <a +href="#pg128">128</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg139">139</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Albornoz (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg90">90</a>, <a +href="#pg139">139</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alcañices (Marqués de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg235">235</a> +<i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alcázar (Baltasar de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg229">229</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Almansa (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg39">39</a>, <a +href="#pg40">40</a>, <a href="#pg93">93</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg94">94</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Almansa (Pedro de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg94">94</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Almaraz (Antonio de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg189">189</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Almeida (Juan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg129">129</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg224">224</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alvarez (Luis)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg44">44</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alvarez Guijarro (Carlos)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg193">193</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg198">198</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Alvarez Osorio (Mencía)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ambrose (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ana de Jesús (La Madre)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg12">12</a>, <a +href="#pg30">30</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg174">174</a>, <a +href="#pg180">180</a>, <a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a +href="#pg203">203</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Antolinez (Agustin)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg180">180</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Aragon (Pedro de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a +href="#pg194">194</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Arboleda (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg56">56</a>, <a +href="#pg57">57</a>, <a href="#pg112">112</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Arce (Antonio de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg137">137</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Arias Montano (Benito)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg62">62</a>, <a +href="#pg63">63</a>, <a href="#pg83">83</a>, <a href="#pg119">119</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg120">120</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg202">202</a>, <a +href="#pg210">210</a>, <a href="#pg221">221</a>, <a +href="#pg224">224</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="arias"></a>Arias (Diego)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg59">59</a>, <a +href="#pg114">114</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Aristotle</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg82">82</a></td></tr> +</table><p class="intable"><a name="pg248"></a><span class="pagenum">{248}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Arresse (Juan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg166">166</a>, <a +href="#pg197">197</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Asensio y Toledo (José Maria)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg201">201</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + + +<h4>B</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="banhez"></a>Bañez (Domingo)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg10">10</a>, <a href="#pg154">154</a>, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, +<a href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg194">194</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg196">196</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg190">190</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#pg191">191</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Barrientos</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg48">48</a>, <a href="#pg100">100</a> +<i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Béjar (Séptimo duque de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a +href="#pg58">58</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Bembo (Pietro)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg83">83</a>, <a href="#pg84">84</a>, <a +href="#pg218">218</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Bernal, Dr.</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg170">170</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Berrueta</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg237">237</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Blanco García (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <i>passim</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Bolivar (Pedro)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg138">138</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Bonard (Cornelio)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg199">199</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Boscan Almogaver (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg223">223</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Braganza (Teutonio de)</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg175">175</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Bravo</td> +<td class="refnum"> <a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>C</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Cabrera de Córdoba (Luis)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg184">184</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Calderon de la Barca Henao de la Barreda y Riaño (Pedro)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg3">3</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cáncer, Dr.</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg66">66</a>, <a +href="#pg68">68</a>, <a href="#pg77">77</a>, <a href="#pg137">137</a> +<i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cano (Melchor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg81">81</a>, <a href="#pg131">131</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg202">202</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Caravajal (Diego de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg112">112</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Carlos (el maestro Don)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Carlos (el príncipe Don)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg211">211</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Caro (Rodrigo)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg244">244</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Carranza (Bartolomé de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg21">21</a>, <a +href="#pg35">35</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg85">85</a>, <a +href="#pg134">134</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Castañeda (Juan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a +href="#pg194">194</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Castillo (Garcia del)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Castillo (Hernando del)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg66">66</a>, <a +href="#pg67">67</a>, <a href="#pg89">89</a>, <a href="#pg137">137</a> +<i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Castro (Adolfo de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg190">190</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table><p class="intable"><a name="pg249"></a><span class="pagenum">{249}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Castro (Leon de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg13">13</a>, <a href="#pg14">14</a>, +<a href="#pg15">15</a>, <a href="#pg16">16</a>, <a +href="#pg17">17</a>, <a href="#pg18">18</a>, <a href="#pg19">19</a>, +<a href="#pg20">20</a>, <a href="#pg21">21</a>, <a href="#pg24">24</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg31">31</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg32">32</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg34">34</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg35">35</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg54">54</a>, <a +href="#pg62">62</a>, <a href="#pg77">77</a>, <a href="#pg80">80</a>, +<a href="#pg86">86</a>, <a href="#pg110">110</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Castro (Pedro de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg91">91</a>, <a href="#pg139">139</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg141">141</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cayetano (<i>see</i> <a href="#vio">Vio</a>).</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg3">3</a>, <a +href="#pg58">58</a>, <a href="#pg155">155</a>, <a +href="#pg184">184</a>, <a href="#pg191">191</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cetina (Gutierre de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg228">228</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Churton (Edward)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg219">219</a>, <a +href="#pg220">220</a>, <a href="#pg225">225</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cicero</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg207">207</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ciguelo (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg77">77</a>, <a href="#pg78">78</a>, <a +href="#pg128">128</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cipriano (el maestro)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg81">81</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Clement of Alexandria (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Copernicus (Nicolaus)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg61">61</a>, <a +href="#pg114">114</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg115">115</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Coscojales (Martin de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg165">165</a>, <a +href="#pg194">194</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cruesen (Nicolaas)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg148">148</a>, <a +href="#pg149">149</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cruz (Joan de la) (<i>see</i> <a href="#santacruz">Santa Cruz</a>)</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cueto (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg71">71</a>, <a href="#pg114">114</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg117">117</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Cyprian (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>D</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Darío (Rubén)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg224">224</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Doria (Nicolás de Jesus Maria)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg174">174</a>, +<a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a +href="#pg179">179</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>E</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Ercilla y Zúñiga (Alonso)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg229">229</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Espinosa (Alonso de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg224">224</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Espinosa (Ana de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg41">41</a>, <a href="#pg95">95</a> +<i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Estrada (Doctor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg180">180</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Euripides</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>F</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Fernandez (Alonso)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg193">193</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Frechilla (Doctor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg77">77</a>, <a href="#pg91">91</a>, +<a href="#pg139">139</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg140">140</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>G</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Galileo</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg57">57</a>, <a href="#pg112">112</a> +<i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table><p class="intable"><a name="pg250"></a><span class="pagenum">{250}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Galvan (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg84">84</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gallardo (Bartolome Jose)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg145">145</a>, +<a href="#pg185">185</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg187">187</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg191">191</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg192">192</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg199">199</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gallego (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg36">36</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gallo (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg34">34</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg190">190</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gallo (Gregorio)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg9">9</a>, <a +href="#pg154">154</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gaona (Diego de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg107">107</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Garcia del Castillo</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg146">146</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Garcilasso, <i>see</i> <a href="#lasso">Lasso de la Vega</a> +(Garci).</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Getino (Luis G. Alonso)</td> +<td class="refnum"><i>passim</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="gomez"></a>Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg209">209</a>, <a href="#pg215">215</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Góngora (Luis de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg209">209</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gonzalez (Diego)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg21">21</a>, <a href="#pg39">39</a>, +<a href="#pg94">94</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg128">128</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gonzalez de Tejada (J.)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg28">28</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg29">29</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg100">100</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Grajal (Gaspar de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg10">10</a>, <a +href="#pg13">13</a>, <a href="#pg20">20</a>, <a href="#pg21">21</a>, +<a href="#pg22">22</a>, <a href="#pg29">29</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg36">36</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg37">37</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg42">42</a>, <a +href="#pg108">108</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg157">157</a>, <a +href="#pg162">162</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Granada (Luis de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg203">203</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Grial (Juan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg213">213</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Guevara (Juan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg11">11</a>, <a href="#pg33">33</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg35">35</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg81">81</a>, <a +href="#pg108">108</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg190">190</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg194">194</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Guevara (Martin de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg127">127</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Guigelmo</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg132">132</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Guijano de Mercado (Doctor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg91">91</a>, <a +href="#pg92">92</a>, <a href="#pg128">128</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg139">139</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg140">140</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg144">144</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gustin (Celedon)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg46">46</a>, <a href="#pg144">144</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg163">163</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gutiérrez (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg107">107</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Gutiérrez (Marcelino)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg115">115</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Guzman (Domingo de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg154">154</a>, <a +href="#pg155">155</a>, <a href="#pg156">156</a>, <a +href="#pg157">157</a>, <a href="#pg158">158</a>, <a +href="#pg160">160</a>, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a +href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg190">190</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg191">191</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg192">192</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg197">197</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>H</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Haedo (Diego de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg24">24</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg96">96</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Henriquez (Dr. Diego)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg171">171</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Henry VIII</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg1">1</a></td></tr> +</table><p class="intable"><a name="pg251"></a><span class="pagenum">{251}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Herrera (Fernando de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg207">207</a>, <a +href="#pg229">229</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Homer</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg83">83</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Horace</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg83">83</a>, <a href="#pg159">159</a>, <a +href="#pg207">207</a>, <a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a +href="#pg217">217</a>, <a href="#pg236">236</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>I</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Ibañez, <i>see</i> <a href="#banhez">Bañez</a>.</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ibarra (Juan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg138">138</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Isaiah</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg13">13</a>, <a href="#pg15">15</a>, <a +href="#pg34">34</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>J</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Jerónimo (San)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg32">32</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg108">108</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Jesús y Maria (José de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg178">178</a>, <a +href="#pg199">199</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">John Chrysostom (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">John of the Cross (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg230">230</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Junta (Lucas)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg28">28</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Justin (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg82">82</a>, <a href="#pg83">83</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>L</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Laredo (Bernardino de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg203">203</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="lasso"></a>Lasso de la Vega (Garci)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg155">155</a>, <a href="#pg205">205</a>, <a +href="#pg216">216</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg223">223</a>, <a +href="#pg228">228</a>, <a href="#pg236">236</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leo (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg83">83</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Antonio de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg28">28</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Cristobal de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg8">8</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Diego de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg43">43</a>, <a href="#pg44">44</a>, <a +href="#pg204">204</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg7">7</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Gomez de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg6">6</a>, <a href="#pg23">23</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#pg25">25</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Lope de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg6">6</a>, <a href="#pg23">23</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#pg25">25</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg27">27</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg238">238</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">León (Luis de)</td></tr> +</table> + +<table summary=""><tr><td> +<div class="blockquot"> +his full name, <a href="#pg5">5</a>; his Jewish descent, <a +href="#pg5">5-6</a>; his birthplace, <a href="#pg6">6</a>; his date of +birth, <a href="#pg7">7</a>; he goes to Madrid, then to the University +of Salamanca, <a href="#pg7">7</a>; he enters a religious order, <a +href="#pg7">7</a>; renounces his share of the paternal estate, <a +href="#pg8">8</a>; professes in the Augustinian order, <a +href="#pg8">8</a>; his name appears on the list of theological +students at Salamanca, <a href="#pg8">8</a>; he lectures at Soria, <a +href="#pg9">9</a>;<a name="pg252"></a><span class="pagenum">{252}</span> +matriculates at Alcalá de Henares, <a +href="#pg9">9</a>; graduates at Toledo, <a href="#pg9">9</a>; +graduates as licentiate of theology at Salamanca, <a +href="#pg9">9</a>; fails to obtain the chair of Biblical exegesis at +Salamanca, <a href="#pg10">10</a>; thwarts the designs of Domingo +Bañez, <a href="#pg10">10</a>; is elected Professor of Theology +at Salamanca, <a href="#pg10">10</a>; is transferred to the chair of +Scholastic Theology and Biblical Criticism, <a href="#pg10">10</a>, <a +href="#pg11">11</a>; is chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's +works, <a href="#pg12">12</a>; incurs the enmity of Leon de Castro, <a +href="#pg13">13</a>, <a href="#pg14">14</a>; lectures on the Vulgate, +<a href="#pg14">14</a>; is elected on the committee appointed to +revise François Vatable's version of the Bible, <a +href="#pg15">15</a>; threatens to burn Castro's <i>Commentaria in +Essaiam Prophetam</i>, <a href="#pg16">16</a>; out-argues Bartolomé de Medina, <a +href="#pg18">18</a>; goes to Belmonte, <a href="#pg19">19</a>; falls +ill, <a href="#pg19">19</a>; is mentioned as an offender before the +Inquisitionary Committee, <a href="#pg20">20</a>; hands in a written +statement to the local Inquisition, <a href="#pg21">21</a>; his arrest +is recommended by that body, <a href="#pg22">22</a>; he finds fault +with Leon de Castro's knowledge of Latin and Greek and proposes to +call witnesses to prove this point, <a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>; +quarrels with Medina, <a href="#pg36">36</a> <i>n.</i>; appeals to the +Consejo Real at Madrid and wins his case, <a href="#pg36">36</a> <i>n.</i>; +is taken to Valladolid jail by Almansa, <a href="#pg40">40</a>; is +lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, <a href="#pg40">40</a>; +is nervous about his health, <a href="#pg41">41</a>; asks for books, +for powders for his heart-attacks, and for a knife to cut his food, <a +href="#pg41">41</a>; is charged with translating into Spanish the +<i>Song of Solomon</i>, and admits having done so, <a href="#pg42">42</a>; +implies that a copy may have reached Portugal, <a href="#pg44">44</a>; +proves a formidable foe, <a href="#pg46">46</a>; petitions that his +University Chair should be kept open <a name="pg253"></a><span +class="pagenum">{253}</span>until the end of his trial, <a +href="#pg47">47</a>; his petition is refused and Medina is appointed +in his place, <a href="#pg48">48</a>; his health suffers from +imprisonment, and he asks for the companionship of a monk of his +order, <a href="#pg49">49</a>; he requests to be transferred to a +Dominican Monastery, <a href="#pg50">50</a>; petitions for leave to go +to confession and to say Mass, <a href="#pg50">50</a>; his requests +are refused, <a href="#pg50">50</a>; the increasing bias of the +tribunal against him, <a href="#pg51">51</a>; he complains of his bad +memory, <a href="#pg51">51</a>; his fearless attitude, <a +href="#pg52">52</a>; he brands all Dominicans as enemies, <a +href="#pg52">52</a>; objects to the Faculty of Theology at +Alcalá de Henares, <a href="#pg53">53</a>; inveighs against +Medina and Castro, <a href="#pg54">54</a>; prevents Montoya's election +as Provincial of the Augustinians in Spain, <a href="#pg55">55</a>; +describes Montoya as notorious for lying, <a href="#pg56">56</a>; +entrusts Arboleda to collect favourable evidence, <a +href="#pg56">56</a>; brands Diego de Zúñiga as a +deliberate perjurer, <a href="#pg57">57</a>; his criticism on +Zúñiga's book, <a href="#pg60">60</a>; his counsel, Dr. +Ortiz de Funes, <a href="#pg65">65</a>; his skill in drawing up his +own defence, <a href="#pg65">65</a>; he is told to choose two +<i>patronos</i> from four names unknown to him, <a href="#pg66">66</a>; +requests that he be given Sebastian Perez as <i>patrono</i>, <a +href="#pg66">66</a>; suggests that Dr. Cáncer or Hernando del +Castillo may be appointed with Perez, <a href="#pg66">66</a>; asks +that Castillo's name be removed from the list of <i>patronos</i>, <a +href="#pg67">67</a>; threatens to appeal to the Inquisitor-General +against the enforced choosing of unknown <i>patronos</i>, <a +href="#pg67">67</a>; decides to accept as <i>patronos</i> Fray Mancio de +<i>Corpus Christi</i> and either Medina or Dr. Cáncer, <a +href="#pg68">68</a>; Mancio is appointed <i>patrono</i> and makes a report +favourable to him, <a href="#pg69">69</a>; all information of this is +withheld from him, <a href="#pg69">69</a>; he protests against <a +name="pg254"></a><span class="pagenum">{254}</span>his papers being +entrusted to Mancio, <a href="#pg69">69</a>; his suspicions and +distrust of Mancio, <a href="#pg69">69</a>-71; he becomes reconciled +with Mancio, <a href="#pg72">72</a>; loses judicial favour owing to +his vacillations over Mancio, <a href="#pg73">73</a>; his demeanour in +court, <a href="#pg74">74</a>; his portrait by Pacheco, <a +href="#pg79">79</a>; his want of humour, <a href="#pg80">80</a>; his +gift of sarcasm, <a href="#pg80">80</a>; his versatility, <a +href="#pg81">81</a>; his conservatism, <a href="#pg81">81</a>; his +teachers, <a href="#pg81">81</a>; his books, <a href="#pg81">81</a>, +<a href="#pg82">82</a>; his knowledge of Italian, <a +href="#pg83">83</a>; his curiosity about astrology, <a +href="#pg84">84</a>, <a href="#pg85">85</a>; he urges the Court to +prosecute Castro for perjury, <a href="#pg86">86</a>; declares that +his detention is illegal and demands compensation for it, <a +href="#pg86">86</a>; his health declines and his irritability +increases, <a href="#pg87">87</a>; he is blamed by Castillo for +teaching erroneous doctrine, <a href="#pg89">89</a>; his moods of +depression, <a href="#pg89">89</a>; Menchaca, Álava, Tello +Maldonado, and Albornoz recommend that he be tortured, <a +href="#pg90">90</a>; a more lenient view is adopted by Guijano de +Mercado and Frechilla, <a href="#pg91">91</a>; the Supreme Inquisition brushes aside the +views of both parties, <a href="#pg91">91</a>; he is publicly +reprimanded by order of the Supreme Inquisition and acquitted, <a +href="#pg92">92</a>; his Spanish version of the <i>Song of Solomon</i> is +confiscated, <a href="#pg92">92</a>; he asks for an official certificate of acquittal and +for arrears of salary as regards his chair, <a href="#pg92">92</a>; +his applications are granted but their fulfilment delayed, <a +href="#pg92">92</a>; his return to Salamanca, <a +href="#pg145">145</a>; he meets the <i>Claustro</i> of the University, <a +href="#pg146">146</a>; renounces all claim to his Chair so long as it +is occupied by Castillo, <a href="#pg146">146</a>; creation of a +provisional new chair for him by the <i>Claustro</i>, <a href="#pg147">147</a>; he lectures in +his new chair January 29, 1577, <a href="#pg147">147</a>; his famous +alleged phrase <i>Dicebamus hesterna die</i>, <a name="pg255"></a><span +class="pagenum">{255}</span><a href="#pg147">147</a>-150; +difficulties about his lecture-hours, <a href="#pg151">151</a>; he +presents himself as a candidate for the Chair of Moral Philosophy, <a +href="#pg152">152</a>; is strenuously opposed by Zumel, <a +href="#pg152">152</a>; defeats Zumel by a majority of seventy-nine +votes, <a href="#pg153">153</a>; takes the degree of M.A., <a +href="#pg153">153</a>; is appointed member of the committee for the +reform of the calendar, <a href="#pg153">153</a>; his contest with Domingo de Guzman for +the Biblical chair at Salamanca, vacant by the death of Gregorio +Gallo, <a href="#pg154">154</a>-155; he defeats Guzman by thirty-six +votes, <a href="#pg157">157</a>; appeal lodged by Guzman against +irregularity in voting, <a href="#pg157">157</a>; judgement given in +favour of Luis de Leon, <a href="#pg157">157</a>; he reads himself +into the chair at Salamanca, December 7, 1579, <a +href="#pg158">158</a>; publishes a Latin commentary on the <i>Song of +Solomon</i>, <a href="#pg158">158</a>; chivalrously supports Montemayor +against Domingo de Guzman at a theological meeting in Salamanca, <a +href="#pg160">160</a>-161; through this action he is involved in a +quarrel with Domingo Bañez, <a href="#pg161">161</a>; the case comes before the +Valladolid Inquisition, <a href="#pg162">162</a>; he presents himself +voluntarily before the Inquisitionary tribunal at Salamanca on March +8, <a href="#pg163">163</a>; appears again before it on March 31, and +offers to apologize if he has exceeded in his defence of Montemayor, +<a href="#pg163">163</a>; his lecture on predestination (1571) is +brought before the tribunal by Zumel, <a href="#pg164">164</a>; his +enemies, Zumel, Guzman, and Bañez, <a href="#pg164">164</a>; he +receives a severely reproachful letter from Villavicencio, <a +href="#pg165">165</a>; is summoned to Toledo and privately reprimanded +by Quiroga, <a href="#pg167">167</a>; publishes <i>Los Nombres de +Cristo</i> and <i>La perfecta casada</i>, <a href="#pg168">168</a>; is +appointed to settle the suit between the<a name="pg256"></a><span +class="pagenum">{256}</span> University of Salamanca and the +<i>Colegios Mayores</i>, <a href="#pg168">168</a>; progress of the suit and +conduct of the <i>Claustro,</i> <a href="#pg168">168</a>-173; he refuses +the invitation of Sixtus V and Philip II to join the committee for the +revision of the Vulgate, <a href="#pg173">173</a>; is appointed by the +papal nuncio to inquire into the administration of funds by the +Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, <a href="#pg173">173</a>; +begins the publication of his edition of Saint Theresa's works, <a +href="#pg174">174</a>; upholds Madre Ana de Jesus's reforms, <a +href="#pg174">174</a>; is appointed by the Pope to execute them, <a +href="#pg175">175</a>; is opposed by Doria and Philip II, <a +href="#pg175">175</a>-176; his weakening health and the continuous +opposition of his enemies, <a href="#pg178">178</a>-179; he is reported to be suffering +from tumour, <a href="#pg180">180</a>; his lingering illness, <a +href="#pg181">181</a>; he is elected Provincial of the Augustinians in +Castile, August 14, 1591, <a href="#pg181">181</a>; his death, August +23, 1591, <a href="#pg181">181</a>; his character by Pacheco, <a +href="#pg181">181</a>-183; his prose works, <a +href="#pg202">202</a>-210; his poems, <a href="#pg210">210</a>-221; +his versification, <a href="#pg221">221</a>-229; his character, <a +href="#pg230">230</a>-232.</div></td></tr></table> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Miguel de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg8">8</a>, <a href="#pg28">28</a> +<i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Pedro de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg25">25</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Leon (Pero Fernandez de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg26">26</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="loarte"></a>Loarte (Diego de) [<i>see</i> <a +href="#oloarte">Oloarte</a> and <a href="#olarte">Olarte</a>]</td> +<td class="refnum"><a +href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg211">211</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Lopez (Diego)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg117">117</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg118">118</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Lopez de Sedano (Juan Josef)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg188">188</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Lucas (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg241">241</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Lucas (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg124">124</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>M</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Madrigal</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Mancio de <i>Corpus Christi</i></td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg35">35</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg68">68</a>, <a href="#pg69">69</a>, <a href="#pg70">70</a>, +<a href="#pg71">71</a>, <a href="#pg72">72</a>, <a +href="#pg73">73</a>, <a href="#pg81">81</a>, <a href="#pg91">91</a>, +<a href="#pg122">122</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg123">123</a> <i>n.</i>, +<a href="#pg124">124</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table><p class="intable"><a name="pg257"></a><span class="pagenum">{257}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Manrique (Angel)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg30">30</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Manrique (Jorge)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg203">203</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Mármol (Dr. Bernabé del)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg174">174</a>, +<a href="#pg175">175</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Martínez de Cantalapiedra (Martin)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg13">13</a>, +<a href="#pg20">20</a>, <a href="#pg21">21</a>, <a +href="#pg22">22</a>, <a href="#pg31">31</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg37">37</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg42">42</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Medina (Bartolomé de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg18">18</a>, <a +href="#pg19">19</a>, <a href="#pg20">20</a>, <a href="#pg21">21</a>, +<a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg35">35</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg36">36</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg37">37</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg38">38</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg42">42</a>, <a +href="#pg48">48</a>, <a href="#pg54">54</a>, <a href="#pg62">62</a>, +<a href="#pg68">68</a>, <a href="#pg70">70</a>, <a +href="#pg77">77</a>, <a href="#pg80">80</a>, <a href="#pg100">100</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg105">105</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg110">110</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg123">123</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg129">129</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg146">146</a>, <a href="#pg151">151</a>, <a +href="#pg154">154</a>, <a href="#pg155">155</a>, <a +href="#pg187">187</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Menchaca (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg90">90</a>, <a +href="#pg139">139</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Méndez (F. de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg5">5</a>, <a +href="#pg26">26</a>, <a href="#pg200">200</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Mendoza (Bernardino de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg35">35</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg212">212</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Menéndez y Pelayo (Marcelino)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg236">236</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg237">237</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Merino (Antolin)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg191">191</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Mondéjar (Marqués de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg35">35</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Montemayor (Prudencio de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg159">159</a>, <a +href="#pg160">160</a>, <a href="#pg161">161</a>, <a +href="#pg163">163</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Montoya (Gabriel)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg55">55</a>, <a href="#pg56">56</a>, +<a href="#pg120">120</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Moreno de Bohorquez (Luis)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg182">182</a>, <a +href="#pg240">240</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Muiños Sáenz (Conrado)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg114">114</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg115">115</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg119">119</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg188">188</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg200">200</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg201">201</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg237">237</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Muñiz</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Muñon</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>N</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Napoleon</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg1">1</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Niño (Hernando)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg138">138</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>O</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="olarte"></a>Olarte (Diego de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a +href="#pg233">233</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Olivares (Conde-duque de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg209">209</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Olivares (Pedro de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg23">23</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="oloarte"></a>Oloarte (<i>see</i> <a href="#loarte">Loarte</a> +and <a href="#olarte">Olarte</a>)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg210">210</a>, <a +href="#pg225">225</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Onís (Federico de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a +href="#pg235">235</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table><p class="intable"><a name="pg258"></a><span class="pagenum">{258}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Orozco (Alonso de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg206">206</a>, <a +href="#pg235">235</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ortiz de Funes (Doctor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg65">65</a>, <a +href="#pg66">66</a>, <a href="#pg67">67</a>, <a href="#pg68">68</a>, +<a href="#pg104">104</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Osorio (Isabel)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg42">42</a>, <a href="#pg43">43</a>, +<a href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>P</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Pacheco (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg78">78</a>, <a +href="#pg79">79</a>, <a href="#pg80">80</a>, <a href="#pg160">160</a>, +<a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a href="#pg182">182</a>, <a href="#pg184">184</a>, +<a href="#pg200">200</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg201">201</a> +<i>n.</i> [<i>and</i> <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>]</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Palacios (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg162">162</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Paul (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg12">12</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Peralto (Hernando de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Perez (Antonio)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg230">230</a>, <a href="#pg231">231</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Perez (Sebastian)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg66">66</a>, <a href="#pg67">67</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Pérez Pastor (Cristóbal)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg199">199</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Philip II</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg168">168</a>, <a href="#pg170">170</a>, <a +href="#pg173">173</a>, <a href="#pg174">174</a>, <a +href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a +href="#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a +href="#pg183">183</a>, <a href="#pg184">184</a>, <a +href="#pg243">243</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Picatoste y Rodríguez (Felipe)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg112">112</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Pindar</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg83">83</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Pineda</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg115">115</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Pinelo (Gabriel)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg95">95</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Pinto (Hector)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg53">53</a>, <a href="#pg108">108</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg162">162</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Plantin</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg82">82</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Plato</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Plutarch</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ponce de Leon (Basilio)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg24">24</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg149">149</a>, <a href="#pg150">150</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Portocarrero (Alonso)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg212">212</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Portocarrero (Pedro)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg208">208</a>, <a +href="#pg211">211</a>, <a href="#pg212">212</a>, <a +href="#pg215">215</a>, <a href="#pg235">235</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Portonariis (Gaspar de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg104">104</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Possevino (Antonio)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg242">242</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Poza (Licenciado)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg85">85</a>, <a +href="#pg132">132</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Pozas (Marqués de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg57">57</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>Q</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Quevedo (<i>see</i> <a href="#gomez">Gomez de Quevedo y +Villegas</a>)</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Quijano (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg186">186</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg200">200</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Quiroga (Gaspar de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg167">167</a></td></tr> +</table> +<p class="intable"><a name="pg259"></a><span class="pagenum">{259}</span></p> +<h4>R</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Ramos (Nicolás)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg77">77</a>, <a +href="#pg138">138</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Rejon (Alonso)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg36">36</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Reusch (Heinrich)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg197">197</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Riego (El Inquisidore)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg132">132</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Rodriguez (Benito)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg90">90</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="rodriguez"></a>Rodriguez (Diego), <i>see</i> <a +href="#zunhiga">Zúñiga</a></td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg58">58</a>, <a +href="#pg63">63</a>, <a href="#pg113">113</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg114">114</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg117">117</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg118">118</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Rodriguez (Diego)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg151">151</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Rodríguez Marín (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a +href="#pg114">114</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg191">191</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Rojas (Pedro de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg57">57</a>, <a href="#pg112">112</a> +<i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg114">114</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg118">118</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ruiz</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg3">3</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>S</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Sahagun (Doctor Diego de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg168">168</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sainz de Baranda (Pedro)</td> +<td class="refnum"><i>passim</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Salinas (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg7">7</a>, <a +href="#pg80">80</a>, <a href="#pg84">84</a>, <a href="#pg154">154</a>, +<a href="#pg190">190</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg211">211</a>, <a +href="#pg233">233</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Salvá (Miguel)</td> +<td class="refnum"><i>passim</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Samson</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg217">217</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sanchez (Bartolomé)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg189">189</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sanchez (Francisco), <i>el Brocense</i></td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg32">32</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg202">202</a>, <a href="#pg216">216</a>, <a +href="#pg236">236</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sanchez (Miguel)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg222">222</a>, <a +href="#pg224">224</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sánchez de Olivares (Díez)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg23">23</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sánchez de Olivares (Leonor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg6">6</a>, <a +href="#pg23">23</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sancho (Francisco, bishop of Segoibe)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg152">152</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sancho (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg100">100</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg104">104</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg105">105</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sancho (el maestro Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg93">93</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="santacruz"></a>Santa Cruz (Joan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg162">162</a>, +<a href="#pg163">163</a>, <a +href="#pg193">193</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg195">195</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Santa Maria (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg176">176</a>, <a +href="#pg177">177</a>, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, <a +href="#pg199">199</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sarmiento de Mendoza (Manuel)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg209">209</a>, <a +href="#pg215">215</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sebastian I</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg214">214</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Shakespeare</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg221">221</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Siluente (Alonso)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg49">49</a>, <a href="#pg94">94</a>, +<a href="#pg101">101</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table><p class="intable"><a name="pg260"></a><span class="pagenum">{260}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Simonides</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sixtus V</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg173">173</a>, <a href="#pg174">174</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sobrino (Doctor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg180">180</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Solana (Andrés de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg165">165</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Solís (Antonio de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg168">168</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Sophocles</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg83">83</a>, <a href="#pg205">205</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Suarez (Pedro)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg158">158</a>, <a href="#pg193">193</a><i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>T</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Tapia (Mencía de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg28">28</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Tasso (Bernardo)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg223">223</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Tellez Giron (Rodrigo)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg23">23</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Tello Maldonado (Luis)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg90">90</a>, <a +href="#pg139">139</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Theresa (Saint)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg12">12</a>, <a href="#pg174">174</a>, +<a href="#pg175">175</a>, <a href="#pg178">178</a>, <a +href="#pg180">180</a>, <a href="#pg181">181</a>, <a +href="#pg199">199</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg203">203</a>, <a +href="#pg242">242</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Tiberius</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg1">1</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">'Tirso de Molina'</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg3">3</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Torre (Francisco de la)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg228">228</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>U</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Uceda (Gaspar de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg110">110</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Uceda (Pedro de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg100">100</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg189">189</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">'Urganda la Desconocida'</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg155">155</a>, <a +href="#pg191">191</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>V</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Vadillo (Doctor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg70">70</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Valbás (Doctor)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg32">32</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Valera (Bernardino de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Valera (Francisco de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Valera (Inés de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg233">233</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg234">234</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Valera (Juan de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg233">233</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Valladolid (Diego de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg39">39</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Vañez +(<i>see</i> <a href="#banhez">Bañez</a>)</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Varela Osorio (Maria)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg204">204</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Vatable (François)</td> <td +class="refnum"><a href="#pg15">15</a>, <a href="#pg16">16</a>, <a +href="#pg17">17</a>, <a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg82">82</a>, <a href="#pg104">104</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg105">105</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr></table><p class="intable"><a +name="pg261"></a><span class="pagenum">{261}</span></p><table summary="index"> + +<tr><td class="refname">Vega Carpio (Felix Lope de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg3">3</a>, <a href="#pg244">244</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Velazquez</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg79">79</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Vicente de la Fuente</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg31">31</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg32">32</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg199">199</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Villanueva (Leonor de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg6">6</a>, <a +href="#pg23">23</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Villavicencio (Lorenzo de)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg165">165</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="vio"></a>Vio (Cardinal Thomas de), surnamed Cajetanus</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg133">133</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Vique (Juan)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg33">33</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname">Virgil</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg83">83</a>, <a href="#pg207">207</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>W</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Wordsworth</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg229">229</a></td></tr> +</table> + +<h4>Z</h4> + +<table summary="index"> +<tr><td class="refname">Zumel (Francisco)</td> +<td class="refnum"><a href="#pg152">152</a>, <a +href="#pg153">153</a>, <a href="#pg159">159</a>, <a +href="#pg164">164</a>, <a href="#pg172">172</a>, <a +href="#pg193">193</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> + +<tr><td class="refname"><a name="zunhiga"></a>Zúñiga (Diego de), <i>see</i> <a +href="#arias">Arias</a> and <a href="#rodriguez">Rodriguez</a></td> +<td class="refnum"><a +href="#pg57">57</a>, <a href="#pg58">58</a>, <a href="#pg60">60</a>, +<a href="#pg61">61</a>, <a href="#pg62">62</a>, <a +href="#pg63">63</a>, <a href="#pg77">77</a>, <a href="#pg83">83</a>, +<a href="#pg113">113</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg114">114</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg115">115</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg117">117</a> <i>n.</i>, <a +href="#pg118">118</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pg119">119</a> <i>n.</i></td></tr> +</table> + +<p class="intable"><br/></p> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Fray Luis de Len, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEN *** + +***** This file should be named 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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..97a3980 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #16148 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/16148) diff --git a/old/16148-8.txt b/old/16148-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d679ffd --- /dev/null +++ b/old/16148-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5927 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fray Luis de Len, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Fray Luis de Len + A Biographical Fragment + +Author: James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +Release Date: June 29, 2005 [EBook #16148] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEN *** + + + + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + + + + + + + + +HISPANIC +NOTES & MONOGRAPHS + +ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF +BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE +HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA + +I + +[Illustration: EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON] + + + + +FRAY LUIS +DE LEON + +A Biographical Fragment + +BY + +JAMES FITZMAURICE KELLY, F.B.A. + + +_With a Portrait from +an engraving after Pacheco_. + +OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +HUMPHREY MILFORD +1921 + +PRINTED IN ENGLAND +AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +BY FREDERICK HALL + + + + +PREFACE + + +This biographical sketch is, in fact, a fragment of a book which will +now never come into existence. This particular chapter has been +snatched from the burning by an accident. The name of Luis de Leon +deservedly ranks as high as that of any poet in the history of Spanish +literature; but his reputation as a poet is mostly local, while he is +known all the world over as the subject of a dubious anecdote. The +attempt is now made to render him more familiar than he has hitherto +been to English-speaking people, and to do this, to exhibit the man as +he was, it proved necessary to analyse the two volumes of his first +trial, the evidence of which is brought together in vols. X and XI of +the _Coleccion de Documentos inditos para la Historia de Espaa_. +Edited by Miguel Salv and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, these volumes +appeared in 1847; their value is incontestable, but, though they give +the evidence as it occurs in the register of the Inquisition, this +evidence is not arranged in consistent chronological order, nor is it +supplied with an index. The work, printed seventy-three years ago, is +not within easy reach of every reader; and of those who have access to +it not all are patient enough to read steadily through so large a mass +of somewhat incoherent matter. Should any such readers be tempted to +examine the record closely, it is hoped that this sketch will do +something to make their task easier. An attempt is made here to +picture the man as he was, full of fortitude, yet not exempt from +human weakness. I trust that I have avoided the temptation to go to +the opposite extreme, and lay the blame--as has been done--for the +irregularities of the trial at Luis de Leon's own door. + +In dealing with his Spanish poems, I have tried not to put his claims +to consideration too high. Laboulaye, in _La Libert religieuse_, +calls Luis de Leon 'le premier lyrique de l'Europe moderne'. This +phrase dates from 1859, and was addressed to a generation which +delighted in arranging authors in something like the order of a class +list. Though I have the highest opinion of Luis de Leon's genius, I +have not felt tempted to follow Laboulaye's example; I have by +preference discussed, so far as space allows, such points as the +probable chronology of Luis de Leon's poems. Once more I repeat that +this is a chapter of a book that will now never be written. + +It may be as well to add at this point a few explanatory words +concerning the plan of accentuation adopted here. There seems to be no +valid reason for applying, in a book primarily intended for English +readers, the modern Academic system to proper names borne in the +sixteenth century by men who lived more than three hundred years +before the current system was ever invented. Except of course in the +case of quotations, that system is applied rigidly only to the names +of those who have adopted it formally (as on pp. 114 _n._ and 191 +_n._). I have gone on the theory that accents should be sparingly used +in a work of this kind, and that, as accents are almost needless for +Spaniards they should be employed only when the needs of foreigners +compel their use. It is a fundamental rule in Spanish that nearly all +words ending in a consonant should be stressed on the last syllable. +But since nobody, however slightly acquainted with Spanish, is tempted +to pronounce such words as Velazquez (p. 79) or Gomez (p. 250) +incorrectly, no graphic accent is employed in such cases. Names ending +in _s_--such as Valbs--are accentuated, however, when the stress +falls on the last syllable: this prevents all possibility of +confusion with the pronunciation of ordinary plural forms. +Place-names--such as Bjar (p. 58) and Crdoba (p. 184)--are +accentuated; so are trisyllables and polysyllables such as Gngora (p. +209) and Ziga (p. 57 and elsewhere). It will be seen that, in this +matter, I have been guided by strictly utilitarian principles. +Inconsistencies are perhaps unavoidable under any system. The plan +followed here, while it tends to diminish the total number of accents, +probably involves no more inconsistencies than any other. It is based +on rational grounds, and is, it may be hoped, less offensive to the +eye than the current system. Quotations, I repeat, are reproduced +exactly as they stand in the sources from which they profess to be +taken. + +With these words, I close what I have to say here on this subject and +commend these pages to the indulgent judgement of my readers. + +The following works, or articles, may be usefully consulted by the +student of Spanish. + + +EDITIONS. LUIS DE LEON: _Obras_, ed. A. Merino, Madrid, 1804-5-6-16. 6 +vols. [reprinted with a preface, by C. Muios Senz, Madrid, 1885, 6 +vols.]; _Biblioteca de Autores Espaoles_, vols. XXXV, XXXVII, LIII, +LXI, and LXII; _De los nombres de Cristo_, ed. F. de Ons, Madrid, +1914-1917 [Clsicos castellanos, vols. XXVIII and XXXIII]; _La +perfecta casada_, ed. E. Wallace, Chicago, 1903; _La perfecta casada_, +ed. A. Bonilla y San Martn, Madrid, 1917; _El perfecto predicador_, +ed. C. Muios Saenz in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1886), vol. XI, pp. +340-348, 432-447, 527-537; (1886), vol. XII, pp. 15-25, 104-111, +211-218, 322-330, 420-427, 504-512; (1887), vol. XIII, pp. 32-38, +106-114, 213-222, 302-312; (1887), vol. XIV, pp. 9-17, 154-160, +305-315, 449-459, 581-591, 729-743; _Exposition del Miserere_ +[facsimile of the Barcelona ed. of 1632], ed. A.M. Huntington, New +York, 1903. + + +WORKS OF REFERENCE: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid +hizo al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del rden de S. Agustin_, +ed. M. Salv and P. Sainz de Baranda, in _Coleccion de Documentos +inditos para la Historia de Espaa_ (Madrid, 1847), vol. X, pp. +5-575, and vol. XI, pp. 5-358; J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray +Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1863); C.A. Wilkens, _Fray Luis de Leon_ +(Halle, 1866); A. Arango y Escandon, _Frai Luis de Leon, ensayo +histrico_, 2 ed. (Mexico, 1866) [the first edition appeared in _La +Cruz_ (Mexico, 1855-56)]; F.H. Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873); M. Gutirrez, _El misticismo ortodoxo_ +(Valladolid, 1886); M. Gutirrez, _Fray Luis de Len y la filosofa +espaola del siglo_ XVI, 2 ed. aumentada (Madrid, 1891) [_Adiciones +pstumas_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1907), vol. LXXIII, pp. 391-399, +478-494, 662-667; vol. LXXIV, pp. 49-55, 303-414, 487-496, 628-643; in +_La Ciudad de Dios_ (1908), vol. LXXV, pp. 34-47, 215-221, 291-303, +472-486]; J.M. Guardia, _Fray Luis de Leon ou la posie dans le +clotre_, in the _Revue germanique_ (1863), vol. XXIV, pp. 307-342; M. +Menndez y Pelayo, _Horacio en Espaa, Solaces bibliogrficas_ 2 ed. +(Madrid, 1885), vol. I, pp. 11-24, vol. II, pp. 26-36; M. Menndez y +Pelayo, _Estudios de crtica literaria_, 1 serie (Madrid, 1893), pp. +1-72; F. Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso instrudo por la Inquisicin +de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de Len_ (Madrid, 1896); F. Blanco +Garca, _Fray Luis de Len: rectificaciones biogrficas_, in the +_Homenaje a Menndez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. I, pp. 153-160; +J.D.M. Ford, _Luis de Len, the Spanish poet, humanist and mystic_, in +the _Publications of the Modern Language Association of America_ +(Baltimore, 1899), vol. XIV, pp. 267-278; F. Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis +de Len: estudio biogrfico del insigne poeta agustino_ (Madrid, +1904); _Acta de la reposicin de Fray Luis de Len en una ctedra de +la Universidad de Salamanca_ in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas +y Museos_, Tercera poca (1900), vol. IV, pp. 680-682; L.G. Alonso +Getino, _La Causa de Fr. Luis de Len ante la crtica y los nuevos +documentos histricos_, in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y +Museos_, Tercera poca (1903), vol. IX, pp. 148-156, 268-279, 440-449; +(1904), vol. XI, pp. 288-306, 380-397; C. Muios Senz, _El 'Decamos +ayer' de Fray Luis de Len_, (Madrid, 1905); L. Alonso Getino, _Vida y +procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de Len_ (Salamanca, 1907); C. Muios +Senz _El 'Decamos ayer'... y otros excesos_, in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560; vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, +107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX pp. 99-125, 177-197; F. +de Ons _Sobre la trasmisin de la obra literaria de Fray Luis de +Len_, in the _Revista de Filologa Espaola_ (Madrid, 1915), vol. II +pp. 217-257; R. Menndez Pidal, _Una poesia indita de Fray Luis de +Len_, in the _Revista de Filologa Espaola_ (Madrid, 1917), vol. IV, +pp. 389-390; C. Prez Pastor, _Bibliografa madrilea_ (Madrid, +1891-1906-1907), parte ii, pp. 254-255, and parte iii, pp. 404-409; G. +Vzquez Nez, _El padre Francisco Zumel, general de la Merced y +catedrtico de Salamanca_ (1540-1607), in _Revista de Archivos, +Bibliotecas y Museos_, Tercera poca (1918), vol. XXXVIII, pp. 1-19, +170-190; (1918), vol. XXXIX, pp. 53-67, 237-266; (1919), vol. XL, pp. +447-466, 562-594. + +J. F-K. + + +PS. Had they reached me in time, the following two items would have +been included in the respective sections of the foregoing summary +bibliography: _Poesas originales de Fray Luis de Len_, ed. F. de +Ons, San Jos de Costa Rica, 1920; Ad. Coster, _Notes pour une +dition des posies de Luis de Len_ in the _Revue hispanique_ (1919), +vol. XLVI, pp. 193-248. + + + + +I + + +We are all of us familiar with the process of 'whitewashing' +historical characters. We are past being surprised at finding Tiberius +portrayed as an austere and melancholy recluse, Henry VIII pictured as +a pietistic sentimentalist with a pedantic respect for the letter of +the law, and Napoleon depicted as a romantic idealist, seeking to +impose the Social Contract on an immature, reluctant Europe. Though +the 'whitewashing' method is probably not less paradoxical than the +opposite system, it makes a stronger and wider appeal, inasmuch as it +implies a more amiable attitude towards life, and is more consonant +with a flattering conception of the possibilities of human nature. A +prosaic narrative of established facts does not immediately recommend +itself to the average man. Possibly few have existed who were so good +and so great that they can afford to have the whole truth told about +them. At any rate, it is easier to convey a picturesque general +impression than to collect all the available evidence with the +untiring persistence of a model detective and to present it with the +impartial acumen of a competent judge. Moreover, the inertia of +pre-existing opinion has to be overcome. Once readers have been +accustomed to accept as absolutely authentic an idealized conventional +portrait of a man of genius, it is difficult to induce them to abandon +it for a more realistic likeness. In the interest of historical truth, +however, the attempt must be made. We are sometimes told that +'historical truth can afford to wait'. That may be true; but it has +waited for nearly four centuries, and, if it be divulged in English +now, the revelation lays us open to no reasonable charge of +indiscretion or indecent haste. + +It may be that the name of Luis de Leon is comparatively unknown +outside the small group of those who are regarded as specialists. +Luis de Leon is nothing like so famous as Cervantes, as Lope de Vega, +as Tirso de Molina, as Ruiz de Alarcon, and as Calderon, whose names, +if not their works, are familiar to the laity. This is one of chance's +unjust caprices. With the single exception of Cervantes perhaps no +figure in the annals of Spanish literature deserves to be more +celebrated than Luis de Leon. He was great in verse, great in prose, +great in mysticism, great in intellectual force and moral courage. +Many may recall him as the hero of a story--possibly apocryphal--in +which he figures as returning to his professorial chair after an +absence of over four years (passed in the prison-cells of the +Inquisition) and beginning his exordium to his students with the +imperturbable remark: 'We were saying yesterday.' Mainly on this +uncertain basis is constructed the current legend that Luis de Leon +was a bloodless philosopher, incapable of resentment, and, indeed, +without a touch of human weakness in his aloof and lofty nature. His +works do not lend colour to this presentation of the man, nor do the +ascertainable details of his chequered career. The conception of Luis +de Leon as a meek spirit, an unresisting victim of malignant +persecution, is not the sole view tenable of a complex character. +However, the recorded facts may be trusted to speak for themselves. + + + + +II + + +What was Luis de Leon's full name? Was it Luis Ponce de Leon? So it +would appear from the summarized results of P. Mendez printed in the +_Revista Agustiniana_.[1] The point is not without interest, for Ponce +de Leon is one of the great historic names of Spain. If Luis de Leon +was entitled to use it, he appears not to have exercised his right, +for in the report of his first trial[2] he consistently employs some +such simple formula as:--'El maestro fray Luis de Leon... digo'.[3] +The omission of the name 'Ponce' during proceedings extending over +more than four years can scarcely be accidental. It may, however, have +been due to monastic humility,[4] or to simple prudence: a desire not +to provoke opponents who declared that Luis de Leon had Jewish blood +in his veins.[5] Whether this assertion, a serious one in +sixteenth-century Spain, had any foundation in fact is disputed. It +is apparently certain that Luis de Leon's great-grandfather married a +Leonor de Villanueva, who is reported to have confessed to practising +Jewish rites and to have been duly condemned by the Inquisition in +1513 or thereabouts.[6] This does not go to the root of the matter, +for Leonor de Villanueva is alleged to have been Lope de Leon's second +wife. His first wife is stated to have been Leonor Sanchez de +Olivares, a lady of unquestioned orthodoxy, and mother of Gomez de +Leon,[7] the future grandfather of the Luis de Leon with whom we are +concerned here. If this statement be correct,[8] obviously there can +be no ground for asserting that Luis de Leon was of Jewish blood. But +it must in candour be admitted that the point is not wholly clear from +doubt.[9] + +It is now established that Luis de Leon was born at Belmonte in the +province of Cuenca: 'Belmonte de la Mancha de Aragon' as he calls +it.[10] When was he born? On his tombstone, he was stated to be +sixty-four years old when he died on August 23, 1591.[11] This is +almost the only scrap of evidence available, for no baptismal +registers dating back to the third decade of the sixteenth century are +preserved at Belmonte.[12] Did the inscription on Luis de Leon's tomb +mean that he had completed his sixty-fourth year, or did it mean that, +at the time of his death, he had entered upon his sixty-fourth year? +According to the answer given to these questions, the date of Luis de +Leon's birth must be fixed either in 1527 or 1528. + +Apart from the fact that Luis de Leon was taught singing,[13] as +became the future friend of Salinas, we know next to nothing of his +early youth. From himself we learn that he was taken from Belmonte to +Madrid when he was five or six, that at the age of fourteen he was +entered at Salamanca University, where one of his uncles--Francisco de +Leon--was lecturer on Canon Law, and that shortly afterwards he +resolved to enter a religious order.[14] The eldest son of a +judge,[15] Luis de Leon renounced most of his share of the paternal +estate,[16] and gave it up to one--or both--of his younger brothers +Cristbal and Miguel, each of whom had been _veinticuatro_ of Granada +at some date previous to April 15, 1572.[17] On January 29, 1544, Luis +de Leon was formally professed in the Augustinian order.[18] In his +monastery we may plausibly conjecture that he led a solitary and +bookish existence, poring over his texts and attending lectures +assiduously. As early as 1546-1547 his name appears on the list of +students of theology at Salamanca; the registers of theological +students covering the years 1547-1548 to 1550-1551 are missing; Luis +de Leon's name does not appear in the register for the academic year +1551-1552, but it recurs in the University books for the years +1552-1553 and 1554-1555. He there figures still as a student of +theology.[19] He would seem, therefore, to have shown no amazing +precocity in the schools; but his application, we may be sure, was +intense, and there is nothing rash in assuming that during part of +the two years that he was absent, as he tells us,[20] from Salamanca, +he was lecturing at Soria. The remaining eighteen months he probably +devoted to exegetical studies at Alcal de Henares, where he +matriculated in 1556.[21] He was about thirty when he rather +unexpectedly graduated as a bachelor of Arts at the University of +Toledo.[22] Why he preferred to take his degree at Toledo instead of +at Salamanca is not clear; it is plausibly conjectured that economy +may have been his motive, as the obtaining of a bachelor's degree at +Salamanca was an expensive business.[23] Confirmation of this +conjecture is afforded by the fact that he speedily returned to his +allegiance, was 'incorporated' as a bachelor at Salamanca in 1588, +graduated there as a licentiate of theology in May 1560, and in the +following month became a master of theology.[24] It soon became clear +that he did not regard a University degree as a mere distinction. The +retirement of Gregorio Gallo caused a vacancy in the chair of +Biblical Exegesis at Salamanca. Luis de Leon, though but a master of a +few months' standing, presented himself as a candidate for the post. +He failed to obtain it, being defeated by Gaspar de Grajal, a future +ally and fellow victim:[25] so far as can be ascertained, this was +Luis de Leon's sole academic check. Manifestly he was not daunted. He +claimed, and established, his right to take part in certain +examinations in his faculty,[26] and 'con mucho exceso' thwarted the +designs of the famous Domingo Baez, whom he afterwards described as +'enemigo capital'.[27] His combativeness did him no immediate harm, +for, in December 1561, he was elected Professor of Theology at +Salamanca.[28] He was obviously not disposed to hide his light under a +bushel, nor to perform his academic duties in a spirit of humdrum +routine. Whatever he did, he did with all his might, and his strenuous +versatility made him conspicuous in University life. In 1565 he was +transferred from the theological chair to the chair of Scholastic +Theology and Biblical Criticism, in which he succeeded his old master +Juan de Guevara.[29] + +Such successes as Luis de Leon had hitherto won he owed mainly to his +own talents.[30] Brilliant as he was, there is no reason to assume +that he was personally popular in Salamanca.[31] It does not appear +that he made any effort to win popularity; nor is it certain that he +would have succeeded even if he had sought to win it. His temper was +impulsive, his disposition was critical and independent; his tongue +and pen were sharp and made enemies among members of his own order; +moreover, he contrived to alienate the Dominicans, a powerful body in +Salamanca, as in the rest of Spain. No doubt he had many admirers, +especially among his own students. Yet the University, as a whole, +stood slightly aloof from him, and before long in certain obscurantist +circles cautious hints of latitudinarianism were murmured against him. +For these mumblings there was absolutely no sort of foundation.[32] +As might be inferred from the simple fact that he was afterwards +chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, Luis de Leon was +the most orthodox of men. His selection for this piece of work may +have been due to the influence of the saint's friend and successor, +Madre Ana de Jess, who had the highest opinion of him.[33] But it was +not often that he produced so favourable a personal impression; he had +not mastered the gentle art of ingratiation; it is even conceivable +that he did not strictly observe St. Paul's injunction to 'suffer +fools gladly'.[34] Though fundamentally humble-minded, he was +intolerant of what he thought to be nonsense: a quality which would +perhaps not endear him to all his colleagues. He set a proper value on +himself and his attainments; he was prone to sift the precious metal +of truth from the dross of uninformed assertion; he had an incurable +habit of choosing his friends from amongst those who shared his +tastes. A good Hebrew scholar, he was on terms of special intimacy +with Gaspar de Grajal and with Martin Martinez de Cantalapiedra,[35] +respectively Professors of Biblical Exegesis and of Hebrew in the +University of Salamanca. Frank to the verge of indiscretion and +suspecting no evil, Luis de Leon scattered over Salamanca fagots each +of which contained innumerable sticks that his opponents used later to +beat him with. Lastly, he had the misfortune, as it proved later, to +differ profoundly on exegetical points from a veteran Professor of +Latin, Rhetoric, and Greek.[36] This was Leon de Castro, a man of +considerable but unassimilated learning, an astute wire-puller and +incorrigible reactionary whose name figures in the bibliographies as +the author of a series of commentaries on Isaiah--a performance which +has not been widely read since its tardy first appearance in 1571. The +delay in publishing this work, and the contemporary neglect of it, +were apparently ascribed by Castro to the personal hostility of Luis +de Leon who, though he did not approve of the book, seems to have been +perfectly innocent on both heads.[37] + +The fires of these differences had smouldered for some years when, +during the University course (as it appears) of 1568-1569, Luis de +Leon gave a series of lectures wherein he discussed, with critical +respect, the authority attaching to the Vulgate. The respect passed +almost unnoticed; the criticism gave a handle to a group of vigilant +foes. Since 1569 a good deal of water has flowed under the bridges +which span the Tormes, and it is intrinsically likely that, were the +objectionable lectures before us, Luis de Leon might appear to be an +ultra-conservative in matters of Biblical criticism. But this is not +the historical method. In judging the action of Leon de Castro and his +allies we must endeavour to adjust ourselves to the sixteenth-century +point of view. Matters would seem to have developed somewhat as +follows. In 1569 a committee was formed at Salamanca for the purpose +of revising Franois Vatable's version of the Bible; both Luis de Leon +and Leon de Castro were members of this committee,[38] and as they +represented different schools of thought, there were lively passages +between the two. It is customary to lay at Castro's door all the blame +for the sequel. Nothing is likelier than that Leon de Castro was +incoherent in his recriminations and provocative in tone: it is +further alleged that his commentaries on Isaiah contained gratuitous +digs at the views on Scriptural interpretation ascribed to Luis de +Leon. It may well be that Luis de Leon, who had in him something of +the irritability of a poet, took umbrage at these indirect attacks, +and entered upon the discussion in a fretful state of mind. According +to Leon de Castro, whose testimony on this point is uncontradicted, +the climax came about in connexion with the text: 'Out of the mouth of +babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise.' Castro obstinately +maintained that Vatable's interpretation of this passage was an +interpretation favoured by the Jews against whom he cherished an +incorrigible prejudice. Luis de Leon is reported to have lost patience +at this assertion, and to have said that he would cause Castro's +_Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_ to be burnt. Castro, whatever his +faults, was not the man to be cowed by a threat, and he retorted with +the remark that, by God's grace, this should not come to pass, and +that if there were any burning it would be applied rather to Luis de +Leon and his family.[39] Having fired his bolt, but conscious that he +was in a minority on the committee, Castro concluded with the sulky +declaration that he did not propose to attend any further meetings of +that body. He would seem to have changed his mind later on this point, +modestly alleging that he gave way to the insistence of others who +deemed his presence indispensable, on account of his knowledge of +languages.[40] Whatever his linguistic accomplishments, they did not +produce the desired effect, for Vatable's version of the Bible was +passed as revised by the committee of Salamancan theologians in 1571, +though, for some unexplained reason, their revised text was not +published till thirteen years later. + +The quarrel between Castro and Luis de Leon soon became public +property. Passions were ablaze in a moment. Parties were formed, and +Castro found much support, especially among the body of +undergraduates, of whom one at least ingenuously described himself as +'del bando de Jesucristo'.[41] There was almost as much tumult in the +University of Salamanca as in Agramante's camp. Even if Castro thought +that the hour of his triumph was at hand, he was too experienced and +too Spanish to be precipitate. He may well have had an inkling that, +if many were repelled by Luis de Leon's austerity and implacable +righteousness, his own reputation as a pedant and reactionary did not +mark him out for leadership. His lack of expository power may also +have struck him as a disqualification.[42] Further, on tactical +grounds, he may have argued that his notorious hostility to Luis de +Leon made it advisable for him not to figure too prominently in the +ranks of the attacking party. Whatever his motive may have been, +Castro gave place to a younger and far abler man, the well-known +Dominican, Bartolom de Medina, whose relations with Luis de Leon, +never cordial, had grown strained, owing to various checks and +disappointments. Medina honestly differed from Luis de Leon's views as +regards Scriptural interpretation; he would have been a good deal more +(or less) than human if he had not been galled by a series of small +personal mortifications. He particularly resented, as well he might, +being out-argued when he presented himself before Luis de Leon to be +examined for his licentiateship of theology; the knowledge that this +incident was talked over by mocking students did not improve +matters.[43] Medina was, however, too wily to delate Luis de Leon +directly; he reported to the Inquisition on the general situation at +Salamanca, and in this document no names were mentioned. Luis de Leon +was not in a position to counteract the manoeuvres of his opponents. +It is not certain that he could have done so, had he been continuously +in Salamanca at this time: as it happened, he was absent at Belmonte +from the beginning of 1571 till the month of March, and on his return +he fell ill. All this while, Medina and Castro were free to go about +sowing tares, making damaging suggestions, and collecting such +corroborative evidence as could be gleaned from ill-disposed +colleagues and garrulous or slow-witted students.[44] It appears that +Medina's statement, embodying seventeen propositions which (as he +averred) were taught at Salamanca, reached the Supreme Inquisition in +Madrid on December 2, 1571; on December 13 the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca was instructed to ascertain the source of the +statement,[45] and to report on the tenability of the views set forth +in the seventeen propositions.[46] Evidently the matter was regarded +as urgent: for, on December 17, the Inquisitionary Commissary opened +his preliminary inquiry at Salamanca. The sole witness called at the +first sitting was Medina,[47] who repeated his assertions, mentioning +Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de Cantalapiedra as offenders. A +committee of five persons was appointed to examine into the orthodoxy +of the views alleged to be held by these three. As Leon de Castro was +a member of this committee, and as none of the other four members was +in sympathy with Luis de Leon, the general tenor of the committee's +findings might readily be predicted. These findings were somewhat +hastily adopted by the local Inquisition at Valladolid on January 26, +1572, when the arrest of Grajal and Martinez de Cantalapiedra was +recommended.[48] Up to this point Luis de Leon would seem not to have +been officially implicated by name, though he was clearly aimed at, +especially by Castro who appeared before the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca, and reiterated Medina's charges with some +wealth of rancorous detail.[49] + +With significant promptitude effect was given to the recommendation of +the local Inquisition: Grajal was apprehended on March 1; shortly +afterwards Martinez de Cantalapiedra was likewise apprehended; and, as +these measures seemed to arouse no feeling more dangerous than +surprise in Salamanca, it was conceivably thought safe to fly at +higher game. Manifestly, Luis de Leon must have known that something +perilous was afoot when he handed in a most respectfully-worded +written statement on March 6, 1572.[50] By about this time there had +arrived in Salamanca Diego Gonzalez--an experienced official, whose +conduct of the Inquisitionary case against Bartolom de Carranza, the +Archbishop of Toledo, has earned him an unenviable repute.[51] Under +the presidency of Gonzalez, who might be trusted to keep the weaker +brethren, if there were any, up to the mark, the local Inquisition on +March 15 resolved to recommend the arrest of Luis de Leon. Apparently +the gravity of this step was recognized. Another sitting was held on +March 19, and a vote was taken with the result that the previous +decision was confirmed by four votes to two. It should not, however, +be assumed that the vote of the two implied any marked personal +sympathy with Luis de Leon. On the contrary: the difference between +the majority and the minority was concerned solely with a question of +procedure. The minority suggested that it would cause less fuss and +less scandal to seize Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de +Cantalapiedra, to place each of them in solitary confinement for a +short while in a Valladolid monastery, and thence to remove them, +without trial, to the secret prison of the Inquisition.[52] It is +difficult to detect the humanitarian motive of this alternative +proposal. + + + + +II + + +[Footnote 1: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. III, p. 127. +'Lope Alvarez Ponce de Leon, Regidor de Segovia... cas dos veces: la +primera con Doa Leonor Snchez de Olivares, hija de Dez Snchez de +Olivares y hermana de aquel valiente caballero Don Pedro de Olivares, +comendador del Olmo, del orden de Calatrava en tiempo del Maestro D. +Rodrigo Tllez Girn. De este matrimonio tuvieron tres hijos. En +segundas nupcias cas con Doa Leonor de Villanueva, y tuvieron dos +hijos; pero no declaran quienes fueron del primer matrimonio, y +quienes del segundo. Solo de D. Gmez consta que es del primer +matrimonio.'] + +[Footnote 2: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid hizo +al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del orden de S. Agustin._ This +_proceso_, edited by D. Miguel Salv and D. Pedro Sainz de Baranda, +occupies the tenth volume and pp. 5-358 of the eleventh volume of the +_Coleccion de Documentos inditos para la historia de Espaa_ (Madrid, +1847).] + +[Footnote 3: Ex. gr. _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-97, +184-185, 255-256; vol. XI, pp. 38, 131, 350.] + +[Footnote 4: It is established beyond doubt, however, that some +members of the family used the name Ponce. The works of Luis de Leon's +eminent nephew, Basilio, an Augustinian like himself, bear on their +title-pages the words 'Basilius Pontius Legionensis'.] + +[Footnote 5: This assertion is made emphatically by Diego de Haedo, +the prosecuting counsel on behalf of the Inquisition; he calls Luis de +Leon a 'descendiente de generacion de judos' (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, p. 206). An echo of the charge is faintly audible in Luis de +Leon's own testimony. It is repeated with violence by Leon de Castro: +'...enojado de la porfa el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahas, y este declarante le respondi que con la gracia de Dios que +ni l, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas las +juntas' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 12).] + +[Footnote 6: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 157.] + +[Footnote 7: See note 1.] + +[Footnote 8: Luis de Leon apparently took no special interest in his +family history. Before the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid on +April 15, 1572, he traced his descent no further back than his +grandparents, adding that, as he entered religion when he was fourteen +years old, 'no tiene entera noticia de qu casta vienen los dichos sus +padres y agelos, mas de haber oido decir que ciertos contrarios que +tuvo su padre, le pusieron en su hidalgua que venia de casta de +conversos. + +E preguntado si sabe que alguno de los de su descendencia +trasversala haya seido preso peniado condenado por este Santo +Oficio; dijo que no lo sabe' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 182). + +By May 14, 1573, Luis de Leon had recalled further particulars: +'Porque mi padre fu un hombre muy catlico y muy principal como +conoci todo el reino, y su padre que se llam Gomez de Leon lo fu no +menos que l en su lugar, y este tuvo un hermano de padre y madre que +se llam el licenciado Pedro de Leon, que fu collegial en el collegio +del Cardenal desta villa como se puede luego saber; y el padre de +ambos, visagelo mio, se llam Lope de Leon muy catlico y de los mas +honrados y principales de su lugar; y el padre de este y visagelo +mio, se llam Pero Fernandez de Leon que le trujo el primer Seor de +Belmonte consigo aquel lugar, y fu alcaide en la fortaleza dl todo +el tiempo que vivi, y el mas principal y mas limpio que habia en l, +desto que el mundo llama limpieza, como siendo necesario probar +bastantemente' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 385-386). This +challenge was never taken up.] + +[Footnote 9: It is not free from doubt because, though some of the +witnesses, whose testimony is given in _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, +pp. 146-174, are doubtless in good faith in their evidence as to Luis +de Leon's Jewish descent, they refer to events which happened long +before; and their memories are apt to play them false and their +narratives are muddled. Luis de Leon appears to point to these +depositions when he says: 'Y no se hallar en memoria de hombres ni de +escrituras ciertas, que nombrada y sealadamente alguno de todos mis +antecesores se haya convertido la fe de nuevo' (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, p. 386). In common fairness, it should be said that +the statement of P. Mendez [see note 1] is more in the nature of +assertion unsupported by full evidence.] + +[Footnote 10: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 180.] + +[Footnote 11: M.R.P. Francisco Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len: +estudio biogrfico del insigne poeta agustino_, p. 254.] + +[Footnote 12: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 23. On April 15, 1572, +Luis de Leon stated that he was about forty-four (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, p. 180): '...de edad de cuarenta cuatro aos, +poco mas menos tiempo'. This is perhaps too vague to furnish a basis +for a conclusion.] + +[Footnote 13: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 173.] + +[Footnote 14: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 182. Luis de Leon +states that he made up his mind as to his religious vocation within +four or five months of reaching Salamanca.] + +[Footnote 15: 'El licenciado Lope de Leon, oidor que fu de la +Chancillera de Granada, defunto, y Doa Ins de Alarcon su muger, que +agora vive en Granada.' So Luis de Leon described his parents at the +first sitting of the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 16: 'Y en lo que toca mi vida, aunque estoy lleno de +faltas y pecados mas que otro alguno; pero esto es verdad que yo tom +el hbito de religion que tengo, de 14 aos de mi edad, y dej cuatro +mill ducados de renta que mi padre tenia vinculados en mi cabeza como +en el mayor de sus hijos' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 386).] + +[Footnote 17: Luis de Leon seems to have arranged that his brother +Miguel should pay him annually a small sum which was, apparently, to +be spent on books. This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's reply +to a claim lodged against him by one Lucas Junta, a bookseller of +Salamanca, on March 17, 1575 (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 51, +52). It seems doubtful whether Miguel reached Luis's standard of +punctuality in the matter of payment (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, +p. 196). Luis de Leon had two sisters, Menca de Tapia and Mara de +Alarcon. The latter had died before April, 1572. So had another +brother, Antonio, who was a priest (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. +182).] + +[Footnote 18: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. I, p. 414.] + +[Footnote 19: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, pp. 47-48.] + +[Footnote 20: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 182.] + +[Footnote 21: J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray Luis de Leon_, +Madrid, 1863, p. 10.] + +[Footnote 22: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 59.] + +[Footnote 23: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 59, note I.] + +[Footnote 24: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 60.] + +[Footnote 25: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 62, note 4. Grajal was so +greatly struck with his opponent's ability that he supported Luis de +Leon in all his subsequent candidatures. On this point we have an +explicit statement from Luis de Leon: 'Es verdad que el maestro Grajal +ha sido y es mi amigo, y querelle yo bien comenz de que habiendo sido +primero competidores en la ctreda de Biblia que l llev, en las +demas oposiciones que yo hice, sin sabello yo, trat en mi favor con +tanto cuidado y con tan gran encarecimiento de buenas palabras, que +cuando lo supe qued obligado tratalle, y del trato result conocer +en l uno de los hombres de mas sanas y limpias entraas y mas sin +doblez que yo he tratado; y ans nuestra amistad fu siempre, no como +de hombres de letras para comunicar y conferir nuestros estudios, sino +como de dos hombres que trataban ambos de ser hombres de bien, y por +conocer esto el uno del otro se querian bien' (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, pp. 326-327).] + +[Footnote 26: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 21-22.] + +[Footnote 27: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 261-262.] + +[Footnote 28: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 63.] + +[Footnote 29: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 64.] + +[Footnote 30: Not altogether, for though Luis de Leon had, in an +eminent degree, the knack of success in all open competitions, the +students took part in the elections of professors at Salamanca, and +this element disturbed calculations.] + +[Footnote 31: This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's assertion: +'en aquella universidad yo tengo muchos enemigos por causa de mis +pretendencias' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 574).] + +[Footnote 32: On this head, Luis de Leon's acquittal by the Supreme +Inquisition speaks for itself.] + +[Footnote 33: 'Es muy santo... Tiene mucho caudal de Dios'. These +encomiastic phrases of the pious nun's are quoted by Blanco Garca +(_op. cit._, p. 245) from Angel Manrique, _Vida de la Venerable Ana de +Jess_ (Bruselas, 1632), p. 328. Manrique's biography is not within my +reach.] + +[Footnote 34: Luis de Leon's probity was not free from a touch of +brusqueness. This is disclosed by his own description of his behaviour +to a dullard who made his life at Salamanca a burden: 'Acerca del +captulo cuarto, dems de lo dicho digo que creo que este testigo es +un bachiller Rodriguez, y por otro nombre el doctor Sutil que en +Salamanca llaman por burla; y sospcholo de que dice en este captulo +que le dej sin respuesta, porque jams dej de responder ninguna +persona de aquella universidad que me preguntase algo, sino a ste que +digo, con el cual por ser falto de juicio y preguntar algunas veces +cosas desatinadas, y colligir disparates de lo que oia y no entendia, +me enojaba y le decia que era tonto. Y otras veces por no enojarme ni +desconcertarme con l no le respondia nada, sino huia dl' +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 357-358).] + +[Footnote 35: This was the contention of the prosecuting counsel. Luis +de Leon, however, declared that, highly as he thought of Martinez de +Cantalapiedra's patristic learning, there was no marked intimacy +between them, and that he often did not meet Martinez de Cantalapiedra +for a year or two. 'Ni yo tenia con l trato ni conversacion +ordinaria; antes se pasaba un ao y dos aos que no le veia ni +hablaba.... Y siempre le tuve y tengo por el hombre mas leido en los +sanctos de cuantos hay en aquella universidad' (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, p. 227).] + +[Footnote 36: Leon de Castro's first appointment at Salamanca is dated +March 28, 1549: he was 'jubilado' on July 5, 1561. See Vicente de la +Fuente, _Historia de las universidades, colegios y demas +establecimientos en Espaa_ (Madrid, 1884-1889), vol. II, p. 250.] + +[Footnote 37: Francisco Sanchez, possibly _El Brocense_, testified to +Castro's saying: '_isti judi et judaizantes_ me han echado perder, +y por eso no se vende mi libro'. Sanchez bluntly told the Inquisitors +that he did not believe this, and attributed the book's failure to its +size and price (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 299-300). It is +suggested by Vicente de la Fuente (_op. cit._, vol. II, p. 289, note +3) that there was some basis for Castro's opinion. Luis de Leon +implicitly denied the charge, which he manifestly thought beneath +contempt: 'Y si yo hubiera tratado como Leon cree de que la +Inquisicion vedara su libro, yo hiciera que se advirtiera. Y aunque el +doctor Valbas en Alcal quien fu cometido por el Consejo Real, al +principio le quit grandes pedazos adonde trataba San Hiernimo como +me trata m agora, no le pudo quitar esto que yo digo, por que era +quitalle todo el libro,...' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 352). +Luis de Leon tried in a friendly way to convince Castro about the +errors in his book before it was published and as soon as the printing +began (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 351). This intervention +would nettle Castro, who seems to have had Jewry on the brain; he +mentioned, apparently, that Vatable, St. Jerome, and St. John +Chrysostom were all Jews or Judaizers (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, +p. 294). What probably nettled Castro still more was that Luis de Leon +found fault with his knowledge of Latin and Greek: 'lo cual l sentia +mucho porque tocaba en propio de su profesion.' Luis de Leon proposed +to call five witnesses on this point (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 256-257), but this was ruled out as irrelevant (_impertinente_) by +the Inquisitionary Tribunal.] + +[Footnote 38: The Chairman of this Committee was Francisco Sancho, +Dean of the Theological Faculty of Salamanca. The other members--at +any rate those who signed Sancho's copy of Vatable (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, pp. 521-522)--were Juan de Almeida, Don Carlos, +Garca del Castillo, Diego Gonzalez, Grajal, Juan de Guevara, Martinez +de Cantalapiedra, Bartolom de Medina, Muiz, and Juan Vique. As the +names of Luis de Leon and Juan Gallo are omitted, the list cannot be +thought exhaustive. So, also, are the names of Bravo and Muon absent +from the list. These last two omissions are readily explained. Bravo +and Muon had both died before December 26, 1571 (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, p. 10).] + +[Footnote 39: Castro's statement was: 'Porfi de tal manera [fray Luis +de Leon] que no era el sentido este deste lugar, y despues de visto +que era ans, porfi... que tambien podia ser verdadero el sentido de +los judos...; dijo este testigo que aunque viniesen todos los +letrados del mundo, no podrian hacer que aquel sentido de los judos +pudiese venir ni cuadrar con la letra griega, ni hebrea ni latina,... +y enojado de la porfa el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahas, y este declarante le respondi que con la gracia de Dios que +ni l, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas las +juntas' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 11-12). Though far from +friendly to Luis de Leon, the Dominican Juan Gallo was provoked into +saying that he would pare Castro's claws till the blood streamed from +him: 'queriendo decir por las uas que era este declarante spero +porque les decia que era aquello de judaizantes, y que no lo decia por +ellos, sino porque defendian las cosas de judos;...' (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, P. 15).] + +[Footnote 40: 'Y el colegio de telogos envi al maestro fray Juan de +Guevara y otro maestro, pedirle y mandarle que no faltase de all +porque no podan hacer nada sin las lenguas.' This is Castro's +version. (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 12.)] + +[Footnote 41: Castro states (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 16) +that this pious student was Bernardino de Mendoza, son of the Marqus +de Mondjar.] + +[Footnote 42: Bartolom de Carranza mentions (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. XI, p. 279) Castro's muddle-headed knack of misunderstanding what +was said to him, and his propensity to argue points, imagining that +his opponents had said the very reverse of what they had said. As to +Castro's lack of expository power, Luis de Leon states, 'tiene falta +de lengua' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 327).] + +[Footnote 43: This is established by the evidence of Mancio, a +professor who came to Medina's rescue: '...vi este testigo quel +dicho fray Luis de Leon arguy al dicho fray Bartolom de Medina muy +bien, que no le concluy, y ques verdad que tuvo el dicho fray +Bartolom de Medina padrino en este testigo para ayudalle y le ayud +para los argumentos que se le ofrecieron; que lo queste testigo +cont los estudiantes fu que tuvo necesidad el dicho fray Bartolom +de Medina que le ayudase, aunque sin padrinos pudiera l responder' +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 317). This must be dated before +February, 1570, when Medina took his degree as Master of Theology +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 340). In May-June, 1571, Luis de +Leon and Medina had a squabble as to the distribution of lectures. The +Rector of Salamanca decided in Medina's favour: Luis de Leon appealed +to the Consejo Real at Madrid, and won his case on September 23, 1566 +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 323-327).] + +[Footnote 44: The evidence of Alonso Rejon (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, p. 51) seems conclusive: '...preso ya el maestro Grajal, se +lleg este declarante el maestro fray Luis de Leon... quejndose de +algunos maestros de esta universidad y particularmente del maestro +fray Juan Gallego, que admitian dichos de estudiantes, los cuales +decian algunas cosas diferentemente de lo que las habian leido los +maestros,...' As to Medina's action, Luis de Leon wrote (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, p. 228): 'Tambien me acuerdo que vino un +estudiante m, y tomndome palabra de secreto, me dijo que fray +Bartolom de Medina andaba haciendo pesquisa de Grajal y Martinez, +aunque no me los nombr, pero entendlo de las seas que di; y que +l le habia preguntado, y l le habia dicho cinco seis cosas que les +habia oido, y acurdome de dos dellas, porque me pareci que me tocaba + m tambien. La una era de la Vulgata que se podria hacer otra mejor, +y yo le dije riendo: _pues quieren atar las manos Dios que no pueda +hacer un profeta en su iglesia_. Y la otra era que los Cantares eran +_Carmen amatorium_, y le dije: _Carmen amatorium_ ni dice bien ni mal. +Si dice _Carmen amatorium carnale_, eso es mal; pero si dice _Carmen +amatorium spirituale_, eso verdad es. Y lo dems que me dijo, me +encog, como cosa que oia entonces, y no entendia bien lo que queria +decir, todo cuanto me acuerdo;...'] + +[Footnote 45: These data, given by Blanco Garca (_op. cit._, pp. +111-115), are derived from the record of Grajal's trial.] + +[Footnote 46: The seventeen propositions are printed in _Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, pp. 286-287; they are reproduced by Blanco Garca +(_op. cit._, p. 111). According to Bartolom de Medina (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, p. 66), the teaching of the doctrines embodied in +the seventeen propositions scandalized the Salamancan students.] + +[Footnote 47: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 5-7.] + +[Footnote 48: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 113.] + +[Footnote 49: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 7-18.] + +[Footnote 50: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-102.] + +[Footnote 51: See _Documentos inditos_, vol. LXVIII.] + +[Footnote 52: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, pp. 114-115.] + + + + +III + + +Though, in accord with the customary procedure in such cases, each +witness who appeared before Gonzalez was sworn to secrecy, it is +evident that there was no mystery in Salamanca as to the intention of +the Valladolid Inquisitors. On March 25, 1572, a day before the formal +order for the arrest of Luis de Leon was actually signed, Diego de +Valladolid was accepted as bail to the amount of two thousand ducats, +that the said Luis de Leon would go quietly to prison in Valladolid +without making any attempt at escape.[53] A document to this effect +was drawn up and was duly signed by three witnesses, of whom one was a +Familiar of the Inquisition, Francisco de Almansa. It seems likely +that Almansa may have suspected that, for the time being, the hours of +Luis de Leon's comparative freedom were already numbered; for, on the +following day (March 26, 1572), Almansa was appointed _alguacil_ of +the Valladolid Inquisitionary court, was directed to arrest Luis de +Leon wherever he might be--'in church, or monastery, or other hallowed +place'--and was further ordered to sequestrate any arms, cash, jewels, +or papers which the prisoner might have about him.[54] Almansa, to +whom Luis de Leon was perfectly well known,[55] obeyed instructions, +and reached the Valladolid jail with his captive at about six o'clock +in the evening of Thursday, March 27, 1572.[56] After being carefully +searched, Luis de Leon was lodged in the secret cells of the +Inquisition, and there, except for his appearances in court, he was +detained for over four years and eight months.[57] + +Though he was notoriously in weak health, the prisoner does not seem +to have received any special consideration. On the other hand, it +cannot be maintained that, at the outset, his judges treated him with +inhumanity. That Luis de Leon was nervous about himself, and that he +believed it possible he might die without warning is the impression +conveyed by a fervent act of faith which, though undated, was probably +written almost as soon as his imprisonment began. On March 31, Luis de +Leon asked for various things besides four books: one of them a box of +powder with which he was usually provided by a nun named Ana de +Espinosa to alleviate his heart-attacks.[58] This petition was +granted. Luis de Leon's request for a knife to cut his food with was +so clearly against all prison regulations that he can scarcely have +expected a favourable reply.[59] The Inquisitors met him half-way by +ordering that he should at once be supplied with a rounded spoon, +sufficient for his purpose, though useless to a prisoner of suicidal +tendencies.[60] At this stage, it cannot be said that Luis de Leon was +treated with any want of lenity. There was no reason why he should be. +He was arrested mainly on suspicion of being concerned in the (purely +imaginary) Jewish propaganda imputed to his colleagues Grajal and +Martinez de Cantalapiedra; the evidence against him was second-hand +and meagre. + +Before long matters began to take a graver aspect. A definite +charge[61] emerged that some ten or eleven years earlier[62] Luis de +Leon had translated from the Hebrew into Spanish the _Song of +Solomon_, to which he appended a commentary, also in Spanish. This he +did at the request of a nun whose name is incidentally revealed as +'Doa Isabel Osorio, monja de Sancti Espritu de Salamanca'.[63] That +Luis de Leon's proceeding was most imprudent is undeniable. With +characteristic courage and candour, in his first _confesion_ of March +6, he volunteered the admission that he had made such a rendering.[64] +At this moment he was apparently unaware that the existence of this +rendering had been already brought to the notice of the Inquisition by +Medina.[65] Nobody questions Luis de Leon's good faith. Nevertheless +one gets the impression that he felt this to be a weak point in his +case. It was. He had committed a serious indiscretion by infringing +the general prohibition of vernacular versions of any part of +Scripture. No doubt it might be contended that his rendering of the +_Song of Solomon_, and his commentary on it, were originally meant to +be used by only one private person; that the prohibition referred to +the circulation of vernacular versions; that this particular version, +made for the exclusive use of Doa Isabel Osorio, did not amount to +circulation (within the four corners of the general prohibition); and +that such circulation as had taken place had occurred against the will +of the translator. This is not mere sophistry. What seems to have +happened was this. It appears that a lay brother, named Diego de Leon, +part of whose business it was to tidy Luis de Leon's cell, stumbled +one day upon the original manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Solomon_, copied it without leave or licence, and allowed so +many transcriptions of his copy to be made that it became absolutely +impossible for the translator to control or recall them +afterwards.[66] Manifestly Diego de Leon did not venture to remove the +original manuscript from its resting-place; it was still in Luis de +Leon's monastery-cell on November 7, 1573.[67] Search being made for +it, the version was found, handed over to the Inquisitionary +authorities, and retained by them when judgement was pronounced.[68] +There is evidence to show that many manuscript copies of the +vernacular _Song of Solomon_ stole into existence and were widely +distributed. On March 6, 1572, Luis de Leon, whose references to this +matter are tinged with regret, uses words which seem to imply that a +copy had reached Portugal; and an inquiry, opened at Cuzco in the +autumn of 1575, revealed the fact that a transcription of the +_Cantares que llaman de fray Luis de Leon_ had been made by Fray Luis +Alvarez and conveyed by him to South America. This transcription, +after being recopied by a Lima graduate, who appears to have left for +Spain to continue his studies at the University of Alcal de Henares, +was deposited in the public library of Quito which was housed in the +Augustinian monastery there.[69] This episode denotes a morbid +curiosity which must have been revolting to Luis de Leon's austere +nature. He candidly avowed doubts as to the prudence of facilitating +the reading of the _Song of Solomon_ in Spanish, and would have +cancelled all manuscript copies if he could.[70] In this respect, +however, he was powerless, and no better remedy occurred to him than +to set to work on a Latin version which, when printed, should supplant +the Spanish rendering. This he hoped to be able to disown. But fate +was hostile to his design. Constant ill-health hindered him from +making rapid headway with his projected Latin translation. He +submitted himself to the Court which, naturally enough, vouchsafed no +reply to his request for alternative suggestions as to how he could +make amends for a preliminary error of judgement.[71] + +If Luis de Leon's opponents expected to overwhelm him by the +suddenness, vehemence, or volume of their attack, they must speedily +have been disillusioned. The mystic poet proved to be a formidable +fighting-man. Before very long it must have dawned upon the +Inquisitionary deputies at Valladolid that they had caught a Tartar. +Unversed in the ways of the world, Luis de Leon came of a legal stock, +and was thoroughly at home in a law-court. A master of dialectics, he +was always alert, always prompt to criticize the evidence, always +ready to deal with every point as it arose, always prepared to furnish +elaborate written or verbal explanations as to every detail concerning +which the tribunal could harbour a reasonable doubt. The official +secretaries of the Court--Celedon Gustin and the rest of them--must +have grown to dread Luis de Leon's continual demands for sheets of +paper on which to write his long, considered replies. It would be +idle to attempt to summarize the technical arguments advanced by each +side in support of conflicting views on doctrinal or exegetical +problems. In this place, it will suffice to advert to points which +help to illuminate the character of Luis de Leon, or to exemplify the +attitude of the court towards him. + +At the outset, as already stated, there seems to have existed no +decided prejudice against Luis de Leon in the minds of his judges: +they apparently administered the existing system in a not illiberal +spirit. There are indications, however, that this position of relative +impartiality was not maintained. That the court became gradually +biased against the accused seems to follow from the small but eloquent +fact of its rejecting Luis de Leon's petition that his University +chair should not be declared vacant till the end of his trial.[72] It +cannot be argued that the judges were concerned for the efficiency of +the teaching in the University of Salamanca--a matter in which they +took no sort of interest. The decision of the court in Luis de Leon's +case was in direct conflict with the ruling of the same court as +regards Barrientos, another Salamancan professor who was in custody of +the Valladolid Inquisition on May 20, 1572.[73] It was then settled +that Barrientos should not be disturbed, and that no successor to him +should be appointed so long as he was imprisoned. Luis de Leon's chair +was declared vacant as soon as his normal tenure of four years had +expired; the ordinary course of unquestioned renewal was not followed; +and, to make matters worse, his implacable opponent, Bartolom de +Medina, was appointed to succeed Luis de Leon in his chair.[74] For +this appointment, no doubt, the University of Salamanca is entitled to +claim such credit as is due. But no such appointment would have been +possible had the Valladolid Inquisitors been consistent. What caused +the court to be more severe to Luis de Leon than to his colleague +Barrientos? + +This instance of inconsiderateness is not unique. As time went on the +bias of the court against the accused waxed rather than waned. Luis de +Leon's ill-health was notorious and, in fact, so obvious that it is +recorded by the court in an official minute.[75] His state did not +improve in jail. Suffering from fever--'como sus mercedes les +consta'--so he says plaintively--he had nobody to look after him in +his secret cell save a sleepy-headed boy, a fellow-prisoner who was +half a simpleton. Luis de Leon had fainted from lack of food, and, in +the circumstances, it is not surprising that he should have asked to +be allowed the companionship of a monk of his order--preferably Fray +Alonso Siluente--or anybody else whom the court should think fit to +name.[76] Somewhat later, while still suffering from fever, Luis de +Leon begged that, on his providing satisfactory bail, he might be +transferred from his prison-cell to some neighbouring monastery, where +he could be detained till the end of his trial. So depressed was he +at this moment that he even welcomed the idea of being placed in a +Dominican monastery; it was true that the Dominicans were hostile to +him, yet if he died among them, he should be dying like a Christian, +surrounded by religious--not like a heathen with a blackamoor at his +bedside.[77] The first of these two requests was made to the +Valladolid judges, who passed it on to the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid; the reply of this body was discouraging, for, though the +request was granted in principle, impossible conditions, tantamount to +a refusal, were imposed.[78] Luis de Leon's second request was +addressed direct to the Inquisitor-General: this petition was +disregarded. In other matters, less urgent but not less important from +an orthodox point of view, the Inquisitionary judges at Valladolid +made no concession to the prisoner. He asked to be allowed to go to +confession, and to say Mass once a fortnight in the hall where his +case was heard.[79] Apparently a deaf ear was turned to his +entreaties. A hostile critic might be tempted to say that a vindictive +spirit prevailed in the deliberations of the Valladolid tribunal. + +It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, as the case developed, +the attitude of the Valladolid judges became less and less favourable +to Luis de Leon. Judges are mortals and liable to error. The very +pertinacity of the prisoner may have impressed them badly.[80] It is +in the highest degree improbable that they attached any importance to +his few slips. He speaks of having a naturally weak memory which, so +he declares, had grown worse while he was in prison,[81] and he was +frankly sceptical as to the possibility of any man's recalling every +incident in squabbles that happened years before.[82] As it happens, +his memory seems to have been excellent. No doubt it failed him now +and then; but seldom did it mislead him on any essential point.[83] It +is conceivable that Luis de Leon's judges at Valladolid thought him +lacking in deference. Though perfectly respectful, his attitude to +them was anything but subservient. The judges were accustomed to see +prisoners who were brought before them crushed with awe and a sense of +impending doom. Conscious of the baselessness of the charges against +him, the accused seemed to take his acquittal as certain; and he stood +so little in awe of his judges that he announced his intention of +appealing over their heads to the members of the Supreme +Inquisition.[84] Timidity was not among his failings. A priest of +Astudillo, formerly a student at Salamanca, had occasionally strayed +into Luis de Leon's densely-packed lecture-room, and retained an +abiding impression of the professor's _desenvoltura_ in his chair.[85] +Luis de Leon had not become wholly subdued during the intervening +years. He did not mince words in court, and indulged in sweeping +denunciations of large groups of men; he branded all Dominicans as +'enemies';[86] he was scarcely more indulgent in speaking of the +Jeromites (who resented his opposition to the candidature of their +representative, Hector Pinto, for a chair at Salamanca);[87] and on +general grounds, not unconnected with ancient academic rancours, he +objected to the entire faculty of theology at the University of Alcal +de Henares.[88] The evidence of such persons should, he suggested, be +discounted in advance. Slow to think evil of his neighbours, Luis de +Leon was apt, once his suspicions were aroused, to fling his net +widely. He had some inkling that he and his had the fatal gift of +rousing antagonism. His uncle had been a practising lawyer, and Luis +de Leon argued that all who had suffered through the professional +activities of his kinsman should be debarred from testifying in his +case.[89] The unworldly man manifestly took it for granted that +witnesses who harboured any such grudge against him would willingly +admit it, if pressed on the point. + +Outspoken as was Luis de Leon with regard to groups, he was not less +outspoken with regard to individuals, and in this respect it must be +admitted that he does not appear at his best. Vehemence of language +had been the rule in the Salamancan _juntas_ of professors, and much +of this intemperate tone clung to Luis de Leon. No doubt large +allowances should be made for him. He knew that his honour was at +stake and that his life was in peril.[90] As he was persuaded--perhaps +rightly--he had been brought to this pass mainly through the intrigues +of an unscrupulous pair.[91] His provocation was extreme. It was +almost to be expected that he should use plain words when referring to +foes as malignant as Medina and Castro. These two men he accused of +deliberately organizing a conspiracy against him;[92] he spoke bluntly +of Medina's 'hatred', 'rage', 'trickery', and 'lying';[93] he was not +mealy-mouthed in describing Castro's 'malice', 'deceit', 'calumnies', +and 'perjury'.[94] Luis de Leon dealt no less faithfully with some +members of his own order who were spiteful or cowardly--or both. As +early as the beginning of August 1572 Fray Gabriel Montoya, Prior of +the Augustinian Monastery at Toledo, stated to the Inquisitors at +Valladolid that, in his opinion, certain remarks on the Vulgate, made +by Luis de Leon in the course of a lecture, were of an heretical +savour.[95] The value of this opinion is somewhat diminished by the +fact that Montoya had a personal grudge against Luis de Leon who, some +four or five years previously, had prevented Montoya's election as +Provincial of the Augustinians in Spain.[96] This check seems to have +galled Montoya, who gives the impression of being a rancorous gossip, +and, before leaving the court, he repeated a malignant rumour--derived +he knew not whence--to the effect that Luis de Leon's father had +enjoined his son to be submissive to his superiors and to follow the +current opinion in matters intellectual.[97] Luis de Leon indulges in +no circuitous phrases when he comes to deal with Montoya, whom he +describes as an enemy notorious for his untruthfulness.[98] It would +appear that much of Montoya's second-hand information came from +another Augustinian, Francisco de Arboleda,[99] who had once been a +student of Luis de Leon's,[100] and had been entrusted by the prisoner +with the delicate mission of collecting from certain theologians in +Seville opinions favourable to Luis de Leon's views upon the +Vulgate.[101] This very sensible precaution scandalized Montoya. It is +open to criticism solely on the ground that Luis de Leon chose his +agent badly. To this criticism the real answer is that Luis de Leon +had to employ what agents he could, and that nobody but Arboleda, who +was not above flattering his old master,[102] was available at the +time of his mission to Seville. Arboleda's evidence was not damaging; +it was ill-intentioned and impertinent, inasmuch as it repeated vague +rumours of the Jewish descent of the accused;[103] the gravest fact +the witness could allege was Luis de Leon's view that a friar, +despite his vow of poverty, might spend a couple of coppers without +mortal sin in buying an _Agnus Dei_.[104] Arboleda gives the +impression of being a dullard, and this is pretty much the description +of him by another member of the Augustinian order--Pedro de +Rojas,[105] son of the Marqus de Pozas and afterwards Bishop of +Astorga and Osuna. Luis de Leon apparently agreed with Rojas in his +estimate of Arboleda's ability, and this may account for his +comparative leniency to the poor numbskull. More severe treatment is +meted out to another Augustinian, Diego de Ziga, whom Luis de Leon +brands as a deliberate perjurer.[106] Who was this Ziga? He has +generally been identified with the Ziga who was among the first in +Spain to declare in favour of the Copernican theory;[107] this action +needed courage and Ziga has had his reward. As he is respectfully +quoted by Galileo, he has attained something like immortality.[108] +There is, however, no conclusive evidence to show that this +enlightened writer is the Ziga who came under Luis de Leon's lash. +The correctness of the current identification is, at least, doubtful. + +The fact that Diego de Ziga is a frequent combination of names in +Spain is an embarrassment to the investigator. It is noticeable that +Luis de Leon's references seem to imply some doubt as to his +opponent's real name; he is obviously uncertain whether his accuser +should be called Ziga or Rodriguez,[109] and in this uncertainty he +is not alone.[110] It appears that there were at least two +Augustinians known as Diego de Ziga in Luis de Leon's time; it +further appears that neither of the two inherited from his father the +surname which he habitually used. Both men claimed relationship with +the Duque de Bjar--it was to the seventh Duque de Bjar that +Cervantes dedicated the First Part of _Don Quixote_ in 1605--and both +assumed the family name of that illustrious stock.[111] The original +name of the more celebrated of these Zigas was Diego Arias;[112] the +original name of the less celebrated was Rodriguez.[113] This is not +decisive, but it may well be one of those small facts which speak +volumes. Chronology confirms the conclusion to be drawn from these +considerations. The Ziga who appeared against Luis de Leon at +Valladolid was evidently professed as early as 1559 or 1560;[114] the +more celebrated Ziga was not professed till 1566.[115] General +considerations point in the same direction. The views of Ziga +(_alias_ Arias) were approximately those of Luis de Leon;[116] he +viewed matters from the same standpoint, was himself a university +professor,[117] and had something of Luis de Leon's fearlessness.[118] +Ziga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was a man of a very different type: +pedantically attached to the letter of the law, morbidly scrupulous on +points of discipline. There seems to be no touch of burlesque +intention in Luis de Leon's presentment of the man. According to Luis +de Leon, Ziga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was half-crazed with vanity, much +given to boasting of the esteem in which he was held at the Papal +Court. On one occasion, the fatuous Ziga produced a short treatise +entitled _Manera para aprender todas las ciencias_, and, stating that +he proposed sending this pamphlet to the Pope, made bold to ask what +his interlocutor thought of it. Can he have been vain enough to expect +a favourable verdict? If so, he did not know his man. Luis de Leon +drily expressed his regret that a work destined for the Pope should be +so slight and should contain a number of rather commonplace passages +such as might be found in any current book of reference--though, as he +added politely, he assumed that these passages were the fruit of +independent reading. This courteous assumption, which Ziga hastily +assured Luis de Leon was exact,[119] could not alter the fact that the +ambitious author had been severely snubbed, and this snub may well +have rankled in the mind of a man who is described as 'vindictive'. +Ziga had another grievance against Luis de Leon, who had taken a +severe view of his companion's insolence to an official superior at a +Provincial Chapter, and had joined in making representations the +upshot of which was that the culprit was publicly and ignominiously +punished.[120] It is well-nigh incredible that the Ziga who +championed Copernicus, and displays vigilant self-restraint in his +writings, should have been guilty of such flightiness as is brought +home to his namesake; it is by no means inconceivable that the Ziga +who deposed against Luis de Leon should have been guilty of occasional +lapses. He is said to have been impetuous as well as vindictive;[121] +he had the dangerous gift of pulpit eloquence[122] and may have +acquired the trick of saying rather more than he meant. His evidence +against Luis de Leon, though fluent and clear, is not what we should +expect from a man of talent, who recognized the gravity of the charges +against the prisoner. His testimony, such as it is, has less +intellectual substance than the testimony of Castro and Medina; it +turns mainly on petty personal questions or on points of morbid +scrupulousness. The more closely his evidence is scrutinized, the more +difficult is it to avoid the suspicion that Ziga was not a perfectly +trustworthy witness. For instance, according to his sworn statement he +was thirty-six years old when he deposed at Toledo on November 4, +1572.[123] The declaration is made positively without any of the +qualifying phrases--'about', 'nearly', 'more or less'--so frequent on +the part of witnesses. Nevertheless, it seems possible that this +assertion is erroneous. Ziga refers to a discussion respecting Arias +Montano which he had with Luis de Leon in the latter's cell some +thirteen years previously. At this time Ziga would, on his own +showing, be but twenty-three. From what we know of Luis de Leon, it +seems improbable that he would admit to his confidential intimacy a +man so much his junior. No doubt Ziga (or Rodriguez) was young at +the time--hardly old enough, by his own reckoning, to be an ordained +priest--a _mancebo_, as he seemed to Luis de Leon's retrospicient +eyes.[124] Yet it is very hard to believe that Ziga was no more than +twenty-three when he took it upon himself to cast doubts on the +orthodoxy of Benito Arias Montano;[125] nor is it likely that Luis de +Leon would discuss so delicate a topic with the most brilliant of +youths. Let it not be said that the question of Ziga's accuracy in +stating his age is relatively unimportant. It is highly relevant; for, +if Ziga were capable of making a mistake on such a point, he was +manifestly more liable to error when dealing with other matters on +which he necessarily knew less. However, Ziga's evidence is not +weighty enough to call for detailed examination. He may be left to +bear the burden of Luis de Leon's scorn. I am more concerned here to +suggest that, on the facts before us, we are not compelled to identify +the Ziga who deposed against Luis de Leon with a namesake of a +higher intellectual type. To us who read the testimony in cold blood, +more than three centuries after it was given, it seems that Luis de +Leon deals as impartially with his brethren as with members of other +religious orders. This was not his intention, at any rate. He knew his +fellow-Augustinians better than he could know the rest, and he himself +tells us not obscurely that, out of consideration for his gown, he was +silent on various matters which, if proclaimed aloud, would not make +for edification.[126] + +Members of the Valladolid Court could see for themselves that while +Luis de Leon's opponents--Dominicans, Jeromites, and the rest--were +banded solidly against him, the Augustinians were by no means +unanimous in his favour. That he was difficult to deal with personally +the Court had opportunities of knowing. His unbending fidelity to +principle and his impetuosity probably produced on the tribunal an +impression of obstinacy combined with caprice. On May 6, 1573, a +certain Dr. Ortiz de Funes was, as is recorded, nominated counsel to +the prisoner;[127] there is no reason to suppose that Ortiz de Funes +was in ability below the average level of the bar, but he was no match +for his client, and though he may have given valuable advice on purely +legal points, when these arose, it soon became plain that Luis de Leon +was the brain of the defence and that he meant to conduct that defence +in his own way. Ortiz de Funes became a nullity or, at least, a mere +figure-head whose main duty consisted in signing papers which the +prisoner had drawn up. A time came when, according to the practice of +the Inquisition, it became necessary for Luis de Leon to nominate +_patronos_, and in this matter Ortiz de Funes intervened somewhat more +prominently than was usual with him. A _patrono_ has no exact +counterpart in English ecclesiastical law; it was his business, within +narrow limits, to defend the interests of the accused from the +theological point of view. On June 26, 1574, Luis de Leon was brought +into court, and was told that he was to choose two _patronos_ out of +four men whose names were given him.[128] He was obviously taken aback +at this proposal, and replying that, since he did not know any of the +four, he was ignorant as to their qualifications, added that he had +already requested the appointment of Sebastian Perez, professor of +Theology at Prraces, as _patrono_. He renewed his request, adding +that either Dr. Cncer or the Dominican Hernando del Castillo could be +appointed with Perez; but before any determination was taken, he +begged leave to consult his legal adviser.[129] As might have been +expected, Ortiz de Funes fell in with his client's view and two days +later made a formal application to the Court that Perez be appointed +_patrono_, with either Cncer or Castillo to help him.[130] No +appointment was made at the moment and, as it turned out, this was +perhaps just as well; for by June 30 Luis de Leon had changed his +mind, and appeared in court to ask that Castillo's name be removed +from the list of acceptable _patronos_.[131] On July 14 Ortiz +de Funes announced his client's intention of appealing to the +Inquisitor-General against the decision forcing him to select +_patronos_ from a list of persons unknown to him.[132] Neither Luis de +Leon nor Ortiz de Funes seemed to have guessed that the Valladolid +judges were acting on instructions from the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid.[133] For a moment the step taken by Ortiz de Funes and his +client appeared to have some slight effect. Luis de Leon was informed +that he would be allowed to appoint Perez as his _patrono_ but on two +conditions: (1) he must undertake to pay all the travelling expenses +of his _patrono_, and (2) an inquiry must be held to establish the +_limpieza_ of Perez. This last proceeding, it was significantly +added, would be slow.[134] Again Ortiz de Funes was consulted; but it +is difficult to believe that he had more than a technical +responsibility for the startling decision which he announced: the +decision to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ and +either Bartolom de Medina or Dr. Cncer.[135] Mancio, whose pupil +Luis de Leon had once been at Alcal, was a Dominican;[136] hence he +would be suspect--perhaps doubly 'suspect'--in the prisoner's eyes. +Medina, also a Dominican, was an overt foe; Cncer, of whom Luis de +Leon knew nothing except that he was a professor at Salamanca, proved +to be not over friendly. Luis de Leon may conceivably have thought +that Mancio's undoubted learning would ensure his treading in the +strict path of justice, and that Mancio's advanced age[137] would +enable him to press his views on his coadjutor. It is more likely, +however, that the three names were put forward in a paroxysm of +impatience--at a moment when Luis de Leon was willing to fall in with +any arrangement which might hasten a decision of his case. + +Mancio was appointed _patrono_, and was duly sworn in at Valladolid on +October 9, 1574;[138] on October 13 he made a report favourable to the +accused.[139] The prisoner was not informed of this (as he should have +been), and took umbrage at what he thought was an act of insolent +remissness. He appeared in court on October 16, and protested against +any of his papers being entrusted to Mancio, lest he should take them +to his Dominican monastery where they ran the risk of being scanned by +hostile eyes.[140] On October 22 the prisoner showed signs of +increasing distrust, for he then requested the return of thirty-two +sheets of paper, covered with notes for his defence, which he himself +had handed to Mancio.[141] Luis de Leon's suspicions deepened rapidly. +On October 25 he asked to be allowed to cancel his nomination of +Mancio as _patrono_.[142] The local judges referred the application +to the Supreme Inquisition, and were instructed to proceed as though +nothing unusual had happened; Mancio, however, was to be told to stay +away still further notice.[143] On December 7 Luis de Leon handed in a +written explanation of his recent action. With regard to Mancio, he +complained of his _patrono's_ omission to confer with him, expressed +some suspicion that Mancio might have become a party to Medina's plot, +declined to accept as valid Mancio's excuse for not attending--that he +had to lecture in Salamanca--and vehemently declared that Mancio's +negligence amounted to very grave sin.[144] These phrases can scarcely +have been used in their natural sense, for Luis de Leon concluded his +written petition by stating that he was still willing to accept Mancio +as his _patrono_, if Mancio were able to be present at Valladolid. +Should this be impossible, the prisoner asked that Dr. Vadillo, Canon +of Plasencia, and the Augustinian Fray Francisco Cueto should be +assigned to him as _patronos_. A working arrangement thus became +possible, and the General Inquisitor at Madrid ordered that Mancio +should be given due facilities. These orders were received on December +13.[145] It appears that Mancio picked up the dropped threads of this +business on December 23, and spent another day or two in reviewing the +general situation.[146] Mancio's cautious policy was doubtless sound; +but to Luis de Leon, who maintained that the matters on which his +_patrono_ had to pronounce were as simple as could be, these tactics +seemed mistaken, and on January 13, 1575, he begged the Court to press +Mancio to give an opinion without delay.[147] On March 6 Luis de Leon +once more complained of being unable to confer with his _patrono_; but +now, rather late in the day, he came nearer to putting the blame on +the right shoulders. Hitherto he had been prone to ascribe all manner +of evil motives to Mancio, whom he should have known better: at last +it vaguely dawned on him that the obstacles might come (as, in fact, +they did come) from the tribunal which was trying him.[148] On March +15 Mancio wrote a letter to the judges, promising to attend at +Valladolid unless absolutely prevented from doing so.[149] Four days +later the General Inquisition wrote to the same judges, hinting that a +decision might be given shortly.[150] The Valladolid Court was stirred +into temporary activity. A sitting was held on March 30; Mancio was +present; a consultation took place between him and his client;[151] +and henceforth we hear no more of difficulties in connexion with Luis +de Leon's _patrono_. Nearly six months had been wasted owing to want +of tact on the part of the Inquisitionary officials. + +As the event proved, the prisoner's protests in this matter were +thoroughly justified. It is easy to perceive this now. We cannot be +sure that we should have taken the same view had we been contemporary +spectators. If appearances were not actually against Luis de Leon, +they combined to reveal him in his least attractive posture. His +comparative promptitude in accepting Mancio as _patrono_, his +unwillingness to abide by his choice, his sudden hostility to Mancio, +his final acceptance of Mancio, are all explicable variations. +Nevertheless they showed a disregard for superficial consistency which +might easily be misinterpreted as caprice. The bias of the court had +been veering away from the prisoner for some time. His series of +actions with respect to Mancio lost him all judicial favour. His +judges considered him as an unreasonable man, a gifted sophist fertile +in inventing objections in and out of season, a hair-splitter +perpetually arguing for argument's sake. Luis de Leon was, as a rule, +so unaccommodating that some of his judges may have begun to think +they understood why he was not universally popular with members of his +own order. Nor did Luis de Leon's demeanour in court serve to +dissipate the atmosphere of almost arrogant rectitude which enveloped +him. He felt bound to criticize the machinery of the Inquisition. He +may easily have seemed to be criticizing those engaged in working the +machinery. At the best of times the procedure of the Court was not +expeditious. For example, though Luis de Leon was arrested on March +27, 1572, the first hearing of his formal defence did not take place +till April 14--more than a fortnight later. More than once Luis de +Leon complained of the Court's delays without going into questions of +motive.[152] In this he was clearly right, for, as we have seen, the +Supreme Inquisition was not wholly satisfied with the progress made. +At other times the prisoner stressed the fact that constant +postponements were apt to do him injury, and he hinted rather plainly +that there was an intention to wear him down by deliberately +prolonging the proceedings.[153] In this conjecture he was almost +certainly wrong. The Valladolid judges had no power to alter the +system which they found in existence; possibly, becoming accustomed to +it, they ended by thinking well of it. Its weak points were naturally +more evident to Luis de Leon, and his torrent of critical remarks may +have seemed to reflect on the intelligence and probity of the Court. +Administrators, however exalted, are human, and even the lowliest of +magistrates is prone to take offence, if given to understand that he +is considered dull and dishonest. Luis de Leon never was betrayed into +using disrespectful language; but his polite formulae could not +conceal the fact that he had no very high opinion of those in whose +hands his fate lay. Nor did the well-meant observance of established +forms on the part of the Court do anything to modify his sentiments. +It was in strict conformity with precedent that he should be adjured +to make a clean breast of it and should be informed that, while +truthfulness would meet with clemency, lying would be severely dealt +with.[154] It is strange that it should have been thought necessary +to use this formula in the case of Luis de Leon--a highly-strung, +sensitive man, with an almost morbid passion for truth. The sole +excuse for the Inquisitors is that this warning was given at the first +sitting. But, at the second sitting, the warning was repeated in +almost identical terms.[155] It seems scarcely possible to show less +tact in the conduct of a difficult case. No doubt the explanation is +that none of the Valladolid judges was sufficiently independent to set +a precedent of his own. + +Large allowances must be made for those unhappy men. They cannot +reasonably be blamed for not taking it upon themselves to alter the +established procedure of the Court in which they sat. Their position +was always difficult, and it did not become easier as time went on. +They had good reason to know that a vocal group of influential persons +in Salamanca confidently expected them to condemn Luis de Leon; yet +some of them, at least, were uncomfortably aware that the evidence +before them would not warrant a conviction on the major charges. The +most damaging witnesses--Medina, Castro, and Ziga--had been called +at a very early stage of the proceedings. These heavy guns had been +fired without destroying the adversary. There was nothing for it now +but to hope for the worst from the reports of the official +_calificadores_, Dr. Cncer, Fray Nicolas Ramos, and Dr. Frechilla, +who did their utmost to fulfil expectations.[156] Lest the +pronouncements of this trio proved unconvincing, the precaution was +taken of excluding evidence. At the beginning of the case, any sort of +second-hand gossip was admitted as evidence on the chance that its +cumulative effect might be damaging to the accused. At Murcia, on +February 4, 1573, a hostile Augustinian, Fray Juan Ciguelo, a man of +doubtful character, was permitted to retail idle chatter on the part +of another Augustinian who averred that Luis de Leon was prone to +saying _Requiems_ too often, and was in the habit of reading Latin +too quickly.[157] Ciguelo's testimony, though malignant, had done no +harm; later on, it was thought more prudent to adopt the opposite +policy and to prevent as many as possible of the witnesses for the +defence from being heard. As late as July 7, 1576, no less than three +interrogatories[158] by Luis de Leon were rejected on the ground that +they were irrelevant (_impertinentes_).[159] It is difficult to +reconcile these decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later +ruling was thought to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the +earlier one. In their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion +which was easily disproved.[160] + +Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables us +to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to supplement +the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his youth, may +easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many who had +seen him. According to that painter's _Libro de Descripcion de +verdaderos Retratos de illustres y memorables varones_, Luis de Leon +was below the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered +with thick and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his +brow was broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his +complexion was darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was +grave; and, we may add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed, +regarded Luis de Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in +mathematics, in jurisprudence, in medicine--and, though self-taught as +a painter--an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a +compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of +Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose +enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his +account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The +fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable +record of the Valladolid trial confirms Pacheco's report of the +prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in +which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When +being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the +innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts +which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself, +to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or +scoffer in him.[161] But if Luis de Leon was relatively poor in +humour, he had an abundant store of mordant sarcasm and a faculty for +ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned to their chagrin.[162] +Pacheco's opinion of Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by +the scrap of evidence given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas--the +sightless dedicatee of _El aire se serena_. Salinas bore witness that +some of Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any +University chair against all competition.[163] Evidently to those who +met him frequently Luis de Leon conveyed the impression of +irresistible talent. Though students voted in professorial elections +at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon loyally, he did nothing to +conciliate them, and expressed his opinion of them with unquestionable +candour. We gather that he was profoundly attached to the ancient +order of things[164] and that, though accused of interpreting the +Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical book.[165] +We learn that among his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and +Melchor Cano;[166] of these he would seem most to have esteemed +Cano.[167] With such masters, and being the man he was, Luis de Leon +would naturally have got together a good theological library, and he +was allowed to have some of his books in his prison-cell; it is but +natural that most of his requests should be for theological works +which would be of service in preparing his defence on technical +points. Reading was his sole solace during his imprisonment, and it +is noticeable that, whenever he asks for a book he speaks of it--not +with the dry, meticulous precision of a bibliographer but--with all +the caressing detail of a genuine book-lover. He indicates the sizes +of the various works which he needs, describes their bindings, and +mentions in what part of his monastery-cell they will be found. He +wants a Vatable with gilt edges, bound in black; it should be found in +a case for smaller volumes which lies on his writing-table. He asks +for a Bible, printed by Plantin, bound in black leather and fastened +with black silk ribbons. He demands a Biblical concordance which is in +folio. This lies on a high shelf near the window.[168] He begs to have +the works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the +left as you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for +theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds +entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity. +When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in sheep's-skin; it +will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the +monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil--of which there +are a great many ('_de que hay hartos_'), so that he does not +particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in +sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves +where the works of St. Justin are.[169] Again, besides the works of +St. Leo, bound in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf; +for a Pindar (in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with +gilt edges; and for _Le prose dil Bembo_, a volume in small quarto +with a parchment binding.[170] This throws light on Luis de Leon's +progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for an Italian book +to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know that language. In +or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the anonymous Italian work +which disturbed Ziga's scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though +of course able to catch the author's drift, did not really know +Italian at that time.[171] This deficiency had been made good, as he +gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573--twenty eight +months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of _Le prose +dil Bembo_ should be given to him in prison. + +The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of Luis +de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. Towards +the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary judges +there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological student +who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified that for +about two years he had discussed matters of theology, mathematics, and +astrology with Luis de Leon.[172] It may astonish some that Luis de +Leon toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have +surprised his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as +to the cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he +had read a compilation on astrology which had been lent to him by a +student named Poza, a licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have +doubted whether he ought to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de +Leon on the question. Luis de Leon dipped into the book, and came +finally to the conclusion that the whole thing was rubbish. But he +found in the work some curious observations, and was tempted to make +at least one experiment which involved the use of a pious formula. The +owner of the book left Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then +raging there. Luis de Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day, +and had intended to burn the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out +the main part of his intention by burning the work in the presence of +Fray Bartolom de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this +holocaust. No more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's +curiosity as to the possibilities of astrology continued with but +little abatement.[173] This half-belief in astrology as a kind of +black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and vestiges of +this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected quarters till our +own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus to furnish his +adversaries with ammunition which they might use against him; but +could anything bespeak conscious innocence more strongly than his +voluntary avowal? + +Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his protestations +of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court what course it +should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought to order Leon +de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.[174] Later on, he declared +with vehemence that his detention was without a shadow of legality, +that his imprisonment ought not to continue for a single day, and that +he ought to be compensated for the injury done him.[175] These may +have been truths; but they were decidedly unpalatable, and the +expediency of making these assertions to a prejudiced bench is at +least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de Leon could +bring himself to use. He complained again and again of delays, +attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and +incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went +on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making +his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing +vehemence.[176] He impressed on his hearers the fundamental absurdity +of certain charges against him, and, waxing indignant at the statement +that he had thrown doubt on the coming of Christ, he objected to +having so senseless a jest fathered on him. There was always the +alternative that he might be supposed to have used in earnest the +words imputed to him; in which case, even if the evidence on this +point were far more decisive than it actually was, 'before believing +it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether I had gone out of my +mind at the time, or were drunk'.[177] It is, no doubt, difficult to +meet a contention of this kind; but such a contention is not +calculated to capture the sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should +it be overlooked that the judges were subjected to continual pressure +from the attacking parties. The official _calificadores_ took a +serious view of Luis de Leon's opinions on the authority of the +Vulgate; they showered reports upon the judges; naturally these +reports did not always agree with one another, but they were unanimous +in one respect; they declared against the teaching of Luis de +Leon,[178] and this perhaps decided the tribunal in giving judgement. +We may think that the court unconsciously allowed itself to be swayed +by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was at no great pains to +conceal his estimate of its capacity. However that may be, it must be +admitted that the decision of the Court had behind it a great body of +what may be called expert opinion. The question of the authority due +to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the foreground; and the report +of even so liberal-minded a man as the Dominican Hernando del Castillo +was not wholly favourable. Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion +that Luis de Leon had uttered nothing against faith; but while he +acquitted the prisoner of teaching 'erroneous, temerarious or +scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de Leon was much to blame for +dealing with the question when and where he did.[179] The opinion of +other _calificadores_ was still more hostile, though it is to be noted +that their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the +delivery of a decision drew near.[180] + +That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year after +year. This series of postponements--ordered, despite the wishes of the +prisoner and (as he contended) against his interests--had got on to +Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to occasional moods of depression, and +had betrayed him into a few irritable or intemperate outbursts. But +these results were unintentional. The Valladolid judges were well +aware from the outset that no time was to be lost. As early as July +29, 1572, they delegated a piece of work to one of their commissaries +in Salamanca, and impressed on him the urgency of dispatch.[181] They +secured from Benito Rodriguez, the commissary in question, greater +speed than they attained themselves. This may have been due to +accident, or to incompetence on their part. But the policy of +continual adjournment could not be prolonged for ever. It had lasted +too long for the patience of the Supreme Inquisition:[182] + + ...even the weariest river + Winds somewhere safe to sea. + +On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. Seven +members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, Andrs de lava, +Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de Albornoz voted that Luis de +Leon should be put to the torture--a moderate amount of torture in +view of his frail health--and, when this was done, the court should +sit again and determine accordingly. Dr. Guijano de Mercado and Dr. +Frechilla took a more lenient view, recommending that, in +consideration of the more exculpatory reports recently given by the +_calificadores_, in consideration also of the replies made by the +prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be reprimanded for dealing +with so grave a matter (as the authority of the Vulgate) at an +unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; that he should be +called upon to renounce publicly certain views which seemed ambiguous; +that he should be told by his bishop to occupy himself with matters of +general interest; that he should cease lecturing altogether; and that +his _Song of Solomon_, done into Spanish, should be seized. The +Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to give his decision in +writing.[183] It may not have been committed to paper: at any rate, it +does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement of Guijano +and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, which +curtly ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to +reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to +confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the _Song of +Solomon_.[184] These orders, dated at Madrid on December 7, 1576, +were, of course, obeyed.[185] As the senior member of the Court, Dr. +Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up +while it was pronounced.[186] The date is not stated, but it cannot +have been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon +applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for +an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that +officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till +his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years' +tenure.[187] Both applications were granted. But the Ethiopian cannot +change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, that the +petitioner received full satisfaction.[188] + + + + +III + + +[Footnote 53: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 143-144.] + +[Footnote 54: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 174-176.] + +[Footnote 55: Luis de Leon administered a fund left by the late Doa +Ana Abarca de Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this +fund a life-pension was paid to Almansa (_Documentos inditos_, vol. +XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears +from his request of December 20, 1572 (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, +p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores estar +trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo faltar lo mas della, +porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi gente; y podr ser tener yo +necesidad para mi negocio de algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas +agenas y que estan mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido +darme libertad algun dia. Suplico V. md. por amor de Dios sea +servido de enviar mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, Francisco +de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo, que la cierre y tome todas +las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo har muy bien, porque es +hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico V. md. no lo ponga en +olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought suspiciously warm; at +any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de Almansa, Familiar of the +Inquisition at Salamanca. + +When taken into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the +company of Fray Alonso Siluente (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. +188).] + +[Footnote 56: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough +Luis de Leon lost exact account of time during his imprisonment, and +was not very sure as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y +despues veinte tres, veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo +pasado], el dicho Seor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mand +prender,...' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 185).] + +[Footnote 57: Opinions differ as to whether Luis de Leon was +imprisoned in the original Inquisitionary cells on the site of which +18 and 20 calle del Obispo now stand. Blanco Garca thought that this +was not the case (_op. cit._, p. 129 _n_). The recurrence of such +phrases as _mand subir de su crcel_ (_Documentos inditos_, vol. +XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's cell +was underground.] + +[Footnote 58: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico sus +mercedes sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre +prior [Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise Ana de Espinosa, monja en el +monasterio de Madrigal, que enve una caja de unos polvos que ella +solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolas y pasiones de corazon, que +ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas necesidad que agora; +y sobre todo que me encomiende Dios sin cansarse.'] + +[Footnote 59: The tone of his request shows that he anticipated a +refusal on the ground that he might wilfully injure himself with a +knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes fuesen servidos, torno suplicar se +me d un cuchillo para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de +Dios, seguramente se me puede dar; que jams dese la vida y las +fuerzas tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que +Dios me ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, pp. 179-180).] + +[Footnote 60: The concession of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le +d esto que pide; y atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron +que mandaban y mandaron que el alcaide le d un cuchillo sin punta. Lo +cual se mand al alcaide luego en su presencia' (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 61: It figures as the sixth charge in the speech of the +prosecuting counsel, Diego de Haedo (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. +208). Even at this early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the +prisoner should be tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea +puesto quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.' +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 209).] + +[Footnote 62: The date of the translation is stated on the authority +of Luis de Leon himself (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 98).] + +[Footnote 63: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 271; see also +_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 214-215.] + +[Footnote 64: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-101.] + +[Footnote 65: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 6.] + +[Footnote 66: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-99.] + +[Footnote 67: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 489.] + +[Footnote 68: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.] + +[Footnote 69: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 505-509.] + +[Footnote 70: The exordium, the translation of the first chapter of +the _Song of Solomon_ and the commentary on this first chapter are +printed in _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 449-467.] + +[Footnote 71: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no +obstante esto algunos amigos mios, y otros, les ha parecido tener +inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y m, por la misma razon, +me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo hubiera estorbado. +Y para remedio dello, el ao pasado comenc ponello en latin, para +siendo examinado y aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia +todo lo que anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de +salud que he tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y as +digo que estoy presto hacer esta otra cualquier diligencia que por +V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que haya +cometido, en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, en haber dado +ocasion directa indirectamente que se divulgase. Y estoy aparejado + hacer en ello la enmienda que por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que +subjecto humilde y verdaderamente V.m. y este Sancto Oficio y +tribunal, ans este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina +que por escrito por palabra, leyendo disputando, en otra +cualquier manera haya afirmado enseado, para en todo ser enmendado +y corregido.] + +[Footnote 72: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 252-254. The +following occurs in a document handed in by Luis de Leon on January +26, 1573: '...digo que en fin del mes de hebrero que viene, deste +presente ao de setenta y tres, por principio de marzo, se cumple el +cuadrienio por el cual me est proveida la ctreda de Durando que +tengo en la universidad de Salamanca, el cual cumplido como es notorio +se vacar, y no oponindome yo ella otra vez, se proveer en el que +se opusiere y los estudiantes eligieren. Y aunque es verdad que yo no +tengo deseo ni intento de tratar mas de escuelas, habiendo trabajado +en ellas tan bien como mis concurrentes, y habiendo sacado por ocasion +dellas y de sus competencias el trabajo en que estoy; pero entendiendo +que si en esta coyuntura se vacase la dicha ctreda y se proveyese en +otra persona, mucho nmero de gentes que en el reino y fuera dl +tienen noticia de mi prision, y presumen por ella mal de m, sabiendo +la dicha vacatura de ctreda y provision en otra persona, no +entendiendo como no entienden, ni saben la ley y estilo de la dicha +universidad, me tendrian del todo por culpado y condenado, y quedaria +siempre en pie esta mala opinion contra m, aunque Vs. Mds. conociendo +en la prosecucion deste pleito mi inocencia, me den por libre y me +restituyan en mi honra como espero en Dios que suceder; porque las +sobredichas personas que no saben el estilo de la dicha universidad, +vindome fuera destas crceles, y fuera de las escuelas, siempre +entenderian que fu rden de Vs. Mds. y pena de mi culpa, siendo como +son los hombres fciles creer lo peor, en lo cual mi rden y mis +deudos, y lo que es principal, la opinion de mi f y doctrina +recibiria notable agravio y detrimento; por tanto en la mejor manera y +conforme derecho haya lugar, pido y suplico Vs. Mds. sean servidos +de mandar la dicha universidad que no innove cosa alguna acerca de +la dicha ctreda, ni de otra cosa que me toque hasta que Vs. Mds. +habiendo conocido los mritos deste pleito juzguen y manden lo que +fueren servidos conforme justicia, me den licencia para... dar +poder dos las demas personas que me pareciere en Salamanca, porque +por m y en mi nombre, al tiempo que se vacare la dicha ctreda, se +puedan oponer y opongan ella, y hagan por m las demas diligencias +que conforme las leyes y estatutos de aquella universidad fueren +necesarias.'] + +[Footnote 73: This is recorded in a letter from Francisco Sancho to +the Valladolid Inquisitors (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 135): +'Tres cartas tengo que responder Vs. Mds. La una es sobre la +ctedra del maestro Barrientos, en la cual mandan Vs. Mds. que diga al +rector de esta universidad, como est detenido en ese Santo Oficio, y +que en tanto que estuviere ans detenido, no se provea su ctedra, ni +se haga mudanza en ello. Y luego que receb la dicha carta, que fu +estando con el mesmo rector, se la mostr y dijo que ans lo haria y +cumpliria de buena voluntad.'] + +[Footnote 74: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 44-46. No time was +wasted in filling the chair. It was declared vacant on March 30, 1573; +Medina was elected to it on April 4; he received 95 votes, and the +Augustinian Pedro de Uceda received 54. Uceda (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, pp. 85-90) testified in favour of Fray Luis de Leon; his +evidence gives the impression that he was a timid man, overawed by the +court.] + +[Footnote 75: The Inquisitioners' phrase (_Documentos inditos_, vol. +X, p. 180) has been already quoted: 'atento que es hombre +enfermo....'] + +[Footnote 76: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 188: 'E antes de ser +llevado su crcel, dijo qul est muy enfermo de calenturas como +sus mercedes les consta, y no tiene quien le cure en su crcel sino un +mochachico que est all preso, que es simple; y para habelle de +despertar padece trabajo con l, y ha venido dia de quedarse desmayado +de hambre por no tener quien le d la comida; y que suplica sus +mercedes le den un fraile de su rden que le sirva, pues en esto no +hay enconveniente, si ya no quieren permitir de que muera entre cuatro +paredes solo: que por reverencia de nuestro Seor se duelan dl y le +den un fraile que est en su compaa siquiera para que si se muere le +ayude bien morir; y que podr ser que fray Alonso Siluente, que la +sazon que este prendieron estaba en su compaa, holgaria de venir +tenrsela si est en Salamanca, sino que sea quien sus mercedes +mandaren. Con tanto fu llevado su crcel.'] + +[Footnote 77: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 197. In a letter +which reached Madrid on November 21, 1575, Luis de Leon wrote as +follows to the Inquisitor-General: 'Por lo cual y atento... a lo +mucho que ha que estoy preso, y mis pasiones y flaquezas, en caso +que pareciere ser conveniente que la sentencia deste pleito se dilate; +suplico V.S. Illma. por Jesucristo sea servido, dando yo fianzas +suficientes, mandarme poner en un monasterio de los que hay en esta +villa, aunque sea en S. Pablo, en la forma que V.S. Illma. fuese +servido ordenar, hasta la sentencia deste negocio, para que si en este +tiempo el Seor me llamare, lo cual debo temer por el mucho trabajo +que paso y por mis pocas fuerzas, muera como cristiano entre personas +religiosas, ayudado de sus oraciones, y recebiendo los sacramentos, y +no como infiel solo en una crcel y con un moro la cabecera.'] + +[Footnote 78: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 194: 'Tambien se +consult su Seora Reverendsima lo que escribs cerca de la +indispusicion del maestro fray Luis de Leon y la necesidad que tiene +de servicio, el cual pide que en el monesterio de Sant Augustin de +Salamanca en el de esta villa se pida un fraile que est con l, y +ha parescido que as se haga; pero advirteseos que el fraile que se +le hubiere de dar no ha de salir de la compaa del dicho fray Luis +hasta que se acabe su causa, y ans ser bien se le avise al que +hubiere de ser antes que entre en las crceles.'] + +[Footnote 79: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 50-51: '...ha tres +aos que estoy preso, y todo este tiempo he estado sin el uso de los +sacramentos con detrimento de mi nima, y sin causa que conforme +derecho obligase Vs. Mds. privarme dellos,... Por lo cual pido y +suplico Vs. Mds., y si menester es les encargo las conciencias, pues +que no son servidos de pronunciar lo que en este mi negocio tienen +difinido, y lo dilatan por concluir primero otros procesos que no me +tocan, por los respectos que Vs. Mds. parece y me tienen preso; +alomenos no me priven de este bien, sino que me den licencia para +confesarme con quien Vs. Mds. sealaren, y para decir misa en esta +sala siquiera de quince en quince das, en lo cual Vs. Mds. harn gran +servicio Dios, y m darn grandsimo consuelo.' This is from a +document which was handed in by Luis de Leon at Valladolid on March +12, 1575. An order was made that this document should be forwarded to +the Supreme Inquisition. I have failed to trace any further reference +to it.] + +[Footnote 80: They may have thought that, owing to his +unacquaintance with legal procedure, Luis de Leon was wasting the time +of the court; at any rate, as early as May 6, 1572, Dr. Ortiz de Funes +was appointed counsel to the prisoner (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, +p. 217). No saving of time was wrought by this change.] + +[Footnote 81: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 220: '...yo tengo +flaca memoria, y despues que estoy en la crcel he perdido gran parte +della,...'] + +[Footnote 82: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 193: 'Es imposible +acordarse memoria de hombre de todo lo que en las dichas juntas se ha +dicho, mayormente que con la clera de la disputa, algunas veces salen +de todos los trminos de razon y modestia los hombres, y se ciegan de +manera que dende poco ellos mismos no saben lo que han dicho.'] + +[Footnote 83: Luis de Leon's memory betrayed him as regards the +signatures attached to the Vatable Bible. He was under the impression +that he had signed a copy which was handed over to Francisco Sancho. +In this he proved to be mistaken. On thinking the point over, Luis de +Leon suggested that he must have signed a copy in the possession of +the Salamancan bookseller, Gaspar de Portonariis; this impression was +likewise mistaken. (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 520-527.) + +An amazing lapse of memory led Luis de Leon astray with respect to +Bartolom de Medina; as Medina did not take his degree till 1570 +(_Documentos inditos_, vols. X, p. 323, and XI, p. 340), Luis de Leon +felt justified in stating that his opponent did not take part in the +revision of Vatable's Bible, which (such was the prisoner's +impression) was finished in 1569. The discovery of Medina's signature +in the Sancho copy of Vatable (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 522) +rendered this position untenable. The fact appears to be that the Old +Testament was revised in 1569; owing to the absence of Sancho and Luis +de Leon, the revision of the New Testament was suspended; it was not +finished till 1571, and thus Medina was enabled to sign the Vatable +Bible. It seems clear that Luis de Leon had no head for dates. He was, +as we have seen (p. 94), doubtful as to when he was arrested, and he +was capable of imagining that a sitting of the Valladolid court had +been held a week before, when no such sitting had taken place. +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 18.)] + +[Footnote 84: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 23, 24: '...antes +de agora yo tengo pedido que se me declaren los nombres y personas de +los Seores del Consejo de la santa y general Inquisicion, ante quien +los auctos y sentencias interlocutorias y difinitivas deste negocio +pueden ir parar, para que sabiendo quien son yo pueda deliberar lo +que conviene mi justicia, y si tengo justa causa para recusar +alguno dellos; y por no se me haber declarado yo tengo apelado. Y +porque por estar preso en crceles secretas no puedo por m ni por +otro informarme... pido y suplico Vs. Mds., si necesario es, con +debido acatamiento y reverencia requiero, no se enve cosa alguna de +lo tocante este mi proceso los dichos Seores del Consejo, y +protesto la nulidad de lo que en contrario se hiciere. Y si tcita +expresamente me fuere denegado otra vez, apelo para ante quien y con +derecho debo, y pido los apstolos desta mi apelacion con las +instancias ahincamientos necesarios, y pdolo por testimonio.' It +will be seen that the account given in the text is an under-statement. +Luis de Leon not only appealed over the heads of the Valladolid judges +to the General Inquisition; he was prepared also to challenge, if +necessary, individual members of the General Inquisition itself.] + +[Footnote 85: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 81-83. Diego de Gaona +states that he knew Luis de Leon in 1567 or 1568. Gaona esteemed Luis +de Leon to be 'hombre muy hbil en su facultad de teologa, aunque le +tenia por hombre algo atrevido en su manera de leer, y esta causa +este testigo... le oia muy pocas veces por ver su desenvoltura en las +liciones que leia... entraba muy pocas veces oir al dicho fray Luis +de Leon, que esta causa no se le acuerda quienes estaban +presentes, mas de que estaba el general lleno de gente...'] + +[Footnote 86: Luis de Leon frequently makes this point. The following +passage (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 482) is sufficiently +categorical to render further quotations superfluous: 'Dems desto +digo que el dia pasado aqu en la audiencia entend que algunos de mis +papeles, los cuales se veen por mandado de Vs. Mds. se han dado ver +y examinar fray Juan Gutierrez fraile dominico, y ans entiendo que +se habrn dado otros de la misma rden: y siendo notorio como es que +todos los frailes de la dicha rden son sospechosos contra m por las +competencias que mi rden, y yo sealadamente he tenido con ellos, y +por la ctreda que les hemos quitado, y por las demas causas que yo en +este proceso tengo alegadas y probadas, por las cuales los tengo +tachados por enemigos...'] + +[Footnote 87: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 559-560: 'Que por +cuanto para hacer el juicio difinitivo acerca de la cualidad de mi +doctrina, Vs. Mds. han de consultar telogos doctos y +desapasionados; y porque yo tengo tachados por apasionados y +sospechosos todos los frailes de la rden de Santo Domingo y de Sant +Hiernimo, y agora de nuevo tacho por lo mismo los telogos de la +universidad de Alcal, porque como es notorio estan encontrados con +los telogos de Salamanca por muchas causas antiguas y recientes, y +sealadamente porque el Consejo general de la Inquisicion cosas +notadas y censuradas por ellos las ha remitido los de Salamanca, los +cuales corrigieren las censuras de los dichos, y el Consejo sigui el +parecer de los de Salamanca...' According to Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 277): 'hizo el dicho fray Luis +pblicamente cuanto pudo contra Hector Pinto, fraile gernimo, en la +sostitucion de Biblia, por el maestro Grajal; y los dichos frailes +gernimos se quejaron dl en el monasterio de Sant Augustin'.] + +[Footnote 88: See the first part of the previous note.] + +[Footnote 89: Luis de Leon's first application on this point is dated +October 20, 1573 (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 483-488): in this +he mentions his brothers (who were both lawyers) as well as his uncle. +The subsequent proceedings illustrate the leisurely methods of the +Inquisition. Nothing seems to have been done in the matter up to May +12, 1574, when Luis de Leon made another application to the Inquisitor +General; this was entrusted to the Valladolid judges to forward. +Though the Supreme Inquisition directed that an inquiry be held, no +reply had reached Luis de Leon on July 14, 1574, on which date he +renewed his application. He presented a fourth petition on the subject +on August 7: in this he substitutes his father for his brothers (who +were not included in his second and third applications). His request +was refused by the authorities in Madrid on August 13, 1574 +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 5-7, 17, 24-25).] + +[Footnote 90: _Documentos inditos_, vols. X, XI, _passim_.] + +[Footnote 91: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 353.] + +[Footnote 92: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 318: 'Y para este +efecto [fray Bartolom de Medina y el maestro Leon de Castro] hicieron +junta de estudiantes, y el dicho Medina llam su celda muchos +dellos, y inquiri dellos si habian oido sabian algo, ponindolos en +escndalo, y tomndoles firmas y juramentndolos para que no le +descubriesen. Y con el dicho maestro Leon, y ciertos frailes +hiernimos y otras personas enemigas, se concert lo que habian de +hacer, y repartieron entre si como en caso de guerra las partes por +donde habian de acometer cada uno y lo que habia de decir, como +vuestras mercedes podrn ser informados de fulano de Alarcon, colegial +de Sanct Millan en Salamanca, que fu uno de los llamados, y l dir +de otros; y fray Gaspar de Uceda fraile y lector en Sanct Francisco de +Salamanca sabe tambien mucho desto.' Luis de Leon repeats the +accusation of conspiracy in _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 353, +with some comments on Castro's motives.] + +[Footnote 93: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 318, 321, 324, 433.] + +[Footnote 94: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 348, 439.] + +[Footnote 95: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 96: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 369: 'Habr cuatro +aos poco mas que por insistir yo en ello, en un captulo provincial +de mi rden se vot secreto en la eleccion conforme al concilio, y se +atajaron los pasos la ambicion de muchos, y result que este que se +tenia ya por provincial por la violencia de un su amigo, que si se +votara pblico como solia, era muy poderoso, qued en vaco. Y estas +son todas sus lgrimas y mis desobediencias.'] + +[Footnote 97: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 32: 'Item dijo que +este declarante ha oido decir, no se acuerda qu personas, que el +padre de dicho fray Luis de Leon le dej muy encargado que fuese muy +obediente sus prelados, y que siguiese la opinion comun en las +letras...'] + +[Footnote 98: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 366, 368: '...entre +nosotros es este conocido por hombre que sino es por descuido, jams +dice verdad.'] + +[Footnote 99: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 100: This we know from Luis de Leon himself: 'fu mi +discpulo' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 370).] + +[Footnote 101: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 35-40.] + +[Footnote 102: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 371: 'Y porque mas +claramente conozcan Vs. Mds. la mala intencion deste que depone,... +me dijo que tenia los papeles de aquella lectura de la Vulgata, y que +era la mejor cosa del mundo,... con otras palabras tan encarecidas +que no me estan m bien decillas.'] + +[Footnote 103: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 38.] + +[Footnote 104: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 33, 42.] + +[Footnote 105: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas is +brutally frank. After mentioning that Arboleda was annoyed at Luis de +Leon's preference for Fray Diego de Caravajal, he continues: 'y que +tiene para s que por esta razon habr algun resentimiento de parte +del dicho fray Francisco de Arboleda contra el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, por ser el dicho Arboleda cabezudo y no de mucho +entendimiento'.] + +[Footnote 106: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 396. The word +'perjuro' is again used by Luis de Leon of this witness in _Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, p. 375.] + +[Footnote 107: F. Picatoste y Rodrguez, _Apuntes para una biblioteca +cientfica espaola del siglo XVI_ (Madrid, 1891), pp. 340-344.] + +[Footnote 108: Galileo Galilei, _Opere_ (Milano, 1811), vol. XIII, p. +49.] + +[Footnote 109: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 373: '...es un +fraile de mi rden que se llama fray Diego de Ziga, por otro +nombre Rodriguez, el cual me quiere mal por las causas que articular +en su tiempo y lugar; y en esta deposicion lo muestra no obscuramente, +porque dems de no referir verdad en muchas cosas, ninguna cosa dice +en ella forzado por la consciencia, sino movido por su libre y mala +voluntad.' Other instances will be found in Luis de Leon's _Quinto +interrogatorio_ (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI): 'Item si saben etc. +que... fray Diego Rodriguez, de Ziga por otro nombre, se +desmand..., y que all se orden que castigasen al dicho fray Diego +Rodriguez Ziga' (p. 335). 'Item si saben etc. que en un acto,... +el dicho fray Diego Rodriguez Ziga,...' (p. 336). 'Item si saben +etc. que el dicho Rodriguez Ziga, de algunos aos esta parte, ha +mostrado en sus palabras y plticas tener enemistad y mala voluntad al +dicho maestro fray Luis, hablando mal dl y de sus cosas, y diciendo +que el dicho maestro no habia consentido que el dicho Rodriguez +viviese en S. Augustin de Salamanca, porque sabia mas que el dicho +maestro, y otras cosas ans' (p. 336).] + +[Footnote 110: Pedro de Rojas refers to the fact 'quel dicho fray +Diego Rodriguez Ziga pas algunas palabras descorteses con el +padre Cueto,...' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 345).] + +[Footnote 111: C. Muios Senz, _Fr. Luis de Leon y Fr. Diego de +Ziga_ (El Escorial, [1915]), pp. 47, 245.] + +[Footnote 112: C. Muios Senz, _op. cit._, p. 58.] + +[Footnote 113: C. Muios Senz, _op. cit._, pp. 57, 64.] + +[Footnote 114: It is inferred that Ziga was professed when he +entered Luis de Leon's cell thirteen years before 1572 (_Documentos +inditos_, vol. X, pp. 67-68). There is, however, some difficulty in +adjusting the date of this profession with the statement that Ziga +was thirty-six when he gave evidence.] + +[Footnote 115: C. Muios Senz, _op. cit._, p. 48.] + +[Footnote 116: C. Muios Senz, _op. cit._, pp. 224-240.] + +[Footnote 117: He became professor of Scripture at Osuna in 1575. See +F. Rodrguez Marn, _Cervantes y la Universidad de Osuna_ in _Homenaje + Menndez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. II.] + +[Footnote 118: It needed uncommon courage to pronounce in favour of +Copernicus at the end of the sixteenth century. The assertion that +'the advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the facility with which +the theory of Copernicus... was accepted in Spain, when it was +rejected elsewhere' is in the nature of an over-statement. According +to Muios Senz (_op. cit._, pp. 19-20), who refers to his +brother-Augustinian, M. Gutirrez, 'la doctrina copernicana pugnaba +con la opinin generalizada en las escuelas, y tuvo en Espaa +impugnadores que, como Pineda, y con referencia personal Ziga, la +calificaron de _falsa_, no sin aadir que, juicio de otros autores, +mereca las calificaciones de _temeraria, peligrosa y opuesta al +sentir de la Sagrada Escritura_.' It seems likely that Ziga was dead +before this sweeping condemnation appeared, but the fact that he +thought it prudent to modify the expression of his unqualified +acceptance of the Copernican theory favours the assumption that he may +have had to endure some volume of hostile private criticism. Whatever +may have been Ziga's reasons for qualifying his early adhesion to +the Copernican theory, it seems safe to think that timidity was not +one of them. His nerve was unshaken. Towards the end of his life he +was engaged on a task after Luis de Leon's own heart: the bringing to +book of an unreasonable Provincial.] + +[Footnote 119: Luis de Leon describes (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, +p. 374) the circumstances as follows: 'Djome un dia ans por estas +palabras que el Papa tenia gran noticia de su persona y le estimaba en +mucho; y trs desto refirime un largo cuento de un mercader y de un +cardenal por cuyos medios florecia su nombre en la corte romana, lleno +todo de su vanidad; y aadi que habia enviado al Papa un tratadillo +que habia compuesto, porque Su Santidad tenia deseo como l decia, de +ver alguna cosa suya; y mostrmele para que yo le viese... Visto, +porque me pidi mi parecer y yo soy claro, djele que quisiera que una +cosa que enviaba lugar tan sealado por muestra de su ingenio, fuera +de mas substancia, que lo menos aquel argumento lo tratara mas +copiosamente, porque traia pocos lugares, y esos ordinarios, aunque +como le dije yo creia que aquellos lugares que alegaba los habia l +sacado de su estudio y no de los libros ordinarios. Respondime que +era gran verdad que l con su trabajo los habia notado en la Biblia +sin ayudarse de otro libro; y crolo porque no se precia de leer ni +aun los sanctos, y promete que de improviso dir una hora y mas +sobre cualquier paso de la Biblia que le abrieren; y si le dicen que +lea los sanctos dice que no los lee porque no le sirven de nada. +Djele mas que no debiera, porque para su condicion fu palabra +dura.'] + +[Footnote 120: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 335-336. Luis de +Leon suggests that five Augustinians whom he mentions by name be asked +if they knew 'que en un captulo provincial... que habr diez once +aos que se hizo en la villa de Dueas, fray Diego Rodriguez, de +Ziga por otro nombre, se desmand en palabras con fray Francisco +Cueto, el cual era en aquel captulo definidor mayor, y que el dicho +Cueto se quej del dicho fray Diego en definitorio al provincial fray +Diego Lopez y los definidores presentes, de los cuales era uno el +dicho maestro fray Luis, y que all se orden que castigasen al dicho +fray Diego Rodriguez Ziga, y que otro dia en ejecucion dello el +dicho provincial le di en el refitorio delante de toda la provincia +una disciplina, que es cosa que se tiene por grande afrenta; y que por +esta causa el dicho Ziga tiene enemistad con el dicho provincial +fray Diego Lopez y con el dicho maestro que era definidor entonces, y +es amigo del dicho provincial.' As not all the five Augustinians were +called, it may be assumed that the Court considered the point +proved.] + +[Footnote 121: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas states: +'Y que sabe este testigo de cierto que por esta causa el dicho fray +Diego tuviese enemistad con el dicho fray Luis, que no lo puede saber +por ser negocio interior; pero que lo que puede imaginar de la +condicion del dicho fray Diego [Rodriguez Ziga] no dejaria de +creer que es ans, porque es recio de condicion y algo vengativo, y +trs esto siempre le ha visto enemigo declarado contra fray Diego +Lopez, y tambien ha visto que despues ac nunca vi amistad entre los +dichos fray Diego y fray Luis.'] + +[Footnote 122: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 67 and 71. Ziga is +careful to state that he is 'predicador y religioso, morador en el +monasterio de Sanct Agustin de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, de edad de +treinta y seis aos', and again, 'predicador, profeso de la rden de +Sanct Agustin... de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, dijo ser de edad de +treinta y seis aos'. It appears that in the sixteenth century a very +straight line was drawn by the Augustinians between official +'preachers' and 'professors': it was thought that the qualities +needed by the one were not likely to be found in the other. There +were distinguished exceptions, no doubt. But as a general rule a +'predicador' was rarely considered eligible for a university chair. +(Muios Senz, _op. cit._, pp. 64-67.)] + +[Footnote 123: See the previous note.] + +[Footnote 124: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 305: '...era mancebo +y melanclico, y le paresci este que habia ido muy adelante en +imaginar mal del dicho Benito Arias;...'] + +[Footnote 125: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 68-69. The following +is Ziga's account of what occurred: 'Item dijo que habr trece aos +estando en Salamanca por huesped, le dijo Fr. Luis de Leon en su +celda, que habia venido sus manos un libro estraamente curioso, el +cual le habia dado Arias Montano... y que en el principio del libro +contaba una revelacion que habia tenido el que lo compuso, estando de +noche orando, que vi en la oscuridad una luz, y que della oy que +salia una voz que dijo: _Quomod obscuratum est aurum, mutatus est +color optimus!_ y que temindose este declarante no fuese algun mal +libro, le habia mucha instancia que le dijese si habia en l alguna +hereja, y que el dicho Fr. Luis de Leon le respondi que en lo de +confesion le parescia que decia una hereja, y que entonces este +declarante le dijo que quitase all tal libro y tal revelacion como +decia; y que con esto no le dijo mas el dicho fray Luis de Leon; y que +despues form este declarante escrpulo si estaba obligado denunciar +de aquello que le habia dicho, y que lo pregunt dos personas de +ciencia y consciencia, religiosos de su rden, y le dijeron que +s;... Y este declarante determinado de denunciar, pregunt al dicho +Fray Luis de Leon solas por el dicho Arias Montano que le habia dado +el dicho libro, que si era buen cristiano; que el dicho Fr. Luis de +Leon se alter con esta pregunta, y le dijo muy encarescidamente que +era muy buen cristiano, y en prueba dello mostr este declarante una +carta que le habia escripto el dicho Arias Montano en que le daba muy +buenos consejos:...'] + +[Footnote 126: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 369. In relation to +Montoya, Luis de Leon says: 'Y cuanto toca al captulo tercero, si yo +no temiera aquella sentencia _Maldici regnum Dei non possidebunt_, y +aquella _Invicem mordentes, invicem consumemini_, yo pudiera relatar +mas de dos cosas, algo mas pesadas que es dar un _agnus Dei_ un fraile + otro sin pedir al perlado licencia, de las cuales este hombre +religioso no hace escrpulo. Y esta fuera su merecida respuesta; pero +aunque l hable lo que ni sabe ni debe, yo mirar lo que debo mi +hbito y mi persona.'] + +[Footnote 127: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 217-218.] + +[Footnote 128: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 13-14.] + +[Footnote 129: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 130: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 14-15.] + +[Footnote 131: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 15.] + +[Footnote 132: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 15-16.] + +[Footnote 133: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 12-13.] + +[Footnote 134: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 21.] + +[Footnote 135: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 136: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 316-318, 325.] + +[Footnote 137: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 317.] + +[Footnote 138: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 29-30.] + +[Footnote 139: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 30-35.] + +[Footnote 140: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 35. Luis de Leon had +applied for a special hearing: '...para suplicar sus mercedes que +ninguno de sus papeles se d al maestro Mancio para que los lleve su +casa por el peligro que hay de poderlos ver frailes suyos, los +cuales tiene tachados...'] + +[Footnote 141: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 35-36.] + +[Footnote 142: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 36.] + +[Footnote 143: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 37. The instructions +of the Supreme Inquisition to the Valladolid judges were as follows: +'En lo que escrebs quel maestro fray Luis de Leon ha recusado al +maestro Mancio, que le habia nombrado por patrono, y pedido traslado +de lo que dej escripto en su negocio; consultado con el Reverendsimo +Seor Inquisidor general, ha parecido aviseis, Seores, al dicho +maestro Mancio que no vuelva ah hasta que otra cosa se le ordene, y +proseguiris en la causa del dicho fray Luis de Leon sin embargo de la +dicha recusacion, y sin darle copia de lo quel dicho maestro Mancio +dej anotado en l; y ponerse ha la dicha nota en el proceso signado y +autorizado de uno de los notarios del Secreto, para que dello conste. +Guarde nuestro Seor vuestras muy Reverendas personas.' This letter +was signed in Madrid on November 4, 1574.] + +[Footnote 144: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 41-42: 'Digo que yo +nombr por mi patron al maestro Mancio catredtico de prima de +teuluga en Salamanca, el cual habiendo comenzado ver mi negocio se +ha ausentado leer su ctreda, y porque pudiendo fcilmente dar su +parecer se ha hecho vehementsimamente sospechoso que es partcipe y +compaero en la maldad que contra m ha intentado fray Bartolom de +Medina, fraile de su rden y casa, porque conforme derecho no carece +de sociedad oculta el que deja de obrar tan manifiesta malicia; y +siendo obligado defenderme por el juramento que se le tom y por +haber empezado el negocio, en desampararme cometi grandsimo pecado, +porque conforme derecho tambien es falso testigo el que deja de +decir verdad cuando es obligado la decir, como el que dice falso +testimonio. Y la causa de ir leer su ctreda no le escusa, porque mi +defensa se habia de hacer en muy pocos dias, y estando l impedido por +Vs. Mds. ni habia de perder la ctreda ni multarle en ella, ni los +estudiantes recibian detrimento considerable, porque en las ctredas +de propriedad se asignan lecturas que no las acaban, y el sostituto +podia leer de lo del cabo de la asignatura si l queria leer del +principio como lo hacen los catredticos de propiedad que al principio +de Sant Lucas estn impedidos.'] + +[Footnote 145: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 44.] + +[Footnote 146: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 45-46.] + +[Footnote 147: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 46: '...suplico +Vs. Mds. le manden que con brevedad se resuelva y d su parecer, y +ans mismo suplico, y con el acatamiento que debo requiero Vs. Mds. +manden que ans el parecer que diere en lo que vea agora, como el que +ha dado en la Vulgata el dicho maestro Mancio, los comunique conmigo +antes que se vaya; porque el fin de su oficio le obliga ello, y yo +le nombr por patron debajo desta condicion, y no en otra manera,...'] + +[Footnote 148: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 47-48: '...como +otras veces he dicho ha mas de dos meses que persevero pidiendo +audiencia con el maestro Mancio, y no me se ha dado... Y aunque yo +tengo por cierto que el dicho maestro ha aprobado las proposiciones +[que se dicen resultar deste proceso] porque son as ciertas y llanas +las que yo he afirmado, que decir lo contrario es temeridad error; +y porque cuando las comuniqu con l, me dijo claramente delante de +Vs. Mds. que eran cosas llanas; pero si por caso hubiese otra cosa, +digo que no me daan porque no se me ha dado en ello el lugar de +defensa que de derecho se me debe: lo uno porque no me han querido Vs. +Mds. dar audiencia para informar enteramente al dicho maestro mi +patron; lo otro porque si ha dado parecer sin haberse comunicado +conmigo no he tenido patron;... + +Dems desto digo que el mismo negocio me da entender que este +proceso est visto por Vs. Mds. dias ha y decretada la sentencia +definitiva dl; y que no se pronuncia por una de dos cosas, porque +el fiscal ha apelado del dicho decreto para el Consejo general de la +Inquisicion, porque los Seores dl han mandado que se suspenda la +pronunciacion della hasta que se averiguen los pleitos de los demas +maestros que fueron presos cuando yo lo fu.'] + +[Footnote 149: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 150: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 52-53.] + +[Footnote 151: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 53-55.] + +[Footnote 152: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 315: '...suplico +Vs. Mds. sean servidos que se me d entera noticia de todo lo que hay +contra m, por que despues de tantos meses parece justo que yo sepa +por qu fu preso, lo cual no alcanzo hasta agora por las deposiciones +que he visto; y que pueda responder por m y defenderme enteramente, +lo cual no puedo hacer no se haciendo publicacion entera!' It would be +easy, but superfluous, to quote other examples of Luis de Leon's +complaints on this point; his evidence is honeycombed with them.] + +[Footnote 153: As early as January 21, 1573, Luis de Leon complained +in writing (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 250): 'que en todo el +tiempo que ha que estoy preso, que son ya poco menos de diez meses, no +se habia hecho en este mi pleito publicacion de testigos, ni se me +habia dado lugar de entera defensa, no pareciendo haber para la tal +dilacion causa ninguna jurdica ni necesaria,... y yo, dilatndose la +publicacion y el tiempo de mi defensa, corria riesgo de no poder +probar mi inocencia por los casos ordinarios de muerte y ausencia que +podrian suceder mis testigos;...' See also _Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, pp. 474 and 563.] + +[Footnote 154: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 183: 'Fule dicho que +en este Santo Oficio naide se prende sin causa de culpa que tenga en +cosas que sean contra nuestra santa fe catlica; por tanto que se le +amonesta por reverencia de nuestro Seor Jesucristo y su bendita +madre, que diga enteramente la verdad; y hacindolo ans de lo que +sabe de su persona y de otros, se usar con l de mucha misericordia: +donde no, que se har justicia.'] + +[Footnote 155: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 184.] + +[Footnote 156: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-186.] + +[Footnote 157: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 77: 'Preguntado qu +es lo que quiere: dijo qul ha entendido quel P. maestro fray Luis de +Leon, catredtico de Salamanca de la rden de Seor San Agustin, est +preso en la Inquisicion de Valladolid; y que habia un mes que estando +este en el convento de la dicha ciudad de la dicha rden, hablando con +fray Martin de Guevara, natural de Lorca, residente en el dicho +monasterio de San Agustin desta ciudad, le dijo el dicho fray Martin +qul habia ayudado muchas veces decir misa al dicho fray Luis de +Leon en su celda en Salamanca, y que siempre se la oy decir de +_Requiem_, aunque fuese fiesta, y que nunca le entendia lo que decia +porque hablaba tu tu tu, de manera que no lo entendia, y acababa muy +presto. Y cuando se lo dijo, estaban los dos solos pasendose en el +monasterio desta ciudad. Y en lo que dice que ha un mes que se lo +dijo, no est bien cierto, sino que de tres meses esta parte se lo +oy decir, y esta es la verdad, y que no hubo ocasion mas que estar +hablando de su prision.' + +It is right to add that Ciguelo, who appears to have been silly and +malignant, was not summoned by the Inquisition. He appeared as a +volunteer witness who came forward of his own accord to give evidence. +At the same date, he insinuated that Luis de Leon did not believe in +the coming of Christ. On being pressed to give the names of those who +had heard Luis de Leon say anything of the sort, Ciguelo declared that +he had not been told them.] + +[Footnote 158: The interrogatories rejected will be found in +_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 268-272, 273-275, 286-290, +293-294.] + +[Footnote 159: The Licentiate Diego Gonzalez, Doctor Guijano de +Mercado, and the Licentiate Andrs de lava gave the following ruling +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 273): 'Dijeron que el segundo, +tercero y cuarto interrogatorios presentados por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, en esta causa dados, y otras preguntas aadidas en otras +dellos dadas, que van sealados, les paresce son impertinentes, y que +no se debe hacer diligencias por ellos.'] + +[Footnote 160: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 200.] + +[Footnote 161: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 272: 'Item si saben +que el dicho maestro fray Luis no es mofador ni murmurador, ni de los +sanctos ni de los no sanctos, sino que es de condicion modesta y +humilde.'] + +[Footnote 162: A good specimen of Luis de Leon's sarcasm is given on +pp. 320-321 of _Documentos inditos_, vol. X: 'Los dominicos se +sintieron desto mucho; y porque yo soy particular servidor del dicho +D. Juan [de Almeida], entendieron que era cosa comunicada, y acusaron +al dicho Medina, el cual movido con el sanctsimo celo que le pudo +poner esta nueva, paresci delante de Vs. Mds. en tantos de hebrero +del dicho ao [1571] hacer esta segunda declaracin, donde comenz +descubrir mas la piedad de su buen nimo; y ans como no tena de +nuevo cosa particular que decir de m,... dice confusamente que me +sinti inclinado novedades agenas de la antigedad de nuestra fe y +religion, en lo cual si este testigo tuviese conciencia..., habia de +sealar en particular algunas novedades que hubiese visto en mi +doctrina, oido en mis disputas;... Dems desto si es verdad que +sinti de m lo que dice por qu en la deposicion primera que hizo +por el diciembre no lo declar? Pues ninguna cosa de las que entonces +declar es tan pesada como es esto si fuera verdad. Y por la misma +causa no es creible que lo dej por olvido habindose acordado de +cosas muy menores, y siendo verdad como he dicho, que anduvo muchos +dias tratando y ordenando esta buena obra.' Of Luis de Leon's banter a +specimen will be found a few pages further on (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, p. 347): 'Y hecha la censura, y leyndola yo los sobredichos +maestros que me estaban esperando, me acuerdo que llegando aquellas +palabras aadidas dije: "Estas puse mas de lo que Vs. Mds. ordenaron +por contentar al Seor maestro Leon"; y volvme l riyendo, y +djele: "alomenos hoy no podr decir sino que le tengo bien contento"; +y ans con risa y muy en paz y amistad nos levantamos todos, y qued +ordenada y firmada la dicha censura.'] + +[Footnote 163: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 303: 'A la dcima +pregunta dijo que lo que sabe de la pregunta es haber oido decir quel +dicho maestro fray Luis de Leon era tan buen letrado que cualquiera +con quien se pusiese, pudiera llevar cualquier ctreda, y mas la +d'Escriptura.'] + +[Footnote 164: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 321-322: +'Ultimamente vanse mis leturas: y si en ellas se hallare rastro de +novedades, sino antes inclinacion todo lo antiguo y lo sancto, yo +ser mentiroso, si no es que este testigo llama novedad todo lo que no +halla en sus papeles.'] + +[Footnote 165: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 210: '...este +declarante... jams ley ningun rabino,...' _Documentos inditos_, +vol. X, p. 295: 'Al captulo octavo dijo que este nunca defendi +interpretaciones de judos por ser de judos, ni en su vida ha leido +comentario de judos...'] + +[Footnote 166: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 267.] + +[Footnote 167: This inference is based on the fact that Luis de Leon +refers to Cano more often than to any of the others, that he sometimes +mentions Cano separately, and that his allusions to Cano are always +couched in the most respectful terms: '...oyendo al maestro Cano que +fu mi maestro,...' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 239).] + +[Footnote 168: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 388.] + +[Footnote 169: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 510.] + +[Footnote 170: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 147.] + +[Footnote 171: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 305: 'Al segundo +captulo dijo que como tiene declarado en sus confesiones, ha once +doce aos que desde Salamanca vino este confesante no otra cosa, +sino dar cuenta los Seores Inquisidores de aquel libro en vida de +los Seores Inquisidores Guigelmo y Riego, y lo di por escripto, +porque este le paresci que aunque tenia el dicho libro muchas cosas +catlicas, tenia otras que le parescian este peligrosas que no las +entendia este bien, porque era en lengua toscana, la cual este no +sabia entonces. Y este no lo leia sino que se lo leian l, como lo +declar por el dicho escripto al cual se remite.'] + +[Footnote 172: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 303-304.] + +[Footnote 173: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 200-202: 'Tambien +estando escribiendo esto se me ha ofrecido la memoria que habr como +ao y medio que en Salamanca un estudiante licenciado en cnones, que +se llamaba el licenciado Poza, que me leia principios de astrologa, +me dijo un dia que l tenia un cartapacio de cosas curiosas, y que +tenia algun escrpulo si le podia tener; que me rogaba le viese y le +dijese si le podia tener, porque si podia se holgaria mucho. Era un +cartapacio como de cien hojas, de ochavo de pliego, de letra menuda. +Vle ratos, y habia en l cosas curiosas, y otras que tocaban +sigillos astrolgicos, y otras que claramente eran de cercos y +invocaciones, aunque la verdad todo ello me parecia que aun en +aquella arte era burlera. Y acusome que leyendo este libro, para ver +la vanidad dl, prob un sigillo astrolgico, y en un poco de plomo +que me di el mismo licenciado, con un cuchillo pint no me acuerdo +qu rayas, y dije unas palabras que eran sanctas, y protest que las +decia al sentido que en ellas pretendi el Espritu Sancto, +acordndome que Cayetano en la Suma cuenta de s haber probado una +cosa semejante con la misma protestacion, para ver y mostrar la +vanidad della; y as todo aquello pareci vano. Y tambien me acuso que +otro dia de aquellos en que iba mirando lo que habia en aquel libro, +tuve casi deliberada voluntad, estando solo, de probar otra cosa que +parecia fcil, aunque de hecho no la prob, porque mud la voluntad. +Yo quise quemar este libro en presencia de su dueo, y esperndole un +dia que me habia de venir ver, supe que dos dias antes se habia ido + Avila, huyendo de la enfermedad de pintas que andaba entonces en +Salamanca; y as le quem aquella noche en mi celda en una chimenea +que hay en ella. Y todo lo que agora me puedo acordar, me parece que +estaba conmigo entonces el padre fray Bartolom de Carranza, y que me +pregunt por qu quemaba aquello, y se lo dije. Este estudiante me +escribi pocos dias despues preguntndome por el libro: yo no le +respond, porque no hubo con quien, ni despues ac he sabido ni oido +mas dl, porque no volvi mas Salamanca, ni yo me he acordado dl +hasta este punto. No me acuerdo bien si me dijo un dia que quien le +habia dado aquel libro habia experimentado lo de los conjuros. No me +dijo quien era ni yo se lo pregunt ni lo s.'] + +[Footnote 174: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 439: 'Este testigo no +me perjudica por ser el maestro Leon quien tengo tachado por mi +enemigo, y es singular, y es testigo falso, y como contra tal se debe +proceder contra l por ser falso en cosa tan substancial como esta, y +las demas que ha dicho contra m, fuera de lo que yo tengo +confesado.'] + +[Footnote 175: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 193: 'Por todo lo +cual digo que es notorio y manifiesto que en m no hay conforme +razon y derecho, alguna color ni parte de sospecha; ni por esta causa +puedo ni debo ser detenido por vuestras mercedes ni un solo dia, y que +en ello recibo claro agravio y que debe ser por vuestras mercedes +enmendado.'] + +[Footnote 176: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 19, 142, 149.] + +[Footnote 177: _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 385: 'Item ello en s +no tiene ninguna verosimilitud ni apariencia de verdad porque en qu +seso cabe que un hombre que no es hablador ni le tienen por tonto, +habia de decir un desatino semejante, y en un lugar tan pblico como +es un convite? Porque si lo echan donaire, dems de ser muy necio +donaire, y muy sin rden, no era donaire que ningun hombre de juicio +lo habia de decir en los oidos de tan diferentes gentes como son las +que se juntan en un banquete donde unos son necios, y otros +escrupulosos, y otros enemigos y naturalmente malsines, y amigos de +echallo todo la peor parte. Y si quieren decir que se dijo de veras, +lleva mucho menos camino que yo lo dijese, porque cosa cierta es que +los que tratan de semejantes males, no los dicen voces, ni en +pblico, sino muy en particular y muy en secreto, y muy despues de +haber conocido y tratado los que los dicen, y findose mucho dellos, +y fin de persuadir y no de reir. Y cuando en esto hubiera +testimonios contra m mas claros y mas ciertos que el sol, antes de +creello habian Vs. Mds. informarse de si aquel dia habia yo perdido el +seso si estaba borracho, porque si no era as no era creible cosa +semejante.'] + +[Footnote 178: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-171, 173-179, +179-183, 183-186, 199-214, 220-253.] + +[Footnote 179: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 228-230: '...no me +parece que hay cosa contra la fe, ni doctrina errnea, temeraria +escandalosa. Mas no puede el autor excusarse de gran culpa en haber +tratado materia y cuestion semejante en estos tiempos, y ledola +multitud de estudiantes, entre los cuales los rudos, los idiotas, los +libres y los desasosegados ingenios, y los mal intencionados y los +simples y flacos no podrian sacar aprovechamiento ni edificacion, sino +atrevida osada y poca reverencia la edicion Vulgata que la iglesia +catlica nos da por autntica. Y aunque las palabras y razones y +autoridades de doctores con que el autor procede, no sean en s +malas; pero piden auditorio muy pio, muy docto y muy atento para no +tomar de aqu ocasion tener en poco nuestra Biblia latina, y +errar.... Mas no todas las verdades se han de sacar plaza, ni todos +los oyentes son capaces dellas; y por doctrina suelen sacar errores y +escndalo, y tal es esto: porque el oficio del telogo en pblicas +lecciones no era desnudar sino vestir cuanto pudiese la edicion que el +concilio aprueba, y no dejarla tan en los huesos como la deja, que es +todo lo posible sin ser hereje, ni tener nota de error, temeridad +sospecha en la fe, ni ser proposiciones escandalosas. + +De la proposicion 4 digo que es falsa,... Pero no hay cosa en todo +ello para retratar.' + +This _calificacion_ appears to be in the handwriting of Fray Hernando +de Castillo, who signed it. It is also signed by the Dominican Antonio +de Arce and by Dr. Cncer. Cncer appears to have been ready to put +his name to anything. Earlier in the same year, as it seems--for no +date is attached in _Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 122-127--Cncer +wrote, concerning one of Luis de Leon's tenets: 'Haec propositio est +irrisoria, injuriosa, temeraria et... haeretica in 2 gradu...'] + +[Footnote 180: This mellowing of judgement is particularly the case +with the Franciscan Fray Nicols Ramos. Cp. _Documentos inditos_, +vol. XI, p. 231, and pp. 234-237.] + +[Footnote 181: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 295: 'Y hacerseh +todo luego porque importa la brevedad, y vendr esta por cabeza de +todo.'] + +[Footnote 182: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 195: '...y hecho +esto pasaris adelante con el negocio como os est ordenado, con toda +brevedad, pues veis lo que importa'. This occurs in a letter dated +'Madrid, 8 de otubre de 1575'. There seems to be a mistake in the +heading of this letter: according to this heading, the letter from the +Supreme Inquisition reached Valladolid on October 8, 1575. I cannot +say whether this is a slip of Pedro Bolivar, notary to the Holy Office +at Valladolid, or a slip in transcription made by Miguel Salv and +Sainz de Baranda. It can scarcely be a mere misprint.] + +[Footnote 183: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 351-353: 'Al margn +se halla la siguiente nota. "_Cuando este proceso se comenz ver y +hasta la mitad dl, se hallaron la vista los Seores licenciados +Juan de Ibarra y Don Hernando Nio, y no lo votaron por no poderlo +acabar de ver por estar enfermos._" En la villa de Valladolid veinte + ocho dias del mes de setiembre de mill y quinientos y setenta y +seis aos, habiendo visto los Seores licenciado D. Francisco de +Menchaca del Consejo de S.M., dotor Guijano de Mercado, licenciado +Andrs de lava Inquisidores, juntamente con los Seores licenciado +Luis Tello Maldonado, D. Pedro de Castro, Francisco de Albornoz, +oidores desta Real audiencia chancillera, asistiendo ello por +ordinario del obispado de Salamanca el Seor doctor Frechilla +catredtico en esta universidad, por virtud del poder que para ello +tiene del Seor obispo de Salamanca, que est en el secreto deste +Sancto Oficio, el proceso criminal de fray Luis de Leon, de la rden +de Sancto Agustin; los dichos Seores le votaron en la forma +siguiente. + +Los dichos Seores licenciados Menchaca, lava, Luis Tello y Albornoz, +dijeron que son de voto y parecer que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea +puesto qistion de tormento sobre la intencion y lo indiciado y +testificado, y sobre las proposiciones que estan cualificadas por +herticas, no embargante que los telogos digan ltimamente que +satisface, entendindolo como l, respondiendo ellas, dice que lo +entendi; y que el tormento se le d moderado, atento que el reo es +delicado: y con lo que dl resultare, se torne veer y determinar. + +Los dichos Seores Inquisidores doctor Guijano, Frechilla, +ordinario, dijeron que atento lo que los calificadores que ltimamente +vieron las proposiciones cargadas al reo, y lo que l y su patron +responden ellas, califican; que su voto y parecer es que este reo +sea reprendido en la sala deste Sancto Oficio por la culpa que tuvo en +tratar desta materia en estos tiempos, por los inconvenientes que +dello resultan, y por el peligro y escndalo que podia causar, como lo +dicen los calificadores en la censura general que hicieron de todo el +cuaderno de donde se sacaron las diez y siete proposiciones de latin; +y que en el general grande de las escuelas mayores, estando juntos los +estudiantes y personas de la universidad, y algunos doctores del +claustro della, este reo declare las proposiciones sospechosas +ambigas, y que pudieron dar escndalo, que se le darn en escripto en +un memorial ordenado por los telogos calificantes con la declaracion +que ellos ordenaren; y que extrajudicialmente se diga su perlado que +sin privacion ni otra declaracion, mande este reo emplear sus +estudios en otras cosas de su facultad en que aproveche la +repblica, y se abstenga de leer pblicamente en escuelas ni en otra +partes, y que el libro de los Cnticos, traducido en romance, se +prohiba y recoja, siendo dello servido el Illmo. Seor Inquisidor +General y Seores del Consejo. Y que los libros y papeles +pertenecientes los cargos deste proceso se retengan en este Sancto +Oficio. + +El dicho Seor licenciado D. Pedro de Castro dijo que dar su voto por +escripto.'] + +[Footnote 184: The peremptory letter of the Supreme Inquisition to the +Valladolid tribunal is printed in _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. +354: 'Aqu se ha visto el proceso contra fray Luis de Leon, de la +rden de Sant Agustin, preso en esas crceles, y va determinado como +veris por lo que al fin dl va asentado. Aquello se ejecutar. Y +advertiris este reo que guarde mucho secreto de todo lo que con l +ha pasado y toca su proceso; y que no tenga pasion ni disensiones +con persona alguna, sospechando que haya testificado contra l en esta +su causa; porque de todo lo que esto tocare se tratar en el Sancto +Oficio, y no se podr dejar de proveer en ello justicia con rigor. +Hacerlois, Seores, as. Guarde nuestro Seor vuestras muy +Reverendas personas. En Madrid siete de diciembre 1576.' + +The decision of the Supreme Inquisition is reproduced in _Documentos +inditos_, vol. XI, p. 353: + +'En la villa de Madrid siete dias del mes de diciembre de mill y +quinientos y setenta y seis aos, habiendo visto los Seores del +Consejo de S.M. de la Sancta general Inquisicion, el proceso de pleito +criminal contra fray Luis de Leon, de la rden de Sant Agustin, preso +en las crceles secretas del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de +Valladolid; mandaron que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea absuelto de la +instancia deste juicio, y en la sala de la audiencia sea reprendido y +advertido que de aqu adelante mire como y adonde trata cosas y +materias de la cualidad y peligro que las que deste proceso resultan, +y tenga en ellas mucha moderacion y prudencia como conviene para que +cese todo escndalo y ocasion de errores; y que se recoja el cuaderno +de los Cantares traducido en romance y ordenado por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 185: It is unnecessary to reproduce the exact terms of the +judgement (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 354-357), for this +closely follows the terms employed by the Supreme Inquisition.] + +[Footnote 186: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 356.] + +[Footnote 187: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 357-358: 'El +maestro fray Luis de Leon suplico vuestras mercedes sean servidos +mandar que me sea dado un testimonio en manera que haga fe, por donde +conste al claustro de la universidad de Salamanca que yo por vuestras +mercedes fu absuelto de la instancia[A] que contra m hizo el fiscal +deste Santo Oficio delante de vuestras mercedes, y dado por libre, en +manera que pueda ejercer cualquiera de las cosas que tocan mis +rdenes y oficio, y sin penitencia ni nota alguna. + +Item suplico vuestras mercedes manden se me d un mandamiento para +el pagador de las escuelas de Salamanca[B] para que pague lo corrido +de mi ctreda desde el dia de mi prision hasta el dia que vac por el +cuadrienio. Y en todo imploro el oficio etc.--] + +[Footnote A: Al mrgen se lee: "Que se le de la fee".] + +[Footnote B: Al mrgen: "Que se le de mandamiento. En 15 de diciembre +de 1576".'] + +[Footnote 188: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 358: 'En 13 de +agosto de 1577 aos, por mandado de los seores Inquisidores saqu +esta sentencia de fray Luis, signada, la entregu al Seor +Inquisidor doctor Guijano. Sacse para el maestrescuela de Salamanca.' +This sentence is probably written by the secretary, Celedon Gustin.] + + + + +IV + + +When did Luis de Leon return to Salamanca, and how was he received +there? According to an anonymous contemporary, whom Gallardo +conjectured to be a Jesuit, Luis de Leon made a sort of triumphal +entry into Salamanca, accompanied by a procession which marched along +to the sound of timbrels and trumpets.[189] This procession is alleged +to have taken place in the afternoon of December 30, 1576; but, as the +statement is made by one who has no divine idea of a date,[190] it +would be imprudent to rely on his unsupported authority in this +particular. The date of the procession may be doubtful. There is no +reason to doubt the general accuracy of the assertion that there was +some public manifestation of joy at Luis de Leon's release.[191] +Though he was not popular, his fellow-citizens were proud of him, and +there is a natural tendency to show sympathy with a man who has been +hardly used. But life is not made up of triumphal processions. On +December 31[192] Luis de Leon met the _Claustro_ of the University, +which had been duly informed of his acquittal. After congratulatory +phrases from the Rector, the released man was invited to speak. +According to the decree of the Inquisition, Luis de Leon was entitled +to claim restitution to his University chair. There were practical +difficulties in the way. Luis de Leon's tenure had lapsed while he was +in prison at Valladolid; his immediate successor had been Bartolom de +Medina, a dangerous enemy, and the chair was subsequently occupied by +the Benedictine Fray Garcia del Castillo, another declared opponent +who had intervened at an early stage of the case. Luis de Leon +renounced all claim, present or future, to his former chair--_que la +daba por bien empleada_--so long as it was held by Castillo. He +besought the _Claustro_ to bear in mind his past services, pointed +out that his acquittal implied a general approval of his teaching, +and then left the meeting.[193] Finally the _Claustro_ of Salamanca +agreed to create a new chair for Luis de Leon, with a salary of two +hundred ducats a year, his duty being to lecture on theology.[194] + +We now come to the best-known trait in Luis de Leon's career. He would +seem to have begun lecturing in his new chair on January 29, +1577.[195] The gathering was large, and now and here--if at any time +and in any place--he must have begun his lecture with the famous +phrase: 'As we were saying yesterday' (_Dicebamus hesterna die_). +Almost everybody who hears the story for the first time takes it for +granted that the remark was made to what was left of Luis de Leon's +old class--the class which he had been instructing just previous to +his arrest: otherwise, the anecdote loses great part of its point. It +behoves us therefore to examine the circumstances in which the story +was first made public. The earliest mention of the incident occurs +apparently in the _Monasticon Augustinianum_ by the once well-known +Nicolaas Cruesen, whose work appeared at Munich in 1623.[196] The +picturesque narrative soon struck the popular imagination, and it has +been repeated times innumerable.[197] One is always reluctant to part +with a good tale, but there is no denying the fact that the evidence +in favour of the current version is slighter than one could wish it to +be. The silence of all contemporary Spaniards with respect to this +episode is not a little strange. It is singular that the anecdote +should reach Spain from abroad, and that it should not be printed till +forty-six years after it is supposed to have occurred; that is to say, +till Luis de Leon had been thirty-two years in his grave. It does not +necessarily follow that the story is untrue. Nobody imagines that +Cruesen deliberately invented it. So far as appears, Cruesen was an +absolutely upright man who recorded with fidelity such information as +he could obtain. He was not ill-placed for obtaining information. +Himself an Augustinian, he was something of a cosmopolitan. Though +Flemish by blood, Cruesen was technically a Spanish subject; he was in +full sympathy with the politico-religious aims of Spain in the Low +Countries, and during the Spanish occupation he must have had +opportunities of meeting and questioning men who were Spanish by race. +Moreover, it seems to be established that, though the story concerning +Luis de Leon's remark did not appear in print till 1623, the chapter +containing it was written previous to 1612.[198] If this be so, the +account given by Cruesen must be dated thirty-five years after the +alleged occurrence and twenty-one years after Luis de Leon's death. +Further, Cruesen, who knew Spanish, travelled in Spain. There he seems +to have made the acquaintance of Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon, Luis de +Leon's able and admiring nephew. It is by no means impossible that +Fray Basilio was Cruesen's informant,[199] and, if this were proved, +the case for the story would be greatly strengthened, since it is +inconceivable that the nephew should repeat the anecdote, for the +purposes of publication, unless he had had it direct from his famous +uncle. These, however, are conjectures, more or less probable. The +story may derive from Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon or it may not. It is +the kind of story that any unscrupulous person might easily invent and +repeat to a too credulous visitor. As it stands, the evidence in its +support is, on the face of it, unsatisfactory. The case for the story +is perhaps not quite so weak as has been supposed;[200] ingenuity has +shown that the case against it may, to some extent, be frittered +away.[201] Still, there is no getting over the fact that this charming +anecdote is first reported outside of Spain by a foreigner who related +it in print long after Luis de Leon's death. No first-hand testimony +in its favour has hitherto been produced. Those who choose to believe +in the authenticity of the current version may not unreasonably do so; +it is obvious, however, that, in the absence of direct evidence, they +will have great difficulty in persuading others to share their belief. + +To return to prosaic details. The _Claustro_ had promptly created a +chair for Luis de Leon after his release from prison; there was more +ado about granting his request--made on the ground of health--that he +should be allowed to lecture from ten till eleven o'clock. Unluckily, +this time had been already allotted to the Dean of the Theological +Faculty, Diego Rodriguez, a Dominican, who objected to the proposal. +Bartolom de Medina not unnaturally stood by his brother-Dominican, +opposed the demand of the newly elected professor on the ground that +it could not be granted without showing disrespect to the Dean, and +suggested that Luis de Leon should be instructed to lecture from four +to five o'clock. On a vote being taken, the _Claustro_ gave Luis de +Leon a majority; but, as the Rector of the University claimed to be +the deciding authority on such questions, the matter was not finally +decided at this meeting.[202] It might seem that, in practice, Luis de +Leon carried his point for, as the clock struck ten on January 29, +1577, he began his first lecture in his new post; but this was mainly +a formal taking possession of the post, and the professor in his +fragmentary lecture took occasion to protest against not having a +lecture hour assigned to him.[203] Luis de Leon continued to occupy +the chair that had been created for him. The death of Francisco +Sancho, bishop of Segorbe, in June 1578 caused a vacancy in the +university chair of Moral Philosophy. Luis de Leon determined to +present himself as a candidate. A rival candidate came forward in the +person of Fray Francisco Zumel, Rector of the Mercenarian College. The +struggle was vehement. Zumel did not stick at trifles; he charged his +opponent with exercising undue pressure on the electors by means of +cajolery, threats, lavish hospitality (which was dispensed with the +aid of brother-Augustinians), bribery, and attempted personal +violence.[204] Luis de Leon was not behindhand: he sought to have +Zumel disqualified on technical grounds, and further accused his +opponent of breaking the law governing elections. In the heat of +conflict, the very best of men seem able to persuade themselves that +the most extravagant assertions are true. No one but the candidates +can have taken these amenities seriously. When the battle was ended on +August 14, 1578, Luis de Leon, who received 301 votes, was in a +majority of seventy-nine.[205] This check appears to have rankled in +Zumel's mind. Luis de Leon celebrated his success by taking the degree +of Master of Arts on October 11. Why? It is hard to say. He cannot +well have thought that the possession of a Master's degree would +strengthen his position as one of the members representing the +University of Salamanca on the Committee appointed to report on the +projected reform of the calendar.[206] Normally this Committee, of +which Medina and Domingo Baez were also members, would have absorbed +much of Luis de Leon's attention. His energies were to be otherwise +exercised in the immediate future. The death of Gregorio Gallo, Bishop +of Segovia, on September 25, 1579, caused a vacancy in the Biblical +chair at Salamanca. The late bishop had viewed with no very friendly +eyes some of Luis de Leon's proceedings before the Valladolid +trial,[207] and it might have troubled him to think that Luis de Leon +was destined to follow him at Salamanca. That, however, was what +happened. The position was not carried without a stiff fight. At +Valladolid, Salinas had said it was commonly thought by some of +Luis de Leon's admirers that he could carry any University +chair--especially a chair of Scripture--against all comers.[208] It +was now to be seen whether this opinion was, or was not, well founded. +A formidable competitor appeared in the person of Fray Domingo de +Guzman, the third son of Garcilasso de la Vega. Though Guzman had not +inherited his father's poetic gift, he had a turn for versifying, and +his burlesque _glosa_ of Luis de Leon's celebrated _quintillas_-- + + Aqui la envidia y mentira + me tuvieron encerrado-- + +is not wholly forgotten, since four lines of it find a resounding echo +in Cervantes' preliminary verses at the beginning of _Don Quixote_ to +Urganda la Desconocida.[209] But the relative merits of the two +candidates for the vacant chair were not the point at issue. More +relevant was the fact that Guzman was a Dominican with all the +strength of the massed Dominican vote at his back. Whatever may have +been the case at other times and places, at this period there was no +love lost between Dominicans and Augustinians in Salamanca. Medina +represented with distinction the more rigid teaching of the Dominican +school; with at least equal distinction Luis de Leon represented the +freer tendencies of the Augustinians. He was almost imprudently loyal +to his own order. He publicly championed Augustinian candidates +whenever a suitable chair became vacant at the University of +Salamanca, and, despite the secrecy enjoined by the Inquisition, it +had probably leaked out that, at his recent trial in Valladolid, he +had repeatedly objected to all Dominicans as being so many enemies. In +the nature of things he could not be popular with the Dominicans and +their sympathizers. In this particular contest, however, his great +personal qualities were somewhat overclouded. He and Domingo de Guzman +were but standard-bearers. The conflict in which they were engaged +resolved itself into a struggle for supremacy between two potent +religious orders. Apart from the personal merits of the respective +candidates, the forces marshalled on each side were about equal. +Passions ran high. Poetasters on both sides did their part.[210] It +speedily became evident that the margin of the successful candidate +would be narrow. This prevision proved to be correct. When the poll +was declared on December 6, 1579, Luis de Leon's total of votes +amounted to 285, giving him a majority of thirty-six over his +opponent.[211] Since he stood against Grajal, and was defeated, at the +very outset of his professorial career, he had hardly ever been so +pressed in any academic struggle. Unfortunately, in the contest +against Guzman there was some irregularity in the voting; each side +accused the other of malpractices; an appeal was lodged on behalf of +Domingo de Guzman; for some unknown reason the case was not decided +till over twenty-two months later. Finally, on October 13, 1581, +judgement was delivered in favour of Luis de Leon at Valladolid.[212] +The equity of this decision has been questioned;[213] but there is no +reason to doubt the substantial justice of the verdict given by a +court with all the facts before it, and with the opportunity of +cross-examining the witnesses who appeared to give evidence. It +should be said, however, that the Dominicans never accepted the +official decision, and put about a rumour that the irregularity had +been committed by a supporter of Luis de Leon's--a supporter who (so +it was alleged) some twenty years later avowed his transgression and +sought to make amends for it by paying a sum of 8,000 _reales_ into +the Dominican chest.[214] Meanwhile Luis de Leon (who, like Domingo de +Guzman, was perfectly innocent of any share in these clandestine +manoeuvres) had taken possession of the Biblical Chair at Salamanca by +reading himself in on December 7, 1579. Hitherto his reputation, great +as it was, had been more or less local: that is to say, it depended +mainly on his University lectures, which were exploited by certain +unscrupulous persons. It was not till 1580 that, at the express +command of his superior, Fray Pedro Suarez,[215] he issued his first +book: a Latin commentary on the _Song of Songs_. On the title-page +stood a characteristic motto from his favourite Horace: _ab ipso +ferro_. Possibly at this moment Luis de Leon looked forward to a +period of learned leisure: + + O ya seguro puerto + de mi tan luengo error! o deseado + para reparo cierto + del grave mal pasado, + reposo dulce, alegre, reposado! + +If the author of this opening stanza of _Al apartamiento_ were +optimistic enough to assume that these verses might be applied to his +own case, he was destined to be speedily disillusioned. + +The Valladolid Inquisitors had not treated him in such fashion as to +make him desirous of meeting them again. This experience was, however, +awaiting him.[216] On January 20 or 21, 1582,[217] his former +opponent, the Mercenarian Fray Francisco Zumel, took the chair at a +theological meeting in Salamanca. At this meeting a Jesuit named +Prudencio de Montemayor put forward a thesis which opened up the +difficulties connected with the reconciliation of the theological +doctrines of predestination and free-will. Owing to some disturbance +in the assembly, Montemayor's voice did not reach all who were present +and, in the interest of the audience, Luis de Leon repeated +Montemayor's arguments without lending them any support; his action +was misunderstood, and many supposed that he was expressing his +personal opinions. In the ensuing discussion his vanquished opponent, +Domingo de Guzman, intervened, and with unnecessary acerbity declared +that Montemayor's views were heretical. Nothing would have been easier +than for Luis de Leon to keep out of the fray, especially as he +himself held, and had always taught, opinions opposed to those +advanced by Montemayor. If, as Pacheco reports, Luis de Leon was the +most taciturn of men, he was chivalrous to the point of quixotism. In +the circumstances silence was impossible for him. He was for as much +liberty of thought as was compatible with orthodoxy; he was persuaded +that much of the opposition of the Dominicans to Montemayor was due +to the fact that the latter was a Jesuit;[218] and no doubt he was +quite human enough to be annoyed at the intrusion of Domingo de Guzman +as the champion of doctrinal intolerance.... Be this as it may, Luis +de Leon took up the cudgels for Montemayor's views which, as he +maintained, were perfectly tenable. At a later meeting in Salamanca, +Fray Juan de Castaeda, a Benedictine,[219] advanced views very +similar to those of Montemayor; Domingo Baez, whose relations with +Luis de Leon were never cordial, was even more emphatic than his +brother-Dominican, Domingo de Guzman, and denounced Castaeda's views +as savouring of Pelagianism. A sharp passage of arms followed between +Baez and Luis de Leon,[220] and, after some exchange of argument, +Baez professed to be satisfied with Castaeda's thesis, and therefore +with Luis de Leon's explanations.[221] Others were less easily +contented; even some of the Augustinian professors at Salamanca were +uneasy;[222] and finally the case came before the Inquisition of +Valladolid, though the sittings of the court were held in Salamanca. +The delator would appear to have been a Jeromite, Fray Joan de Santa +Cruz, who took objection to some sixteen propositions which, as he +alleged, were put forward by Luis de Leon.[223] Some exaggeration on +the part of Santa Cruz is conceivable. As a Jeromite, he bore a grudge +against Luis de Leon for his overt opposition to the candidature of +Hector Pinto at Salamanca University and, as Francisco de Palacios +deposed at Valladolid on February 5, 1573, Santa Cruz had been +somewhat excited by the news of Grajal's arrest and was anxious to +know if Luis de Leon had been apprehended at the same time.[224] This +incident implies no great impartiality on the part of Santa Cruz. +Still, a report made officially has to be met. On March 8, 1582, Luis +de Leon, adopting the same procedure which he had followed at +Valladolid, voluntarily presented himself before the Inquisitionary +tribunal at Salamanca, and read his account of what had occurred.[225] +In several particulars he was enabled to correct the version of Santa +Cruz, which was admittedly second-hand in part.[226] He must have +thought of 'old, unhappy, far-off things' as he entered the Court and +recognized the Inquisitionary secretary with the singular name of +Celedon Gustin; these remembrances probably led him to take additional +precautions. On March 31 he appeared a second time before the +Inquisitionary Court at Salamanca, and volunteered the statement that, +though he still believed Montemayor's thesis to be free from heretical +taint, reflection caused him to think that it was temerarious +(inasmuch as it differed from the usual scholastic teaching on the +subject); that its promulgation in a public assembly was regrettable; +and that he was ready to make amends if he had in any way exceeded in +his defence of Montemayor.[227] A little later three Augustinians, one +of them a man of some prominence in the order, appeared with a view +to disassociate themselves from Luis de Leon's action;[228] and a +fourth witness came forward in the person of Fray Francisco Zumel, who +produced fragments of a lecture on predestination delivered by Luis de +Leon at Salamanca as far back as 1571.[229] One hardly knows whether +to say that Luis de Leon was fortunate or unfortunate in his +opponents. Zumel, as we have seen, was a defeated competitor for the +chair of Moral Philosophy at the University of Salamanca in 1578. +Similarly, Domingo de Guzman was a defeated competitor for the +Biblical Chair at the University of Salamanca in 1579. So, too, at the +dawn of his professorial career, Luis de Leon had easily carried a +_substitucion de vsperas_ against Domingo Baez.[230] These men were +the soul of the opposition to Luis de Leon in his second encounter +with the Inquisitionary tribunal; inasmuch as they had all three been +beaten in open contest by Luis de Leon, their motives were not +altogether free from some suspicion of personal animus; but their +united hostility was undoubtedly formidable. Luis de Leon's foes were +not, however, limited to the Dominicans and the Jeromite whom he had +defeated for University Chairs. Some members of his own order had been +rendered unhappy by his latest outbreak. Fray Pedro de Aragon, Fray +Martin de Coscojales, and Fray Andrs de Solana were not alone.[231] +This is obvious from a highly disagreeable letter written in Madrid on +February 15, 1582, by the well-known Augustinian Fray Lorenzo de +Villavicencio. In this letter, which was laid before the Inquisition +by Luis de Leon, Villavicencio thought it his duty to tell his +correspondent to mind his own business, to cease denouncing tyranny, +and to understand that his action, while it did good to nobody, was a +source of annoyance to many.[232] Manifestly Luis de Leon's passion +for fair play was altogether incomprehensible to his opponents, and it +may be that he made no great effort to win their support. If, +however, his experience of the Inquisition had made him more cautious +in his dealings with it, the Inquisition had learned a lesson from its +previous experience with Luis de Leon. He was not arrested, but was +allowed to go about his business as usual; no prosecuting counsel was +appointed, and when the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid called upon the +Valladolid judge to make a report,[233] Juan de Arresse confined +himself to suggesting that Luis de Leon should be severely +reprimanded, and should be called upon to express publicly from his +University chair his regret for having described as heretical opinions +which were not his.[234] This must have been signed shortly after +August 7, 1582, the date on which the request of the Supreme +Inquisition reached Valladolid. Mitigated as it was, the suggestion of +the Valladolid judge seemed too severe to the Supreme Inquisition. For +reasons which are unknown the case was not ended till February 3, +1584. On this date Luis de Leon was summoned to Toledo and was there +privately reprimanded by the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal Gaspar de +Quiroga, to whom in 1580 he had dedicated his _In Psalmum vigesimum +sextum Explanatio_, a work written during the tenth month of his +imprisonment at Valladolid. Luis de Leon appears to have thought that +he had a friend in Quiroga, but for whose intervention his +imprisonment at Valladolid would have been still further prolonged. As +Quiroga became Grand Inquisitor on April 20, 1573, and as the prisoner +in the Valladolid cells was not released till the month of December +1576, Luis de Leon's gratitude has been thought excessive.[235] +However, he knew the facts better than anybody else, and Quiroga's +attitude at Toledo was benignant. Instead of giving the severe +reprimand which was suggested by the Valladolid Inquisitors, Quiroga +'charitably and kindly' rebuked the Augustinian in private and +dismissed him with a solemn warning not to uphold such views as he +was alleged to have defended.[236] It has been held that the +Inquisition proceeded against Luis de Leon a third time.[237] No +evidence to support this view has been hitherto produced. + +Meanwhile in 1583 appeared _Los nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta +casada_. The theologian, philosopher, and poet was also a man of +affairs. That he was so esteemed by his colleagues is proved by the +fact that he was nominated by them to take in hand, and settle, a +long-standing suit between the University of Salamanca and the +_Colegios Mayores_ which had secured from Rome two concessions that +were held to be injurious to the interests of the University. This +suit, begun in 1549, was taken charge of by Luis de Leon in January +1585; in February Dr. Antonio de Sols, a learned lawyer, was +dispatched to Madrid to give advice on legal points; Sols fell ill +and was replaced by Doctor Diego de Sahagun. The business involved an +interview with Philip II and, as the king was absent from the +capital, Luis de Leon wrote to the University authorities explaining +the situation, and suggesting that, in the interests of economy, the +mission should be recalled. The University evidently acted upon this +suggestion, for on August 1 Luis de Leon was back in Salamanca.[238] +He was re-appointed to take up the same work again on November 22, +1586, and on January 17, 1588, he was able to report that the +everlasting lawsuit was at an end, and that the contention of the +University of Salamanca had been accepted.[239] The _Claustro_ was so +overjoyed that it authorized the fulfilment of its promise to pay Luis +de Leon his salary and expenses. This elation and fit of generosity +proved to be premature. On March 5, 1588, Luis de Leon was obliged to +ask for the return of the original _cdula_ and to state that no use +could meanwhile be made of it.[240] The disappointment at Salamanca +was great, and the _Claustro_ showed its irritation by ordering the +return of Luis de Leon and by voting that the payment of his salary +be suspended after October 18, if he had not returned by that date. +Owing to Luis de Leon's illness a prolongation of his absence was +agreed to, later on; but this concession implied no change of mind on +the part of the _Claustro_. A certain University Professor, Dr. +Bernal, who had acted for several years as _Regidor_ of Salamanca, and +had been from the first hostile to Luis de Leon in this matter, moved +that the absentee be ordered back to Salamanca at once with a view to +avoiding the unnecessary expense of paying the salary of a substitute +to deliver lectures. This was carried by an overwhelming majority on +January 20, 1589,[241] and three days later it was resolved that Luis +de Leon be instructed to return to his chair within a month. As Luis +de Leon was plunged in important business which could not be broken +off lightly, Philip II caused a letter to be written on March 7 in +which he requested the _Claustro_ to authorize Luis de Leon's absence +from his chair till the end of August.[242] The royal request was +refused and, as if to mark a want of confidence in Luis de Leon, +another member was nominated to conduct the negotiations at Madrid. +Luis de Leon's mission was really ended, for his delegated powers had +expired; nevertheless, he acted as though they were still in force and +with such effect that on August 23 he appeared before the _Claustro_ +with the royal warrant.[243] He was warmly complimented on his +success, but the _Claustro_ was less profuse of deeds than of words. +On August 26 Luis de Leon made three requests:[244] (_a_) that his +arrears of salary be paid for the time that he had represented the +University in Madrid; (_b_) that some compensation be paid to his +monastery for the time he had been engaged on University business +after his mandate had expired; and (_c_) that he be given two years' +leave of absence from his chair. As to the first point, Doctor Diego +Henriquez was commissioned to examine vouchers and pay the petitioner +what was due; as to the second point, the decision was referred to a +group of professors who held their chairs by a life-tenure; it was +agreed to grant the third request, if the King's approval was secured. +This sounds like satisfactory treatment. In practice the concessions +were not made. On December 20, 1589, the arrears of salary still +remained unpaid; on October 20, 1589, it appeared that the _Claustro_ +had no power to grant leave of absence.[245] It had apparently the +power to fine Luis de Leon for not lecturing, and it did so with such +insistency that the Prior of the Augustinian monastery in Salamanca +felt compelled to lodge a protest against this action, which, it was +contended, was unconstitutional. This protest was set aside on March +9, 1590, and two professors--one of whom was the Jeromite Zumel--were +appointed to defend the position taken up by the University of +Salamanca.[246] It is impossible to deny that the behaviour of the +University of Salamanca to Luis de Leon was most unhandsome, not to +say shabby. + +As his life drew to a close, and as his fame increased, constant +demands were made upon him. Apparently he refused the invitation of +Sixtus V and Philip II to join a committee appointed to revise the +Vulgate; it is not clear that he altogether approved of the project, +nor of the plan on which the revision was to be carried out.[247] Not +only was his scholarship held in honour; his rigorous, valiant +righteousness was universally recognized. On April 13, 1588, the papal +nuncio signed a brief naming Luis de Leon one of two commissaries who +were entrusted with the delicate task of inquiring into the +administration of certain funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians +in Castile. The result of this inquiry seems not to be recorded, but a +passage in an extant autograph letter of Luis de Leon's suggests that +his conclusions were unfavourable to his official superior.[248] Luis +de Leon's zeal led him to champion (perhaps inopportunely) a change in +the constitution of his order.[249] In 1588 appeared his edition of +Saint Theresa; and as the letter dedicatory to Madre Ana de Jess is +dated September 15, 1587, it may perhaps be inferred that the editor +before this date was personally acquainted with the great saint's +successor. If not a judge of scholarship, Ana de Jess was an +excellent judge of character. She had shown uncommon insight in +choosing Luis de Leon as editor of her great friend's writings; she +esteemed him for his eminent sanctity; he proved worthy of her +confidence, and upheld her plans for reform against Nicols de Jess +Maria Doria, the Provincial of the Barefooted Carmelites in Spain. +Doria was supported by Philip II and, to some extent, by Sixtus V. The +proceedings of the Carmelite nuns were conducted from this point +onwards with supreme ability. Doctor Bernab del Mrmol was sent to +Rome on a secret mission. His object was to obtain the papal sanction +for reforms which had been advocated by Saint Theresa herself. Mrmol +succeeded to admiration. His antagonists had no suspicion of his +errand. A papal brief, dated June 5, 1590, granted the desired +sanction; and a second brief, dated June 27, appointed Teutonio de +Braganza, Archbishop of Evora, and Luis de Leon to carry the first +brief into effect. Braganza was too busy to do the necessary work, and +authorized Luis de Leon to act for him. Luis de Leon begged the +University of Salamanca to grant him some days' leave to attend to the +business. This petition was rejected. But the indomitable man went on. +Taken aback and irritated, Doria hastened to the Prado and easily +induced Philip II[250] (who was, in fact, already won over to approval +of Doria's scheme) to obtain from the papal nuncio an order suspending +the delegate's instructions. After a reasonable time had elapsed Luis +de Leon returned to the charge, and called a meeting of those +immediately concerned; the papal nuncio made no sign, as the King had +not spoken to him again on the subject. Meanwhile Doria, who was +better informed as to what was afoot in Madrid than as to what was +afoot in Rome, once more interviewed Philip II and urged him to stop +Luis de Leon's proceedings. Philip took action. As Luis de Leon's +supporters were filing into the room where they were to discuss the +situation, they were approached by a member of the royal household who +informed them that he had it in command from the King to bid them +suspend the execution of the brief till fresh orders came from Rome. +Annoyed at this piece of fussiness, Luis de Leon is stated to have +left the room, remarking: 'No order of His Holiness can be carried out +in Spain'[251]. This report, which comes down to us on the dubious +authority of the Carmelite chronicler, Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, +may, or may not, be correct. The impetuous Luis de Leon was no doubt +extremely capable of showing that he resented Philip II's interference +in church matters. On the other hand, Santa Maria cannot have written +with any personal knowledge of the facts, as he belonged to a much +later generation. Even had he been an exact contemporary,[252] Santa +Maria's statements would call for careful examination, for he does not +appear to have had a critical intelligence, since he commits himself +to two assertions, one of which is certainly false and the +other--intrinsically unlikely--is without a shred of corroboration. +Santa Maria avers that Philip II showed his displeasure by forbidding +the Augustinians of Castile to elect Luis de Leon as their Provincial. +It is on record, however, that Luis de Leon was elected Provincial of +the Augustinians of Castile on the earliest opportunity (August 14, +1591) that presented itself. Santa Maria further states that Luis de +Leon took the King's annoyance so much to heart that his death was +hastened in consequence. No evidence is produced to support a story +so innately improbable. This legend evidently throve in credulous +opposition circles, for something of the same sort had been set about +earlier by Fray Jos de Jess y Maria, a Carmelite historian who, +unaware that Luis de Leon had declined an archbishopric, added a +calumnious insinuation that the editor of Saint Theresa's works was a +disappointed aspirant to episcopal honours.[253] Santa Maria, not +knowing that Philip II highly esteemed Luis de Leon, seems to have +been content to report such gossip as filtered down to him. + +The correspondence connected with the papal brief dragged on till +January or February 1591.[254] To all who saw Luis de Leon at this +time it must have occurred that his career was drawing to a close. He +had never been robust; his sedentary habits, his ascetic practices, +and his prolonged imprisonment combined to wear him down. His last +years were packed with troubles. The Inquisition watched him with +suspicious eyes; he had always regarded the Dominicans and Jeromites +as his enemies; he had contrived to increase the forces hostile to him +by alienating the Carmelites. Doria was not without the power to make +his resentment felt; a few well-meaning Augustinians did Luis de Leon +more harm than good by suggesting that he had extorted from the +Inquisition the admission that his doctrinal teachings were +correct;[255] he was deeply affected by the enmity of other +Augustinians whom he (perhaps too hastily) denounced by name to the +Inquisitors.[256] Many of his colleagues at Salamanca stood aloof from +him; some were openly opposed to him; one or two carried their spite +so far as to suggest that he should be deprived of his University +chair. His constant absence from Salamanca gave his foes a handle; it +is conceivable that they might have succeeded in ousting him from his +chair had his life been prolonged. Apart from public business, +connected with his own order and with the proposed reform of the +Carmelite nuns, Luis de Leon was retained in Madrid by his failing +health. On January 11, 1591, he was examined by Doctor Estrada, who +reported that his patient was suffering from a cystic tumour of the +kidney.[257] This is a malady which might last many years. No doubt +Luis de Leon had had the tumour for a long while; it is extremely +likely that at the end the growth became malignant and that he died +from it. It has been alleged that Luis de Leon's end came +suddenly.[258] This is not so. His death was lingering. For all but +himself this was fortunate, and, even for himself the pause before the +end was convenient, for it enabled him to discharge certain duties. As +editor, he was naturally in possession of many of Saint Theresa's +papers; these he had time to make over to Doctor Sobrino, Professor of +Theology in the University of Valladolid, and to Fray Agustin +Antolinez, a future bishop, with instructions to return them to Madre +Ana de Jess. Nevertheless the saint's papers were not destined to +reach Madre Ana de Jess, for Philip II asked both the trustees to +give him the holograph copies to be deposited in the Library at the +Escorial. The trustees complied, and the papers are now stored in the +_Camarn de Santa Teresa_.[259] Assiduous to the last in the discharge +of his duties, Luis de Leon dragged himself to Madrigal, where a +Chapter of the Augustinian Order was to be held in August 1591. The +effort was too much for him. He had to take to his bed, and was still +there on August 14 when he was elected Provincial[260]. He did not +enjoy the honour long, for he died on August 23. + +Though most people who are interested in Luis de Leon at all are +familiar with Pacheco's portrait of him, Pacheco's character-sketch is +so apt to be overlooked that it may be briefly summarized here.[261] +Pacheco reports Luis de Leon as having a special gift of silence, as +being the most taciturn of men though one of the wittiest; as being a +man most trustworthy, truthful and upright, precise in speech and in +the keeping of promises, reserved, not given to smiling; in the +gravity of his countenance his nobility of soul and, still more, his +deep humility were obvious; most cleanly, chaste, and reflective, he +was a great monk and a close observer of laws; so marked was his +devotion to the Blessed Virgin that he fasted on the eve of feasts, +dined at three, and ate no supper; in her honour he wrote the lovely +hymn _Virgen que el Sol mas pura_, very spiritually-minded and greatly +given to prayer, at the time of his severest trials God hearkened to +him. Though by nature hasty, he was very long-suffering and gentle to +those with whom he had to deal; he was most abstemious in matters of +food, drink, and sleep; indeed with regard to sleep (as was stated to +Pacheco by Fray Luis Moreno de Bohorquez, who had lived in the same +monastery as Luis de Leon for four years) he carried mortification so +far that he seldom lay down, and the monk who had to make his bed +would often find that it had not been slept in. So great were his +intellectual gifts that he seemed more meet to teach every one than to +learn things from anybody. On matters concerning government his +judgement was sound; he was highly esteemed by prominent men both in +Spain and out of it; Philip II was wont to consult him in difficult +cases, and would send messengers from Madrid to Salamanca; when he +visited Madrid on University business he was admitted to private +audience and received signal marks of royal favour; with respect to +offers of bishoprics and the Archbishopric of Mexico he displayed his +courage and magnanimous spirits not only by stripping himself of rank +(a thing seldom done) but of all he had in the world; a man of truly +evangelical temper. In those holy exercises, and in fitting sequel to +his life, he piously ended his course as Provincial of Castile, +leaving all in great affliction, but with a still greater certainty of +his glory. + +This estimate was printed in 1599, eight years after Luis de Leon's +death and one year after Philip II's death. Making some allowance for +the partiality of an admirer, Pacheco's description may stand. A dry +contemporary chronicler, like Luis Cabrera de Crdoba,[262] after +paying tribute to Luis de Leon's intellectual gifts and heroic courage +in adversity, speaks of his death as a national loss. Even in his +lifetime Luis de Leon was recognized by men of exceptional genius as +one of themselves. His poems, which were not published till forty +years after his death, must have been handed about in manuscript long +before. In 1585 Cervantes in his _Galatea_ introduced Luis de Leon +into the _Canto de Caliope_. It cannot well be maintained that +Cervantes had been impressed by Luis de Leon's Latin treatises, by _De +los nombres de Cristo_, and by _La perfecta casada_. The _Canto de +Caliope_ records the names of those only whom Cervantes considered to +be eminent poets--masters _en la alegre sciencia dela poesia_--and +hence it is to the poet that he refers when he writes in his 84th +stanza: + + Quisiera rematar mi dulce canto + en tal sazon pastores, con loaros + un ingenio que al mundo pone espanto + y que pudiera en estasis robaros. + En el cifro y recojo todo quanto + he mostrado hasta aqui, y he de mostraros + Fray Luys de Leon el que digo + a quien yo reverencio, adoro, y sigo. + + + + +IV + + +[Footnote 189: Bartolom Jos Gallardo, _Ensayo de una biblioteca +espaola de libros raros y curiosos_ (Madrid, 1863-66-88-89), vol. IV, +col. 1328: 'En unos apuntes cronolgicos que hacia en Salamanca un +curioso (jesuita?) fines del siglo XVI, fol. 23 de un tomo de +_Papeles varios_, en folio, se lee: + +'Ao de 76, Mrtes 23 de diciembre dia de San Dmaso, dieron por libre +a _fr. Luis_ sin pena. Y donde a 30 de diciembre entr en Salamanca a +las tres de la tarde con atabales, trompetas y gran acompaamiento de +Caballeros, Doctores, Maestros, &c.'] + +[Footnote 190: He is clearly wrong in stating that Luis de Leon was +set free on December 23. We have already seen that Luis de Leon +presented two applications in writing on December 15. From the nature +of these applications, it is a fair inference that he was free when he +made them.] + +[Footnote 191: Especially as the fact is confirmed by a contemporary +Augustinian, Fray Juan Quijano: see Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 206, +_n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 192: This date is given on the authority of the anonymous +writer quoted by Gallardo, _op. cit._, col. 1328: 'Y lunes _adelante_ +le present el Comisorio al Claustro, para que se le diese su proprio +lugar, honra y ctedra de _Durando_. l no la quiso y la Universidad +cedi 200 ducados de partido.' The date in this case is corroborated +by a summons from the Rector of the University: see P. Fr. Luis G. +Alonso Getino, O.P., _Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de Len_ +(Salamanca, 1907), p. 244.] + +[Footnote 193: According to Blanco Garca (_op. cit._, p. 207), Luis +de Leon did not vote, but assigned his proxy to Bartolom de Medina. +This incident occurred, but it happened at a meeting of the _Claustro_ +held two days later: see Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, pp. 252-254). +Medina seems to have thought that Luis de Leon's chair had not been +legally vacated, and that it was not in Luis de Leon's power to say +that he would assign it to Castillo.] + +[Footnote 194: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 258.] + +[Footnote 195: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...y martes +a 29 [de enero de 1577] empez a leer. Hubo gran concurso, &c.'] + +[Footnote 196: _Monasticon Augustinianum_ (Munich, 1623), p. 208: +'Primam vero lectionem post tenebras ut auspicabatur, pleno concessu +ad novitatem evocato, inquit: _Dicebamus hesterna die_.' Blanco +Garca, who quotes this passage (_op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 1), refers +also to p. 119 of a reprint issued at Valladolid in 1890: this reprint +I have not seen.] + +[Footnote 197: Early instances, dating from 1636, are given by Blanco +Garca, _op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 2. The story first appeared in print +in Spain in 1771, when it was given in the fifth volume of Juan Josef +Lopez de Sedano, _Parnaso Espaol_ (Madrid, 1768-1778).] + +[Footnote 198: C. Muios Senz, _Sobre el 'Decamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 199: C. Muios Senz, _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. +LXXIX, p. 29.] + +[Footnote 200: Luis G. Alonso Getino, _Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. +Luis de Len_ (Salamanca, 1907), pp. 242-243, 262-263.] + +[Footnote 201: C. Muios Senz, _El 'Decamos ayer' de Fray Luis de +Len_ (Madrid, 1905) and _Sobre el 'Decamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, +544-560; (1909), vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, +529-552; (1909), vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, and 177-197.] + +[Footnote 202: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 260-261.] + +[Footnote 203: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 262-263: ' despues de +lo sobredicho en la dicha ciudad de Salamanca martes la hora que di +las diez de la maana el relox de la iglesia mayor, al fin de la +lecion del padre m. Pedro de Uceda, que se contaron veinti nueve dias +del mes de Enero... Antonio de Almaraz bedel puso en la posesion del +dicho salario al dicho padre m. fray Luis de Leon en la catedra +quest en el general mayor de theologia de escuelas mayores, el qual +la tom apprehendi sin contradicion ninguna, y _en lugar de +posesion ley un poco_. dijo y protest... que estaba y est presto +de leer el dicho salario partido, que si no leyere no se le pare +por ello perjuicio ni se le descuente de su salario y partido ni por +ello sea multado en cosa alguna, pues no es su culpa, hasta tanto que +le den hora en que lea, conforme lo proveido por la junta de los +seores theologos... y le sealen lectura, asi lo pidi protest, +siendo presentes por todo el Padre m. Pedro de Uceda... Antonio de +Almaraz bedel, otros muchos estudiantes y personas de la universidad + yo Bartme. Sanchez notario vicesecretario.'] + +[Footnote 204: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 266-268.] + +[Footnote 205: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, pp. 212-213.] + +[Footnote 206: Blanco Garca, _op. cit._, p. 214, _n._ 1; Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 282-301.] + +[Footnote 207: The bishop seems to have resented Luis de Leon's +opposition to the candidature of the bishop's brother, Juan Gallo, for +the _ctedra de vsperas de teologa_. In this contest Juan Gallo, a +Dominican, was defeated by the Augustinian Fray Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. 275-277). Guevara was present +when the bishop told Luis de Leon that 'he knew Luis de Leon's +hostility to his (the bishop's) brother had done him more harm than +all the rest' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 261). Later on, Juan +Gallo appears to have been appointed to another chair at Salamanca +(_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 318).] + +[Footnote 208: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 303. Salinas, it +should be noted, denied having heard that this applied specially to +opponents of the Dominican order.] + +[Footnote 209: The verses ascribed to Domingo de Guzman are reproduced +in part by Adolfo de Castro, _Biblioteca de Autores Espaoles desde la +formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias_ (Madrid, 1847-1880), vol. +XXXV, p. x; they are given in full by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera +in the _Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes_ (Sevilla, 1856), vol. +II, pp. 731-741; (Sevilla, 1857), vol. III, pp. 5-22, 69-80, 209-220. +La Barrera, following Gallardo, was careful to point out that lines +37-40 of the verses to Urganda la Desconocida are practically +identical with four lines in Domingo de Guzman's _glosa_. Sr. +Rodrguez Marn, in his edition of _Don Quixote_, published at Madrid +in 1916-1917, prints the four lines (vol. I, pp. 49-50) in inverted +commas. Cervantes, if he meant to quote, must have trusted to his +memory. + + GUZMAN CERVANTES + + que don Albaro de Luna, Que don Aluaro de Lu + que Anibal Cartajines, Que Anibal el de Carta + que Francisco Rey frances, Que Rey Francisco de Espa + se queja de la fortuna. Se quexa de la fortu. + +In Guzman's case I reproduce La Barrera's transcription. In the case +of Cervantes I follow the spelling adopted in the _princeps_ of the +First Part of _Don Quixote_. + +For some readers, it may be convenient to refer to the revised but +abridged reprint in C.A. de la Barrera, _El Cachetero del Buscapi_ +(Santander, 1916), pp. 133-136.] + +[Footnote 210: The first _quintilla_ of some verses by a poetaster on +Luis de Leon's side is quoted by Fray Antolin Merino in the preface to +his edition of the _Poesas_ of Luis de Leon contained in the _Obras +del Il. Fr. Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1804-1805-1806-1816), vol. XI, p. +xxv: + + Luis y Mingo pretenden + casarse con Ana bella, + cada cual pretende habella, + mas segun todos entienden + murese por Luis ella. + +[Footnote 211: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...En este +ao (79) domingo 6 de diciembre se provey la (ctedra) de Biblia a +Fr. Luis de Leon, y el dia siguiente tom la posesin: tuvo 281 votos, +y el maestro fr. Domingo de Guzman tuvo 245: llevla con 36 votos.'] + +[Footnote 212: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328-1329: +'Regulronse los cursos, y vino en llevarla por solo tres Cursos, y +esto fu quitando un voto sealado, que tenia cinco cursos, el cual se +sospech era Dominico. No pudiendo conformarse con l, hubo concierto +entre los frailes, que votasen de Santo Domingo 100 y de San Agustin +50. Anduvo pleito hasta viernes 13 de Octubre de 81, que sentenciaron +en Valladolid en favor de fr. Luis de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 213: For example, by Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 268-274.] + +[Footnote 214: This is stated by Alonso Fernandez, who wrote more than +twenty years after the election. A relevant passage is given in Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 272-273.] + +[Footnote 215: The terms of Suarez's order are reproduced by Blanco +Garca, _op. cit._, p. 218, _n._ 3.] + +[Footnote 216: Nothing was known of this second suit by the Valladolid +Inquisitors till 1882, when a considerable part of the report of the +proceedings was published by Sr. D. lvarez Guijarro in the _Revista +Hispano-Americana_. + +It was given later more fully in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (Madrid, 1896), +vol. XLI, pp. 15-31, by P. Francisco Blanco Garca. The subsequent +references are to the _tirage part_ entitled: _Segundo Proceso +instrudo por la Inquisicin de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de Len +con prlogo y notas del P. Francisco Blanco Garca_ (Madrid, 1896).] + +[Footnote 217: Zumel gives the date (Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, +p. 40) as January 21; the delator, Santa Cruz, fixes the date a day +earlier (Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 20).] + +[Footnote 218: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 31: '...mouime lo +uno por parecerme que los padres dominicos le querian oprimir por ser +de la compaia contra la qual se muestran siempre apasionados y lo +otro y principal porque me pareci gran sin razon condenar por erega +una cosa que la presuponen por cierta muchos sanctos y otros muchos +catholicos sanctos y no sanctos la afirman y defienden...'] + +[Footnote 219: Luis de Leon merely says (Blanco Garca, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 31) 'un fraile benito': Castaeda's full name is given in +the report of the Valladolid Inquisitors (Blanco Garca, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 52).] + +[Footnote 220: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 32: '...porque se +dezia en la escuela que el maestro yuaez dezia que era error +pelagiano yo dixe que no tenia razon de ponelle aquella nota,...'] + +[Footnote 221: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 33: '...y despues +del acto me dixo el maestro Vaez que el quedaba bien satisfecho de la +manera como el sustentante auia declarado su opinion'.] + +[Footnote 222: Juan de Guevara and Pedro de Aragon, for example. This +emerges from the evidence of the Augustinian Fray Martn de Coscojales +(Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 37). Pedro de Aragon was Duns +Scotus Professor of Theology at Salamanca, a former pupil of Luis de +Leon's and a great admirer of his. He appeared as a witness against +Luis de Leon (Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-37).] + +[Footnote 223: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 20-27.] + +[Footnote 224: _Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, p. 328.] + +[Footnote 225: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 28-34.] + +[Footnote 226: Even in his official _calificacion_ Joan de la Cruz +(Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 24) speaks of 'las [cosas] que +yo v y las que oy y se por Relacion....'] + +[Footnote 227: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 35.] + +[Footnote 228: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-40.] + +[Footnote 229: Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len: estudio biogrfico_, +p. 225; Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 40-45.] + +[Footnote 230: This seems to follow from a question which Luis de Leon +proposed to put to six witnesses: the Augustinians Juan de Guevara, +Pedro de Rojas, and Hernando de Peralto, and three laymen, Loarte, +Ruiz, and Madrigal: 'Item si saben etc. que el maestro fray Domingo +Ibaez, antes y al tiempo que jur y depuso en esta causa, era y es +enemigo capital del dicho fray Luis de Leon, ans por ser fraile +dominico como porque se opuso contra l una substitucion de +vsperas, y se la llev fray Luis de Leon con mucho exceso, de lo cual +l y sus frailes se sintieron mucho' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 261-263). Luis de Leon was mistaken in supposing that Baez had +deposed against him at Valladolid. Alonso Getino endeavours to show +(_op. cit._, pp. 384-386) that Luis de Leon never competed against +Baez, and that his memory played him a trick on this point.] + +[Footnote 231: See note 222.] + +[Footnote 232: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 46-47: 'V.P. dexe +las cosas de la orden aunque esten en peor estado del que hahora +tienen, trate de su cathreda, y dexe de tomar su cargo el remedio de +las tiranias. No llame tyrano a nadie, y sepa V.P. que publicamente +dicen muchos religiosos que V.P. no hio bien a nadie y disgustos s a +muchos, recibiendo buenas obras de aquellos a quien hahora maltrata, +cosa que no puede tener buen sueso ni puede parecer bien a nadie.'] + +[Footnote 233: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 234: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 52-53: '...sea +gravemente Reprehendido, y... que en su cathedra publicamente declare +la calidad de las proposiciones que se le dieren diiendo que en +dezir que lo contrario de lo que el sustentaba era herega, dixo mal, +y que esto era su parezer'. The official report of the proceedings +must be incomplete, for Arresse's _parecer_ mentions that Domingo de +Guzman had spoken of receiving an apology from Luis de Leon. No +evidence by Domingo de Guzman is disclosed in the record.] + +[Footnote 235: Fr. Heinrich Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873), p. 111.] + +[Footnote 236: Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53: 'En Toledo... +paresco siendo llamado, el Maestro fray Luis de Leon..., al qual su +seora Illma reprehendo y declaro la culpa que contra el resulta +por los auctos y meritos deste processo, y le amoneste benigna y +caritativamente, que de aqu adelante se abstenga de dezir, ni +deffender publica ni secretamente, las proposiciones que paresce haver +dicho y defendido,... y el ha confesado que la sentencia dellas no +caresce de alguna temeridad, ni otras semejantes, con apercibimiento +que no lo cumpliendo se procedera contra el por todo rigor de derecho, +y el dicho fray luis de leon prometto de lo cumplir y que lo haria +ass.] + +[Footnote 237: By Sr. D. Carlos lvarez Guijarro. Blanco Garca +(_Segundo proceso_, p. 54, _n._ 1) dissents from this view.] + +[Footnote 238: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 305-308.] + +[Footnote 239: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 308-315.] + +[Footnote 240: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 316.] + +[Footnote 241: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 309, 317-318.] + +[Footnote 242: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 319-320.] + +[Footnote 243: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 321.] + +[Footnote 244: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 327-329.] + +[Footnote 245: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-331.] + +[Footnote 246: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-335.] + +[Footnote 247: Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len: estudio biogrfico, +&c._, pp. 236-239.] + +[Footnote 248: Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len: estudio biogrfico_, +pp. 239-240. The pressmark of this autograph letter in the British +Museum is Add. MSS. 28, 698.] + +[Footnote 249: Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len: estudio biogrfico_, +pp. 242-244.] + +[Footnote 250: The whole episode is clearly set forth by Blanco +Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len: estudio biogrfico_, pp. 246-250.] + +[Footnote 251: Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len: estudio biogrfico_, +pp. 248-249; Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 349-351.] + +[Footnote 252: A passage in Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 349) +describes Santa Maria as 'contemporneo de los sucesos'. This, though +literally true, is somewhat misleading. Santa Maria was twenty-four +the year that Luis de Leon died. See Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, +col. 489.] + +[Footnote 253: '...al principal de ellos [los que haban procurado el +Breve] y pretensor de mitra, le cost la vida el sentimiento que tuvo +de ver tan indignado al Rey Catlico'. I have not been able to consult +Jess y Maria's work. My quotation, like Alonso Getino's (_op. cit._, +p. 354), is taken at second-hand from Vicente de la Fuente's edition +of Saint Theresa's works.] + +[Footnote 254: January 26, 1591, is the latest date attached to the +_Documentos_ published by Cristbal Prez Pastor, _Bibliografa +madrilea_ (Madrid, 1907), Parte III, pp. 404-409. On January 25, +1591, Luis de Leon signed a document undertaking to accept 1,000 +_reales_ in lieu of 2,800 due to him by the estate of Cornelio Bonard, +formerly a bookseller at Salamanca; see Cristbal Prez Pastor, +_Bibliografa madrilea_ (Madrid, 1906), Parte II, pp. 454-455.] + +[Footnote 255: F. Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53. The +Salamancan Inquisitors reported to the Supreme Inquisition: +'...havemos entendido que los de su orden se xatan y alaban de que en +este sto offi se a declarado ser verdad lo que el dho frai luis +sustent...'] + +[Footnote 256: F. Blanco Garca, _Segundo proceso_, p. 49.] + +[Footnote 257: C. Muios Senz, _Sobre el 'Decamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540.] + +[Footnote 258: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 355.] + +[Footnote 259: C. Muios Senz, _Sobre el 'Decamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540, _n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 260: Alonso Getino writes (_op. cit._, p. 355): 'al ser +elegido Provincial, nueve dias antes de morir, no puede suponerse que +estuviera enfermo de consideracin'. This is a guess very wide of the +mark. F. de Mndez, in the _Revista Agustiniana_ (1881), quoted (p. +351) Juan Quijano, a contemporary whose chronicle is now lost, as +saying that when Luis de Leon was elected Provincial he was already +confined to his bed with the illness of which he died.] + +[Footnote 261: The portrait and character-sketch will be found in the +photo-chromotype reproduction of Francisco Pacheco, _Libro de +descripcion de verdaderos retratos de illustres y memorables +varones_. The original is dated Sevilla, 1599. The reproduction, due +to Jos Mara Asensio y Toledo, was photo-chromotyped between 1881 and +1884. Owing to the rarity of the reproduction, it has been thought +desirable to reprint in an appendix the passage in which Pacheco deals +with Luis de Leon.] + +[Footnote 262: The reference is given by C. Muios Senz, _Sobre el +'Decamos ayer'... y otros excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), +vol. LXXX, p. 119.] + + + + +V + + +By his contemporaries Luis de Leon was perhaps more esteemed as a +theologian or a scholar than as a man of letters. This judgement has +been reversed by posterity mainly on the strength of the Spanish poems +which were little known during the author's lifetime beyond a small +circle of his personal friends.[263] Experts tell us that as a +theologian he ranks below his master Melchor Cano; and in the annals +of scholarship Luis de Leon is less conspicuous than Benito Arias +Montano and than Francisco Sanchez (_el Brocense_). Few now read for +pleasure the treatises which Luis de Leon composed in a dead language: +in any case these treatises can add nothing to his reputation as a +writer of Spanish, and it is solely as a Spanish author that he +concerns us here and now. He was by no means the earliest of devout +writers to use Spanish as a literary medium. There is a long and +illustrious bead-roll of authors from Bernardino de Laredo to Saint +Theresa to prove the contrary. Much less was Luis de Leon the first +post-Renaissance scholar to recognize that Spanish had a great future +before it. Yet, if we take leave to assume that Luis de Granada was an +ascetic rather than an extatic, we may account Luis de Leon as perhaps +the first professional scholar to perceive that Spanish was adequate +to convey the subtleties of theology and the ravishments of mysticism. +His chief prose works in Castilian include the _Exposicion del libro +de Job_, a commentary dedicated to Madre Ana de Jess, but not +published till near the end of the eighteenth century (1779). The +_provenance_ of this work calls for no explanation. Apart from the +quotation of a passage in Jorge Manrique's _Coplas_, the _Exposicion +del libro de Job_ offers few indications of Spanish origin and fewer +personal touches. Equally Biblical in origin are a rendering of the +_Song of Songs_ and a corresponding commentary; the existence of both +has a personal interest inasmuch as they prove that Luis de Leon was +enabled to carry out a long cherished design by means of which he +hoped, as he declared at Valladolid, to counterbalance the indiscreet +prying of Fray Diego de Leon. _La Perfecta Casada_ (1583) and _De los +nombres de Cristo_ (1583-1585) likewise have their roots in Scripture. +_La Perfecta Casada_ is avowedly based on the thirty-first chapter of +_Proverbs_, and _De los nombres de Cristo_, the first part of which +appeared simultaneously with _La Perfecta Casada_,[264] discusses the +various symbolic names applied to the Saviour in the Bible. + +_La Perfecta Casada_ is dedicated to Maria Varela Osorio, a recently +wedded bride, who may have been a distant kinswoman of the +author's.[265] Nowhere more clearly than in this treatise does Luis de +Leon justify the statement that he had a Hebrew soul. He takes for +granted the Oriental point of view, and illustrates his imperious +thesis with ample quotations from writers of all types--pagans, +Christians, saints, and laymen. There are references to Simonides, to +Sophocles, to Euripides, to Plutarch, to Saint Clement of Alexandria, +to Saint Cyprian, to Saint Ambrose, to Garcilasso de la Vega. It seems +likely that _La Perfecta Casada_ was written after _De los nombres de +Cristo_, which was almost certainly begun in prison. But there is +perhaps nothing in the internal evidence of the style which would +point to that conclusion. The style of _La Perfecta Casada_ is +vigorous and clear; but it is marred by gusts of rhetoric and by an +excess of copulative conjunctions. These peculiarities produce the +effect of relative inexperience, and might easily mislead a too +confident critic. + +_De los nombres de Cristo_ is cast in the Platonic form of dialogue, +and, in the section entitled _Pastor_, Plato is quoted by name. But +the Hellenic influence, though present, is not dominant. Already +Alonso de Orozco had anticipated Luis de Leon with _De los nueve +nombres de Cristo_,[266] and there are points of contact in the +handling as is inevitable from the similarity of the subject. But it +cannot be denied that Luis de Leon's work is suffused with a warmer, +more human interest than Orozco's brief sketch. These more intimate +personal elements are present on almost every page of _De los nombres +de Cristo_. Nobody can read far without perceiving that Marcello, +hindered by his _poca salud y muchas occupaciones_, is manifestly a +double of Luis de Leon; there are passages which gloss themes +developed metrically elsewhere; there are retrospicient glances at the +Valladolid trial; the scene of the dialogue is laid within view of La +Flecha, and the details of the landscape are reproduced with exact +fidelity; Luis de Leon has a freer hand in _De los nombres de Cristo_ +than in his other prose works, but here again in his paraphrases of +the Biblical passages relating to Christ his interpretation is at one +with the interpretation of the prophets. And this identity of +sentiment has in it nothing dramatic. Those who have alleged that Luis +de Leon came of Jewish stock may have been--apparently were--mistaken; +but their mistake is comprehensible, for more than any contemporary +Spanish poet--more even than Herrera in his odes--is he saturated with +the Jewish spirit. In all his work Luis de Leon adheres closely to the +Bible. In the _De los nombres de Cristo_ he is also a Platonist within +limits: not so much as regards the manner (which tends to an +oratorical pomp more reminiscent of Cicero) as in his conciliatory +method. With the Jewish and Hellenic blend of influence we must rate +the Latin influence--that of Horace and of Virgil. The influence of +Horace on Luis de Leon has been often noted. It exists no doubt, but +has perhaps been exaggerated: why should we suppose that his love of +moderation was learnt from Horace and was not partly, at least, +temperamental? May not the references to Horace be a characteristic of +humanism? An opinion backed by the weight of classical authority must +reach us with irresistible force, must it not? However this may be, +the predominant influence in _De los nombres de Cristo_, as in all +Luis de Leon's prose, is Scriptural and Christian. In maturity of +development, in intellectual force, in beauty of expression, and in +general adequateness, _De los nombres de Cristo_ exhibits Luis de +Leon's prose at its culmination. The book is dedicated to Pedro +Portocarrero,[267] Bishop of Calahorra, who had previously twice been +rector of Salamanca University. It seems probable that Luis de Leon's +friendship with him dates back to 1566-1567, when Portocarrero held +the office of rector for the second time. Besides _De los nombres de +Cristo_ Luis de Leon dedicated to Portocarrero _In Abdiam prophetam +Explanatio_ (1589) and the manuscript collection of his poems. For +some reason not very obvious this collection of verses was not +published till 1631 when it was issued by Quevedo, who hoped that it +would help to stem the current of Gongorism in Spain. The poems, +printed forty years after the author's death, appeared too late to +affect the public taste. Gngora himself had died in 1627, but his +influence was undiminished. Quevedo, who had obtained his copies of +Luis de Leon's verses from Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, a canon of +Seville cathedral, did his share as editor by writing two prefaces, +one addressed to Sarmiento de Mendoza, and the other to Olivares who +was manifestly expected to pronounce against Gongorism. Olivares, +however, had no reason to love Quevedo, and was resolved to take no +active part in what he doubtless regarded as a scribblers' quarrel. +Gongorism pursued its way unchecked. Quevedo's edition, though +incomplete and disfigured by certain errors, was reprinted at Milan +during the same year (1631), and then all interest in Luis de Leon +flickered out for a while. + +In the prefatory note of the 1631 Madrid edition--entitled _Obras +propias, y traduciones latinas, griegas y italianas_--Luis de Leon +speaks of his poems slightingly as mere playthings of his youth, now +brought together at the request of an anonymous friend--perhaps Benito +Arias Montano--to whom they had been ascribed. Luis de Leon arranges +the material in three books, containing respectively his original +compositions, his translations from authors profane, and his versions +of certain psalms, a hymn, and chapters from the Book of Job. But, +beyond the general statement as to the early date of composition, Luis +de Leon gives no precise information as to when individual poems were +written. The assertion that the poems date back almost to the author's +childhood is contradicted by concrete facts. Take, for instance, the +celebrated _Noche serena_ dedicated to Oloarte. If, as I conjecture, +the dedicatee of the _Noche serena_ is identical with the Diego de +Loarte, archdeacon of Ledesma, who gave evidence at Salamanca on +January 27, 1573, and who on that date had known Luis de Leon for +fourteen years, the _Noche serena_ cannot have been composed earlier +than 1559 when Luis de Leon was thirty-one--youthful, indeed, but long +past his _niez_. On January 17, 1573, Francisco Salinas testified at +Salamanca to having known Luis de Leon for six years: whence it +follows that _El aire se serena_ cannot have been written before 1567, +when Luis de Leon was bordering on his fortieth year. As Don Carlos +died on July 24, 1568, the _Cancion a la muerte de don Carlos_ and the +_Epitafio al tmulo del prncipe don Carlos_ must necessarily have +been composed after that date; that is, when Luis de Leon was just +forty and had left his _niez_ far behind him. Besides a general +dedication to Portocarrero, the collection includes three individual +poems which are dedicated to that personage: (1) _Virtud, hija del +Cielo_; (2) _No siempre es poderosa_; (3) _La cana y alta cumbre_. In +_La cana y alta cumbre_ there is a reference to + + la cruda guerra + que agora el Marte airado + despierta en la alta sierra. + +These verses can scarcely allude to anything but the Alpujarras rising +of 1568-1571, and the conjecture hardens into certainty in view of the +mention of Alonso and Poqueira: this is clearly the Alonso +Portocarrero who, as Hurtado de Mendoza records, perished at Poqueira, +'trabado del veneno usado dende los tiempos antiguos entre cazadores'. +This poem must have been written when Luis de Leon was at least +forty-one. _Virtud, hija del cielo_, in mentioning the _Mio_, refers +to Portocarrero's appointment in Galicia; and as Portocarrero's term +of office appears to have lasted from 1571 to 1580, the poem cannot be +dated earlier than 1571 when Luis de Leon was over forty-three. If the +mention of _la morisca armada_ in the lines _A Santiago_ glances at +the battle of Lepanto which was fought on October 7, 1571, then the +poem must have been written after that date, when the author was close +on forty-four. The verses dedicated to Juan de Grial, with their +closing reference to the writer's trials: + + Que yo, de un torbellino + traidor acometido, y derrocado + del medio del camino + al hondo, el plectro amado + y del vuelo las alas he quebrado; + +the fervent entreaty _A todos los santos_ and its unreserved lament: + + No niego, dulce amparo + del alma, que mis males son mayores + que aqueste desamparo; + mas cuanto son peores, + tanto resonaran mas tus loores; + +the very beautiful and justly renowned _Virgen que el sol mas pura_, +with its heart-rending supplication: + + los ojos vuelve al suelo + y mira un miserable en crcel dura + cercado de tinieblas y tristeza: + +possibly[268] the song _Del conocimiento de si mismo_, with its +significant simile: + + el gusanillo de la gente hollado + un rey era, conmigo comparado; + +and assuredly the famous _quintillas_ beginning _Aqui la envidia y +mentira_: these compositions were probably composed during, or after, +the writer's imprisonment at Valladolid, that is to say between the +spring of 1572 and the winter of 1576, when Luis de Leon was from +forty-four or forty-five to forty-eight or forty-nine. _Del mundo y su +vanidad_ glances at + + la grave desventura + del lusitano, por su mal valiente, + la soberbia bravura + de su animosa gente + desbaratada miserablemente. + +This passage obviously recalls the disastrous defeat of Sebastian I, +King of Portugal, at Al-Kaor al-Kebir in August 1578, when Luis de +Leon was more than fifty years of age. If these inferences are valid, +it would follow that many of his original poems were not composed till +he was nearly forty or more. It is difficult to reconcile these +conclusions with the author's categorical assertion that the poems +were produced during his early years. As Luis de Leon was the least +vain, as well as the most truthful of men, an explanation must be +found, and it is perhaps permissible to suggest that Luis de Leon +wrote a prefatory note to Portocarrero intending it to be placed at +the beginning of the Second Book which contains his poems translated +from Roman and other authors. By some mischance the poet's intention +was frustrated; perhaps a leaf was out of place in Sarmiento de +Mendoza's copy; perhaps Quevedo is directly responsible for what +occurred. At any rate, the letter dedicatory was bisected, the greater +part of it being transferred to the beginning of the First Book, while +a mere morsel came to be printed at the beginning of the Third Book. +This surmise may serve till a better explanation is forthcoming. + +It is not to be inferred from the foregoing summary that all Luis de +Leon's original and graver compositions were written during his +maturity, but there is some reason to think that his earlier efforts +in verse took the form of translations. Though it is undoubtedly true +that his poems as a whole were not published till 1631, four isolated +pieces of his strayed into print as early as 1574 when they were +included by Francisco Sanchez, _el Brocense_, in the notes to his +edition of the _Obras del excelente poeta Garci-Lasso de la +Vega_.[269] At that date Luis de Leon was in the secret prison-cells +of the Inquisition at Valladolid. Sanchez had been a colleague of his +at Salamanca for some six years, was on friendly terms with him, knew +the exact turn things were taking, felt that no good, and possibly +some harm, might be done by mentioning the prisoner's name, and +accordingly gave a version of an Horatian ode with the comment: 'vn +docto destos reynos la traduxo bi[~e]'[270]. This needs +interpretation. There can be no doubt that Luis de Leon was a very +competent Latin scholar; neither is there any doubt that he had a +profound admiration for Horace. At his best, his Horatian versions, +if somewhat lacking in polish, are remarkably faithful and vigorous. +But when we find him in his translation of the eighteenth ode of the +Second Book rendering _salis avarus_ by _de sal avariento_--the second +person singular of the present indicative of the verb _salire_ being +mistaken for the genitive of the substantive _sal_[271]--we may +perhaps conclude that a boyish exercise has somehow escaped +destruction. + +It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is restricted in +his choice of themes, and it is impossible to deny that his sacred +profession acted as something of a limitation to him. Still, when the +mood was on him, he rent his chains asunder as readily as Samson broke +the seven green withs at Gaza: 'as a thread of tow is broken when it +toucheth the fire.' Perhaps nobody would guess off-hand that the +_Profecia del Tajo_ was the handiwork of a sixteenth-century monk, a +dweller in the rarefied atmosphere of mysticism. It only remained for +a friar in the opposition camp to discover nearly three hundred years +later a tendency in Luis de Leon to treat sensual themes in a sensual +fashion.[272] To deal seriously with a belated judgement based on +malignant ignorance would be a waste of time. It is the very irony of +fate that the poem which has been the subject of severe censure should +prove to be a translation from Cardinal Bembo.[273] The standard of +the twentieth century is not the standard of the sixteenth, and it is +certain that Luis de Leon has not the unfettered liberty of a godless +layman. He is restrained by his austere temperament, by his monk's +habit, by Christian doctrine. Nevertheless he moves with easy grace +and dignity on planes so far apart as those of patriotism, of +devotion, of human sympathy, of introspection. His patriotism finds +powerful expression, as already noted, in the _Profecia del Tajo_, +besprinkled with sonorous place-names, these growing fewer as the +movement is accelerated, and Father Tagus describes with a mixture of +picturesque mediaeval sentiment and martial music the onset of the +Arabs and the clangour of arms as they meet the doomed Gothic host. In +the sphere of devotional poetry Luis de Leon nowhere displays more +unction, more ecstatic piety than in the verses on the Ascension +beginning with the line: + + Y dexas, Pastor santo. + +It will be observed that the conjunction _y_, so superabundant in _La +Perfecta Casada_, is the first word of this poem, of which Churton has +supplied a well-known rendering: + + And dost Thou, holy Shepherd, leave + Thy flock in this dark vale alone, + In cheerless solitude to grieve, + Whilst Thou to endless rest art gone? + + The sheep, in Thy protection blest, + Untended wilt Thou leave to mourn? + The lambs, once cherished at Thy breast, + Forlorn,--oh! whither shall they turn? + + Where shall those eyes now find repose, + That pine Thy gracious glance to see? + What can they hear but sounds of woes, + Sad exiles from discourse with Thee? + + And who shall curb this troubled deep, + When Thou no more amidst the gloom + Shalt chide the wrathful winds to sleep, + And guide the labouring vessel home? + + For Thou art gone! that cloud so bright + That bears Thee from our gaze away, + Springs upward into dazzling light, + And leaves us here to weep and pray. + +Four additional stanzas, accepted as authentic by perhaps the most +painstaking of Luis de Leon's editors, are thus Englished by Churton: + + Our life has lost its richest store, + The balm for sorrow's inward thorn, + The hope, that, gladd'ning more and more, + Out-brighten'd all the springs of morn. + + Ah me! my soul, what hateful chain + Holds back thy freeborn spirit's flight? + Oh break it, disenthrall'd from pain, + And mount those azure depths of light. + + Why should'st thou fear? What earth-born spell + Is on thee, with thy choice at strife + The soul no dying pang can quell, + But loss of Christ is death in life. + + Dear Lord, and Friend, more dear to me + Than all the names Earth's love hath found, + Through darkest gloom I'll follow Thee, + Or cheer'd with beaming glory round. + +Now there is no question of mere executive skill and simple +craftsmanship in Luis de Leon's poems. He is, indeed, always sound and +competent in these respects; but artistry is not his supreme virtue as +a poet. He is ever prone to be a little rugged in his manner, and this +ruggedness has proved something of a trap to the unwary. Luis de Leon +has no real mannerisms, and is no more to be parodied than is +Shakespeare. Yet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish him at his +worst from his imitators at their best. Though withheld so long from +the public, Luis de Leon's poems, while still in manuscript, were +repeatedly imitated--especially by Augustinians. To my way of +thinking, he is most nearly approached by his friend Arias Montano. +But it should be said that this is not the general verdict. That goes +decisively in favour of Miguel Sanchez, _el Divino_. Miguel Sanchez is +the author of a beautiful _Cancion de Cristo Crucificado_, a poem +which, though not published till 1605 with the real writer's name +attached to it, has constantly been ascribed to Luis de Leon.[274] The +_Cancion_ is no doubt a composition of great charm and mystic unction; +but it lacks the concentrated force of Luis de Leon. Luis de Leon has +a lofty dignity of his own; he outstrips all rivalry by virtue of his +nobility, by virtue of his intellectual vigour, by virtue of sheer +excellence rather than by curious refinements of technique. These +positive qualities defy reproduction by even the most accomplished of +imitators. It has been said that Luis de Leon's verse, as well as his +prose, has noticeable roughnesses; but let us not derive a wrong +impression from this assertion. Luis de Leon is not 'finicking'. +Withal he is a master of his art. Retrograde as we may perhaps think +him in some matters, he was on the side of the reformers in the +matter of metrics. He was a partisan of Boscan's innovating methods: +so much might be expected from a man of his period. It is to be noted +that, in his best poems, he shows a decided preference for _liras_, a +form apparently invented by Bernardo Tasso before it was transplanted +to Spain by Garcilasso de la Vega. Luis de Leon was of opinion that +those who violate poetry, using it for purposes of a meretricious +kind, deserved punishment as public corrupters of two most sacred +things: poetry and morals. It is one of the curious ironies of art +that the measure which the seductive Garcilasso used for amatory +purposes should have appealed to Luis de Leon as the vehicle most +suited to enraptured chants and hymns of philosophic meditation. + +It is obvious that Luis de Leon took a keen interest in all the real +essentials of his art. It is no less obvious that he saw matters in +their actual perspective, that he attached no undue importance to +technique, as such, and that he gave no less weight to the choice of +matter than to the choice of form. Luis de Leon was not incapable of +metrical audacities: as when he divides into two separate words +adverbs in _-mente_ occurring at the end of a line. This practice was +audacious, but it was not an innovation. Juan de Almeida defended it +by citing a host of precedents from other literatures and, had Almeida +been a prophet, he might have foretold that this device was destined +to be repeated hundreds of years later by that innovating genius Rubn +Daro. But Almeida was not a prophet. His titles to remembrance are +that he was learned, and that he may rank with Miguel Sanchez, with +Alonso de Espinosa, and with Benito Arias Montano as among the least +unsuccessful of Luis de Leon's followers. They often follow his lead +with undeniable adroitness. Yet they never attain his incomparable +concentration, his majestic vision of nature and his characteristic +note of ecstatic aloofness. Nowhere is he more himself than in the +immortal stanzas dedicated to Oloarte under the title of _Noche +serena_ of which Churton has bequeathed us an English version which I +will quote, though it gives but a far-off echo of the original's magic +melody: + + When nightly through the sky + I view the stars their files unnumber'd leading, + Then see the dark earth lie + In deathlike trance, unheeding + How Life and Time with those bright orbs are speeding: + + Strong love and equal pain + Wake in my heart a fire with anguish burning; + The tear-drops fall like rain, + Mine eyes to fountains turning, + And my sad voice pours forth its tones of mourning: + + O mansion of high state, + Bright temple of bright saints in beauty dwelling, + The soul, once born to mate + With these, what force repelling + Hath bound to earth, its light in darkness quelling? + + What mortal disaccord + Hath exiled so from Truth the mind unstable? + Why of its blest reward + Forgetful, lost, unable, + Seeks it each shadowy fraud and guileful fable? + + Man lies in slumber dead, + Like one that of his danger hath no feeling, + The while with silent tread + Those restless orbs are wheeling, + And, as they fly, his hours of life are stealing. + + O mortals, wake and rise; + Think of the loss that on your lives is pressing; + The soul, that never dies, + Ordain'd for endless blessing, + How shall it live, false shows for truth caressing? + + Ah, raise your fainting eyes + To that firm sphere which still new glory weareth, + And scorn the low disguise + The flattering world prepareth, + And all the world's poor thrall hopeth or feareth. + + O what is all earth's round, + Brief scene of man's proud strife and vain endeavour, + Weigh'd with that deep profound, + That tideless Ocean-river, + That onward bears Time's fleeting forms for ever? + + Once meditate, and see + That fix'd accord in wondrous variance given, + The mighty harmony + Of courses all uneven, + Wherein each star keeps time and place in heaven. + + Who can behold that store + Of light unspent, and not, with very sighing, + Burst earth's frail bonds, and soar, + With soul unbodied flying, + From this sad place of exile and of dying? + + There dwelleth sweet Content; + There is the reign of Peace; there, throned in splendour, + As one pre-eminent, + With dove-like eyes so tender, + Sits holy Love,--honour and joy attend her. + + There is reveal'd whate'er + Of Beauty thought can reach; the source internal + Of purest Light, that ne'er + To darkness yields; eternal + Bloom the bright flowers in clime for ever vernal. + + There would my spirit be, + Those quiet fields and pleasant meads exploring, + Where Truth immortally, + Her priceless wealth outpouring, + Feeds through the blissful vales the souls of saints adoring. + +The fact that the original is cast in the _lira_ form would compel one +to assign this composition to a date not earlier than 1542, when +Garcilasso's poems were first published. Nothing, however, could be +more remote from Garcilasso's nebulous half-pagan melancholy; we are +no less distant from the pseudonymous nymphs of Cetina and Francisco +de la Torre: the elegant Amaryllis of the one, the elusive Filis of +the other, though destined to be re-incarnated by a tribe of later +poets, find no place in these stately numbers. Luis de Leon does not +emulate Alczar's epigrammatic wit, nor Herrera's Petrarchan +sweetness, nor Ercilla's tumultuous rhetoric. He has an individuality +all his own, the moral purpose of the man is wedded to the poet's art +in such wise that he strikes a note individual and completely new in +Spanish literature--a note rarely heard in any literature till we +catch its strain in the verses of him who tells us that + + The Youth, who daily farther from the east + Must travel, still is Nature's Priest, + And by the vision splendid + Is on his way attended; + At length the Man perceives it die away, + And fade into the light of common day. + +In Luis de Leon, as in Wordsworth, art is raised to a hieratic +dignity: both have a splendid simplicity, a most lofty expression of +sublime meditation--qualities rare everywhere in every age, and rarest +of all in the flamboyant, if gloomy, Spain of the sixteenth century. + +Luis de Leon has his weak points. He does not attain to the angelic +melody of St. John of the Cross. He is apt to be indifferent to sheer +beauty of form; though he often reaches it, this success seems with +him to be a happy accident. Lucidity is not his main object; though he +uses simple terms, his immense range of knowledge tempts him at whiles +to indulge in allusions which it might tax all the ingenuity of +commentators to explain. Commentators of Luis de Leon have a +sufficiently heavy task before them in reconstructing the text of his +poems--the heavier because the originals no longer exist. Sr. de Ons +has given us some idea of the problems to be solved.[275] Whatever +flaws are revealed in Luis de Leon's manner, he is nearly always +vital, nearly always has something elevating, illuminating and +beautiful to say. As a human being, too, he is not above criticism. +There is an unpleasant savour in the story that he asked Antonio Perez +to let him have the Chrysostom manuscript which he proposed to +translate in Paris, the profits to be divided. We need not believe +this perhaps calumnious little tale. Antonio Perez is open to +suspicion of being an assassin and a traitor; he may also have been +untruthful. Luis de Leon is not a candidate for canonization. He was +no icicle of perfection. He was something vastly more interesting than +a chill intellectual: a man ardent, austere, conscious of resplendent +intellectual faculties, perhaps a little arrogant when off his guard, +incautious but wary, individualistic but self-sacrificing, emotional, +sensitive, reticent: a mass of conflicting qualities blended, unified +and held in subjection by sheer strength of will, fortified by a +professional discipline, deliberately embraced and rigorously +followed. Add to this that he had in a supreme degree the creative +impulse, an irrepressible instinct for self-expression. It is not +strange that the self-expression of a personality so fine, so complex, +so rich, so rare, should produce the series of compositions which +entitle Luis de Leon to rank among the very greatest of Spanish +poets, and beside the most glorious figures in the history of any +literature. He stands a little apart from the rest of Spanish poets in +a splendid solitude which befits him; he must perforce be solitary, +dwelling as he most often does at altitudes inaccessible to ordinary +mortals. + + Those solemn heights but to the stars are known, + But to the stars, and the cold lunar beams: + Alone the sun arises, and alone + Spring the great streams. + + + + +V + + +[Footnote 263: They must have been known to the dedicatee of the +_Noche serena_, whom I am inclined to identify with Diego de Olarte +who appeared before the Valladolid tribunal (_Documentos inditos_, +vol. XI, pp. 301-302). But the only positive evidence on this head is +given by Francisco de Salinas who testified 'que era amigo del dicho +fray Luis de Leon, el cual venia muchas veces casa deste testigo, y +oy deste testigo la especulativa, y comunicaba con este testigo cosas +de poesa y otras cosas del arte' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. XI, pp. +302-303).] + +[Footnote 264: In the early editions--those of 1583, 1585, 1587, 1595, +and 1603--_De los nombres de Cristo_ and _La Perfecta Casada_ are +bound up together. Each treatise has a separate pagination in all five +cases.] + +[Footnote 265: Luis de Leon's mother was 'Ins de Valera, hija de Juan +de Valera, vecino que fu de la villa de Belmente, escudero, que vivia +de su hacienda' (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, pp. 170-171). The +substitution of Varela for Valera, or vice versa, is easy in Spanish. +An example of such a substitution in the case of Luis de Leon's mother +is given by Blanco Garca, _Fr. Luis de Len_, p. 24, _n._ 1. Blanco +Garca mentions a tombstone in the monastery of San Jernimo at +Granada with the following inscription: + +'_En esta capilla est enterrado el noble hidalgo el Lic. Lope de Leon +del C del Rey nuestro Seor, Oidor que fu de Granada, y Asistente de +Sevilla: falleci 24 de Julio de 1562 aos: y Doa Ins Barela_ +(sic), _y Alarcon, su mujer, dot esta capilla para entierro suyo y de +sus descendientes._' + +The name of Luis de Leon's maternal grandmother was Menca Alvarez +Osorio. From these circumstances, it appears possible that some +relationship existed between the dedicatee of _La Perfecta Casada_ and +the author of that treatise. Luis de Leon had four maternal uncles, +three of whom were laymen--Francisco de Valera, Bernardino de Valera, +and Cristbal de Alarcon, 'capitan que fu en Italia'. All three had +died before April 15, 1572 (_Documentos inditos_, vol. X, p. 181). + +It is also possible that Isabel Osorio (_Documentos inditos_, vol. +XI, p. 271), to whom the manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Songs_ was lent, may likewise have been related to Luis de +Leon.] + +[Footnote 266: Orozco's treatise was printed in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1888), vol. XXI, pp. 393-401, and vol. XXII, pp. 543-550. It is +reproduced by Sr. D. Federico de Ons in his edition of _De los +nombres de Cristo_ in the series of _Clsicos Castellanos_ (1914), +vol. XXVIII, pp. 261-281, and (1917), vol. XXXIII, pp. 257-271.] + +[Footnote 267: Nowhere have I found an indication of Portocarrero's +birth-date. He became Bishop of Calahorra in 1587, and was translated +to Crdoba in 1594; he died on September 20, 1600.] + +[Footnote 268: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 48) writes, however: 'la +_Cancin del conocimiento de s mismo_, que es la primera cuya fecha +se puede averiguar, la escribi diez aos despus de entrar en +religin'. This is an inference from the closing lines of the poem: + + aunque san del mal y su accidente + diez aos h que soy convaleciente. + +In a note to the passage quoted above, Alonso Getino refers to the +_Cancin al nacimiento de la hija del Marqus de Alcaices_, written, +as he thinks, 'en un tono impropio de un imberbe'. He appears to have +no doubt as to the authenticity of this composition: the correctness +of the ascription of this poem to Luis de Leon is at least +questionable.] + +[Footnote 269: The pieces printed by Sanchez are translations of Ode +X, Book II; Ode XXII, Book I; Ode XIII, Book IV; and Epode II.] + +[Footnote 270: _Obras del excelente poeta Garcilasso de la Vega_, +Salamanca, 1577. This (second) edition is the earliest to which I have +access. On pp. 91-92 Sanchez writes: 'Trato este elegantemente +Horacio, Oda 10. lib. I. Y porque un docto destos reynos la traduxo +bi[~e], y ay pocos casos destos en nuestra lengua, le pondre aqui +todo: y ansi enti[~e]do hazer en el discurso destas sentencias quando +se ofreciere'. On p. 94, Sanchez writes: 'Por traer el lugar de +Horacio, donde todo esto se toma, aure de poner toda la Oda, sacada +por el mismo que traduxo la otra'. On pp. 97-98 Sanchez writes: 'Al +reves desto se burla Horacio de una dama, motejandola de vieja: y [~q] +ya se le passo la flor, aunque ella no lo piensa. Y por estar +traduzida por el mismo [~q] las pasadas, pgo aqui la Oda, que es +del libro 4 l. 13.'] + +[Footnote 271: This slip has been pointed out by Menndez y Pelayo in +both editions (Madrid, 1878[?] and 1885) of his _Horacio en Espaa. +Solaceas bibliogrficas_.] + +[Footnote 272: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 50) and in _El Correo +Espaol_ (1908). A reply to these views has been made in the form of +an open letter to Sr. Berrueta, Director of _El Lbaro_, by P. Conrado +Muios Senz. The reply of Muios Senz will be found in _La Ciudad de +Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560, vol. LXXIX, pp. +18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, +177-197.] + +[Footnote 273: M. Menndez y Pelayo, _Antologa de poetas lricos +castellanos_ (1908), vol. XIII, p. 332.] + +[Footnote 274: It is printed among Luis de Leon's poems in the +_Biblioteca de Autores Espaoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta +nuestros dias_, vol. XXXVII, pp. 12-13. As this is perhaps the +best-known edition of Luis de Leon's poems, most of my quotations are +taken from it.] + +[Footnote 275: _Sobre la transmisin de la obra literaria de Fr. Luis +de Len_ in _Revista de Filologa espaola_ (1915), vol. II, pp. +217-257.] + + + + +APPENDIX + +EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON + + +Silas obras acertadas de algun Artifice le estan (como dize el Sabio) +alabando siempre, con cuanta mayor razon las de Dios nos dan motivo +para engrandecer su infinita Sabiduria. i mas cuando vemos que nacen +algunos ombres, acpaados de tantas gracias que parece que fueron +hechos, sin otro medio, por sus divinas manos, sien alguno se puede +esto verificar, es en el gran Maestro (como veremos) sus Progenitores +fueron de Belmonte, de clarissimo linage, en el cual resplandecieron +muchos varones insignes en letras i Santidad. El Licenciado Lope de +Leon su Padre, siendo uno de los mayores letrados de su tiempo, vino +por Oidor a Sevilla, donde hizo oficio de Asistente, i en ella tuvo +(para onra de nuestra Patria) este ilustre hijo, que siendo promovido +luego ala chancilleria de Granada, nacio en ella, elao 1528 para +engrandecer l' Andaluzia la Nacion Espaola, i el mundo. En lo +natural, fue pequeo de cuerpo, en devida proporcion, la cabea +grande, bien formada, poblada de cabello algo crespo, i el cerquillo +cerrado, la frente espaciosa, el rostro mas redondo que aguileo, +(como lo muestra el Retrato) trigueo el color, los ojos verdes i +vivos. En lo moral, con especial don de Silencio, el ombre mas callado +que sea conocido, si bien de singular agudeza en sus dichos, con +estremo abstinente i templado, en la comida bevida, i sueo. de mucho +secreto, verdad, i fidelidad: puntual en palabra i promessas; +compuesto, poco onada risueo. Leiasse en la gravedad de su rostro, el +peso de la nobleza de su alma, resplandecia enmedio desto por +eccelencia una umildad profunda. fue limpissimo, mui onesto i +recogido, gran Religioso, i observante de las Leyes. Amava ala +santissima Virgen ternissimamente, ayunava las visperas de sus +fiestas, comiendo alas tres de la tar de, ino haziendo colacion. de +aqui nacio aqella regalada Cancion que comienca; _Virgen q'el Solmas +pura_. fue mui espiritual, i de mucha Oracion, i en ella en tiempo de +sus mayores trabajos, favorecido de Dios particularissimamente. con +ser de natural colerico fue mui sufrido i piadoso para los que le +tratavan. tan penitente i austero consigo, que las mas noches no se +acostava en cama, i el que la avia hecho la hallava ala maana de la +misma manera certificalo el Padre Maestro frai Luis Moreno de +Bohorquez (onra de su Religion, que estuvo 4 aos en su compaia) a +quien devemos la verdad deste discurso, Professo en el Monesterio de +San Agustin de Salamanca, en 29 de Enero de 1544, siendo de edad de 16 +aos. en lo adquisito, fue gran Dialetico i Filosofo, Maestro graduado +en Artes, i Dotor en Teologia, por aquella insigne Universidad; donde +fue Catedratico mas de 36 aos, en la Catedra de Santo Tomas de +Durando, de Filosofia moral, i de Prima de Sagrada Escritura, que tuvo +con crecido premio, por que leyesse una leccion, supo Escolastico tan +aventajadamente, como sino tratava de Escritura, i de Escritura, como +sino tratava de Escolastico. fue la mayor capacidad de ingenio que sea +conocida en su tiempo, para todas Ciencias i Artes; escrevia no menos +que nuestro Francisco Lucas, siendo famosso Matematico, Aritmetico, i +Geometra; i gran Astrologo, i Judiciario, (aunque lo uso con +templana) fue eminente en el uno i otro derecho, Medico superior, que +entrava en el General con los desta Facultad, i argua en sus actos. +fue gran Poeta Latino i Castellano, como lo muestran sus versos. +estudio sin Maestro la Pintura, i la exercit tan diestramente que +entre otras cosas hizo (cosa dificil) su mesmo Retrato. tuvo otras +infinitas abilidades, que callo por cosas mayores. La lengua Latina, +Griega, i Hebrea, la Caldea i Siria, supo como los Maestros della. +pues la muestra con cuanta grandeza? siendo el primero que escrivio +en ella con numero i elegcia; digalo el Libro de los Nombres de +Cristo i perfeta casada, encarecido i admirado de los doctos, que no +sabe acabar de loarlo Antonio Possevino en su Biblioteca. escrivio en +Latin Comentarios sobre los Cantares, i fue el primero que allan las +dificultades de la letra: i sobre el Psalmo 26 i el Profeta Abdias, i +la Epistola ad Galatas, i un tratado de utriusq agni: expuso otros +libros de la Escritura que no estan impressos. ai muchas obras suyas +de mano en verso, divididas en tres partes, la primera de las cosas +proprias, la segunda lo que traduxo de autores Profanos, la tercera de +los Psalmos, Cantares i Capitulos de Job. lo cual asido siempre +estimadissimo, con la carta a don Pedro Puertocarrero, a quien lo +dirige, escrivio otra en san Felipe de Madrid ao 1587 alas Carmelitas +descalas, en favor del espiritu i escritos de Santa Teresa de Jesus, +que anda con su libro, digna de la eccelencia de su ingenio. Al passo +destas grandezas, fue la invidia que le persiguio, pero descubrio +altamente sus quilates, saliendo en todo superior, i con el mayor +triumfo i onra que en estos Reinos sea visto. fue varon de tanta +autoridad, que parecia mas a proposito para mostrar alos otros, que +para aprender de ninguno. grande su juizio i prudencia en materias de +govierno, alcan mucha estimacion en Espaa i fuera della con los +mayores ombres; consultavalo el Rei Filipo Segundo en todos los casos +graves de conciencia enviandole correos estraordinarios a Salamanca; i +despues yendo por orden de la Universidad, con particular comision, a +su Magestad, lo trat i comunic, haziendole especial favor imerced. i +en los acometimientos onrosos de Obispados, i del Arobispado de +Mexico, descubrio su valor i animo grande, no solo para desnudarse de +la dignidad (cosa intentada de pocos) mas aun de todo cuanto tenia en +la tierra: varon de veras Evangelico. en estos santos exercicios i con +esta continuacion de vida, siendo Provincial de la Provincia de +Castilla, acab su curso santamente (dexando en todos harto +desconsuelo, aun que mayor certeza de su gloria) en la villa de +Madrigal en 24 de Agosto del ao 1595. de 63 aos de edad. traxeronle +con la devida onra a san Agustin de Salamanca donde avia tomado el +abito, i yaze sepultado en el claustro de aquel ilustre Convento. I +para cumplimiento de su Elogio i de mi desseo no me content con menos +(en onra de tan insigne varon) de que los versos Latinos fuessen del +Licenciado Rodrigo Caro, i los Castellanos de Lope de Vega, en su +Laurel de Apolo, con que se encarecen basttem[~e]te. + + + + +EPIGRAMMA + + + Hispalis, Iliberis, Salmantica, Monta, Toletum + Municipem iactant te, Ludovice, suum. + Contigit id magno quondam certamen Homero: + Contigit Hesperio sicq3 Melesigeni. + + Agustino Len, Frai Luis divino + o dulce Analogia de Agustino! + conque verdad nos diste + al Rei Profeta en verso Castellano, + que con tanta elegancia tra duziste; + cuanto le deviste + (como en tus mismas obras encareces) + ala invidia cruel, porquien mereces + Laureles inmortales; + tu prosa, i verso iguales + conservaran la gloria de tu nombre; + i los Nombres de Cristo Soberano + tele daran eterno, porque asombre + la dulce pluma de tu heroica mano + de tu persecusion la causa injusta, + tu fuiste gloria de Agustino Augusta, + tu el onor de la lengua Castellana, + que desseaste introduzir escrita, + viendo que ala Romana tanto imita + que puede competir con la Romana. + Si en esta edad vivieras + fuerte Leon en su defensa fueras. + + + + +INDEX + + +A + +Abarca de Sotomayor (Ana), 93 _n._ + +_Agustiniana, Revista_, _passim_ + +Alarcon (Cristbal de), 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (fulano de), 110 _n._ + +Alarcon (Ins de), 27 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (Mara de), 28 _n._ + +lava (Andrs de), 90, 128 _n._, 139 _n._ + +Albornoz (Francisco de), 90, 139 _n._ + +Alcaices (Marqus de), 235 _n._ + +Alczar (Baltasar de), 229 + +Almansa (Francisco de), 39, 40, 93 _n._, 94 _n._ + +Almansa (Pedro de), 94 _n._ + +Almaraz (Antonio de), 189 _n._ + +Almeida (Juan de), 33 _n._, 129 _n._, 224 + +Alvarez (Luis), 44 + +Alvarez Guijarro (Carlos), 193 _n._, 198 _n._ + +Alvarez Osorio (Menca), 234 _n._ + +Ambrose (Saint), 205 + +Ana de Jess (La Madre) 12, 30 _n._, 174, 180, 181, 203 + +Antolinez (Agustin), 180 + +Aragon (Pedro de), 165, 194 _n._ + +Arboleda (Francisco de), 56, 57, 112 _n._ + +Arce (Antonio de), 137 _n._ + +Arias Montano (Benito), 62, 63, 83, 119 _n._, 120 _n._, 202, 210, 221, + 224 + +Arias (Diego), 59, 114 _n._ + +Aristotle, 82 + +Arresse (Juan de), 166, 197 _n._ + +Asensio y Toledo (Jos Maria), 201 _n._ + + +B + +Baez (Domingo), 10, 154, 161, 164, 194 _n._, 195 _n._, 196 _n._ + +Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la), 190 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Barrientos, 48, 100 _n._ + +Bjar (Sptimo duque de), 58 + +Bembo (Pietro), 83, 84, 218 + +Bernal, Dr., 170 + +Berrueta, 237 _n._ + +Blanco Garca (Francisco), _passim_ + +Bolivar (Pedro), 138 _n._ + +Bonard (Cornelio), 199 _n._ + +Boscan Almogaver (Juan), 223 + +Braganza (Teutonio de), 175 + +Bravo, 33 _n._ + + +C + +Cabrera de Crdoba (Luis), 184 + +Calderon de la Barca Henao de la Barreda y Riao (Pedro), 3 + +Cncer, Dr., 66, 68, 77, 137 _n._ + +Cano (Melchor), 81, 131 _n._, 202 + +Caravajal (Diego de), 112 _n._ + +Carlos (el maestro Don), 33 _n._ + +Carlos (el prncipe Don), 211 + +Caro (Rodrigo), 244 + +Carranza (Bartolom de), 21, 35 _n._, 85, 134 _n._ + +Castaeda (Juan de), 161, 194 _n._ + +Castillo (Garcia del), 33 _n._ + +Castillo (Hernando del), 66, 67, 89, 137 _n._ + +Castro (Adolfo de), 190 _n._ + +Castro (Leon de) 13, 14,15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24 _n._, 31 _n._, + 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 35 _n._, 54, 62, 77, 80, 86, 110 _n._ + +Castro (Pedro de) 91, 139 _n._, 141 _n._ + +Cayetano (_see_ Vio). + +Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de) 3, 58, 155, 184, 191 _n._ + +Cetina (Gutierre de) 228 + +Churton (Edward) 219, 220, 225 + +Cicero 207 + +Ciguelo (Juan) 77, 78, 128 _n._ + +Cipriano (el maestro) 81 + +Clement of Alexandria (Saint) 205 + +Copernicus (Nicolaus) 61, 114 _n._, 115 _n._ + +Coscojales (Martin de) 165, 194 _n._ + +Cruesen (Nicolaas) 148, 149 + +Cruz (Joan de la) (_see_ Santa Cruz) + +Cueto (Francisco) 71, 114 _n._, 117 _n._ + +Cyprian (Saint) 205 + + +D + +Daro (Rubn) 224 + +Doria (Nicols de Jesus Maria) 174, 175, 176, 179 + + +E + +Ercilla y Ziga (Alonso) 229 + +Espinosa (Alonso de) 224 + +Espinosa (Ana de) 41, 95 _n._ + +Estrada (Doctor) 180 + +Euripides 205 + + +F + +Fernandez (Alonso) 193 _n._ + +Frechilla (Doctor) 77, 91, 139 _n._, 140 + + +G + +Galileo 57, 112 _n._ + +Galvan (Juan), 84 + +Gallardo (Bartolome Jose), 145, 185 _n._, 187 _n._, 191 _n._, + 192 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Gallego (Juan), 36 _n._ + +Gallo (Juan), 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 190 _n._ + +Gallo (Gregorio), 9, 154 + +Gaona (Diego de), 107 _n._ + +Garcia del Castillo, 146 + +Garcilasso, _see_ Lasso de la Vega (Garci). + +Getino (Luis G. Alonso), _passim_ + +Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco), 209, 215 + +Gngora (Luis de), 209 + +Gonzalez (Diego), 21, 39, 94 _n._, 128 _n._ + +Gonzalez de Tejada (J.), 28 _n._, 29 _n._, 100 _n._ + +Grajal (Gaspar de), 10, 13, 20, 21, 22, 29 _n._, 33 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 42, 108 _n._, 157, 162 + +Granada (Luis de), 203 + +Grial (Juan de), 213 + +Guevara (Juan de), 11, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 81, 108 _n._, 190 _n._, + 194 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Guevara (Martin de), 127 _n._ + +Guigelmo, 132 _n._ + +Guijano de Mercado (Doctor), 91, 92, 128 _n._, 139 _n._, 140 _n._, + 144 _n._ + +Gustin (Celedon), 46, 144 _n._, 163 + +Gutirrez (Juan), 107 _n._ + +Gutirrez (Marcelino), 115 _n._ + +Guzman (Domingo de), 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 164, 190 _n._, + 191 _n._, 192 _n._, 197 _n._ + + +H + +Haedo (Diego de), 24 _n._, 96 _n._ + +Henriquez (Dr. Diego), 171 + +Henry VIII, 1 + +Herrera (Fernando de) 207, 229 + +Homer 83 + +Horace 83, 159, 207, 208, 217, 236 _n._ + + +I + +Ibaez, _see_ Baez. + +Ibarra (Juan de) 138 _n._ + +Isaiah 13, 15, 34 _n._ + + +J + +Jernimo (San) 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 108 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Jess y Maria (Jos de) 178, 199 _n._ + +John Chrysostom (Saint) 33 _n._ + +John of the Cross (Saint) 230 + +Junta (Lucas) 28 _n._ + +Justin (Saint) 82, 83 + + +L + +Laredo (Bernardino de) 203 + +Lasso de la Vega (Garci) 155, 205, 216 _n._, 223, 228, 236 _n._ + +Leo (Saint) 83 + +Leon (Antonio de) 28 _n._ + +Leon (Cristobal de) 8 + +Leon (Diego de) 43, 44, 204 + +Leon (Francisco de) 7 + +Leon (Gomez de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._ + +Leon (Lope de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._, 27 _n._, 234 _n._, 238 + +Len (Luis de), his full name, 5; + + his Jewish descent, 5-6; + + his birthplace, 6; + + his date of birth, 7; + + he goes to Madrid, then to the University of Salamanca, 7; + + he enters a religious order, 7; + + renounces his share of the paternal estate, 8; + + professes in the Augustinian order, 8; + + his name appears on the list of theological students at Salamanca, + 8; + + he lectures at Soria, 9; + + matriculates at Alcal de Henares, 9; + + graduates at Toledo, 9; + + graduates as licentiate of theology at Salamanca, 9; + + fails to obtain the chair of Biblical exegesis at Salamanca, 10; + + thwarts the designs of Domingo Baez, 10; + + is elected Professor of Theology at Salamanca, 10; + + is transferred to the chair of Scholastic Theology and Biblical + Criticism, 10, 11; + + is chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, 12; + + incurs the enmity of Leon de Castro, 13, 14; + + lectures on the Vulgate, 14; + + is elected on the committee appointed to revise Franois Vatable's + version of the Bible, 15; + + threatens to burn Castro's _Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_, + 16; + + out-argues Bartolom de Medina, 18; + + goes to Belmonte, 19; + + falls ill, 19; + is mentioned as an offender before the Inquisitionary Committee, 20; + + hands in a written statement to the local Inquisition, 21; + + his arrest is recommended by that body, 22; + + he finds fault with Leon de Castro's knowledge of Latin and Greek + and proposes to call witnesses to prove this point, 33 _n._; + + quarrels with Medina, 36 _n._; + + appeals to the Consejo Real at Madrid and wins his case, 36 + _n._; + + is taken to Valladolid jail by Almansa, 40; + + is lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, 40; + + is nervous about his health, 41; + + asks for books, for powders for his heart-attacks, and for a knife + to cut his food, 41; + + is charged with translating into Spanish the _Song of Solomon_, + and admits having done so, 42; + + implies that a copy may have reached Portugal, 44; + + proves a formidable foe, 46; + + petitions that his University Chair should be kept open until the + end of his trial, 47; + + his petition is refused and Medina is appointed in his place, 48; + + his health suffers from imprisonment, and he asks for the + companionship of a monk of his order, 49; + + he requests to be transferred to a Dominican Monastery, 50; + + petitions for leave to go to confession and to say Mass, 50; + + his requests are refused, 50; + + the increasing bias of the tribunal against him, 51; + + he complains of his bad memory, 51; + + his fearless attitude, 52; + + he brands all Dominicans as enemies, 52; + + objects to the Faculty of Theology at Alcal de Henares, 53; + + inveighs against Medina and Castro, 54; + + prevents Montoya's election as Provincial of the Augustinians in + Spain, 55; + + describes Montoya as notorious for lying, 56; + + entrusts Arboleda to collect favourable evidence, 56; + + brands Diego de Ziga as a deliberate perjurer, 57; + + his criticism on Ziga's book, 60; + + his counsel, Dr. Ortiz de Funes, 65; + + his skill in drawing up his own defence, 65; + + he is told to choose two _patronos_ from four names unknown to + him, 66; + + requests that he be given Sebastian Perez as _patrono_, 66; + + suggests that Dr. Cncer or Hernando del Castillo may be appointed + with Perez, 66; + + asks that Castillo's name be removed from the list of + _patronos_, 67; + + threatens to appeal to the Inquisitor-General against the enforced + choosing of unknown _patronos_, 67; + + decides to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus + Christi_ and either Medina or Dr. Cncer, 68; + + Mancio is appointed _patrono_ and makes a report favourable to + him, 69; + + all information of this is withheld from him, 69; + + he protests against his papers being entrusted to Mancio, 69; + + his suspicions and distrust of Mancio, 69-71; + + he becomes reconciled with Mancio, 72; + + loses judicial favour owing to his vacillations over Mancio, 73; + + his demeanour in court, 74; + + his portrait by Pacheco, 79; + + his want of humour, 80; + + his gift of sarcasm, 80; + + his versatility, 81; his conservatism, 81; + + his teachers, 81; + + his books, 81, 82; + + his knowledge of Italian, 83; + + his curiosity about astrology, 84, 85; + + he urges the Court to prosecute Castro for perjury, 86; + + declares that his detention is illegal and demands compensation for + it, 86; + + his health declines and his irritability increases, 87; + + he is blamed by Castillo for teaching erroneous doctrine, 89; + + his moods of depression, 89; + + Menchaca, lava, Tello Maldonado, and Albornoz recommend that he be + tortured, 90; + + a more lenient view is adopted by Guijano de Mercado and Frechilla, + 91; + + the Supreme Inquisition brushes aside the views of both parties, 91; + + he is publicly reprimanded by order of the Supreme Inquisition and + acquitted, 92; + + his Spanish version of the _Song of Solomon_ is confiscated, + 92; + + he asks for an official certificate of acquittal and for arrears of + salary as regards his chair, 92; + + his applications are granted but their fulfilment delayed, 92; + + his return to Salamanca, 145; + + he meets the _Claustro_ of the University, 146; + + renounces all claim to his Chair so long as it is occupied by + Castillo, 146; + + creation of a provisional new chair for him by the _Claustro_, + 147; + + he lectures in his new chair January 29, 1577, 147; + + his famous alleged phrase _Dicebamus hesterna die_, 147-150; + + difficulties about his lecture-hours, 151; + + he presents himself as a candidate for the Chair of Moral + Philosophy, 152; + + is strenuously opposed by Zumel, 152; + + defeats Zumel by a majority of seventy-nine votes, 153; + + takes the degree of M.A., 153; + + is appointed member of the committee for the reform of the calendar, + 153; + + his contest with Domingo de Guzman for the Biblical chair at + Salamanca, vacant by the death of Gregorio Gallo, 154-155; + + he defeats Guzman by thirty-six votes, 157; + + appeal lodged by Guzman against irregularity in voting, 157; + + judgement given in favour of Luis de Leon, 157; + + he reads himself into the chair at Salamanca, December 7, 1579, 158; + + publishes a Latin commentary on the _Song of Solomon_, 158; + + chivalrously supports Montemayor against Domingo de Guzman at a + theological meeting in Salamanca, 160-161; + + through this action he is involved in a quarrel with Domingo Baez, + 161; + + the case comes before the Valladolid Inquisition, 162; + + he presents himself voluntarily before the Inquisitionary tribunal + at Salamanca on March 8, 163; + + appears again before it on March 31, and offers to apologize if he + has exceeded in his defence of Montemayor, 163; + + his lecture on predestination (1571) is brought before the tribunal + by Zumel, 164; + + his enemies, Zumel, Guzman, and Baez, 164; + + he receives a severely reproachful letter from Villavicencio, 165; + + is summoned to Toledo and privately reprimanded by Quiroga, 167; + + publishes _Los Nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta + casada_, 168; + + is appointed to settle the suit between the University of Salamanca + and the _Colegios Mayores_, 168; + + progress of the suit and conduct of the _Claustro,_ 168-173; + + he refuses the invitation of Sixtus V and Philip II to join the + committee for the revision of the Vulgate, 173; + + is appointed by the papal nuncio to inquire into the administration + of funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, 173; + + begins the publication of his edition of Saint Theresa's works, 174; + + upholds Madre Ana de Jesus's reforms, 174; + + is appointed by the Pope to execute them, 175; + + is opposed by Doria and Philip II, 175-176; + + his weakening health and the continuous opposition of his enemies, + 178-179; + + he is reported to be suffering from tumour, 180; + + his lingering illness, 181; + + he is elected Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, August 14, + 1591, 181; + + his death, August 23, 1591, 181; + + his character by Pacheco, 181-183; + + his prose works, 202-210; + + his poems, 210-221; + + his versification, 221-229; + + his character, 230-232. + +Leon (Miguel de) 8, 28 _n._ + +Leon (Pedro de) 25 _n._ + +Leon (Pero Fernandez de) 26 _n._ + +Loarte (Diego de) [_see_ Oloarte and Olarte] 195 _n._, 211 + +Lopez (Diego) 117 _n._, 118 _n._ + +Lopez de Sedano (Juan Josef) 188 _n._ + +Lucas (Francisco) 241 + +Lucas (Saint) 124 _n._ + + +M + +Madrigal 195 _n._ + +Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ 35 _n._, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 81, 91, + 122 _n._, 123 _n._, 124 _n._ + +Manrique (Angel) 30 _n._ + +Manrique (Jorge) 203 + +Mrmol (Dr. Bernab del) 174, 175 + +Martnez de Cantalapiedra (Martin) 13, 20, 21, 22, 31 _n._, 33 +_n._, 37 _n._, 42 + +Medina (Bartolom de) 18, 19, 20, 21, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 38 _n._, 42, 48, 54, 62, 68, 70, 77, 80, 100 _n._, + 105 _n._, 110 _n._, 123 _n._, 129 _n._, 146, 151, 154, 155, + 187 _n._ + +Menchaca (Francisco de) 90, 139 _n._ + +Mndez (F. de) 5, 26, 200 _n._ + +Mendoza (Bernardino de) 35 _n._ + +Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de) 212 + +Menndez y Pelayo (Marcelino) 236 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Merino (Antolin) 191 _n._ + +Mondjar (Marqus de) 35 _n._ + +Montemayor (Prudencio de) 159, 160, 161, 163 + +Montoya (Gabriel) 55, 56, 120 _n._ + +Moreno de Bohorquez (Luis) 182, 240 + +Muios Senz (Conrado) 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 119 _n._, 188 _n._, + 200 _n._, 201 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Muiz 33 _n._ + +Muon 33 _n._ + + +N + +Napoleon 1 + +Nio (Hernando) 138 _n._ + + +O + +Olarte (Diego de) 233 _n._ + +Olivares (Conde-duque de) 209 + +Olivares (Pedro de) 23 _n._ + +Oloarte (_see_ Loarte and Olarte) 210, 225 + +Ons (Federico de) 230, 235 _n._ + +Orozco (Alonso de), 206, 235 _n._ + +Ortiz de Funes (Doctor), 65, 66, 67, 68, 104 _n._ + +Osorio (Isabel), 42, 43, 234 _n._ + + +P + +Pacheco (Francisco), 78, 79, 80, 160, 181, 182, 184, 200 _n._, + 201 _n._ [_and_ Appendix] + +Palacios (Francisco de), 162 + +Paul (Saint), 12 + +Peralto (Hernando de), 195 _n._ + +Perez (Antonio), 230, 231 + +Perez (Sebastian), 66, 67 + +Prez Pastor (Cristbal), 199 _n._ + +Philip II, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184, 243 + +Picatoste y Rodrguez (Felipe), 112 _n._ + +Pindar, 83 + +Pineda, 115 _n._ + +Pinelo (Gabriel), 95 _n._ + +Pinto (Hector), 53, 108 _n._, 162 + +Plantin, 82 + +Plato, 205 + +Plutarch, 205 + +Ponce de Leon (Basilio), 24 _n._, 149, 150 + +Portocarrero (Alonso), 212 + +Portocarrero (Pedro), 208, 211, 212, 215, 235 _n._ + +Portonariis (Gaspar de), 104 _n._ + +Possevino (Antonio), 242 + +Poza (Licenciado), 85, 132 _n._ + +Pozas (Marqus de), 57 + + +Q + +Quevedo (_see_ Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas) + +Quijano (Juan), 186 _n._, 200 _n._ + +Quiroga (Gaspar de), 167 + + +R + +Ramos (Nicols), 77, 138 _n._ + +Rejon (Alonso), 36 _n._ + +Reusch (Heinrich), 197 _n._ + +Riego (El Inquisidore), 132 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Benito), 90 + +Rodriguez (Diego), _see_ Ziga, 58, 63, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 117 _n._, + 118 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Diego), 151 + +Rodrguez Marn (Francisco), 114 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Rojas (Pedro de), 57, 112 _n._, 114 _n._, 118 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza (Juan), 3 + + +S + +Sahagun (Doctor Diego de), 168 + +Sainz de Baranda (Pedro), _passim_ + +Salinas (Francisco de), 7, 80, 84, 154, 190 _n._, 211, 233 _n._ + +Salv (Miguel), _passim_ + +Samson, 217 + +Sanchez (Bartolom), 189 _n._ + +Sanchez (Francisco), _el Brocense_ 32 _n._, 202, 216, 236 _n._ + +Sanchez (Miguel), 222, 224 + +Snchez de Olivares (Dez), 23 _n._ + +Snchez de Olivares (Leonor), 6, 23 _n._ + +Sancho (Francisco, bishop of Segoibe), 152 + +Sancho (Francisco), 33 _n._, 100 _n._, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Sancho (el maestro Francisco), 93 _n._ + +Santa Cruz (Joan de), 162, 163, 193 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Santa Maria (Francisco de), 176, 177, 178, 199 _n._ + +Sarmiento de Mendoza (Manuel), 209, 215 + +Sebastian I, 214 + +Shakespeare, 221 + +Siluente (Alonso), 49, 94, 101 _n._ + +Simonides, 205 + +Sixtus V, 173, 174 + +Sobrino (Doctor), 180 + +Solana (Andrs de), 165 + +Sols (Antonio de), 168 + +Sophocles, 83, 205 + +Suarez (Pedro), 158, 193 _n._ + + +T + +Tapia (Menca de), 28 _n._ + +Tasso (Bernardo), 223 + +Tellez Giron (Rodrigo), 23 _n._ + +Tello Maldonado (Luis), 90, 139 _n._ + +Theresa (Saint), 12, 174, 175, 178, 180, 181, 199 _n._, 203, 242 + +Tiberius, 1 + +'Tirso de Molina', 3 + +Torre (Francisco de la), 228 + + +U + +Uceda (Gaspar de), 110 _n._ + +Uceda (Pedro de), 100 _n._, 189 _n._ + +'Urganda la Desconocida', 155, 191 _n._ + + +V + +Vadillo (Doctor), 70 + +Valbs (Doctor), 32 _n._ + +Valera (Bernardino de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Francisco de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Ins de), 233 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Valera (Juan de). 233 _n._ + +Valladolid (Diego de), 39 + +Vaez (_see_ Baez) + +Varela Osorio (Maria), 204 + +Vatable (Franois), 15, 16, 17, 33 _n._, 82, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Vega Carpio (Felix Lope de) 3, 244 + +Velazquez 79 + +Vicente de la Fuente 31 _n._, 32 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Villanueva (Leonor de) 6, 23 _n._ + +Villavicencio (Lorenzo de) 165 + +Vio (Cardinal Thomas de), surnamed Cajetanus 133 _n._ + +Vique (Juan) 33 _n._ + +Virgil 83, 207 + + +W + +Wordsworth 229 + + +Z + +Zumel (Francisco) 152, 153, 159, 164, 172, 193 _n._ + +Ziga (Diego de), _see_ Arias and Rodriguez, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, + 77, 83, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 117 _n._, 118 _n._, 119 _n._ + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Fray Luis de Len, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEN *** + +***** This file should be named 16148-8.txt or 16148-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/4/16148/ + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + +*** END: FULL LICENSE *** + diff --git a/old/16148.txt b/old/16148.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..677d10c --- /dev/null +++ b/old/16148.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5927 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fray Luis de Leon, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Fray Luis de Leon + A Biographical Fragment + +Author: James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +Release Date: June 29, 2005 [EBook #16148] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEON *** + + + + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + + + + + + + + +HISPANIC +NOTES & MONOGRAPHS + +ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF +BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE +HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA + +I + +[Illustration: EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON] + + + + +FRAY LUIS +DE LEON + +A Biographical Fragment + +BY + +JAMES FITZMAURICE KELLY, F.B.A. + + +_With a Portrait from +an engraving after Pacheco_. + +OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +HUMPHREY MILFORD +1921 + +PRINTED IN ENGLAND +AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS +BY FREDERICK HALL + + + + +PREFACE + + +This biographical sketch is, in fact, a fragment of a book which will +now never come into existence. This particular chapter has been +snatched from the burning by an accident. The name of Luis de Leon +deservedly ranks as high as that of any poet in the history of Spanish +literature; but his reputation as a poet is mostly local, while he is +known all the world over as the subject of a dubious anecdote. The +attempt is now made to render him more familiar than he has hitherto +been to English-speaking people, and to do this, to exhibit the man as +he was, it proved necessary to analyse the two volumes of his first +trial, the evidence of which is brought together in vols. X and XI of +the _Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espana_. +Edited by Miguel Salva and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, these volumes +appeared in 1847; their value is incontestable, but, though they give +the evidence as it occurs in the register of the Inquisition, this +evidence is not arranged in consistent chronological order, nor is it +supplied with an index. The work, printed seventy-three years ago, is +not within easy reach of every reader; and of those who have access to +it not all are patient enough to read steadily through so large a mass +of somewhat incoherent matter. Should any such readers be tempted to +examine the record closely, it is hoped that this sketch will do +something to make their task easier. An attempt is made here to +picture the man as he was, full of fortitude, yet not exempt from +human weakness. I trust that I have avoided the temptation to go to +the opposite extreme, and lay the blame--as has been done--for the +irregularities of the trial at Luis de Leon's own door. + +In dealing with his Spanish poems, I have tried not to put his claims +to consideration too high. Laboulaye, in _La Liberte religieuse_, +calls Luis de Leon 'le premier lyrique de l'Europe moderne'. This +phrase dates from 1859, and was addressed to a generation which +delighted in arranging authors in something like the order of a class +list. Though I have the highest opinion of Luis de Leon's genius, I +have not felt tempted to follow Laboulaye's example; I have by +preference discussed, so far as space allows, such points as the +probable chronology of Luis de Leon's poems. Once more I repeat that +this is a chapter of a book that will now never be written. + +It may be as well to add at this point a few explanatory words +concerning the plan of accentuation adopted here. There seems to be no +valid reason for applying, in a book primarily intended for English +readers, the modern Academic system to proper names borne in the +sixteenth century by men who lived more than three hundred years +before the current system was ever invented. Except of course in the +case of quotations, that system is applied rigidly only to the names +of those who have adopted it formally (as on pp. 114 _n._ and 191 +_n._). I have gone on the theory that accents should be sparingly used +in a work of this kind, and that, as accents are almost needless for +Spaniards they should be employed only when the needs of foreigners +compel their use. It is a fundamental rule in Spanish that nearly all +words ending in a consonant should be stressed on the last syllable. +But since nobody, however slightly acquainted with Spanish, is tempted +to pronounce such words as Velazquez (p. 79) or Gomez (p. 250) +incorrectly, no graphic accent is employed in such cases. Names ending +in _s_--such as Valbas--are accentuated, however, when the stress +falls on the last syllable: this prevents all possibility of +confusion with the pronunciation of ordinary plural forms. +Place-names--such as Bejar (p. 58) and Cordoba (p. 184)--are +accentuated; so are trisyllables and polysyllables such as Gongora (p. +209) and Zuniga (p. 57 and elsewhere). It will be seen that, in this +matter, I have been guided by strictly utilitarian principles. +Inconsistencies are perhaps unavoidable under any system. The plan +followed here, while it tends to diminish the total number of accents, +probably involves no more inconsistencies than any other. It is based +on rational grounds, and is, it may be hoped, less offensive to the +eye than the current system. Quotations, I repeat, are reproduced +exactly as they stand in the sources from which they profess to be +taken. + +With these words, I close what I have to say here on this subject and +commend these pages to the indulgent judgement of my readers. + +The following works, or articles, may be usefully consulted by the +student of Spanish. + + +EDITIONS. LUIS DE LEON: _Obras_, ed. A. Merino, Madrid, 1804-5-6-16. 6 +vols. [reprinted with a preface, by C. Muinos Saenz, Madrid, 1885, 6 +vols.]; _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles_, vols. XXXV, XXXVII, LIII, +LXI, and LXII; _De los nombres de Cristo_, ed. F. de Onis, Madrid, +1914-1917 [Clasicos castellanos, vols. XXVIII and XXXIII]; _La +perfecta casada_, ed. E. Wallace, Chicago, 1903; _La perfecta casada_, +ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1917; _El perfecto predicador_, +ed. C. Muinos Saenz in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1886), vol. XI, pp. +340-348, 432-447, 527-537; (1886), vol. XII, pp. 15-25, 104-111, +211-218, 322-330, 420-427, 504-512; (1887), vol. XIII, pp. 32-38, +106-114, 213-222, 302-312; (1887), vol. XIV, pp. 9-17, 154-160, +305-315, 449-459, 581-591, 729-743; _Exposition del Miserere_ +[facsimile of the Barcelona ed. of 1632], ed. A.M. Huntington, New +York, 1903. + + +WORKS OF REFERENCE: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid +hizo al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del orden de S. Agustin_, +ed. M. Salva and P. Sainz de Baranda, in _Coleccion de Documentos +ineditos para la Historia de Espana_ (Madrid, 1847), vol. X, pp. +5-575, and vol. XI, pp. 5-358; J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray +Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1863); C.A. Wilkens, _Fray Luis de Leon_ +(Halle, 1866); A. Arango y Escandon, _Frai Luis de Leon, ensayo +historico_, 2 ed. (Mexico, 1866) [the first edition appeared in _La +Cruz_ (Mexico, 1855-56)]; F.H. Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873); M. Gutierrez, _El misticismo ortodoxo_ +(Valladolid, 1886); M. Gutierrez, _Fray Luis de Leon y la filosofia +espanola del siglo_ XVI, 2 ed. aumentada (Madrid, 1891) [_Adiciones +postumas_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1907), vol. LXXIII, pp. 391-399, +478-494, 662-667; vol. LXXIV, pp. 49-55, 303-414, 487-496, 628-643; in +_La Ciudad de Dios_ (1908), vol. LXXV, pp. 34-47, 215-221, 291-303, +472-486]; J.M. Guardia, _Fray Luis de Leon ou la poesie dans le +cloitre_, in the _Revue germanique_ (1863), vol. XXIV, pp. 307-342; M. +Menendez y Pelayo, _Horacio en Espana, Solaces bibliograficas_ 2 ed. +(Madrid, 1885), vol. I, pp. 11-24, vol. II, pp. 26-36; M. Menendez y +Pelayo, _Estudios de critica literaria_, 1 serie (Madrid, 1893), pp. +1-72; F. Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso instruido por la Inquisicion +de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1896); F. Blanco +Garcia, _Fray Luis de Leon: rectificaciones biograficas_, in the +_Homenaje a Menendez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. I, pp. 153-160; +J.D.M. Ford, _Luis de Leon, the Spanish poet, humanist and mystic_, in +the _Publications of the Modern Language Association of America_ +(Baltimore, 1899), vol. XIV, pp. 267-278; F. Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis +de Leon: estudio biografico del insigne poeta agustino_ (Madrid, +1904); _Acta de la reposicion de Fray Luis de Leon en una catedra de +la Universidad de Salamanca_ in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas +y Museos_, Tercera epoca (1900), vol. IV, pp. 680-682; L.G. Alonso +Getino, _La Causa de Fr. Luis de Leon ante la critica y los nuevos +documentos historicos_, in the _Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y +Museos_, Tercera epoca (1903), vol. IX, pp. 148-156, 268-279, 440-449; +(1904), vol. XI, pp. 288-306, 380-397; C. Muinos Saenz, _El 'Deciamos +ayer' de Fray Luis de Leon_, (Madrid, 1905); L. Alonso Getino, _Vida y +procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de Leon_ (Salamanca, 1907); C. Muinos +Saenz _El 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos_, in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560; vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, +107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX pp. 99-125, 177-197; F. +de Onis _Sobre la trasmision de la obra literaria de Fray Luis de +Leon_, in the _Revista de Filologia Espanola_ (Madrid, 1915), vol. II +pp. 217-257; R. Menendez Pidal, _Una poesia inedita de Fray Luis de +Leon_, in the _Revista de Filologia Espanola_ (Madrid, 1917), vol. IV, +pp. 389-390; C. Perez Pastor, _Bibliografia madrilena_ (Madrid, +1891-1906-1907), parte ii, pp. 254-255, and parte iii, pp. 404-409; G. +Vazquez Nunez, _El padre Francisco Zumel, general de la Merced y +catedratico de Salamanca_ (1540-1607), in _Revista de Archivos, +Bibliotecas y Museos_, Tercera epoca (1918), vol. XXXVIII, pp. 1-19, +170-190; (1918), vol. XXXIX, pp. 53-67, 237-266; (1919), vol. XL, pp. +447-466, 562-594. + +J. F-K. + + +PS. Had they reached me in time, the following two items would have +been included in the respective sections of the foregoing summary +bibliography: _Poesias originales de Fray Luis de Leon_, ed. F. de +Onis, San Jose de Costa Rica, 1920; Ad. Coster, _Notes pour une +edition des poesies de Luis de Leon_ in the _Revue hispanique_ (1919), +vol. XLVI, pp. 193-248. + + + + +I + + +We are all of us familiar with the process of 'whitewashing' +historical characters. We are past being surprised at finding Tiberius +portrayed as an austere and melancholy recluse, Henry VIII pictured as +a pietistic sentimentalist with a pedantic respect for the letter of +the law, and Napoleon depicted as a romantic idealist, seeking to +impose the Social Contract on an immature, reluctant Europe. Though +the 'whitewashing' method is probably not less paradoxical than the +opposite system, it makes a stronger and wider appeal, inasmuch as it +implies a more amiable attitude towards life, and is more consonant +with a flattering conception of the possibilities of human nature. A +prosaic narrative of established facts does not immediately recommend +itself to the average man. Possibly few have existed who were so good +and so great that they can afford to have the whole truth told about +them. At any rate, it is easier to convey a picturesque general +impression than to collect all the available evidence with the +untiring persistence of a model detective and to present it with the +impartial acumen of a competent judge. Moreover, the inertia of +pre-existing opinion has to be overcome. Once readers have been +accustomed to accept as absolutely authentic an idealized conventional +portrait of a man of genius, it is difficult to induce them to abandon +it for a more realistic likeness. In the interest of historical truth, +however, the attempt must be made. We are sometimes told that +'historical truth can afford to wait'. That may be true; but it has +waited for nearly four centuries, and, if it be divulged in English +now, the revelation lays us open to no reasonable charge of +indiscretion or indecent haste. + +It may be that the name of Luis de Leon is comparatively unknown +outside the small group of those who are regarded as specialists. +Luis de Leon is nothing like so famous as Cervantes, as Lope de Vega, +as Tirso de Molina, as Ruiz de Alarcon, and as Calderon, whose names, +if not their works, are familiar to the laity. This is one of chance's +unjust caprices. With the single exception of Cervantes perhaps no +figure in the annals of Spanish literature deserves to be more +celebrated than Luis de Leon. He was great in verse, great in prose, +great in mysticism, great in intellectual force and moral courage. +Many may recall him as the hero of a story--possibly apocryphal--in +which he figures as returning to his professorial chair after an +absence of over four years (passed in the prison-cells of the +Inquisition) and beginning his exordium to his students with the +imperturbable remark: 'We were saying yesterday.' Mainly on this +uncertain basis is constructed the current legend that Luis de Leon +was a bloodless philosopher, incapable of resentment, and, indeed, +without a touch of human weakness in his aloof and lofty nature. His +works do not lend colour to this presentation of the man, nor do the +ascertainable details of his chequered career. The conception of Luis +de Leon as a meek spirit, an unresisting victim of malignant +persecution, is not the sole view tenable of a complex character. +However, the recorded facts may be trusted to speak for themselves. + + + + +II + + +What was Luis de Leon's full name? Was it Luis Ponce de Leon? So it +would appear from the summarized results of P. Mendez printed in the +_Revista Agustiniana_.[1] The point is not without interest, for Ponce +de Leon is one of the great historic names of Spain. If Luis de Leon +was entitled to use it, he appears not to have exercised his right, +for in the report of his first trial[2] he consistently employs some +such simple formula as:--'El maestro fray Luis de Leon... digo'.[3] +The omission of the name 'Ponce' during proceedings extending over +more than four years can scarcely be accidental. It may, however, have +been due to monastic humility,[4] or to simple prudence: a desire not +to provoke opponents who declared that Luis de Leon had Jewish blood +in his veins.[5] Whether this assertion, a serious one in +sixteenth-century Spain, had any foundation in fact is disputed. It +is apparently certain that Luis de Leon's great-grandfather married a +Leonor de Villanueva, who is reported to have confessed to practising +Jewish rites and to have been duly condemned by the Inquisition in +1513 or thereabouts.[6] This does not go to the root of the matter, +for Leonor de Villanueva is alleged to have been Lope de Leon's second +wife. His first wife is stated to have been Leonor Sanchez de +Olivares, a lady of unquestioned orthodoxy, and mother of Gomez de +Leon,[7] the future grandfather of the Luis de Leon with whom we are +concerned here. If this statement be correct,[8] obviously there can +be no ground for asserting that Luis de Leon was of Jewish blood. But +it must in candour be admitted that the point is not wholly clear from +doubt.[9] + +It is now established that Luis de Leon was born at Belmonte in the +province of Cuenca: 'Belmonte de la Mancha de Aragon' as he calls +it.[10] When was he born? On his tombstone, he was stated to be +sixty-four years old when he died on August 23, 1591.[11] This is +almost the only scrap of evidence available, for no baptismal +registers dating back to the third decade of the sixteenth century are +preserved at Belmonte.[12] Did the inscription on Luis de Leon's tomb +mean that he had completed his sixty-fourth year, or did it mean that, +at the time of his death, he had entered upon his sixty-fourth year? +According to the answer given to these questions, the date of Luis de +Leon's birth must be fixed either in 1527 or 1528. + +Apart from the fact that Luis de Leon was taught singing,[13] as +became the future friend of Salinas, we know next to nothing of his +early youth. From himself we learn that he was taken from Belmonte to +Madrid when he was five or six, that at the age of fourteen he was +entered at Salamanca University, where one of his uncles--Francisco de +Leon--was lecturer on Canon Law, and that shortly afterwards he +resolved to enter a religious order.[14] The eldest son of a +judge,[15] Luis de Leon renounced most of his share of the paternal +estate,[16] and gave it up to one--or both--of his younger brothers +Cristobal and Miguel, each of whom had been _veinticuatro_ of Granada +at some date previous to April 15, 1572.[17] On January 29, 1544, Luis +de Leon was formally professed in the Augustinian order.[18] In his +monastery we may plausibly conjecture that he led a solitary and +bookish existence, poring over his texts and attending lectures +assiduously. As early as 1546-1547 his name appears on the list of +students of theology at Salamanca; the registers of theological +students covering the years 1547-1548 to 1550-1551 are missing; Luis +de Leon's name does not appear in the register for the academic year +1551-1552, but it recurs in the University books for the years +1552-1553 and 1554-1555. He there figures still as a student of +theology.[19] He would seem, therefore, to have shown no amazing +precocity in the schools; but his application, we may be sure, was +intense, and there is nothing rash in assuming that during part of +the two years that he was absent, as he tells us,[20] from Salamanca, +he was lecturing at Soria. The remaining eighteen months he probably +devoted to exegetical studies at Alcala de Henares, where he +matriculated in 1556.[21] He was about thirty when he rather +unexpectedly graduated as a bachelor of Arts at the University of +Toledo.[22] Why he preferred to take his degree at Toledo instead of +at Salamanca is not clear; it is plausibly conjectured that economy +may have been his motive, as the obtaining of a bachelor's degree at +Salamanca was an expensive business.[23] Confirmation of this +conjecture is afforded by the fact that he speedily returned to his +allegiance, was 'incorporated' as a bachelor at Salamanca in 1588, +graduated there as a licentiate of theology in May 1560, and in the +following month became a master of theology.[24] It soon became clear +that he did not regard a University degree as a mere distinction. The +retirement of Gregorio Gallo caused a vacancy in the chair of +Biblical Exegesis at Salamanca. Luis de Leon, though but a master of a +few months' standing, presented himself as a candidate for the post. +He failed to obtain it, being defeated by Gaspar de Grajal, a future +ally and fellow victim:[25] so far as can be ascertained, this was +Luis de Leon's sole academic check. Manifestly he was not daunted. He +claimed, and established, his right to take part in certain +examinations in his faculty,[26] and 'con mucho exceso' thwarted the +designs of the famous Domingo Banez, whom he afterwards described as +'enemigo capital'.[27] His combativeness did him no immediate harm, +for, in December 1561, he was elected Professor of Theology at +Salamanca.[28] He was obviously not disposed to hide his light under a +bushel, nor to perform his academic duties in a spirit of humdrum +routine. Whatever he did, he did with all his might, and his strenuous +versatility made him conspicuous in University life. In 1565 he was +transferred from the theological chair to the chair of Scholastic +Theology and Biblical Criticism, in which he succeeded his old master +Juan de Guevara.[29] + +Such successes as Luis de Leon had hitherto won he owed mainly to his +own talents.[30] Brilliant as he was, there is no reason to assume +that he was personally popular in Salamanca.[31] It does not appear +that he made any effort to win popularity; nor is it certain that he +would have succeeded even if he had sought to win it. His temper was +impulsive, his disposition was critical and independent; his tongue +and pen were sharp and made enemies among members of his own order; +moreover, he contrived to alienate the Dominicans, a powerful body in +Salamanca, as in the rest of Spain. No doubt he had many admirers, +especially among his own students. Yet the University, as a whole, +stood slightly aloof from him, and before long in certain obscurantist +circles cautious hints of latitudinarianism were murmured against him. +For these mumblings there was absolutely no sort of foundation.[32] +As might be inferred from the simple fact that he was afterwards +chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, Luis de Leon was +the most orthodox of men. His selection for this piece of work may +have been due to the influence of the saint's friend and successor, +Madre Ana de Jesus, who had the highest opinion of him.[33] But it was +not often that he produced so favourable a personal impression; he had +not mastered the gentle art of ingratiation; it is even conceivable +that he did not strictly observe St. Paul's injunction to 'suffer +fools gladly'.[34] Though fundamentally humble-minded, he was +intolerant of what he thought to be nonsense: a quality which would +perhaps not endear him to all his colleagues. He set a proper value on +himself and his attainments; he was prone to sift the precious metal +of truth from the dross of uninformed assertion; he had an incurable +habit of choosing his friends from amongst those who shared his +tastes. A good Hebrew scholar, he was on terms of special intimacy +with Gaspar de Grajal and with Martin Martinez de Cantalapiedra,[35] +respectively Professors of Biblical Exegesis and of Hebrew in the +University of Salamanca. Frank to the verge of indiscretion and +suspecting no evil, Luis de Leon scattered over Salamanca fagots each +of which contained innumerable sticks that his opponents used later to +beat him with. Lastly, he had the misfortune, as it proved later, to +differ profoundly on exegetical points from a veteran Professor of +Latin, Rhetoric, and Greek.[36] This was Leon de Castro, a man of +considerable but unassimilated learning, an astute wire-puller and +incorrigible reactionary whose name figures in the bibliographies as +the author of a series of commentaries on Isaiah--a performance which +has not been widely read since its tardy first appearance in 1571. The +delay in publishing this work, and the contemporary neglect of it, +were apparently ascribed by Castro to the personal hostility of Luis +de Leon who, though he did not approve of the book, seems to have been +perfectly innocent on both heads.[37] + +The fires of these differences had smouldered for some years when, +during the University course (as it appears) of 1568-1569, Luis de +Leon gave a series of lectures wherein he discussed, with critical +respect, the authority attaching to the Vulgate. The respect passed +almost unnoticed; the criticism gave a handle to a group of vigilant +foes. Since 1569 a good deal of water has flowed under the bridges +which span the Tormes, and it is intrinsically likely that, were the +objectionable lectures before us, Luis de Leon might appear to be an +ultra-conservative in matters of Biblical criticism. But this is not +the historical method. In judging the action of Leon de Castro and his +allies we must endeavour to adjust ourselves to the sixteenth-century +point of view. Matters would seem to have developed somewhat as +follows. In 1569 a committee was formed at Salamanca for the purpose +of revising Francois Vatable's version of the Bible; both Luis de Leon +and Leon de Castro were members of this committee,[38] and as they +represented different schools of thought, there were lively passages +between the two. It is customary to lay at Castro's door all the blame +for the sequel. Nothing is likelier than that Leon de Castro was +incoherent in his recriminations and provocative in tone: it is +further alleged that his commentaries on Isaiah contained gratuitous +digs at the views on Scriptural interpretation ascribed to Luis de +Leon. It may well be that Luis de Leon, who had in him something of +the irritability of a poet, took umbrage at these indirect attacks, +and entered upon the discussion in a fretful state of mind. According +to Leon de Castro, whose testimony on this point is uncontradicted, +the climax came about in connexion with the text: 'Out of the mouth of +babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise.' Castro obstinately +maintained that Vatable's interpretation of this passage was an +interpretation favoured by the Jews against whom he cherished an +incorrigible prejudice. Luis de Leon is reported to have lost patience +at this assertion, and to have said that he would cause Castro's +_Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_ to be burnt. Castro, whatever his +faults, was not the man to be cowed by a threat, and he retorted with +the remark that, by God's grace, this should not come to pass, and +that if there were any burning it would be applied rather to Luis de +Leon and his family.[39] Having fired his bolt, but conscious that he +was in a minority on the committee, Castro concluded with the sulky +declaration that he did not propose to attend any further meetings of +that body. He would seem to have changed his mind later on this point, +modestly alleging that he gave way to the insistence of others who +deemed his presence indispensable, on account of his knowledge of +languages.[40] Whatever his linguistic accomplishments, they did not +produce the desired effect, for Vatable's version of the Bible was +passed as revised by the committee of Salamancan theologians in 1571, +though, for some unexplained reason, their revised text was not +published till thirteen years later. + +The quarrel between Castro and Luis de Leon soon became public +property. Passions were ablaze in a moment. Parties were formed, and +Castro found much support, especially among the body of +undergraduates, of whom one at least ingenuously described himself as +'del bando de Jesucristo'.[41] There was almost as much tumult in the +University of Salamanca as in Agramante's camp. Even if Castro thought +that the hour of his triumph was at hand, he was too experienced and +too Spanish to be precipitate. He may well have had an inkling that, +if many were repelled by Luis de Leon's austerity and implacable +righteousness, his own reputation as a pedant and reactionary did not +mark him out for leadership. His lack of expository power may also +have struck him as a disqualification.[42] Further, on tactical +grounds, he may have argued that his notorious hostility to Luis de +Leon made it advisable for him not to figure too prominently in the +ranks of the attacking party. Whatever his motive may have been, +Castro gave place to a younger and far abler man, the well-known +Dominican, Bartolome de Medina, whose relations with Luis de Leon, +never cordial, had grown strained, owing to various checks and +disappointments. Medina honestly differed from Luis de Leon's views as +regards Scriptural interpretation; he would have been a good deal more +(or less) than human if he had not been galled by a series of small +personal mortifications. He particularly resented, as well he might, +being out-argued when he presented himself before Luis de Leon to be +examined for his licentiateship of theology; the knowledge that this +incident was talked over by mocking students did not improve +matters.[43] Medina was, however, too wily to delate Luis de Leon +directly; he reported to the Inquisition on the general situation at +Salamanca, and in this document no names were mentioned. Luis de Leon +was not in a position to counteract the manoeuvres of his opponents. +It is not certain that he could have done so, had he been continuously +in Salamanca at this time: as it happened, he was absent at Belmonte +from the beginning of 1571 till the month of March, and on his return +he fell ill. All this while, Medina and Castro were free to go about +sowing tares, making damaging suggestions, and collecting such +corroborative evidence as could be gleaned from ill-disposed +colleagues and garrulous or slow-witted students.[44] It appears that +Medina's statement, embodying seventeen propositions which (as he +averred) were taught at Salamanca, reached the Supreme Inquisition in +Madrid on December 2, 1571; on December 13 the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca was instructed to ascertain the source of the +statement,[45] and to report on the tenability of the views set forth +in the seventeen propositions.[46] Evidently the matter was regarded +as urgent: for, on December 17, the Inquisitionary Commissary opened +his preliminary inquiry at Salamanca. The sole witness called at the +first sitting was Medina,[47] who repeated his assertions, mentioning +Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de Cantalapiedra as offenders. A +committee of five persons was appointed to examine into the orthodoxy +of the views alleged to be held by these three. As Leon de Castro was +a member of this committee, and as none of the other four members was +in sympathy with Luis de Leon, the general tenor of the committee's +findings might readily be predicted. These findings were somewhat +hastily adopted by the local Inquisition at Valladolid on January 26, +1572, when the arrest of Grajal and Martinez de Cantalapiedra was +recommended.[48] Up to this point Luis de Leon would seem not to have +been officially implicated by name, though he was clearly aimed at, +especially by Castro who appeared before the Inquisitionary +Commissary at Salamanca, and reiterated Medina's charges with some +wealth of rancorous detail.[49] + +With significant promptitude effect was given to the recommendation of +the local Inquisition: Grajal was apprehended on March 1; shortly +afterwards Martinez de Cantalapiedra was likewise apprehended; and, as +these measures seemed to arouse no feeling more dangerous than +surprise in Salamanca, it was conceivably thought safe to fly at +higher game. Manifestly, Luis de Leon must have known that something +perilous was afoot when he handed in a most respectfully-worded +written statement on March 6, 1572.[50] By about this time there had +arrived in Salamanca Diego Gonzalez--an experienced official, whose +conduct of the Inquisitionary case against Bartolome de Carranza, the +Archbishop of Toledo, has earned him an unenviable repute.[51] Under +the presidency of Gonzalez, who might be trusted to keep the weaker +brethren, if there were any, up to the mark, the local Inquisition on +March 15 resolved to recommend the arrest of Luis de Leon. Apparently +the gravity of this step was recognized. Another sitting was held on +March 19, and a vote was taken with the result that the previous +decision was confirmed by four votes to two. It should not, however, +be assumed that the vote of the two implied any marked personal +sympathy with Luis de Leon. On the contrary: the difference between +the majority and the minority was concerned solely with a question of +procedure. The minority suggested that it would cause less fuss and +less scandal to seize Luis de Leon, Grajal, and Martinez de +Cantalapiedra, to place each of them in solitary confinement for a +short while in a Valladolid monastery, and thence to remove them, +without trial, to the secret prison of the Inquisition.[52] It is +difficult to detect the humanitarian motive of this alternative +proposal. + + + + +II + + +[Footnote 1: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. III, p. 127. +'Lope Alvarez Ponce de Leon, Regidor de Segovia... caso dos veces: la +primera con Dona Leonor Sanchez de Olivares, hija de Diez Sanchez de +Olivares y hermana de aquel valiente caballero Don Pedro de Olivares, +comendador del Olmo, del orden de Calatrava en tiempo del Maestro D. +Rodrigo Tellez Giron. De este matrimonio tuvieron tres hijos. En +segundas nupcias caso con Dona Leonor de Villanueva, y tuvieron dos +hijos; pero no declaran quienes fueron del primer matrimonio, y +quienes del segundo. Solo de D. Gomez consta que es del primer +matrimonio.'] + +[Footnote 2: _Proceso original que la Inquisicion de Valladolid hizo +al maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, religioso del orden de S. Agustin._ This +_proceso_, edited by D. Miguel Salva and D. Pedro Sainz de Baranda, +occupies the tenth volume and pp. 5-358 of the eleventh volume of the +_Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana_ (Madrid, +1847).] + +[Footnote 3: Ex. gr. _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-97, +184-185, 255-256; vol. XI, pp. 38, 131, 350.] + +[Footnote 4: It is established beyond doubt, however, that some +members of the family used the name Ponce. The works of Luis de Leon's +eminent nephew, Basilio, an Augustinian like himself, bear on their +title-pages the words 'Basilius Pontius Legionensis'.] + +[Footnote 5: This assertion is made emphatically by Diego de Haedo, +the prosecuting counsel on behalf of the Inquisition; he calls Luis de +Leon a 'descendiente de generacion de judios' (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 206). An echo of the charge is faintly audible in Luis de +Leon's own testimony. It is repeated with violence by Leon de Castro: +'...enojado de la porfia el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo a este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahias, y este declarante le respondio que con la gracia de Dios que +ni el, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas a las +juntas' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 12).] + +[Footnote 6: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 157.] + +[Footnote 7: See note 1.] + +[Footnote 8: Luis de Leon apparently took no special interest in his +family history. Before the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid on +April 15, 1572, he traced his descent no further back than his +grandparents, adding that, as he entered religion when he was fourteen +years old, 'no tiene entera noticia de que casta vienen los dichos sus +padres y agueelos, mas de haber oido decir que ciertos contrarios que +tuvo su padre, le pusieron en su hidalguia que venia de casta de +conversos. + +E preguntado si sabe que alguno de los de su descendencia o +trasversalia haya seido preso o peniado o condenado por este Santo +Oficio; dijo que no lo sabe' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 182). + +By May 14, 1573, Luis de Leon had recalled further particulars: +'Porque mi padre fue un hombre muy catolico y muy principal como +conocio todo el reino, y su padre que se llamo Gomez de Leon lo fue no +menos que el en su lugar, y este tuvo un hermano de padre y madre que +se llamo el licenciado Pedro de Leon, que fue collegial en el collegio +del Cardenal desta villa como se puede luego saber; y el padre de +ambos, visagueelo mio, se llamo Lope de Leon muy catolico y de los mas +honrados y principales de su lugar; y el padre de este y visagueelo +mio, se llamo Pero Fernandez de Leon que le trujo el primer Senor de +Belmonte consigo a aquel lugar, y fue alcaide en la fortaleza del todo +el tiempo que vivio, y el mas principal y mas limpio que habia en el, +desto que el mundo llama limpieza, como siendo necesario probare +bastantemente' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 385-386). This +challenge was never taken up.] + +[Footnote 9: It is not free from doubt because, though some of the +witnesses, whose testimony is given in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +pp. 146-174, are doubtless in good faith in their evidence as to Luis +de Leon's Jewish descent, they refer to events which happened long +before; and their memories are apt to play them false and their +narratives are muddled. Luis de Leon appears to point to these +depositions when he says: 'Y no se hallara en memoria de hombres ni de +escrituras ciertas, que nombrada y senaladamente alguno de todos mis +antecesores se haya convertido a la fe de nuevo' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 386). In common fairness, it should be said that +the statement of P. Mendez [see note 1] is more in the nature of +assertion unsupported by full evidence.] + +[Footnote 10: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180.] + +[Footnote 11: M.R.P. Francisco Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: +estudio biografico del insigne poeta agustino_, p. 254.] + +[Footnote 12: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 23. On April 15, 1572, +Luis de Leon stated that he was about forty-four (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180): '...de edad de cuarenta e cuatro anos, +poco mas o menos tiempo'. This is perhaps too vague to furnish a basis +for a conclusion.] + +[Footnote 13: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 173.] + +[Footnote 14: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 182. Luis de Leon +states that he made up his mind as to his religious vocation within +four or five months of reaching Salamanca.] + +[Footnote 15: 'El licenciado Lope de Leon, oidor que fue de la +Chancilleria de Granada, defunto, y Dona Ines de Alarcon su muger, que +agora vive en Granada.' So Luis de Leon described his parents at the +first sitting of the Inquisitionary Tribunal at Valladolid +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 16: 'Y en lo que toca a mi vida, aunque estoy lleno de +faltas y pecados mas que otro alguno; pero esto es verdad que yo tome +el habito de religion que tengo, de 14 anos de mi edad, y deje cuatro +mill ducados de renta que mi padre tenia vinculados en mi cabeza como +en el mayor de sus hijos' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 386).] + +[Footnote 17: Luis de Leon seems to have arranged that his brother +Miguel should pay him annually a small sum which was, apparently, to +be spent on books. This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's reply +to a claim lodged against him by one Lucas Junta, a bookseller of +Salamanca, on March 17, 1575 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 51, +52). It seems doubtful whether Miguel reached Luis's standard of +punctuality in the matter of payment (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, +p. 196). Luis de Leon had two sisters, Mencia de Tapia and Maria de +Alarcon. The latter had died before April, 1572. So had another +brother, Antonio, who was a priest (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. +182).] + +[Footnote 18: _Revista Agustiniana_ (Madrid, 1882), vol. I, p. 414.] + +[Footnote 19: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, pp. 47-48.] + +[Footnote 20: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 182.] + +[Footnote 21: J. Gonzalez de Tejada, _Vida de Fray Luis de Leon_, +Madrid, 1863, p. 10.] + +[Footnote 22: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 59.] + +[Footnote 23: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 59, note I.] + +[Footnote 24: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 60.] + +[Footnote 25: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 62, note 4. Grajal was so +greatly struck with his opponent's ability that he supported Luis de +Leon in all his subsequent candidatures. On this point we have an +explicit statement from Luis de Leon: 'Es verdad que el maestro Grajal +ha sido y es mi amigo, y querelle yo bien comenzo de que habiendo sido +primero competidores en la catreda de Biblia que el llevo, en las +demas oposiciones que yo hice, sin sabello yo, trato en mi favor con +tanto cuidado y con tan gran encarecimiento de buenas palabras, que +cuando lo supe quede obligado a tratalle, y del trato resulto conocer +en el uno de los hombres de mas sanas y limpias entranas y mas sin +doblez que yo he tratado; y ansi nuestra amistad fue siempre, no como +de hombres de letras para comunicar y conferir nuestros estudios, sino +como de dos hombres que trataban ambos de ser hombres de bien, y por +conocer esto el uno del otro se querian bien' (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, pp. 326-327).] + +[Footnote 26: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 21-22.] + +[Footnote 27: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 261-262.] + +[Footnote 28: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 63.] + +[Footnote 29: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 64.] + +[Footnote 30: Not altogether, for though Luis de Leon had, in an +eminent degree, the knack of success in all open competitions, the +students took part in the elections of professors at Salamanca, and +this element disturbed calculations.] + +[Footnote 31: This is a fair inference from Luis de Leon's assertion: +'en aquella universidad yo tengo muchos enemigos por causa de mis +pretendencias' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 574).] + +[Footnote 32: On this head, Luis de Leon's acquittal by the Supreme +Inquisition speaks for itself.] + +[Footnote 33: 'Es muy santo... Tiene mucho caudal de Dios'. These +encomiastic phrases of the pious nun's are quoted by Blanco Garcia +(_op. cit._, p. 245) from Angel Manrique, _Vida de la Venerable Ana de +Jesus_ (Bruselas, 1632), p. 328. Manrique's biography is not within my +reach.] + +[Footnote 34: Luis de Leon's probity was not free from a touch of +brusqueness. This is disclosed by his own description of his behaviour +to a dullard who made his life at Salamanca a burden: 'Acerca del +capitulo cuarto, demas de lo dicho digo que creo que este testigo es +un bachiller Rodriguez, y por otro nombre el doctor Sutil que en +Salamanca llaman por burla; y sospecholo de que dice en este capitulo +que le deje sin respuesta, porque jamas deje de responder a ninguna +persona de aquella universidad que me preguntase algo, sino a este que +digo, con el cual por ser falto de juicio y preguntar algunas veces +cosas desatinadas, y colligir disparates de lo que oia y no entendia, +me enojaba y le decia que era tonto. Y otras veces por no enojarme ni +desconcertarme con el no le respondia nada, sino huia del' +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 357-358).] + +[Footnote 35: This was the contention of the prosecuting counsel. Luis +de Leon, however, declared that, highly as he thought of Martinez de +Cantalapiedra's patristic learning, there was no marked intimacy +between them, and that he often did not meet Martinez de Cantalapiedra +for a year or two. 'Ni yo tenia con el trato ni conversacion +ordinaria; antes se pasaba un ano y dos anos que no le veia ni +hablaba.... Y siempre le tuve y tengo por el hombre mas leido en los +sanctos de cuantos hay en aquella universidad' (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 227).] + +[Footnote 36: Leon de Castro's first appointment at Salamanca is dated +March 28, 1549: he was 'jubilado' on July 5, 1561. See Vicente de la +Fuente, _Historia de las universidades, colegios y demas +establecimientos en Espana_ (Madrid, 1884-1889), vol. II, p. 250.] + +[Footnote 37: Francisco Sanchez, possibly _El Brocense_, testified to +Castro's saying: '_isti judaei et judaizantes_ me han echado a perder, +y por eso no se vende mi libro'. Sanchez bluntly told the Inquisitors +that he did not believe this, and attributed the book's failure to its +size and price (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 299-300). It is +suggested by Vicente de la Fuente (_op. cit._, vol. II, p. 289, note +3) that there was some basis for Castro's opinion. Luis de Leon +implicitly denied the charge, which he manifestly thought beneath +contempt: 'Y si yo hubiera tratado como Leon cree de que la +Inquisicion vedara su libro, yo hiciera que se advirtiera. Y aunque el +doctor Valbas en Alcala a quien fue cometido por el Consejo Real, al +principio le quito grandes pedazos adonde trataba a San Hieronimo como +me trata a mi agora, no le pudo quitar esto que yo digo, por que era +quitalle todo el libro,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 352). +Luis de Leon tried in a friendly way to convince Castro about the +errors in his book before it was published and as soon as the printing +began (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 351). This intervention +would nettle Castro, who seems to have had Jewry on the brain; he +mentioned, apparently, that Vatable, St. Jerome, and St. John +Chrysostom were all Jews or Judaizers (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 294). What probably nettled Castro still more was that Luis de Leon +found fault with his knowledge of Latin and Greek: 'lo cual el sentia +mucho porque tocaba en propio de su profesion.' Luis de Leon proposed +to call five witnesses on this point (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 256-257), but this was ruled out as irrelevant (_impertinente_) by +the Inquisitionary Tribunal.] + +[Footnote 38: The Chairman of this Committee was Francisco Sancho, +Dean of the Theological Faculty of Salamanca. The other members--at +any rate those who signed Sancho's copy of Vatable (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 521-522)--were Juan de Almeida, Don Carlos, +Garcia del Castillo, Diego Gonzalez, Grajal, Juan de Guevara, Martinez +de Cantalapiedra, Bartolome de Medina, Muniz, and Juan Vique. As the +names of Luis de Leon and Juan Gallo are omitted, the list cannot be +thought exhaustive. So, also, are the names of Bravo and Munon absent +from the list. These last two omissions are readily explained. Bravo +and Munon had both died before December 26, 1571 (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 10).] + +[Footnote 39: Castro's statement was: 'Porfio de tal manera [fray Luis +de Leon] que no era el sentido este deste lugar, y despues de visto +que era ansi, porfio... que tambien podia ser verdadero el sentido de +los judios...; dijo este testigo que aunque viniesen todos los +letrados del mundo, no podrian hacer que aquel sentido de los judios +pudiese venir ni cuadrar con la letra griega, ni hebrea ni latina,... +y enojado de la porfia el dicho fray Luis, despues le dijo a este +declarante que le habia de hacer quemar un libro que imprimia sobre +Exsahias, y este declarante le respondio que con la gracia de Dios que +ni el, ni su libro no prenderia fuego, ni podia; que primero prenderia +en sus orejas y linaje; y queste declarante no queria ir mas a las +juntas' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 11-12). Though far from +friendly to Luis de Leon, the Dominican Juan Gallo was provoked into +saying that he would pare Castro's claws till the blood streamed from +him: 'queriendo decir por las unas que era este declarante aspero +porque les decia que era aquello de judaizantes, y que no lo decia por +ellos, sino porque defendian las cosas de judios;...' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, P. 15).] + +[Footnote 40: 'Y el colegio de teologos envio al maestro fray Juan de +Guevara y a otro maestro, a pedirle y mandarle que no faltase de alli +porque no podian hacer nada sin las lenguas.' This is Castro's +version. (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 12.)] + +[Footnote 41: Castro states (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 16) +that this pious student was Bernardino de Mendoza, son of the Marques +de Mondejar.] + +[Footnote 42: Bartolome de Carranza mentions (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. XI, p. 279) Castro's muddle-headed knack of misunderstanding what +was said to him, and his propensity to argue points, imagining that +his opponents had said the very reverse of what they had said. As to +Castro's lack of expository power, Luis de Leon states, 'tiene falta +de lengua' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 327).] + +[Footnote 43: This is established by the evidence of Mancio, a +professor who came to Medina's rescue: '...vio este testigo quel +dicho fray Luis de Leon arguyo al dicho fray Bartolome de Medina muy +bien, e que no le concluyo, y ques verdad que tuvo el dicho fray +Bartolome de Medina padrino en este testigo para ayudalle y le ayudo +para los argumentos que se le ofrecieron; e que lo queste testigo +conto a los estudiantes fue que tuvo necesidad el dicho fray Bartolome +de Medina que le ayudase, aunque sin padrinos pudiera el responder' +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 317). This must be dated before +February, 1570, when Medina took his degree as Master of Theology +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 340). In May-June, 1571, Luis de +Leon and Medina had a squabble as to the distribution of lectures. The +Rector of Salamanca decided in Medina's favour: Luis de Leon appealed +to the Consejo Real at Madrid, and won his case on September 23, 1566 +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 323-327).] + +[Footnote 44: The evidence of Alonso Rejon (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 51) seems conclusive: '...preso ya el maestro Grajal, se +llego a este declarante el maestro fray Luis de Leon... quejandose de +algunos maestros de esta universidad y particularmente del maestro +fray Juan Gallego, que admitian dichos de estudiantes, los cuales +decian algunas cosas diferentemente de lo que las habian leido los +maestros,...' As to Medina's action, Luis de Leon wrote (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 228): 'Tambien me acuerdo que vino un +estudiante a mi, y tomandome palabra de secreto, me dijo que fray +Bartolome de Medina andaba haciendo pesquisa de Grajal y Martinez, +aunque no me los nombro, pero entendilo de las senas que dio; y que a +el le habia preguntado, y el le habia dicho cinco o seis cosas que les +habia oido, y acuerdome de dos dellas, porque me parecio que me tocaba +a mi tambien. La una era de la Vulgata que se podria hacer otra mejor, +y yo le dije riendo: _pues quieren atar las manos a Dios que no pueda +hacer un profeta en su iglesia_. Y la otra era que los Cantares eran +_Carmen amatorium_, y le dije: _Carmen amatorium_ ni dice bien ni mal. +Si dice _Carmen amatorium carnale_, eso es mal; pero si dice _Carmen +amatorium spirituale_, eso verdad es. Y a lo demas que me dijo, me +encogi, como cosa que oia entonces, y no entendia bien lo que queria +decir, a todo cuanto me acuerdo;...'] + +[Footnote 45: These data, given by Blanco Garcia (_op. cit._, pp. +111-115), are derived from the record of Grajal's trial.] + +[Footnote 46: The seventeen propositions are printed in _Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 286-287; they are reproduced by Blanco Garcia +(_op. cit._, p. 111). According to Bartolome de Medina (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 66), the teaching of the doctrines embodied in +the seventeen propositions scandalized the Salamancan students.] + +[Footnote 47: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 5-7.] + +[Footnote 48: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 113.] + +[Footnote 49: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 7-18.] + +[Footnote 50: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 96-102.] + +[Footnote 51: See _Documentos ineditos_, vol. LXVIII.] + +[Footnote 52: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, pp. 114-115.] + + + + +III + + +Though, in accord with the customary procedure in such cases, each +witness who appeared before Gonzalez was sworn to secrecy, it is +evident that there was no mystery in Salamanca as to the intention of +the Valladolid Inquisitors. On March 25, 1572, a day before the formal +order for the arrest of Luis de Leon was actually signed, Diego de +Valladolid was accepted as bail to the amount of two thousand ducats, +that the said Luis de Leon would go quietly to prison in Valladolid +without making any attempt at escape.[53] A document to this effect +was drawn up and was duly signed by three witnesses, of whom one was a +Familiar of the Inquisition, Francisco de Almansa. It seems likely +that Almansa may have suspected that, for the time being, the hours of +Luis de Leon's comparative freedom were already numbered; for, on the +following day (March 26, 1572), Almansa was appointed _alguacil_ of +the Valladolid Inquisitionary court, was directed to arrest Luis de +Leon wherever he might be--'in church, or monastery, or other hallowed +place'--and was further ordered to sequestrate any arms, cash, jewels, +or papers which the prisoner might have about him.[54] Almansa, to +whom Luis de Leon was perfectly well known,[55] obeyed instructions, +and reached the Valladolid jail with his captive at about six o'clock +in the evening of Thursday, March 27, 1572.[56] After being carefully +searched, Luis de Leon was lodged in the secret cells of the +Inquisition, and there, except for his appearances in court, he was +detained for over four years and eight months.[57] + +Though he was notoriously in weak health, the prisoner does not seem +to have received any special consideration. On the other hand, it +cannot be maintained that, at the outset, his judges treated him with +inhumanity. That Luis de Leon was nervous about himself, and that he +believed it possible he might die without warning is the impression +conveyed by a fervent act of faith which, though undated, was probably +written almost as soon as his imprisonment began. On March 31, Luis de +Leon asked for various things besides four books: one of them a box of +powder with which he was usually provided by a nun named Ana de +Espinosa to alleviate his heart-attacks.[58] This petition was +granted. Luis de Leon's request for a knife to cut his food with was +so clearly against all prison regulations that he can scarcely have +expected a favourable reply.[59] The Inquisitors met him half-way by +ordering that he should at once be supplied with a rounded spoon, +sufficient for his purpose, though useless to a prisoner of suicidal +tendencies.[60] At this stage, it cannot be said that Luis de Leon was +treated with any want of lenity. There was no reason why he should be. +He was arrested mainly on suspicion of being concerned in the (purely +imaginary) Jewish propaganda imputed to his colleagues Grajal and +Martinez de Cantalapiedra; the evidence against him was second-hand +and meagre. + +Before long matters began to take a graver aspect. A definite +charge[61] emerged that some ten or eleven years earlier[62] Luis de +Leon had translated from the Hebrew into Spanish the _Song of +Solomon_, to which he appended a commentary, also in Spanish. This he +did at the request of a nun whose name is incidentally revealed as +'Dona Isabel Osorio, monja de Sancti Espiritu de Salamanca'.[63] That +Luis de Leon's proceeding was most imprudent is undeniable. With +characteristic courage and candour, in his first _confesion_ of March +6, he volunteered the admission that he had made such a rendering.[64] +At this moment he was apparently unaware that the existence of this +rendering had been already brought to the notice of the Inquisition by +Medina.[65] Nobody questions Luis de Leon's good faith. Nevertheless +one gets the impression that he felt this to be a weak point in his +case. It was. He had committed a serious indiscretion by infringing +the general prohibition of vernacular versions of any part of +Scripture. No doubt it might be contended that his rendering of the +_Song of Solomon_, and his commentary on it, were originally meant to +be used by only one private person; that the prohibition referred to +the circulation of vernacular versions; that this particular version, +made for the exclusive use of Dona Isabel Osorio, did not amount to +circulation (within the four corners of the general prohibition); and +that such circulation as had taken place had occurred against the will +of the translator. This is not mere sophistry. What seems to have +happened was this. It appears that a lay brother, named Diego de Leon, +part of whose business it was to tidy Luis de Leon's cell, stumbled +one day upon the original manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Solomon_, copied it without leave or licence, and allowed so +many transcriptions of his copy to be made that it became absolutely +impossible for the translator to control or recall them +afterwards.[66] Manifestly Diego de Leon did not venture to remove the +original manuscript from its resting-place; it was still in Luis de +Leon's monastery-cell on November 7, 1573.[67] Search being made for +it, the version was found, handed over to the Inquisitionary +authorities, and retained by them when judgement was pronounced.[68] +There is evidence to show that many manuscript copies of the +vernacular _Song of Solomon_ stole into existence and were widely +distributed. On March 6, 1572, Luis de Leon, whose references to this +matter are tinged with regret, uses words which seem to imply that a +copy had reached Portugal; and an inquiry, opened at Cuzco in the +autumn of 1575, revealed the fact that a transcription of the +_Cantares que llaman de fray Luis de Leon_ had been made by Fray Luis +Alvarez and conveyed by him to South America. This transcription, +after being recopied by a Lima graduate, who appears to have left for +Spain to continue his studies at the University of Alcala de Henares, +was deposited in the public library of Quito which was housed in the +Augustinian monastery there.[69] This episode denotes a morbid +curiosity which must have been revolting to Luis de Leon's austere +nature. He candidly avowed doubts as to the prudence of facilitating +the reading of the _Song of Solomon_ in Spanish, and would have +cancelled all manuscript copies if he could.[70] In this respect, +however, he was powerless, and no better remedy occurred to him than +to set to work on a Latin version which, when printed, should supplant +the Spanish rendering. This he hoped to be able to disown. But fate +was hostile to his design. Constant ill-health hindered him from +making rapid headway with his projected Latin translation. He +submitted himself to the Court which, naturally enough, vouchsafed no +reply to his request for alternative suggestions as to how he could +make amends for a preliminary error of judgement.[71] + +If Luis de Leon's opponents expected to overwhelm him by the +suddenness, vehemence, or volume of their attack, they must speedily +have been disillusioned. The mystic poet proved to be a formidable +fighting-man. Before very long it must have dawned upon the +Inquisitionary deputies at Valladolid that they had caught a Tartar. +Unversed in the ways of the world, Luis de Leon came of a legal stock, +and was thoroughly at home in a law-court. A master of dialectics, he +was always alert, always prompt to criticize the evidence, always +ready to deal with every point as it arose, always prepared to furnish +elaborate written or verbal explanations as to every detail concerning +which the tribunal could harbour a reasonable doubt. The official +secretaries of the Court--Celedon Gustin and the rest of them--must +have grown to dread Luis de Leon's continual demands for sheets of +paper on which to write his long, considered replies. It would be +idle to attempt to summarize the technical arguments advanced by each +side in support of conflicting views on doctrinal or exegetical +problems. In this place, it will suffice to advert to points which +help to illuminate the character of Luis de Leon, or to exemplify the +attitude of the court towards him. + +At the outset, as already stated, there seems to have existed no +decided prejudice against Luis de Leon in the minds of his judges: +they apparently administered the existing system in a not illiberal +spirit. There are indications, however, that this position of relative +impartiality was not maintained. That the court became gradually +biased against the accused seems to follow from the small but eloquent +fact of its rejecting Luis de Leon's petition that his University +chair should not be declared vacant till the end of his trial.[72] It +cannot be argued that the judges were concerned for the efficiency of +the teaching in the University of Salamanca--a matter in which they +took no sort of interest. The decision of the court in Luis de Leon's +case was in direct conflict with the ruling of the same court as +regards Barrientos, another Salamancan professor who was in custody of +the Valladolid Inquisition on May 20, 1572.[73] It was then settled +that Barrientos should not be disturbed, and that no successor to him +should be appointed so long as he was imprisoned. Luis de Leon's chair +was declared vacant as soon as his normal tenure of four years had +expired; the ordinary course of unquestioned renewal was not followed; +and, to make matters worse, his implacable opponent, Bartolome de +Medina, was appointed to succeed Luis de Leon in his chair.[74] For +this appointment, no doubt, the University of Salamanca is entitled to +claim such credit as is due. But no such appointment would have been +possible had the Valladolid Inquisitors been consistent. What caused +the court to be more severe to Luis de Leon than to his colleague +Barrientos? + +This instance of inconsiderateness is not unique. As time went on the +bias of the court against the accused waxed rather than waned. Luis de +Leon's ill-health was notorious and, in fact, so obvious that it is +recorded by the court in an official minute.[75] His state did not +improve in jail. Suffering from fever--'como a sus mercedes les +consta'--so he says plaintively--he had nobody to look after him in +his secret cell save a sleepy-headed boy, a fellow-prisoner who was +half a simpleton. Luis de Leon had fainted from lack of food, and, in +the circumstances, it is not surprising that he should have asked to +be allowed the companionship of a monk of his order--preferably Fray +Alonso Siluente--or anybody else whom the court should think fit to +name.[76] Somewhat later, while still suffering from fever, Luis de +Leon begged that, on his providing satisfactory bail, he might be +transferred from his prison-cell to some neighbouring monastery, where +he could be detained till the end of his trial. So depressed was he +at this moment that he even welcomed the idea of being placed in a +Dominican monastery; it was true that the Dominicans were hostile to +him, yet if he died among them, he should be dying like a Christian, +surrounded by religious--not like a heathen with a blackamoor at his +bedside.[77] The first of these two requests was made to the +Valladolid judges, who passed it on to the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid; the reply of this body was discouraging, for, though the +request was granted in principle, impossible conditions, tantamount to +a refusal, were imposed.[78] Luis de Leon's second request was +addressed direct to the Inquisitor-General: this petition was +disregarded. In other matters, less urgent but not less important from +an orthodox point of view, the Inquisitionary judges at Valladolid +made no concession to the prisoner. He asked to be allowed to go to +confession, and to say Mass once a fortnight in the hall where his +case was heard.[79] Apparently a deaf ear was turned to his +entreaties. A hostile critic might be tempted to say that a vindictive +spirit prevailed in the deliberations of the Valladolid tribunal. + +It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, as the case developed, +the attitude of the Valladolid judges became less and less favourable +to Luis de Leon. Judges are mortals and liable to error. The very +pertinacity of the prisoner may have impressed them badly.[80] It is +in the highest degree improbable that they attached any importance to +his few slips. He speaks of having a naturally weak memory which, so +he declares, had grown worse while he was in prison,[81] and he was +frankly sceptical as to the possibility of any man's recalling every +incident in squabbles that happened years before.[82] As it happens, +his memory seems to have been excellent. No doubt it failed him now +and then; but seldom did it mislead him on any essential point.[83] It +is conceivable that Luis de Leon's judges at Valladolid thought him +lacking in deference. Though perfectly respectful, his attitude to +them was anything but subservient. The judges were accustomed to see +prisoners who were brought before them crushed with awe and a sense of +impending doom. Conscious of the baselessness of the charges against +him, the accused seemed to take his acquittal as certain; and he stood +so little in awe of his judges that he announced his intention of +appealing over their heads to the members of the Supreme +Inquisition.[84] Timidity was not among his failings. A priest of +Astudillo, formerly a student at Salamanca, had occasionally strayed +into Luis de Leon's densely-packed lecture-room, and retained an +abiding impression of the professor's _desenvoltura_ in his chair.[85] +Luis de Leon had not become wholly subdued during the intervening +years. He did not mince words in court, and indulged in sweeping +denunciations of large groups of men; he branded all Dominicans as +'enemies';[86] he was scarcely more indulgent in speaking of the +Jeromites (who resented his opposition to the candidature of their +representative, Hector Pinto, for a chair at Salamanca);[87] and on +general grounds, not unconnected with ancient academic rancours, he +objected to the entire faculty of theology at the University of Alcala +de Henares.[88] The evidence of such persons should, he suggested, be +discounted in advance. Slow to think evil of his neighbours, Luis de +Leon was apt, once his suspicions were aroused, to fling his net +widely. He had some inkling that he and his had the fatal gift of +rousing antagonism. His uncle had been a practising lawyer, and Luis +de Leon argued that all who had suffered through the professional +activities of his kinsman should be debarred from testifying in his +case.[89] The unworldly man manifestly took it for granted that +witnesses who harboured any such grudge against him would willingly +admit it, if pressed on the point. + +Outspoken as was Luis de Leon with regard to groups, he was not less +outspoken with regard to individuals, and in this respect it must be +admitted that he does not appear at his best. Vehemence of language +had been the rule in the Salamancan _juntas_ of professors, and much +of this intemperate tone clung to Luis de Leon. No doubt large +allowances should be made for him. He knew that his honour was at +stake and that his life was in peril.[90] As he was persuaded--perhaps +rightly--he had been brought to this pass mainly through the intrigues +of an unscrupulous pair.[91] His provocation was extreme. It was +almost to be expected that he should use plain words when referring to +foes as malignant as Medina and Castro. These two men he accused of +deliberately organizing a conspiracy against him;[92] he spoke bluntly +of Medina's 'hatred', 'rage', 'trickery', and 'lying';[93] he was not +mealy-mouthed in describing Castro's 'malice', 'deceit', 'calumnies', +and 'perjury'.[94] Luis de Leon dealt no less faithfully with some +members of his own order who were spiteful or cowardly--or both. As +early as the beginning of August 1572 Fray Gabriel Montoya, Prior of +the Augustinian Monastery at Toledo, stated to the Inquisitors at +Valladolid that, in his opinion, certain remarks on the Vulgate, made +by Luis de Leon in the course of a lecture, were of an heretical +savour.[95] The value of this opinion is somewhat diminished by the +fact that Montoya had a personal grudge against Luis de Leon who, some +four or five years previously, had prevented Montoya's election as +Provincial of the Augustinians in Spain.[96] This check seems to have +galled Montoya, who gives the impression of being a rancorous gossip, +and, before leaving the court, he repeated a malignant rumour--derived +he knew not whence--to the effect that Luis de Leon's father had +enjoined his son to be submissive to his superiors and to follow the +current opinion in matters intellectual.[97] Luis de Leon indulges in +no circuitous phrases when he comes to deal with Montoya, whom he +describes as an enemy notorious for his untruthfulness.[98] It would +appear that much of Montoya's second-hand information came from +another Augustinian, Francisco de Arboleda,[99] who had once been a +student of Luis de Leon's,[100] and had been entrusted by the prisoner +with the delicate mission of collecting from certain theologians in +Seville opinions favourable to Luis de Leon's views upon the +Vulgate.[101] This very sensible precaution scandalized Montoya. It is +open to criticism solely on the ground that Luis de Leon chose his +agent badly. To this criticism the real answer is that Luis de Leon +had to employ what agents he could, and that nobody but Arboleda, who +was not above flattering his old master,[102] was available at the +time of his mission to Seville. Arboleda's evidence was not damaging; +it was ill-intentioned and impertinent, inasmuch as it repeated vague +rumours of the Jewish descent of the accused;[103] the gravest fact +the witness could allege was Luis de Leon's view that a friar, +despite his vow of poverty, might spend a couple of coppers without +mortal sin in buying an _Agnus Dei_.[104] Arboleda gives the +impression of being a dullard, and this is pretty much the description +of him by another member of the Augustinian order--Pedro de +Rojas,[105] son of the Marques de Pozas and afterwards Bishop of +Astorga and Osuna. Luis de Leon apparently agreed with Rojas in his +estimate of Arboleda's ability, and this may account for his +comparative leniency to the poor numbskull. More severe treatment is +meted out to another Augustinian, Diego de Zuniga, whom Luis de Leon +brands as a deliberate perjurer.[106] Who was this Zuniga? He has +generally been identified with the Zuniga who was among the first in +Spain to declare in favour of the Copernican theory;[107] this action +needed courage and Zuniga has had his reward. As he is respectfully +quoted by Galileo, he has attained something like immortality.[108] +There is, however, no conclusive evidence to show that this +enlightened writer is the Zuniga who came under Luis de Leon's lash. +The correctness of the current identification is, at least, doubtful. + +The fact that Diego de Zuniga is a frequent combination of names in +Spain is an embarrassment to the investigator. It is noticeable that +Luis de Leon's references seem to imply some doubt as to his +opponent's real name; he is obviously uncertain whether his accuser +should be called Zuniga or Rodriguez,[109] and in this uncertainty he +is not alone.[110] It appears that there were at least two +Augustinians known as Diego de Zuniga in Luis de Leon's time; it +further appears that neither of the two inherited from his father the +surname which he habitually used. Both men claimed relationship with +the Duque de Bejar--it was to the seventh Duque de Bejar that +Cervantes dedicated the First Part of _Don Quixote_ in 1605--and both +assumed the family name of that illustrious stock.[111] The original +name of the more celebrated of these Zunigas was Diego Arias;[112] the +original name of the less celebrated was Rodriguez.[113] This is not +decisive, but it may well be one of those small facts which speak +volumes. Chronology confirms the conclusion to be drawn from these +considerations. The Zuniga who appeared against Luis de Leon at +Valladolid was evidently professed as early as 1559 or 1560;[114] the +more celebrated Zuniga was not professed till 1566.[115] General +considerations point in the same direction. The views of Zuniga +(_alias_ Arias) were approximately those of Luis de Leon;[116] he +viewed matters from the same standpoint, was himself a university +professor,[117] and had something of Luis de Leon's fearlessness.[118] +Zuniga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was a man of a very different type: +pedantically attached to the letter of the law, morbidly scrupulous on +points of discipline. There seems to be no touch of burlesque +intention in Luis de Leon's presentment of the man. According to Luis +de Leon, Zuniga (_alias_ Rodriguez) was half-crazed with vanity, much +given to boasting of the esteem in which he was held at the Papal +Court. On one occasion, the fatuous Zuniga produced a short treatise +entitled _Manera para aprender todas las ciencias_, and, stating that +he proposed sending this pamphlet to the Pope, made bold to ask what +his interlocutor thought of it. Can he have been vain enough to expect +a favourable verdict? If so, he did not know his man. Luis de Leon +drily expressed his regret that a work destined for the Pope should be +so slight and should contain a number of rather commonplace passages +such as might be found in any current book of reference--though, as he +added politely, he assumed that these passages were the fruit of +independent reading. This courteous assumption, which Zuniga hastily +assured Luis de Leon was exact,[119] could not alter the fact that the +ambitious author had been severely snubbed, and this snub may well +have rankled in the mind of a man who is described as 'vindictive'. +Zuniga had another grievance against Luis de Leon, who had taken a +severe view of his companion's insolence to an official superior at a +Provincial Chapter, and had joined in making representations the +upshot of which was that the culprit was publicly and ignominiously +punished.[120] It is well-nigh incredible that the Zuniga who +championed Copernicus, and displays vigilant self-restraint in his +writings, should have been guilty of such flightiness as is brought +home to his namesake; it is by no means inconceivable that the Zuniga +who deposed against Luis de Leon should have been guilty of occasional +lapses. He is said to have been impetuous as well as vindictive;[121] +he had the dangerous gift of pulpit eloquence[122] and may have +acquired the trick of saying rather more than he meant. His evidence +against Luis de Leon, though fluent and clear, is not what we should +expect from a man of talent, who recognized the gravity of the charges +against the prisoner. His testimony, such as it is, has less +intellectual substance than the testimony of Castro and Medina; it +turns mainly on petty personal questions or on points of morbid +scrupulousness. The more closely his evidence is scrutinized, the more +difficult is it to avoid the suspicion that Zuniga was not a perfectly +trustworthy witness. For instance, according to his sworn statement he +was thirty-six years old when he deposed at Toledo on November 4, +1572.[123] The declaration is made positively without any of the +qualifying phrases--'about', 'nearly', 'more or less'--so frequent on +the part of witnesses. Nevertheless, it seems possible that this +assertion is erroneous. Zuniga refers to a discussion respecting Arias +Montano which he had with Luis de Leon in the latter's cell some +thirteen years previously. At this time Zuniga would, on his own +showing, be but twenty-three. From what we know of Luis de Leon, it +seems improbable that he would admit to his confidential intimacy a +man so much his junior. No doubt Zuniga (or Rodriguez) was young at +the time--hardly old enough, by his own reckoning, to be an ordained +priest--a _mancebo_, as he seemed to Luis de Leon's retrospicient +eyes.[124] Yet it is very hard to believe that Zuniga was no more than +twenty-three when he took it upon himself to cast doubts on the +orthodoxy of Benito Arias Montano;[125] nor is it likely that Luis de +Leon would discuss so delicate a topic with the most brilliant of +youths. Let it not be said that the question of Zuniga's accuracy in +stating his age is relatively unimportant. It is highly relevant; for, +if Zuniga were capable of making a mistake on such a point, he was +manifestly more liable to error when dealing with other matters on +which he necessarily knew less. However, Zuniga's evidence is not +weighty enough to call for detailed examination. He may be left to +bear the burden of Luis de Leon's scorn. I am more concerned here to +suggest that, on the facts before us, we are not compelled to identify +the Zuniga who deposed against Luis de Leon with a namesake of a +higher intellectual type. To us who read the testimony in cold blood, +more than three centuries after it was given, it seems that Luis de +Leon deals as impartially with his brethren as with members of other +religious orders. This was not his intention, at any rate. He knew his +fellow-Augustinians better than he could know the rest, and he himself +tells us not obscurely that, out of consideration for his gown, he was +silent on various matters which, if proclaimed aloud, would not make +for edification.[126] + +Members of the Valladolid Court could see for themselves that while +Luis de Leon's opponents--Dominicans, Jeromites, and the rest--were +banded solidly against him, the Augustinians were by no means +unanimous in his favour. That he was difficult to deal with personally +the Court had opportunities of knowing. His unbending fidelity to +principle and his impetuosity probably produced on the tribunal an +impression of obstinacy combined with caprice. On May 6, 1573, a +certain Dr. Ortiz de Funes was, as is recorded, nominated counsel to +the prisoner;[127] there is no reason to suppose that Ortiz de Funes +was in ability below the average level of the bar, but he was no match +for his client, and though he may have given valuable advice on purely +legal points, when these arose, it soon became plain that Luis de Leon +was the brain of the defence and that he meant to conduct that defence +in his own way. Ortiz de Funes became a nullity or, at least, a mere +figure-head whose main duty consisted in signing papers which the +prisoner had drawn up. A time came when, according to the practice of +the Inquisition, it became necessary for Luis de Leon to nominate +_patronos_, and in this matter Ortiz de Funes intervened somewhat more +prominently than was usual with him. A _patrono_ has no exact +counterpart in English ecclesiastical law; it was his business, within +narrow limits, to defend the interests of the accused from the +theological point of view. On June 26, 1574, Luis de Leon was brought +into court, and was told that he was to choose two _patronos_ out of +four men whose names were given him.[128] He was obviously taken aback +at this proposal, and replying that, since he did not know any of the +four, he was ignorant as to their qualifications, added that he had +already requested the appointment of Sebastian Perez, professor of +Theology at Parraces, as _patrono_. He renewed his request, adding +that either Dr. Cancer or the Dominican Hernando del Castillo could be +appointed with Perez; but before any determination was taken, he +begged leave to consult his legal adviser.[129] As might have been +expected, Ortiz de Funes fell in with his client's view and two days +later made a formal application to the Court that Perez be appointed +_patrono_, with either Cancer or Castillo to help him.[130] No +appointment was made at the moment and, as it turned out, this was +perhaps just as well; for by June 30 Luis de Leon had changed his +mind, and appeared in court to ask that Castillo's name be removed +from the list of acceptable _patronos_.[131] On July 14 Ortiz +de Funes announced his client's intention of appealing to the +Inquisitor-General against the decision forcing him to select +_patronos_ from a list of persons unknown to him.[132] Neither Luis de +Leon nor Ortiz de Funes seemed to have guessed that the Valladolid +judges were acting on instructions from the Supreme Inquisition at +Madrid.[133] For a moment the step taken by Ortiz de Funes and his +client appeared to have some slight effect. Luis de Leon was informed +that he would be allowed to appoint Perez as his _patrono_ but on two +conditions: (1) he must undertake to pay all the travelling expenses +of his _patrono_, and (2) an inquiry must be held to establish the +_limpieza_ of Perez. This last proceeding, it was significantly +added, would be slow.[134] Again Ortiz de Funes was consulted; but it +is difficult to believe that he had more than a technical +responsibility for the startling decision which he announced: the +decision to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ and +either Bartolome de Medina or Dr. Cancer.[135] Mancio, whose pupil +Luis de Leon had once been at Alcala, was a Dominican;[136] hence he +would be suspect--perhaps doubly 'suspect'--in the prisoner's eyes. +Medina, also a Dominican, was an overt foe; Cancer, of whom Luis de +Leon knew nothing except that he was a professor at Salamanca, proved +to be not over friendly. Luis de Leon may conceivably have thought +that Mancio's undoubted learning would ensure his treading in the +strict path of justice, and that Mancio's advanced age[137] would +enable him to press his views on his coadjutor. It is more likely, +however, that the three names were put forward in a paroxysm of +impatience--at a moment when Luis de Leon was willing to fall in with +any arrangement which might hasten a decision of his case. + +Mancio was appointed _patrono_, and was duly sworn in at Valladolid on +October 9, 1574;[138] on October 13 he made a report favourable to the +accused.[139] The prisoner was not informed of this (as he should have +been), and took umbrage at what he thought was an act of insolent +remissness. He appeared in court on October 16, and protested against +any of his papers being entrusted to Mancio, lest he should take them +to his Dominican monastery where they ran the risk of being scanned by +hostile eyes.[140] On October 22 the prisoner showed signs of +increasing distrust, for he then requested the return of thirty-two +sheets of paper, covered with notes for his defence, which he himself +had handed to Mancio.[141] Luis de Leon's suspicions deepened rapidly. +On October 25 he asked to be allowed to cancel his nomination of +Mancio as _patrono_.[142] The local judges referred the application +to the Supreme Inquisition, and were instructed to proceed as though +nothing unusual had happened; Mancio, however, was to be told to stay +away still further notice.[143] On December 7 Luis de Leon handed in a +written explanation of his recent action. With regard to Mancio, he +complained of his _patrono's_ omission to confer with him, expressed +some suspicion that Mancio might have become a party to Medina's plot, +declined to accept as valid Mancio's excuse for not attending--that he +had to lecture in Salamanca--and vehemently declared that Mancio's +negligence amounted to very grave sin.[144] These phrases can scarcely +have been used in their natural sense, for Luis de Leon concluded his +written petition by stating that he was still willing to accept Mancio +as his _patrono_, if Mancio were able to be present at Valladolid. +Should this be impossible, the prisoner asked that Dr. Vadillo, Canon +of Plasencia, and the Augustinian Fray Francisco Cueto should be +assigned to him as _patronos_. A working arrangement thus became +possible, and the General Inquisitor at Madrid ordered that Mancio +should be given due facilities. These orders were received on December +13.[145] It appears that Mancio picked up the dropped threads of this +business on December 23, and spent another day or two in reviewing the +general situation.[146] Mancio's cautious policy was doubtless sound; +but to Luis de Leon, who maintained that the matters on which his +_patrono_ had to pronounce were as simple as could be, these tactics +seemed mistaken, and on January 13, 1575, he begged the Court to press +Mancio to give an opinion without delay.[147] On March 6 Luis de Leon +once more complained of being unable to confer with his _patrono_; but +now, rather late in the day, he came nearer to putting the blame on +the right shoulders. Hitherto he had been prone to ascribe all manner +of evil motives to Mancio, whom he should have known better: at last +it vaguely dawned on him that the obstacles might come (as, in fact, +they did come) from the tribunal which was trying him.[148] On March +15 Mancio wrote a letter to the judges, promising to attend at +Valladolid unless absolutely prevented from doing so.[149] Four days +later the General Inquisition wrote to the same judges, hinting that a +decision might be given shortly.[150] The Valladolid Court was stirred +into temporary activity. A sitting was held on March 30; Mancio was +present; a consultation took place between him and his client;[151] +and henceforth we hear no more of difficulties in connexion with Luis +de Leon's _patrono_. Nearly six months had been wasted owing to want +of tact on the part of the Inquisitionary officials. + +As the event proved, the prisoner's protests in this matter were +thoroughly justified. It is easy to perceive this now. We cannot be +sure that we should have taken the same view had we been contemporary +spectators. If appearances were not actually against Luis de Leon, +they combined to reveal him in his least attractive posture. His +comparative promptitude in accepting Mancio as _patrono_, his +unwillingness to abide by his choice, his sudden hostility to Mancio, +his final acceptance of Mancio, are all explicable variations. +Nevertheless they showed a disregard for superficial consistency which +might easily be misinterpreted as caprice. The bias of the court had +been veering away from the prisoner for some time. His series of +actions with respect to Mancio lost him all judicial favour. His +judges considered him as an unreasonable man, a gifted sophist fertile +in inventing objections in and out of season, a hair-splitter +perpetually arguing for argument's sake. Luis de Leon was, as a rule, +so unaccommodating that some of his judges may have begun to think +they understood why he was not universally popular with members of his +own order. Nor did Luis de Leon's demeanour in court serve to +dissipate the atmosphere of almost arrogant rectitude which enveloped +him. He felt bound to criticize the machinery of the Inquisition. He +may easily have seemed to be criticizing those engaged in working the +machinery. At the best of times the procedure of the Court was not +expeditious. For example, though Luis de Leon was arrested on March +27, 1572, the first hearing of his formal defence did not take place +till April 14--more than a fortnight later. More than once Luis de +Leon complained of the Court's delays without going into questions of +motive.[152] In this he was clearly right, for, as we have seen, the +Supreme Inquisition was not wholly satisfied with the progress made. +At other times the prisoner stressed the fact that constant +postponements were apt to do him injury, and he hinted rather plainly +that there was an intention to wear him down by deliberately +prolonging the proceedings.[153] In this conjecture he was almost +certainly wrong. The Valladolid judges had no power to alter the +system which they found in existence; possibly, becoming accustomed to +it, they ended by thinking well of it. Its weak points were naturally +more evident to Luis de Leon, and his torrent of critical remarks may +have seemed to reflect on the intelligence and probity of the Court. +Administrators, however exalted, are human, and even the lowliest of +magistrates is prone to take offence, if given to understand that he +is considered dull and dishonest. Luis de Leon never was betrayed into +using disrespectful language; but his polite formulae could not +conceal the fact that he had no very high opinion of those in whose +hands his fate lay. Nor did the well-meant observance of established +forms on the part of the Court do anything to modify his sentiments. +It was in strict conformity with precedent that he should be adjured +to make a clean breast of it and should be informed that, while +truthfulness would meet with clemency, lying would be severely dealt +with.[154] It is strange that it should have been thought necessary +to use this formula in the case of Luis de Leon--a highly-strung, +sensitive man, with an almost morbid passion for truth. The sole +excuse for the Inquisitors is that this warning was given at the first +sitting. But, at the second sitting, the warning was repeated in +almost identical terms.[155] It seems scarcely possible to show less +tact in the conduct of a difficult case. No doubt the explanation is +that none of the Valladolid judges was sufficiently independent to set +a precedent of his own. + +Large allowances must be made for those unhappy men. They cannot +reasonably be blamed for not taking it upon themselves to alter the +established procedure of the Court in which they sat. Their position +was always difficult, and it did not become easier as time went on. +They had good reason to know that a vocal group of influential persons +in Salamanca confidently expected them to condemn Luis de Leon; yet +some of them, at least, were uncomfortably aware that the evidence +before them would not warrant a conviction on the major charges. The +most damaging witnesses--Medina, Castro, and Zuniga--had been called +at a very early stage of the proceedings. These heavy guns had been +fired without destroying the adversary. There was nothing for it now +but to hope for the worst from the reports of the official +_calificadores_, Dr. Cancer, Fray Nicolas Ramos, and Dr. Frechilla, +who did their utmost to fulfil expectations.[156] Lest the +pronouncements of this trio proved unconvincing, the precaution was +taken of excluding evidence. At the beginning of the case, any sort of +second-hand gossip was admitted as evidence on the chance that its +cumulative effect might be damaging to the accused. At Murcia, on +February 4, 1573, a hostile Augustinian, Fray Juan Ciguelo, a man of +doubtful character, was permitted to retail idle chatter on the part +of another Augustinian who averred that Luis de Leon was prone to +saying _Requiems_ too often, and was in the habit of reading Latin +too quickly.[157] Ciguelo's testimony, though malignant, had done no +harm; later on, it was thought more prudent to adopt the opposite +policy and to prevent as many as possible of the witnesses for the +defence from being heard. As late as July 7, 1576, no less than three +interrogatories[158] by Luis de Leon were rejected on the ground that +they were irrelevant (_impertinentes_).[159] It is difficult to +reconcile these decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later +ruling was thought to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the +earlier one. In their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion +which was easily disproved.[160] + +Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables us +to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to supplement +the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his youth, may +easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many who had +seen him. According to that painter's _Libro de Descripcion de +verdaderos Retratos de illustres y memorables varones_, Luis de Leon +was below the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered +with thick and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his +brow was broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his +complexion was darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was +grave; and, we may add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed, +regarded Luis de Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in +mathematics, in jurisprudence, in medicine--and, though self-taught as +a painter--an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a +compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of +Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose +enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his +account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The +fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable +record of the Valladolid trial confirms Pacheco's report of the +prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in +which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When +being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the +innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts +which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself, +to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or +scoffer in him.[161] But if Luis de Leon was relatively poor in +humour, he had an abundant store of mordant sarcasm and a faculty for +ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned to their chagrin.[162] +Pacheco's opinion of Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by +the scrap of evidence given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas--the +sightless dedicatee of _El aire se serena_. Salinas bore witness that +some of Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any +University chair against all competition.[163] Evidently to those who +met him frequently Luis de Leon conveyed the impression of +irresistible talent. Though students voted in professorial elections +at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon loyally, he did nothing to +conciliate them, and expressed his opinion of them with unquestionable +candour. We gather that he was profoundly attached to the ancient +order of things[164] and that, though accused of interpreting the +Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical book.[165] +We learn that among his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and +Melchor Cano;[166] of these he would seem most to have esteemed +Cano.[167] With such masters, and being the man he was, Luis de Leon +would naturally have got together a good theological library, and he +was allowed to have some of his books in his prison-cell; it is but +natural that most of his requests should be for theological works +which would be of service in preparing his defence on technical +points. Reading was his sole solace during his imprisonment, and it +is noticeable that, whenever he asks for a book he speaks of it--not +with the dry, meticulous precision of a bibliographer but--with all +the caressing detail of a genuine book-lover. He indicates the sizes +of the various works which he needs, describes their bindings, and +mentions in what part of his monastery-cell they will be found. He +wants a Vatable with gilt edges, bound in black; it should be found in +a case for smaller volumes which lies on his writing-table. He asks +for a Bible, printed by Plantin, bound in black leather and fastened +with black silk ribbons. He demands a Biblical concordance which is in +folio. This lies on a high shelf near the window.[168] He begs to have +the works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the +left as you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for +theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds +entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity. +When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in sheep's-skin; it +will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the +monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil--of which there +are a great many ('_de que hay hartos_'), so that he does not +particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in +sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves +where the works of St. Justin are.[169] Again, besides the works of +St. Leo, bound in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf; +for a Pindar (in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with +gilt edges; and for _Le prose dil Bembo_, a volume in small quarto +with a parchment binding.[170] This throws light on Luis de Leon's +progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for an Italian book +to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know that language. In +or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the anonymous Italian work +which disturbed Zuniga's scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though +of course able to catch the author's drift, did not really know +Italian at that time.[171] This deficiency had been made good, as he +gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573--twenty eight +months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of _Le prose +dil Bembo_ should be given to him in prison. + +The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of Luis +de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. Towards +the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary judges +there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological student +who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified that for +about two years he had discussed matters of theology, mathematics, and +astrology with Luis de Leon.[172] It may astonish some that Luis de +Leon toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have +surprised his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as +to the cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he +had read a compilation on astrology which had been lent to him by a +student named Poza, a licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have +doubted whether he ought to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de +Leon on the question. Luis de Leon dipped into the book, and came +finally to the conclusion that the whole thing was rubbish. But he +found in the work some curious observations, and was tempted to make +at least one experiment which involved the use of a pious formula. The +owner of the book left Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then +raging there. Luis de Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day, +and had intended to burn the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out +the main part of his intention by burning the work in the presence of +Fray Bartolome de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this +holocaust. No more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's +curiosity as to the possibilities of astrology continued with but +little abatement.[173] This half-belief in astrology as a kind of +black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and vestiges of +this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected quarters till our +own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus to furnish his +adversaries with ammunition which they might use against him; but +could anything bespeak conscious innocence more strongly than his +voluntary avowal? + +Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his protestations +of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court what course it +should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought to order Leon +de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.[174] Later on, he declared +with vehemence that his detention was without a shadow of legality, +that his imprisonment ought not to continue for a single day, and that +he ought to be compensated for the injury done him.[175] These may +have been truths; but they were decidedly unpalatable, and the +expediency of making these assertions to a prejudiced bench is at +least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de Leon could +bring himself to use. He complained again and again of delays, +attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and +incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went +on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making +his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing +vehemence.[176] He impressed on his hearers the fundamental absurdity +of certain charges against him, and, waxing indignant at the statement +that he had thrown doubt on the coming of Christ, he objected to +having so senseless a jest fathered on him. There was always the +alternative that he might be supposed to have used in earnest the +words imputed to him; in which case, even if the evidence on this +point were far more decisive than it actually was, 'before believing +it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether I had gone out of my +mind at the time, or were drunk'.[177] It is, no doubt, difficult to +meet a contention of this kind; but such a contention is not +calculated to capture the sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should +it be overlooked that the judges were subjected to continual pressure +from the attacking parties. The official _calificadores_ took a +serious view of Luis de Leon's opinions on the authority of the +Vulgate; they showered reports upon the judges; naturally these +reports did not always agree with one another, but they were unanimous +in one respect; they declared against the teaching of Luis de +Leon,[178] and this perhaps decided the tribunal in giving judgement. +We may think that the court unconsciously allowed itself to be swayed +by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was at no great pains to +conceal his estimate of its capacity. However that may be, it must be +admitted that the decision of the Court had behind it a great body of +what may be called expert opinion. The question of the authority due +to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the foreground; and the report +of even so liberal-minded a man as the Dominican Hernando del Castillo +was not wholly favourable. Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion +that Luis de Leon had uttered nothing against faith; but while he +acquitted the prisoner of teaching 'erroneous, temerarious or +scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de Leon was much to blame for +dealing with the question when and where he did.[179] The opinion of +other _calificadores_ was still more hostile, though it is to be noted +that their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the +delivery of a decision drew near.[180] + +That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year after +year. This series of postponements--ordered, despite the wishes of the +prisoner and (as he contended) against his interests--had got on to +Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to occasional moods of depression, and +had betrayed him into a few irritable or intemperate outbursts. But +these results were unintentional. The Valladolid judges were well +aware from the outset that no time was to be lost. As early as July +29, 1572, they delegated a piece of work to one of their commissaries +in Salamanca, and impressed on him the urgency of dispatch.[181] They +secured from Benito Rodriguez, the commissary in question, greater +speed than they attained themselves. This may have been due to +accident, or to incompetence on their part. But the policy of +continual adjournment could not be prolonged for ever. It had lasted +too long for the patience of the Supreme Inquisition:[182] + + ...even the weariest river + Winds somewhere safe to sea. + +On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. Seven +members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, Andres de Alava, +Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de Albornoz voted that Luis de +Leon should be put to the torture--a moderate amount of torture in +view of his frail health--and, when this was done, the court should +sit again and determine accordingly. Dr. Guijano de Mercado and Dr. +Frechilla took a more lenient view, recommending that, in +consideration of the more exculpatory reports recently given by the +_calificadores_, in consideration also of the replies made by the +prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be reprimanded for dealing +with so grave a matter (as the authority of the Vulgate) at an +unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; that he should be +called upon to renounce publicly certain views which seemed ambiguous; +that he should be told by his bishop to occupy himself with matters of +general interest; that he should cease lecturing altogether; and that +his _Song of Solomon_, done into Spanish, should be seized. The +Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to give his decision in +writing.[183] It may not have been committed to paper: at any rate, it +does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement of Guijano +and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, which +curtly ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to +reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to +confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the _Song of +Solomon_.[184] These orders, dated at Madrid on December 7, 1576, +were, of course, obeyed.[185] As the senior member of the Court, Dr. +Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up +while it was pronounced.[186] The date is not stated, but it cannot +have been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon +applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for +an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that +officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till +his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years' +tenure.[187] Both applications were granted. But the Ethiopian cannot +change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, that the +petitioner received full satisfaction.[188] + + + + +III + + +[Footnote 53: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 143-144.] + +[Footnote 54: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 174-176.] + +[Footnote 55: Luis de Leon administered a fund left by the late Dona +Ana Abarca de Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this +fund a life-pension was paid to Almansa (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears +from his request of December 20, 1572 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores estara +trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo faltara lo mas della, +porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi gente; y podra ser tener yo +necesidad para mi negocio de algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas +agenas y que estan a mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido +darme libertad algun dia. Suplico a V. md. por amor de Dios sea +servido de enviar a mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, o a Francisco +de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo, que la cierre y tome todas +las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo hara muy bien, porque es +hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico a V. md. no lo ponga en +olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought suspiciously warm; at +any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de Almansa, Familiar of the +Inquisition at Salamanca. + +When taken into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the +company of Fray Alonso Siluente (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. +188).] + +[Footnote 56: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough +Luis de Leon lost exact account of time during his imprisonment, and +was not very sure as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y +despues a veinte tres, o veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo +pasado], el dicho Senor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mando +prender,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 185).] + +[Footnote 57: Opinions differ as to whether Luis de Leon was +imprisoned in the original Inquisitionary cells on the site of which +18 and 20 calle del Obispo now stand. Blanco Garcia thought that this +was not the case (_op. cit._, p. 129 _n_). The recurrence of such +phrases as _mando subir de su carcel_ (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's cell +was underground.] + +[Footnote 58: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico a sus +mercedes sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre +prior [Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise a Ana de Espinosa, monja en el +monasterio de Madrigal, que envie una caja de unos polvos que ella +solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolias y pasiones de corazon, que +ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas necesidad que agora; +y sobre todo que me encomiende a Dios sin cansarse.'] + +[Footnote 59: The tone of his request shows that he anticipated a +refusal on the ground that he might wilfully injure himself with a +knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes fuesen servidos, torno a suplicar se +me de un cuchillo para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de +Dios, seguramente se me puede dar; que jamas desee la vida y las +fuerzas tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que +Dios me ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 179-180).] + +[Footnote 60: The concession of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le +de esto que pide; y atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron +que mandaban y mandaron que el alcaide le de un cuchillo sin punta. Lo +cual se mando al alcaide luego en su presencia' (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180).] + +[Footnote 61: It figures as the sixth charge in the speech of the +prosecuting counsel, Diego de Haedo (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. +208). Even at this early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the +prisoner should be tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea +puesto a quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.' +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 209).] + +[Footnote 62: The date of the translation is stated on the authority +of Luis de Leon himself (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 98).] + +[Footnote 63: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 271; see also +_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 214-215.] + +[Footnote 64: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-101.] + +[Footnote 65: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 6.] + +[Footnote 66: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-99.] + +[Footnote 67: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 489.] + +[Footnote 68: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.] + +[Footnote 69: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 505-509.] + +[Footnote 70: The exordium, the translation of the first chapter of +the _Song of Solomon_ and the commentary on this first chapter are +printed in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 449-467.] + +[Footnote 71: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no +obstante esto a algunos amigos mios, y a otros, les ha parecido tener +inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y a mi, por la misma razon, +me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo hubiera estorbado. +Y para remedio dello, el ano pasado comence a ponello en latin, para +siendo examinado y aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia +todo lo que anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de +salud que he tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y asi +digo que estoy presto a hacer esta o otra cualquier diligencia que por +V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que haya +cometido, o en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, o en haber dado +ocasion directa o indirectamente a que se divulgase. Y estoy aparejado +a hacer en ello la enmienda que por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que +subjecto humilde y verdaderamente a V.m. y a este Sancto Oficio y +tribunal, ansi este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina +que o por escrito o por palabra, leyendo o disputando, o en otra +cualquier manera haya afirmado o ensenado, para en todo ser enmendado +y corregido.] + +[Footnote 72: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 252-254. The +following occurs in a document handed in by Luis de Leon on January +26, 1573: '...digo que en fin del mes de hebrero que viene, deste +presente ano de setenta y tres, o por principio de marzo, se cumple el +cuadrienio por el cual me esta proveida la catreda de Durando que +tengo en la universidad de Salamanca, el cual cumplido como es notorio +se vacara, y no oponiendome yo a ella otra vez, se proveera en el que +se opusiere y los estudiantes eligieren. Y aunque es verdad que yo no +tengo deseo ni intento de tratar mas de escuelas, habiendo trabajado +en ellas tan bien como mis concurrentes, y habiendo sacado por ocasion +dellas y de sus competencias el trabajo en que estoy; pero entendiendo +que si en esta coyuntura se vacase la dicha catreda y se proveyese en +otra persona, mucho numero de gentes que en el reino y fuera del +tienen noticia de mi prision, y presumen por ella mal de mi, sabiendo +la dicha vacatura de catreda y provision en otra persona, no +entendiendo como no entienden, ni saben la ley y estilo de la dicha +universidad, me tendrian del todo por culpado y condenado, y quedaria +siempre en pie esta mala opinion contra mi, aunque Vs. Mds. conociendo +en la prosecucion deste pleito mi inocencia, me den por libre y me +restituyan en mi honra como espero en Dios que sucedera; porque las +sobredichas personas que no saben el estilo de la dicha universidad, +viendome fuera destas carceles, y fuera de las escuelas, siempre +entenderian que fue orden de Vs. Mds. y pena de mi culpa, siendo como +son los hombres faciles a creer lo peor, en lo cual mi orden y mis +deudos, y lo que es principal, la opinion de mi fe y doctrina +recibiria notable agravio y detrimento; por tanto en la mejor manera y +conforme a derecho haya lugar, pido y suplico a Vs. Mds. sean servidos +de o mandar a la dicha universidad que no innove cosa alguna acerca de +la dicha catreda, ni de otra cosa que me toque hasta que Vs. Mds. +habiendo conocido los meritos deste pleito juzguen y manden lo que +fueren servidos conforme a justicia, o me den licencia para... dar +poder a dos o las demas personas que me pareciere en Salamanca, porque +por mi y en mi nombre, al tiempo que se vacare la dicha catreda, se +puedan oponer y opongan a ella, y hagan por mi las demas diligencias +que conforme a las leyes y estatutos de aquella universidad fueren +necesarias.'] + +[Footnote 73: This is recorded in a letter from Francisco Sancho to +the Valladolid Inquisitors (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 135): +'Tres cartas tengo a que responder a Vs. Mds. La una es sobre la +catedra del maestro Barrientos, en la cual mandan Vs. Mds. que diga al +rector de esta universidad, como esta detenido en ese Santo Oficio, y +que en tanto que estuviere ansi detenido, no se provea su catedra, ni +se haga mudanza en ello. Y luego que recebi la dicha carta, que fue +estando con el mesmo rector, se la mostre y dijo que ansi lo haria y +cumpliria de buena voluntad.'] + +[Footnote 74: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 44-46. No time was +wasted in filling the chair. It was declared vacant on March 30, 1573; +Medina was elected to it on April 4; he received 95 votes, and the +Augustinian Pedro de Uceda received 54. Uceda (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, pp. 85-90) testified in favour of Fray Luis de Leon; his +evidence gives the impression that he was a timid man, overawed by the +court.] + +[Footnote 75: The Inquisitioners' phrase (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +X, p. 180) has been already quoted: 'atento que es hombre +enfermo....'] + +[Footnote 76: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 188: 'E antes de ser +llevado a su carcel, dijo quel esta muy enfermo de calenturas como a +sus mercedes les consta, y no tiene quien le cure en su carcel sino un +mochachico que esta alli preso, que es simple; y para habelle de +despertar padece trabajo con el, y ha venido dia de quedarse desmayado +de hambre por no tener quien le de la comida; y que suplica a sus +mercedes le den un fraile de su orden que le sirva, pues en esto no +hay enconveniente, si ya no quieren permitir de que muera entre cuatro +paredes solo: que por reverencia de nuestro Senor se duelan del y le +den un fraile que este en su compania siquiera para que si se muere le +ayude a bien morir; y que podra ser que fray Alonso Siluente, que a la +sazon que a este prendieron estaba en su compania, holgaria de venir a +tenersela si esta en Salamanca, o sino que sea quien sus mercedes +mandaren. Con tanto fue llevado a su carcel.'] + +[Footnote 77: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 197. In a letter +which reached Madrid on November 21, 1575, Luis de Leon wrote as +follows to the Inquisitor-General: 'Por lo cual y atento... a lo +mucho que ha que estoy preso, y a mis pasiones y flaquezas, en caso +que pareciere ser conveniente que la sentencia deste pleito se dilate; +suplico a V.S. Illma. por Jesucristo sea servido, dando yo fianzas +suficientes, mandarme poner en un monasterio de los que hay en esta +villa, aunque sea en S. Pablo, en la forma que V.S. Illma. fuese +servido ordenar, hasta la sentencia deste negocio, para que si en este +tiempo el Senor me llamare, lo cual debo temer por el mucho trabajo +que paso y por mis pocas fuerzas, muera como cristiano entre personas +religiosas, ayudado de sus oraciones, y recebiendo los sacramentos, y +no como infiel solo en una carcel y con un moro a la cabecera.'] + +[Footnote 78: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 194: 'Tambien se +consulto a su Senoria Reverendisima lo que escribis cerca de la +indispusicion del maestro fray Luis de Leon y la necesidad que tiene +de servicio, el cual pide que en el monesterio de Sant Augustin de +Salamanca o en el de esta villa se pida un fraile que este con el, y +ha parescido que asi se haga; pero advierteseos que el fraile que se +le hubiere de dar no ha de salir de la compania del dicho fray Luis +hasta que se acabe su causa, y ansi sera bien se le avise al que +hubiere de ser antes que entre en las carceles.'] + +[Footnote 79: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 50-51: '...ha tres +anos que estoy preso, y todo este tiempo he estado sin el uso de los +sacramentos con detrimento de mi anima, y sin causa que conforme a +derecho obligase a Vs. Mds. a privarme dellos,... Por lo cual pido y +suplico a Vs. Mds., y si menester es les encargo las conciencias, pues +que no son servidos de pronunciar lo que en este mi negocio tienen +difinido, y lo dilatan por concluir primero otros procesos que no me +tocan, o por los respectos que a Vs. Mds. parece y me tienen preso; +alomenos no me priven de este bien, sino que me den licencia para +confesarme con quien Vs. Mds. senalaren, y para decir misa en esta +sala siquiera de quince en quince dias, en lo cual Vs. Mds. haran gran +servicio a Dios, y a mi daran grandisimo consuelo.' This is from a +document which was handed in by Luis de Leon at Valladolid on March +12, 1575. An order was made that this document should be forwarded to +the Supreme Inquisition. I have failed to trace any further reference +to it.] + +[Footnote 80: They may have thought that, owing to his +unacquaintance with legal procedure, Luis de Leon was wasting the time +of the court; at any rate, as early as May 6, 1572, Dr. Ortiz de Funes +was appointed counsel to the prisoner (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 217). No saving of time was wrought by this change.] + +[Footnote 81: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 220: '...yo tengo +flaca memoria, y despues que estoy en la carcel he perdido gran parte +della,...'] + +[Footnote 82: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 193: 'Es imposible +acordarse memoria de hombre de todo lo que en las dichas juntas se ha +dicho, mayormente que con la colera de la disputa, algunas veces salen +de todos los terminos de razon y modestia los hombres, y se ciegan de +manera que dende a poco ellos mismos no saben lo que han dicho.'] + +[Footnote 83: Luis de Leon's memory betrayed him as regards the +signatures attached to the Vatable Bible. He was under the impression +that he had signed a copy which was handed over to Francisco Sancho. +In this he proved to be mistaken. On thinking the point over, Luis de +Leon suggested that he must have signed a copy in the possession of +the Salamancan bookseller, Gaspar de Portonariis; this impression was +likewise mistaken. (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 520-527.) + +An amazing lapse of memory led Luis de Leon astray with respect to +Bartolome de Medina; as Medina did not take his degree till 1570 +(_Documentos ineditos_, vols. X, p. 323, and XI, p. 340), Luis de Leon +felt justified in stating that his opponent did not take part in the +revision of Vatable's Bible, which (such was the prisoner's +impression) was finished in 1569. The discovery of Medina's signature +in the Sancho copy of Vatable (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 522) +rendered this position untenable. The fact appears to be that the Old +Testament was revised in 1569; owing to the absence of Sancho and Luis +de Leon, the revision of the New Testament was suspended; it was not +finished till 1571, and thus Medina was enabled to sign the Vatable +Bible. It seems clear that Luis de Leon had no head for dates. He was, +as we have seen (p. 94), doubtful as to when he was arrested, and he +was capable of imagining that a sitting of the Valladolid court had +been held a week before, when no such sitting had taken place. +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 18.)] + +[Footnote 84: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 23, 24: '...antes +de agora yo tengo pedido que se me declaren los nombres y personas de +los Senores del Consejo de la santa y general Inquisicion, ante quien +los auctos y sentencias interlocutorias y difinitivas deste negocio +pueden ir a parar, para que sabiendo quien son yo pueda deliberar lo +que conviene a mi justicia, y si tengo justa causa para recusar a +alguno dellos; y por no se me haber declarado yo tengo apelado. Y +porque por estar preso en carceles secretas no puedo por mi ni por +otro informarme... pido y suplico a Vs. Mds., e si necesario es, con +debido acatamiento y reverencia requiero, no se envie cosa alguna de +lo tocante a este mi proceso a los dichos Senores del Consejo, y +protesto la nulidad de lo que en contrario se hiciere. Y si tacita o +expresamente me fuere denegado otra vez, apelo para ante quien y con +derecho debo, y pido los apostolos desta mi apelacion con las +instancias e ahincamientos necesarios, y pidolo por testimonio.' It +will be seen that the account given in the text is an under-statement. +Luis de Leon not only appealed over the heads of the Valladolid judges +to the General Inquisition; he was prepared also to challenge, if +necessary, individual members of the General Inquisition itself.] + +[Footnote 85: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 81-83. Diego de Gaona +states that he knew Luis de Leon in 1567 or 1568. Gaona esteemed Luis +de Leon to be 'hombre muy habil en su facultad de teologia, aunque le +tenia por hombre algo atrevido en su manera de leer, y a esta causa +este testigo... le oia muy pocas veces por ver su desenvoltura en las +liciones que leia... entraba muy pocas veces a oir al dicho fray Luis +de Leon, e que a esta causa no se le acuerda quienes estaban +presentes, mas de que estaba el general lleno de gente...'] + +[Footnote 86: Luis de Leon frequently makes this point. The following +passage (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 482) is sufficiently +categorical to render further quotations superfluous: 'Demas desto +digo que el dia pasado aqui en la audiencia entendi que algunos de mis +papeles, los cuales se veen por mandado de Vs. Mds. se han dado a ver +y examinar a fray Juan Gutierrez fraile dominico, y ansi entiendo que +se habran dado a otros de la misma orden: y siendo notorio como es que +todos los frailes de la dicha orden son sospechosos contra mi por las +competencias que mi orden, y yo senaladamente he tenido con ellos, y +por la catreda que les hemos quitado, y por las demas causas que yo en +este proceso tengo alegadas y probadas, por las cuales los tengo +tachados por enemigos...'] + +[Footnote 87: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 559-560: 'Que por +cuanto para hacer el juicio difinitivo acerca de la cualidad de mi +doctrina, Vs. Mds. han de consultar a teologos doctos y +desapasionados; y porque yo tengo tachados por apasionados y +sospechosos a todos los frailes de la orden de Santo Domingo y de Sant +Hieronimo, y agora de nuevo tacho por lo mismo a los teologos de la +universidad de Alcala, porque como es notorio estan encontrados con +los teologos de Salamanca por muchas causas antiguas y recientes, y +senaladamente porque el Consejo general de la Inquisicion cosas +notadas y censuradas por ellos las ha remitido a los de Salamanca, los +cuales corrigieren las censuras de los dichos, y el Consejo siguio el +parecer de los de Salamanca...' According to Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 277): 'hizo el dicho fray Luis +publicamente cuanto pudo contra Hector Pinto, fraile geronimo, en la +sostitucion de Biblia, por el maestro Grajal; y los dichos frailes +geronimos se quejaron del en el monasterio de Sant Augustin'.] + +[Footnote 88: See the first part of the previous note.] + +[Footnote 89: Luis de Leon's first application on this point is dated +October 20, 1573 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 483-488): in this +he mentions his brothers (who were both lawyers) as well as his uncle. +The subsequent proceedings illustrate the leisurely methods of the +Inquisition. Nothing seems to have been done in the matter up to May +12, 1574, when Luis de Leon made another application to the Inquisitor +General; this was entrusted to the Valladolid judges to forward. +Though the Supreme Inquisition directed that an inquiry be held, no +reply had reached Luis de Leon on July 14, 1574, on which date he +renewed his application. He presented a fourth petition on the subject +on August 7: in this he substitutes his father for his brothers (who +were not included in his second and third applications). His request +was refused by the authorities in Madrid on August 13, 1574 +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 5-7, 17, 24-25).] + +[Footnote 90: _Documentos ineditos_, vols. X, XI, _passim_.] + +[Footnote 91: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 353.] + +[Footnote 92: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 318: 'Y para este +efecto [fray Bartolome de Medina y el maestro Leon de Castro] hicieron +junta de estudiantes, y el dicho Medina llamo a su celda a muchos +dellos, y inquirio dellos si habian oido o sabian algo, poniendolos en +escandalo, y tomandoles firmas y juramentandolos para que no le +descubriesen. Y con el dicho maestro Leon, y ciertos frailes +hieronimos y otras personas enemigas, se concerto lo que habian de +hacer, y repartieron entre si como en caso de guerra las partes por +donde habian de acometer cada uno y lo que habia de decir, como +vuestras mercedes podran ser informados de fulano de Alarcon, colegial +de Sanct Millan en Salamanca, que fue uno de los llamados, y el dira +de otros; y fray Gaspar de Uceda fraile y lector en Sanct Francisco de +Salamanca sabe tambien mucho desto.' Luis de Leon repeats the +accusation of conspiracy in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 353, +with some comments on Castro's motives.] + +[Footnote 93: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 318, 321, 324, 433.] + +[Footnote 94: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 348, 439.] + +[Footnote 95: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 96: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 369: 'Habra cuatro +anos o poco mas que por insistir yo en ello, en un capitulo provincial +de mi orden se voto secreto en la eleccion conforme al concilio, y se +atajaron los pasos a la ambicion de muchos, y resulto que este que se +tenia ya por provincial por la violencia de un su amigo, que si se +votara publico como solia, era muy poderoso, quedo en vacio. Y estas +son todas sus lagrimas y mis desobediencias.'] + +[Footnote 97: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 32: 'Item dijo que +este declarante ha oido decir, no se acuerda a que personas, que el +padre de dicho fray Luis de Leon le dejo muy encargado que fuese muy +obediente a sus prelados, y que siguiese la opinion comun en las +letras...'] + +[Footnote 98: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 366, 368: '...entre +nosotros es este conocido por hombre que sino es por descuido, jamas +dice verdad.'] + +[Footnote 99: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 100: This we know from Luis de Leon himself: 'fue mi +discipulo' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 370).] + +[Footnote 101: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 35-40.] + +[Footnote 102: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 371: 'Y porque mas +claramente conozcan Vs. Mds. la mala intencion deste que depone,... +me dijo que tenia los papeles de aquella lectura de la Vulgata, y que +era la mejor cosa del mundo,... con otras palabras tan encarecidas +que no me estan a mi bien decillas.'] + +[Footnote 103: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 38.] + +[Footnote 104: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 33, 42.] + +[Footnote 105: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas is +brutally frank. After mentioning that Arboleda was annoyed at Luis de +Leon's preference for Fray Diego de Caravajal, he continues: 'y que +tiene para si que por esta razon habra algun resentimiento de parte +del dicho fray Francisco de Arboleda contra el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, por ser el dicho Arboleda cabezudo y no de mucho +entendimiento'.] + +[Footnote 106: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 396. The word +'perjuro' is again used by Luis de Leon of this witness in _Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, p. 375.] + +[Footnote 107: F. Picatoste y Rodriguez, _Apuntes para una biblioteca +cientifica espanola del siglo XVI_ (Madrid, 1891), pp. 340-344.] + +[Footnote 108: Galileo Galilei, _Opere_ (Milano, 1811), vol. XIII, p. +49.] + +[Footnote 109: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 373: '...es un +fraile de mi orden que se llama fray Diego de Zuniga, o por otro +nombre Rodriguez, el cual me quiere mal por las causas que articulare +en su tiempo y lugar; y en esta deposicion lo muestra no obscuramente, +porque demas de no referir verdad en muchas cosas, ninguna cosa dice +en ella forzado por la consciencia, sino movido por su libre y mala +voluntad.' Other instances will be found in Luis de Leon's _Quinto +interrogatorio_ (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI): 'Item si saben etc. +que... fray Diego Rodriguez, o de Zuniga por otro nombre, se +desmando..., y que alli se ordeno que castigasen al dicho fray Diego +Rodriguez o Zuniga' (p. 335). 'Item si saben etc. que en un acto,... +el dicho fray Diego Rodriguez o Zuniga,...' (p. 336). 'Item si saben +etc. que el dicho Rodriguez o Zuniga, de algunos anos a esta parte, ha +mostrado en sus palabras y platicas tener enemistad y mala voluntad al +dicho maestro fray Luis, hablando mal del y de sus cosas, y diciendo +que el dicho maestro no habia consentido que el dicho Rodriguez +viviese en S. Augustin de Salamanca, porque sabia mas que el dicho +maestro, y otras cosas ansi' (p. 336).] + +[Footnote 110: Pedro de Rojas refers to the fact 'quel dicho fray +Diego Rodriguez o Zuniga paso algunas palabras descorteses con el +padre Cueto,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 345).] + +[Footnote 111: C. Muinos Saenz, _Fr. Luis de Leon y Fr. Diego de +Zuniga_ (El Escorial, [1915]), pp. 47, 245.] + +[Footnote 112: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, p. 58.] + +[Footnote 113: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, pp. 57, 64.] + +[Footnote 114: It is inferred that Zuniga was professed when he +entered Luis de Leon's cell thirteen years before 1572 (_Documentos +ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 67-68). There is, however, some difficulty in +adjusting the date of this profession with the statement that Zuniga +was thirty-six when he gave evidence.] + +[Footnote 115: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, p. 48.] + +[Footnote 116: C. Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, pp. 224-240.] + +[Footnote 117: He became professor of Scripture at Osuna in 1575. See +F. Rodriguez Marin, _Cervantes y la Universidad de Osuna_ in _Homenaje +a Menendez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. II.] + +[Footnote 118: It needed uncommon courage to pronounce in favour of +Copernicus at the end of the sixteenth century. The assertion that +'the advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the facility with which +the theory of Copernicus... was accepted in Spain, when it was +rejected elsewhere' is in the nature of an over-statement. According +to Muinos Saenz (_op. cit._, pp. 19-20), who refers to his +brother-Augustinian, M. Gutierrez, 'la doctrina copernicana pugnaba +con la opinion generalizada en las escuelas, y tuvo en Espana +impugnadores que, como Pineda, y con referencia personal a Zuniga, la +calificaron de _falsa_, no sin anadir que, a juicio de otros autores, +merecia las calificaciones de _temeraria, peligrosa y opuesta al +sentir de la Sagrada Escritura_.' It seems likely that Zuniga was dead +before this sweeping condemnation appeared, but the fact that he +thought it prudent to modify the expression of his unqualified +acceptance of the Copernican theory favours the assumption that he may +have had to endure some volume of hostile private criticism. Whatever +may have been Zuniga's reasons for qualifying his early adhesion to +the Copernican theory, it seems safe to think that timidity was not +one of them. His nerve was unshaken. Towards the end of his life he +was engaged on a task after Luis de Leon's own heart: the bringing to +book of an unreasonable Provincial.] + +[Footnote 119: Luis de Leon describes (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, +p. 374) the circumstances as follows: 'Dijome un dia ansi por estas +palabras que el Papa tenia gran noticia de su persona y le estimaba en +mucho; y tras desto refiriome un largo cuento de un mercader y de un +cardenal por cuyos medios florecia su nombre en la corte romana, lleno +todo de su vanidad; y anadio que habia enviado al Papa un tratadillo +que habia compuesto, porque Su Santidad tenia deseo como el decia, de +ver alguna cosa suya; y mostromele para que yo le viese... Visto, +porque me pidio mi parecer y yo soy claro, dijele que quisiera que una +cosa que enviaba a lugar tan senalado por muestra de su ingenio, fuera +de mas substancia, o que a lo menos aquel argumento lo tratara mas +copiosamente, porque traia pocos lugares, y esos ordinarios, aunque +como le dije yo creia que aquellos lugares que alegaba los habia el +sacado de su estudio y no de los libros ordinarios. Respondiome que +era gran verdad que el con su trabajo los habia notado en la Biblia +sin ayudarse de otro libro; y creolo porque no se precia de leer ni +aun a los sanctos, y promete que de improviso dira una hora y mas +sobre cualquier paso de la Biblia que le abrieren; y si le dicen que +lea los sanctos dice que no los lee porque no le sirven de nada. +Dijele mas que no debiera, porque para su condicion fue palabra +dura.'] + +[Footnote 120: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 335-336. Luis de +Leon suggests that five Augustinians whom he mentions by name be asked +if they knew 'que en un capitulo provincial... que habra diez o once +anos que se hizo en la villa de Duenas, fray Diego Rodriguez, o de +Zuniga por otro nombre, se desmando en palabras con fray Francisco +Cueto, el cual era en aquel capitulo definidor mayor, y que el dicho +Cueto se quejo del dicho fray Diego en definitorio al provincial fray +Diego Lopez y a los definidores presentes, de los cuales era uno el +dicho maestro fray Luis, y que alli se ordeno que castigasen al dicho +fray Diego Rodriguez o Zuniga, y que otro dia en ejecucion dello el +dicho provincial le dio en el refitorio delante de toda la provincia +una disciplina, que es cosa que se tiene por grande afrenta; y que por +esta causa el dicho Zuniga tiene enemistad con el dicho provincial +fray Diego Lopez y con el dicho maestro que era definidor entonces, y +es amigo del dicho provincial.' As not all the five Augustinians were +called, it may be assumed that the Court considered the point +proved.] + +[Footnote 121: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas states: +'Y que sabe este testigo de cierto que por esta causa el dicho fray +Diego tuviese enemistad con el dicho fray Luis, que no lo puede saber +por ser negocio interior; pero que a lo que puede imaginar de la +condicion del dicho fray Diego [Rodriguez o Zuniga] no dejaria de +creer que es ansi, porque es recio de condicion y algo vengativo, y +tras esto siempre le ha visto enemigo declarado contra fray Diego +Lopez, y tambien ha visto que despues aca nunca vio amistad entre los +dichos fray Diego y fray Luis.'] + +[Footnote 122: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 67 and 71. Zuniga is +careful to state that he is 'predicador y religioso, morador en el +monasterio de Sanct Agustin de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, de edad de +treinta y seis anos', and again, 'predicador, profeso de la orden de +Sanct Agustin... de la dicha ciudad de Toledo, e dijo ser de edad de +treinta y seis anos'. It appears that in the sixteenth century a very +straight line was drawn by the Augustinians between official +'preachers' and 'professors': it was thought that the qualities +needed by the one were not likely to be found in the other. There +were distinguished exceptions, no doubt. But as a general rule a +'predicador' was rarely considered eligible for a university chair. +(Muinos Saenz, _op. cit._, pp. 64-67.)] + +[Footnote 123: See the previous note.] + +[Footnote 124: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 305: '...era mancebo +y melancolico, y le parescio a este que habia ido muy adelante en +imaginar mal del dicho Benito Arias;...'] + +[Footnote 125: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 68-69. The following +is Zuniga's account of what occurred: 'Item dijo que habra trece anos +estando en Salamanca por huesped, le dijo Fr. Luis de Leon en su +celda, que habia venido a sus manos un libro estranamente curioso, el +cual le habia dado Arias Montano... y que en el principio del libro +contaba una revelacion que habia tenido el que lo compuso, estando de +noche orando, que vio en la oscuridad una luz, y que della oyo que +salia una voz que dijo: _Quomodo obscuratum est aurum, mutatus est +color optimus!_ y que temiendose este declarante no fuese algun mal +libro, le habia mucha instancia que le dijese si habia en el alguna +herejia, y que el dicho Fr. Luis de Leon le respondio que en lo de +confesion le parescia que decia una herejia, y que entonces este +declarante le dijo que quitase alla tal libro y tal revelacion como +decia; y que con esto no le dijo mas el dicho fray Luis de Leon; y que +despues formo este declarante escrupulo si estaba obligado a denunciar +de aquello que le habia dicho, y que lo pregunto a dos personas de +ciencia y consciencia, religiosos de su orden, y le dijeron que +si;... Y este declarante determinado de denunciar, pregunto al dicho +Fray Luis de Leon a solas por el dicho Arias Montano que le habia dado +el dicho libro, que si era buen cristiano; que el dicho Fr. Luis de +Leon se altero con esta pregunta, y le dijo muy encarescidamente que +era muy buen cristiano, y en prueba dello mostro a este declarante una +carta que le habia escripto el dicho Arias Montano en que le daba muy +buenos consejos:...'] + +[Footnote 126: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 369. In relation to +Montoya, Luis de Leon says: 'Y cuanto toca al capitulo tercero, si yo +no temiera aquella sentencia _Maledici regnum Dei non possidebunt_, y +aquella _Invicem mordentes, invicem consumemini_, yo pudiera relatar +mas de dos cosas, algo mas pesadas que es dar un _agnus Dei_ un fraile +a otro sin pedir al perlado licencia, de las cuales este hombre +religioso no hace escrupulo. Y esta fuera su merecida respuesta; pero +aunque el hable lo que ni sabe ni debe, yo mirare lo que debo a mi +habito y a mi persona.'] + +[Footnote 127: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 217-218.] + +[Footnote 128: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 13-14.] + +[Footnote 129: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 130: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 14-15.] + +[Footnote 131: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 15.] + +[Footnote 132: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 15-16.] + +[Footnote 133: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 12-13.] + +[Footnote 134: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 21.] + +[Footnote 135: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 136: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 316-318, 325.] + +[Footnote 137: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 317.] + +[Footnote 138: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 29-30.] + +[Footnote 139: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 30-35.] + +[Footnote 140: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 35. Luis de Leon had +applied for a special hearing: '...para suplicar a sus mercedes que +ninguno de sus papeles se de al maestro Mancio para que los lleve a su +casa por el peligro que hay de poderlos ver frailes suyos, a los +cuales tiene tachados...'] + +[Footnote 141: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 35-36.] + +[Footnote 142: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 36.] + +[Footnote 143: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 37. The instructions +of the Supreme Inquisition to the Valladolid judges were as follows: +'En lo que escrebis quel maestro fray Luis de Leon ha recusado al +maestro Mancio, que le habia nombrado por patrono, y pedido traslado +de lo que dejo escripto en su negocio; consultado con el Reverendisimo +Senor Inquisidor general, ha parecido aviseis, Senores, al dicho +maestro Mancio que no vuelva ahi hasta que otra cosa se le ordene, y +proseguireis en la causa del dicho fray Luis de Leon sin embargo de la +dicha recusacion, y sin darle copia de lo quel dicho maestro Mancio +dejo anotado en el; y ponerse ha la dicha nota en el proceso signado y +autorizado de uno de los notarios del Secreto, para que dello conste. +Guarde nuestro Senor vuestras muy Reverendas personas.' This letter +was signed in Madrid on November 4, 1574.] + +[Footnote 144: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 41-42: 'Digo que yo +nombre por mi patron al maestro Mancio catredatico de prima de +teulugia en Salamanca, el cual habiendo comenzado a ver mi negocio se +ha ausentado a leer su catreda, y porque pudiendo facilmente dar su +parecer se ha hecho vehementisimamente sospechoso que es participe y +companero en la maldad que contra mi ha intentado fray Bartolome de +Medina, fraile de su orden y casa, porque conforme a derecho no carece +de sociedad oculta el que deja de obrar a tan manifiesta malicia; y +siendo obligado a defenderme por el juramento que se le tomo y por +haber empezado el negocio, en desampararme cometio grandisimo pecado, +porque conforme a derecho tambien es falso testigo el que deja de +decir verdad cuando es obligado a la decir, como el que dice falso +testimonio. Y la causa de ir a leer su catreda no le escusa, porque mi +defensa se habia de hacer en muy pocos dias, y estando el impedido por +Vs. Mds. ni habia de perder la catreda ni multarle en ella, ni los +estudiantes recibian detrimento considerable, porque en las catredas +de propriedad se asignan lecturas que no las acaban, y el sostituto +podia leer de lo del cabo de la asignatura si el queria leer del +principio como lo hacen los catredaticos de propiedad que al principio +de Sant Lucas estan impedidos.'] + +[Footnote 145: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 44.] + +[Footnote 146: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 45-46.] + +[Footnote 147: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 46: '...suplico a +Vs. Mds. le manden que con brevedad se resuelva y de su parecer, y +ansi mismo suplico, y con el acatamiento que debo requiero a Vs. Mds. +manden que ansi el parecer que diere en lo que vea agora, como el que +ha dado en la Vulgata el dicho maestro Mancio, los comunique conmigo +antes que se vaya; porque el fin de su oficio le obliga a ello, y yo +le nombre por patron debajo desta condicion, y no en otra manera,...'] + +[Footnote 148: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 47-48: '...como +otras veces he dicho ha mas de dos meses que persevero pidiendo +audiencia con el maestro Mancio, y no me se ha dado... Y aunque yo +tengo por cierto que el dicho maestro ha aprobado las proposiciones +[que se dicen resultar deste proceso] porque son asi ciertas y llanas +las que yo he afirmado, que decir lo contrario es o temeridad o error; +y porque cuando las comunique con el, me dijo claramente delante de +Vs. Mds. que eran cosas llanas; pero si por caso hubiese otra cosa, +digo que no me danan porque no se me ha dado en ello el lugar de +defensa que de derecho se me debe: lo uno porque no me han querido Vs. +Mds. dar audiencia para informar enteramente al dicho maestro mi +patron; lo otro porque si ha dado parecer sin haberse comunicado +conmigo no he tenido patron;... + +Demas desto digo que el mismo negocio me da a entender que este +proceso esta visto por Vs. Mds. dias ha y decretada la sentencia +definitiva del; y que no se pronuncia por una de dos cosas, o porque +el fiscal ha apelado del dicho decreto para el Consejo general de la +Inquisicion, o porque los Senores del han mandado que se suspenda la +pronunciacion della hasta que se averiguen los pleitos de los demas +maestros que fueron presos cuando yo lo fui.'] + +[Footnote 149: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 150: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 52-53.] + +[Footnote 151: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 53-55.] + +[Footnote 152: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 315: '...suplico a +Vs. Mds. sean servidos que se me de entera noticia de todo lo que hay +contra mi, por que despues de tantos meses parece justo que yo sepa +por que fui preso, lo cual no alcanzo hasta agora por las deposiciones +que he visto; y que pueda responder por mi y defenderme enteramente, +lo cual no puedo hacer no se haciendo publicacion entera!' It would be +easy, but superfluous, to quote other examples of Luis de Leon's +complaints on this point; his evidence is honeycombed with them.] + +[Footnote 153: As early as January 21, 1573, Luis de Leon complained +in writing (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 250): 'que en todo el +tiempo que ha que estoy preso, que son ya poco menos de diez meses, no +se habia hecho en este mi pleito publicacion de testigos, ni se me +habia dado lugar de entera defensa, no pareciendo haber para la tal +dilacion causa ninguna juridica ni necesaria,... y yo, dilatandose la +publicacion y el tiempo de mi defensa, corria riesgo de no poder +probar mi inocencia por los casos ordinarios de muerte y ausencia que +podrian suceder a mis testigos;...' See also _Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, pp. 474 and 563.] + +[Footnote 154: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 183: 'Fuele dicho que +en este Santo Oficio naide se prende sin causa de culpa que tenga en +cosas que sean contra nuestra santa fe catolica; por tanto que se le +amonesta por reverencia de nuestro Senor Jesucristo y su bendita +madre, que diga enteramente la verdad; y haciendolo ansi de lo que +sabe de su persona y de otros, se usara con el de mucha misericordia: +donde no, que se hara justicia.'] + +[Footnote 155: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 184.] + +[Footnote 156: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-186.] + +[Footnote 157: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 77: 'Preguntado que +es lo que quiere: dijo quel ha entendido quel P. maestro fray Luis de +Leon, catredatico de Salamanca de la orden de Senor San Agustin, esta +preso en la Inquisicion de Valladolid; y que habia un mes que estando +este en el convento de la dicha ciudad de la dicha orden, hablando con +fray Martin de Guevara, natural de Lorca, residente en el dicho +monasterio de San Agustin desta ciudad, le dijo el dicho fray Martin +quel habia ayudado muchas veces a decir misa al dicho fray Luis de +Leon en su celda en Salamanca, y que siempre se la oyo decir de +_Requiem_, aunque fuese fiesta, y que nunca le entendia lo que decia +porque hablaba tu tu tu, de manera que no lo entendia, y acababa muy +presto. Y cuando se lo dijo, estaban los dos solos paseandose en el +monasterio desta ciudad. Y en lo que dice que ha un mes que se lo +dijo, no esta bien cierto, sino que de tres meses a esta parte se lo +oyo decir, y esta es la verdad, y que no hubo ocasion mas que estar +hablando de su prision.' + +It is right to add that Ciguelo, who appears to have been silly and +malignant, was not summoned by the Inquisition. He appeared as a +volunteer witness who came forward of his own accord to give evidence. +At the same date, he insinuated that Luis de Leon did not believe in +the coming of Christ. On being pressed to give the names of those who +had heard Luis de Leon say anything of the sort, Ciguelo declared that +he had not been told them.] + +[Footnote 158: The interrogatories rejected will be found in +_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 268-272, 273-275, 286-290, +293-294.] + +[Footnote 159: The Licentiate Diego Gonzalez, Doctor Guijano de +Mercado, and the Licentiate Andres de Alava gave the following ruling +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 273): 'Dijeron que el segundo, +tercero y cuarto interrogatorios presentados por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon, en esta causa dados, y otras preguntas anadidas en otras +dellos dadas, que van senalados, les paresce son impertinentes, y que +no se debe hacer diligencias por ellos.'] + +[Footnote 160: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 200.] + +[Footnote 161: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 272: 'Item si saben +que el dicho maestro fray Luis no es mofador ni murmurador, ni de los +sanctos ni de los no sanctos, sino que es de condicion modesta y +humilde.'] + +[Footnote 162: A good specimen of Luis de Leon's sarcasm is given on +pp. 320-321 of _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X: 'Los dominicos se +sintieron desto mucho; y porque yo soy particular servidor del dicho +D. Juan [de Almeida], entendieron que era cosa comunicada, y acusaron +al dicho Medina, el cual movido con el sanctisimo celo que le pudo +poner esta nueva, parescio delante de Vs. Mds. en tantos de hebrero +del dicho ano [1571] a hacer esta segunda declaracion, donde comenzo a +descubrir mas la piedad de su buen animo; y ansi como no tenia de +nuevo cosa particular que decir de mi,... dice confusamente que me +sintio inclinado a novedades agenas de la antigueedad de nuestra fe y +religion, en lo cual si este testigo tuviese conciencia..., habia de +senalar en particular algunas novedades que hubiese visto en mi +doctrina, o oido en mis disputas;... Demas desto si es verdad que +sintio de mi lo que dice ?por que en la deposicion primera que hizo +por el diciembre no lo declaro? Pues ninguna cosa de las que entonces +declaro es tan pesada como es esto si fuera verdad. Y por la misma +causa no es creible que lo dejo por olvido habiendose acordado de +cosas muy menores, y siendo verdad como he dicho, que anduvo muchos +dias tratando y ordenando esta buena obra.' Of Luis de Leon's banter a +specimen will be found a few pages further on (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 347): 'Y hecha la censura, y leyendola yo a los sobredichos +maestros que me estaban esperando, me acuerdo que llegando a aquellas +palabras anadidas dije: "Estas puse mas de lo que Vs. Mds. ordenaron +por contentar al Senor maestro Leon"; y volvime a el riyendo, y +dijele: "alomenos hoy no podra decir sino que le tengo bien contento"; +y ansi con risa y muy en paz y amistad nos levantamos todos, y quedo +ordenada y firmada la dicha censura.'] + +[Footnote 163: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 303: 'A la decima +pregunta dijo que lo que sabe de la pregunta es haber oido decir quel +dicho maestro fray Luis de Leon era tan buen letrado que a cualquiera +con quien se pusiese, pudiera llevar cualquier catreda, y mas la +d'Escriptura.'] + +[Footnote 164: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 321-322: +'Ultimamente veanse mis leturas: y si en ellas se hallare rastro de +novedades, sino antes inclinacion a todo lo antiguo y lo sancto, yo +sere mentiroso, si no es que este testigo llama novedad todo lo que no +halla en sus papeles.'] + +[Footnote 165: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 210: '...este +declarante... jamas leyo ningun rabino,...' _Documentos ineditos_, +vol. X, p. 295: 'Al capitulo octavo dijo que este nunca defendio +interpretaciones de judios por ser de judios, ni en su vida ha leido +comentario de judios...'] + +[Footnote 166: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 267.] + +[Footnote 167: This inference is based on the fact that Luis de Leon +refers to Cano more often than to any of the others, that he sometimes +mentions Cano separately, and that his allusions to Cano are always +couched in the most respectful terms: '...oyendo al maestro Cano que +fue mi maestro,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 239).] + +[Footnote 168: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 388.] + +[Footnote 169: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 510.] + +[Footnote 170: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 147.] + +[Footnote 171: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 305: 'Al segundo +capitulo dijo que como tiene declarado en sus confesiones, ha once o +doce anos que desde Salamanca vino este confesante no a otra cosa, +sino a dar cuenta a los Senores Inquisidores de aquel libro en vida de +los Senores Inquisidores Guigelmo y Riego, y lo dio por escripto, +porque a este le parescio que aunque tenia el dicho libro muchas cosas +catolicas, tenia otras que le parescian a este peligrosas que no las +entendia este bien, porque era en lengua toscana, la cual este no +sabia entonces. Y este no lo leia sino que se lo leian a el, como lo +declaro por el dicho escripto al cual se remite.'] + +[Footnote 172: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 303-304.] + +[Footnote 173: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 200-202: 'Tambien +estando escribiendo esto se me ha ofrecido a la memoria que habra como +ano y medio que en Salamanca un estudiante licenciado en canones, que +se llamaba el licenciado Poza, que me leia principios de astrologia, +me dijo un dia que el tenia un cartapacio de cosas curiosas, y que +tenia algun escrupulo si le podia tener; que me rogaba le viese y le +dijese si le podia tener, porque si podia se holgaria mucho. Era un +cartapacio como de cien hojas, de ochavo de pliego, de letra menuda. +Vile a ratos, y habia en el cosas curiosas, y otras que tocaban a +sigillos astrologicos, y otras que claramente eran de cercos y +invocaciones, aunque a la verdad todo ello me parecia que aun en +aquella arte era burleria. Y acusome que leyendo este libro, para ver +la vanidad del, probe un sigillo astrologico, y en un poco de plomo +que me dio el mismo licenciado, con un cuchillo pinte no me acuerdo +que rayas, y dije unas palabras que eran sanctas, y proteste que las +decia al sentido que en ellas pretendio el Espiritu Sancto, +acordandome que Cayetano en la Suma cuenta de si haber probado una +cosa semejante con la misma protestacion, para ver y mostrar la +vanidad della; y asi todo aquello parecio vano. Y tambien me acuso que +otro dia de aquellos en que iba mirando lo que habia en aquel libro, +tuve casi deliberada voluntad, estando solo, de probar otra cosa que +parecia facil, aunque de hecho no la probe, porque mude la voluntad. +Yo quise quemar este libro en presencia de su dueno, y esperandole un +dia que me habia de venir a ver, supe que dos dias antes se habia ido +a Avila, huyendo de la enfermedad de pintas que andaba entonces en +Salamanca; y asi le queme aquella noche en mi celda en una chimenea +que hay en ella. Y a todo lo que agora me puedo acordar, me parece que +estaba conmigo entonces el padre fray Bartolome de Carranza, y que me +pregunto por que quemaba aquello, y se lo dije. Este estudiante me +escribio pocos dias despues preguntandome por el libro: yo no le +respondi, porque no hubo con quien, ni despues aca he sabido ni oido +mas del, porque no volvio mas a Salamanca, ni yo me he acordado del +hasta este punto. No me acuerdo bien si me dijo un dia que quien le +habia dado aquel libro habia experimentado lo de los conjuros. No me +dijo quien era ni yo se lo pregunte ni lo se.'] + +[Footnote 174: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 439: 'Este testigo no +me perjudica por ser el maestro Leon a quien tengo tachado por mi +enemigo, y es singular, y es testigo falso, y como contra tal se debe +proceder contra el por ser falso en cosa tan substancial como esta, y +las demas que ha dicho contra mi, fuera de lo que yo tengo +confesado.'] + +[Footnote 175: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 193: 'Por todo lo +cual digo que es notorio y manifiesto que en mi no hay conforme a +razon y derecho, alguna color ni parte de sospecha; ni por esta causa +puedo ni debo ser detenido por vuestras mercedes ni un solo dia, y que +en ello recibo claro agravio y que debe ser por vuestras mercedes +enmendado.'] + +[Footnote 176: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 19, 142, 149.] + +[Footnote 177: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 385: 'Item ello en si +no tiene ninguna verosimilitud ni apariencia de verdad porque ?en que +seso cabe que un hombre que no es hablador ni le tienen por tonto, +habia de decir un desatino semejante, y en un lugar tan publico como +es un convite? Porque si lo echan a donaire, demas de ser muy necio +donaire, y muy sin orden, no era donaire que ningun hombre de juicio +lo habia de decir en los oidos de tan diferentes gentes como son las +que se juntan en un banquete donde unos son necios, y otros +escrupulosos, y otros enemigos y naturalmente malsines, y amigos de +echallo todo a la peor parte. Y si quieren decir que se dijo de veras, +lleva mucho menos camino que yo lo dijese, porque cosa cierta es que +los que tratan de semejantes males, no los dicen a voces, ni en +publico, sino muy en particular y muy en secreto, y muy despues de +haber conocido y tratado a los que los dicen, y fiandose mucho dellos, +y a fin de persuadir y no de reir. Y cuando en esto hubiera +testimonios contra mi mas claros y mas ciertos que el sol, antes de +creello habian Vs. Mds. informarse de si aquel dia habia yo perdido el +seso o si estaba borracho, porque si no era asi no era creible cosa +semejante.'] + +[Footnote 178: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 151-171, 173-179, +179-183, 183-186, 199-214, 220-253.] + +[Footnote 179: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 228-230: '...no me +parece que hay cosa contra la fe, ni doctrina erronea, temeraria o +escandalosa. Mas no puede el autor excusarse de gran culpa en haber +tratado materia y cuestion semejante en estos tiempos, y leidola a +multitud de estudiantes, entre los cuales los rudos, los idiotas, los +libres y los desasosegados ingenios, y los mal intencionados y los +simples y flacos no podrian sacar aprovechamiento ni edificacion, sino +atrevida osadia y poca reverencia a la edicion Vulgata que la iglesia +catolica nos da por autentica. Y aunque las palabras y razones y +autoridades de doctores con que el autor procede, no sean en si +malas; pero piden auditorio muy pio, muy docto y muy atento para no +tomar de aqui ocasion a tener en poco nuestra Biblia latina, y +errar.... Mas no todas las verdades se han de sacar a plaza, ni todos +los oyentes son capaces dellas; y por doctrina suelen sacar errores y +escandalo, y tal es esto: porque el oficio del teologo en publicas +lecciones no era desnudar sino vestir cuanto pudiese la edicion que el +concilio aprueba, y no dejarla tan en los huesos como la deja, que es +todo lo posible sin ser hereje, ni tener nota de error, temeridad o +sospecha en la fe, ni ser proposiciones escandalosas. + +De la proposicion 4 digo que es falsa,... Pero no hay cosa en todo +ello para retratar.' + +This _calificacion_ appears to be in the handwriting of Fray Hernando +de Castillo, who signed it. It is also signed by the Dominican Antonio +de Arce and by Dr. Cancer. Cancer appears to have been ready to put +his name to anything. Earlier in the same year, as it seems--for no +date is attached in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 122-127--Cancer +wrote, concerning one of Luis de Leon's tenets: 'Haec propositio est +irrisoria, injuriosa, temeraria et... haeretica in 2 gradu...'] + +[Footnote 180: This mellowing of judgement is particularly the case +with the Franciscan Fray Nicolas Ramos. Cp. _Documentos ineditos_, +vol. XI, p. 231, and pp. 234-237.] + +[Footnote 181: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 295: 'Y hacerseha +todo luego porque importa la brevedad, y vendra esta por cabeza de +todo.'] + +[Footnote 182: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 195: '...y hecho +esto pasareis adelante con el negocio como os esta ordenado, con toda +brevedad, pues veis lo que importa'. This occurs in a letter dated +'Madrid, 8 de otubre de 1575'. There seems to be a mistake in the +heading of this letter: according to this heading, the letter from the +Supreme Inquisition reached Valladolid on October 8, 1575. I cannot +say whether this is a slip of Pedro Bolivar, notary to the Holy Office +at Valladolid, or a slip in transcription made by Miguel Salva and +Sainz de Baranda. It can scarcely be a mere misprint.] + +[Footnote 183: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 351-353: 'Al margen +se halla la siguiente nota. "_Cuando este proceso se comenzo a ver y +hasta la mitad del, se hallaron a la vista los Senores licenciados +Juan de Ibarra y Don Hernando Nino, y no lo votaron por no poderlo +acabar de ver por estar enfermos._" En la villa de Valladolid a veinte +e ocho dias del mes de setiembre de mill y quinientos y setenta y +seis anos, habiendo visto los Senores licenciado D. Francisco de +Menchaca del Consejo de S.M., e dotor Guijano de Mercado, e licenciado +Andres de Alava Inquisidores, juntamente con los Senores licenciado +Luis Tello Maldonado, D. Pedro de Castro, Francisco de Albornoz, +oidores desta Real audiencia e chancilleria, asistiendo a ello por +ordinario del obispado de Salamanca el Senor doctor Frechilla +catredatico en esta universidad, por virtud del poder que para ello +tiene del Senor obispo de Salamanca, que esta en el secreto deste +Sancto Oficio, el proceso criminal de fray Luis de Leon, de la orden +de Sancto Agustin; los dichos Senores le votaron en la forma +siguiente. + +Los dichos Senores licenciados Menchaca, Alava, Luis Tello y Albornoz, +dijeron que son de voto y parecer que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea +puesto a queistion de tormento sobre la intencion y lo indiciado y +testificado, y sobre las proposiciones que estan cualificadas por +hereticas, no embargante que los teologos digan ultimamente que +satisface, entendiendolo como el, respondiendo a ellas, dice que lo +entendio; y que el tormento se le de moderado, atento que el reo es +delicado: y con lo que del resultare, se torne a veer y determinar. + +Los dichos Senores Inquisidores doctor Guijano, e Frechilla, +ordinario, dijeron que atento lo que los calificadores que ultimamente +vieron las proposiciones cargadas al reo, y lo que el y su patron +responden a ellas, califican; que su voto y parecer es que este reo +sea reprendido en la sala deste Sancto Oficio por la culpa que tuvo en +tratar desta materia en estos tiempos, por los inconvenientes que +dello resultan, y por el peligro y escandalo que podia causar, como lo +dicen los calificadores en la censura general que hicieron de todo el +cuaderno de donde se sacaron las diez y siete proposiciones de latin; +y que en el general grande de las escuelas mayores, estando juntos los +estudiantes y personas de la universidad, y algunos doctores del +claustro della, este reo declare las proposiciones sospechosas e +ambigueas, y que pudieron dar escandalo, que se le daran en escripto en +un memorial ordenado por los teologos calificantes con la declaracion +que ellos ordenaren; y que extrajudicialmente se diga a su perlado que +sin privacion ni otra declaracion, mande a este reo emplear sus +estudios en otras cosas de su facultad en que aproveche a la +republica, y se abstenga de leer publicamente en escuelas ni en otra +partes, y que el libro de los Canticos, traducido en romance, se +prohiba y recoja, siendo dello servido el Illmo. Senor Inquisidor +General y Senores del Consejo. Y que los libros y papeles +pertenecientes a los cargos deste proceso se retengan en este Sancto +Oficio. + +El dicho Senor licenciado D. Pedro de Castro dijo que dara su voto por +escripto.'] + +[Footnote 184: The peremptory letter of the Supreme Inquisition to the +Valladolid tribunal is printed in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. +354: 'Aqui se ha visto el proceso contra fray Luis de Leon, de la +orden de Sant Agustin, preso en esas carceles, y va determinado como +vereis por lo que al fin del va asentado. Aquello se ejecutara. Y +advertireis a este reo que guarde mucho secreto de todo lo que con el +ha pasado y toca a su proceso; y que no tenga pasion ni disensiones +con persona alguna, sospechando que haya testificado contra el en esta +su causa; porque de todo lo que a esto tocare se tratara en el Sancto +Oficio, y no se podra dejar de proveer en ello justicia con rigor. +Hacerloeis, Senores, asi. Guarde nuestro Senor vuestras muy +Reverendas personas. En Madrid siete de diciembre 1576.' + +The decision of the Supreme Inquisition is reproduced in _Documentos +ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 353: + +'En la villa de Madrid a siete dias del mes de diciembre de mill y +quinientos y setenta y seis anos, habiendo visto los Senores del +Consejo de S.M. de la Sancta general Inquisicion, el proceso de pleito +criminal contra fray Luis de Leon, de la orden de Sant Agustin, preso +en las carceles secretas del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de +Valladolid; mandaron que el dicho fray Luis de Leon sea absuelto de la +instancia deste juicio, y en la sala de la audiencia sea reprendido y +advertido que de aqui adelante mire como y adonde trata cosas y +materias de la cualidad y peligro que las que deste proceso resultan, +y tenga en ellas mucha moderacion y prudencia como conviene para que +cese todo escandalo y ocasion de errores; y que se recoja el cuaderno +de los Cantares traducido en romance y ordenado por el dicho fray Luis +de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 185: It is unnecessary to reproduce the exact terms of the +judgement (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 354-357), for this +closely follows the terms employed by the Supreme Inquisition.] + +[Footnote 186: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 356.] + +[Footnote 187: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 357-358: 'El +maestro fray Luis de Leon suplico a vuestras mercedes sean servidos +mandar que me sea dado un testimonio en manera que haga fe, por donde +conste al claustro de la universidad de Salamanca que yo por vuestras +mercedes fui absuelto de la instancia[A] que contra mi hizo el fiscal +deste Santo Oficio delante de vuestras mercedes, y dado por libre, en +manera que pueda ejercer cualquiera de las cosas que tocan a mis +ordenes y oficio, y sin penitencia ni nota alguna. + +Item suplico a vuestras mercedes manden se me de un mandamiento para +el pagador de las escuelas de Salamanca[B] para que pague lo corrido +de mi catreda desde el dia de mi prision hasta el dia que vaco por el +cuadrienio. Y en todo imploro el oficio etc.--] + +[Footnote A: Al margen se lee: "Que se le de la fee".] + +[Footnote B: Al margen: "Que se le de mandamiento. En 15 de diciembre +de 1576".'] + +[Footnote 188: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 358: 'En 13 de +agosto de 1577 anos, por mandado de los senores Inquisidores saque +esta sentencia de fray Luis, signada, e la entregue al Senor +Inquisidor doctor Guijano. Sacose para el maestrescuela de Salamanca.' +This sentence is probably written by the secretary, Celedon Gustin.] + + + + +IV + + +When did Luis de Leon return to Salamanca, and how was he received +there? According to an anonymous contemporary, whom Gallardo +conjectured to be a Jesuit, Luis de Leon made a sort of triumphal +entry into Salamanca, accompanied by a procession which marched along +to the sound of timbrels and trumpets.[189] This procession is alleged +to have taken place in the afternoon of December 30, 1576; but, as the +statement is made by one who has no divine idea of a date,[190] it +would be imprudent to rely on his unsupported authority in this +particular. The date of the procession may be doubtful. There is no +reason to doubt the general accuracy of the assertion that there was +some public manifestation of joy at Luis de Leon's release.[191] +Though he was not popular, his fellow-citizens were proud of him, and +there is a natural tendency to show sympathy with a man who has been +hardly used. But life is not made up of triumphal processions. On +December 31[192] Luis de Leon met the _Claustro_ of the University, +which had been duly informed of his acquittal. After congratulatory +phrases from the Rector, the released man was invited to speak. +According to the decree of the Inquisition, Luis de Leon was entitled +to claim restitution to his University chair. There were practical +difficulties in the way. Luis de Leon's tenure had lapsed while he was +in prison at Valladolid; his immediate successor had been Bartolome de +Medina, a dangerous enemy, and the chair was subsequently occupied by +the Benedictine Fray Garcia del Castillo, another declared opponent +who had intervened at an early stage of the case. Luis de Leon +renounced all claim, present or future, to his former chair--_que la +daba por bien empleada_--so long as it was held by Castillo. He +besought the _Claustro_ to bear in mind his past services, pointed +out that his acquittal implied a general approval of his teaching, +and then left the meeting.[193] Finally the _Claustro_ of Salamanca +agreed to create a new chair for Luis de Leon, with a salary of two +hundred ducats a year, his duty being to lecture on theology.[194] + +We now come to the best-known trait in Luis de Leon's career. He would +seem to have begun lecturing in his new chair on January 29, +1577.[195] The gathering was large, and now and here--if at any time +and in any place--he must have begun his lecture with the famous +phrase: 'As we were saying yesterday' (_Dicebamus hesterna die_). +Almost everybody who hears the story for the first time takes it for +granted that the remark was made to what was left of Luis de Leon's +old class--the class which he had been instructing just previous to +his arrest: otherwise, the anecdote loses great part of its point. It +behoves us therefore to examine the circumstances in which the story +was first made public. The earliest mention of the incident occurs +apparently in the _Monasticon Augustinianum_ by the once well-known +Nicolaas Cruesen, whose work appeared at Munich in 1623.[196] The +picturesque narrative soon struck the popular imagination, and it has +been repeated times innumerable.[197] One is always reluctant to part +with a good tale, but there is no denying the fact that the evidence +in favour of the current version is slighter than one could wish it to +be. The silence of all contemporary Spaniards with respect to this +episode is not a little strange. It is singular that the anecdote +should reach Spain from abroad, and that it should not be printed till +forty-six years after it is supposed to have occurred; that is to say, +till Luis de Leon had been thirty-two years in his grave. It does not +necessarily follow that the story is untrue. Nobody imagines that +Cruesen deliberately invented it. So far as appears, Cruesen was an +absolutely upright man who recorded with fidelity such information as +he could obtain. He was not ill-placed for obtaining information. +Himself an Augustinian, he was something of a cosmopolitan. Though +Flemish by blood, Cruesen was technically a Spanish subject; he was in +full sympathy with the politico-religious aims of Spain in the Low +Countries, and during the Spanish occupation he must have had +opportunities of meeting and questioning men who were Spanish by race. +Moreover, it seems to be established that, though the story concerning +Luis de Leon's remark did not appear in print till 1623, the chapter +containing it was written previous to 1612.[198] If this be so, the +account given by Cruesen must be dated thirty-five years after the +alleged occurrence and twenty-one years after Luis de Leon's death. +Further, Cruesen, who knew Spanish, travelled in Spain. There he seems +to have made the acquaintance of Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon, Luis de +Leon's able and admiring nephew. It is by no means impossible that +Fray Basilio was Cruesen's informant,[199] and, if this were proved, +the case for the story would be greatly strengthened, since it is +inconceivable that the nephew should repeat the anecdote, for the +purposes of publication, unless he had had it direct from his famous +uncle. These, however, are conjectures, more or less probable. The +story may derive from Fray Basilio Ponce de Leon or it may not. It is +the kind of story that any unscrupulous person might easily invent and +repeat to a too credulous visitor. As it stands, the evidence in its +support is, on the face of it, unsatisfactory. The case for the story +is perhaps not quite so weak as has been supposed;[200] ingenuity has +shown that the case against it may, to some extent, be frittered +away.[201] Still, there is no getting over the fact that this charming +anecdote is first reported outside of Spain by a foreigner who related +it in print long after Luis de Leon's death. No first-hand testimony +in its favour has hitherto been produced. Those who choose to believe +in the authenticity of the current version may not unreasonably do so; +it is obvious, however, that, in the absence of direct evidence, they +will have great difficulty in persuading others to share their belief. + +To return to prosaic details. The _Claustro_ had promptly created a +chair for Luis de Leon after his release from prison; there was more +ado about granting his request--made on the ground of health--that he +should be allowed to lecture from ten till eleven o'clock. Unluckily, +this time had been already allotted to the Dean of the Theological +Faculty, Diego Rodriguez, a Dominican, who objected to the proposal. +Bartolome de Medina not unnaturally stood by his brother-Dominican, +opposed the demand of the newly elected professor on the ground that +it could not be granted without showing disrespect to the Dean, and +suggested that Luis de Leon should be instructed to lecture from four +to five o'clock. On a vote being taken, the _Claustro_ gave Luis de +Leon a majority; but, as the Rector of the University claimed to be +the deciding authority on such questions, the matter was not finally +decided at this meeting.[202] It might seem that, in practice, Luis de +Leon carried his point for, as the clock struck ten on January 29, +1577, he began his first lecture in his new post; but this was mainly +a formal taking possession of the post, and the professor in his +fragmentary lecture took occasion to protest against not having a +lecture hour assigned to him.[203] Luis de Leon continued to occupy +the chair that had been created for him. The death of Francisco +Sancho, bishop of Segorbe, in June 1578 caused a vacancy in the +university chair of Moral Philosophy. Luis de Leon determined to +present himself as a candidate. A rival candidate came forward in the +person of Fray Francisco Zumel, Rector of the Mercenarian College. The +struggle was vehement. Zumel did not stick at trifles; he charged his +opponent with exercising undue pressure on the electors by means of +cajolery, threats, lavish hospitality (which was dispensed with the +aid of brother-Augustinians), bribery, and attempted personal +violence.[204] Luis de Leon was not behindhand: he sought to have +Zumel disqualified on technical grounds, and further accused his +opponent of breaking the law governing elections. In the heat of +conflict, the very best of men seem able to persuade themselves that +the most extravagant assertions are true. No one but the candidates +can have taken these amenities seriously. When the battle was ended on +August 14, 1578, Luis de Leon, who received 301 votes, was in a +majority of seventy-nine.[205] This check appears to have rankled in +Zumel's mind. Luis de Leon celebrated his success by taking the degree +of Master of Arts on October 11. Why? It is hard to say. He cannot +well have thought that the possession of a Master's degree would +strengthen his position as one of the members representing the +University of Salamanca on the Committee appointed to report on the +projected reform of the calendar.[206] Normally this Committee, of +which Medina and Domingo Banez were also members, would have absorbed +much of Luis de Leon's attention. His energies were to be otherwise +exercised in the immediate future. The death of Gregorio Gallo, Bishop +of Segovia, on September 25, 1579, caused a vacancy in the Biblical +chair at Salamanca. The late bishop had viewed with no very friendly +eyes some of Luis de Leon's proceedings before the Valladolid +trial,[207] and it might have troubled him to think that Luis de Leon +was destined to follow him at Salamanca. That, however, was what +happened. The position was not carried without a stiff fight. At +Valladolid, Salinas had said it was commonly thought by some of +Luis de Leon's admirers that he could carry any University +chair--especially a chair of Scripture--against all comers.[208] It +was now to be seen whether this opinion was, or was not, well founded. +A formidable competitor appeared in the person of Fray Domingo de +Guzman, the third son of Garcilasso de la Vega. Though Guzman had not +inherited his father's poetic gift, he had a turn for versifying, and +his burlesque _glosa_ of Luis de Leon's celebrated _quintillas_-- + + Aqui la envidia y mentira + me tuvieron encerrado-- + +is not wholly forgotten, since four lines of it find a resounding echo +in Cervantes' preliminary verses at the beginning of _Don Quixote_ to +Urganda la Desconocida.[209] But the relative merits of the two +candidates for the vacant chair were not the point at issue. More +relevant was the fact that Guzman was a Dominican with all the +strength of the massed Dominican vote at his back. Whatever may have +been the case at other times and places, at this period there was no +love lost between Dominicans and Augustinians in Salamanca. Medina +represented with distinction the more rigid teaching of the Dominican +school; with at least equal distinction Luis de Leon represented the +freer tendencies of the Augustinians. He was almost imprudently loyal +to his own order. He publicly championed Augustinian candidates +whenever a suitable chair became vacant at the University of +Salamanca, and, despite the secrecy enjoined by the Inquisition, it +had probably leaked out that, at his recent trial in Valladolid, he +had repeatedly objected to all Dominicans as being so many enemies. In +the nature of things he could not be popular with the Dominicans and +their sympathizers. In this particular contest, however, his great +personal qualities were somewhat overclouded. He and Domingo de Guzman +were but standard-bearers. The conflict in which they were engaged +resolved itself into a struggle for supremacy between two potent +religious orders. Apart from the personal merits of the respective +candidates, the forces marshalled on each side were about equal. +Passions ran high. Poetasters on both sides did their part.[210] It +speedily became evident that the margin of the successful candidate +would be narrow. This prevision proved to be correct. When the poll +was declared on December 6, 1579, Luis de Leon's total of votes +amounted to 285, giving him a majority of thirty-six over his +opponent.[211] Since he stood against Grajal, and was defeated, at the +very outset of his professorial career, he had hardly ever been so +pressed in any academic struggle. Unfortunately, in the contest +against Guzman there was some irregularity in the voting; each side +accused the other of malpractices; an appeal was lodged on behalf of +Domingo de Guzman; for some unknown reason the case was not decided +till over twenty-two months later. Finally, on October 13, 1581, +judgement was delivered in favour of Luis de Leon at Valladolid.[212] +The equity of this decision has been questioned;[213] but there is no +reason to doubt the substantial justice of the verdict given by a +court with all the facts before it, and with the opportunity of +cross-examining the witnesses who appeared to give evidence. It +should be said, however, that the Dominicans never accepted the +official decision, and put about a rumour that the irregularity had +been committed by a supporter of Luis de Leon's--a supporter who (so +it was alleged) some twenty years later avowed his transgression and +sought to make amends for it by paying a sum of 8,000 _reales_ into +the Dominican chest.[214] Meanwhile Luis de Leon (who, like Domingo de +Guzman, was perfectly innocent of any share in these clandestine +manoeuvres) had taken possession of the Biblical Chair at Salamanca by +reading himself in on December 7, 1579. Hitherto his reputation, great +as it was, had been more or less local: that is to say, it depended +mainly on his University lectures, which were exploited by certain +unscrupulous persons. It was not till 1580 that, at the express +command of his superior, Fray Pedro Suarez,[215] he issued his first +book: a Latin commentary on the _Song of Songs_. On the title-page +stood a characteristic motto from his favourite Horace: _ab ipso +ferro_. Possibly at this moment Luis de Leon looked forward to a +period of learned leisure: + + O ya seguro puerto + de mi tan luengo error! o deseado + para reparo cierto + del grave mal pasado, + reposo dulce, alegre, reposado! + +If the author of this opening stanza of _Al apartamiento_ were +optimistic enough to assume that these verses might be applied to his +own case, he was destined to be speedily disillusioned. + +The Valladolid Inquisitors had not treated him in such fashion as to +make him desirous of meeting them again. This experience was, however, +awaiting him.[216] On January 20 or 21, 1582,[217] his former +opponent, the Mercenarian Fray Francisco Zumel, took the chair at a +theological meeting in Salamanca. At this meeting a Jesuit named +Prudencio de Montemayor put forward a thesis which opened up the +difficulties connected with the reconciliation of the theological +doctrines of predestination and free-will. Owing to some disturbance +in the assembly, Montemayor's voice did not reach all who were present +and, in the interest of the audience, Luis de Leon repeated +Montemayor's arguments without lending them any support; his action +was misunderstood, and many supposed that he was expressing his +personal opinions. In the ensuing discussion his vanquished opponent, +Domingo de Guzman, intervened, and with unnecessary acerbity declared +that Montemayor's views were heretical. Nothing would have been easier +than for Luis de Leon to keep out of the fray, especially as he +himself held, and had always taught, opinions opposed to those +advanced by Montemayor. If, as Pacheco reports, Luis de Leon was the +most taciturn of men, he was chivalrous to the point of quixotism. In +the circumstances silence was impossible for him. He was for as much +liberty of thought as was compatible with orthodoxy; he was persuaded +that much of the opposition of the Dominicans to Montemayor was due +to the fact that the latter was a Jesuit;[218] and no doubt he was +quite human enough to be annoyed at the intrusion of Domingo de Guzman +as the champion of doctrinal intolerance.... Be this as it may, Luis +de Leon took up the cudgels for Montemayor's views which, as he +maintained, were perfectly tenable. At a later meeting in Salamanca, +Fray Juan de Castaneda, a Benedictine,[219] advanced views very +similar to those of Montemayor; Domingo Banez, whose relations with +Luis de Leon were never cordial, was even more emphatic than his +brother-Dominican, Domingo de Guzman, and denounced Castaneda's views +as savouring of Pelagianism. A sharp passage of arms followed between +Banez and Luis de Leon,[220] and, after some exchange of argument, +Banez professed to be satisfied with Castaneda's thesis, and therefore +with Luis de Leon's explanations.[221] Others were less easily +contented; even some of the Augustinian professors at Salamanca were +uneasy;[222] and finally the case came before the Inquisition of +Valladolid, though the sittings of the court were held in Salamanca. +The delator would appear to have been a Jeromite, Fray Joan de Santa +Cruz, who took objection to some sixteen propositions which, as he +alleged, were put forward by Luis de Leon.[223] Some exaggeration on +the part of Santa Cruz is conceivable. As a Jeromite, he bore a grudge +against Luis de Leon for his overt opposition to the candidature of +Hector Pinto at Salamanca University and, as Francisco de Palacios +deposed at Valladolid on February 5, 1573, Santa Cruz had been +somewhat excited by the news of Grajal's arrest and was anxious to +know if Luis de Leon had been apprehended at the same time.[224] This +incident implies no great impartiality on the part of Santa Cruz. +Still, a report made officially has to be met. On March 8, 1582, Luis +de Leon, adopting the same procedure which he had followed at +Valladolid, voluntarily presented himself before the Inquisitionary +tribunal at Salamanca, and read his account of what had occurred.[225] +In several particulars he was enabled to correct the version of Santa +Cruz, which was admittedly second-hand in part.[226] He must have +thought of 'old, unhappy, far-off things' as he entered the Court and +recognized the Inquisitionary secretary with the singular name of +Celedon Gustin; these remembrances probably led him to take additional +precautions. On March 31 he appeared a second time before the +Inquisitionary Court at Salamanca, and volunteered the statement that, +though he still believed Montemayor's thesis to be free from heretical +taint, reflection caused him to think that it was temerarious +(inasmuch as it differed from the usual scholastic teaching on the +subject); that its promulgation in a public assembly was regrettable; +and that he was ready to make amends if he had in any way exceeded in +his defence of Montemayor.[227] A little later three Augustinians, one +of them a man of some prominence in the order, appeared with a view +to disassociate themselves from Luis de Leon's action;[228] and a +fourth witness came forward in the person of Fray Francisco Zumel, who +produced fragments of a lecture on predestination delivered by Luis de +Leon at Salamanca as far back as 1571.[229] One hardly knows whether +to say that Luis de Leon was fortunate or unfortunate in his +opponents. Zumel, as we have seen, was a defeated competitor for the +chair of Moral Philosophy at the University of Salamanca in 1578. +Similarly, Domingo de Guzman was a defeated competitor for the +Biblical Chair at the University of Salamanca in 1579. So, too, at the +dawn of his professorial career, Luis de Leon had easily carried a +_substitucion de visperas_ against Domingo Banez.[230] These men were +the soul of the opposition to Luis de Leon in his second encounter +with the Inquisitionary tribunal; inasmuch as they had all three been +beaten in open contest by Luis de Leon, their motives were not +altogether free from some suspicion of personal animus; but their +united hostility was undoubtedly formidable. Luis de Leon's foes were +not, however, limited to the Dominicans and the Jeromite whom he had +defeated for University Chairs. Some members of his own order had been +rendered unhappy by his latest outbreak. Fray Pedro de Aragon, Fray +Martin de Coscojales, and Fray Andres de Solana were not alone.[231] +This is obvious from a highly disagreeable letter written in Madrid on +February 15, 1582, by the well-known Augustinian Fray Lorenzo de +Villavicencio. In this letter, which was laid before the Inquisition +by Luis de Leon, Villavicencio thought it his duty to tell his +correspondent to mind his own business, to cease denouncing tyranny, +and to understand that his action, while it did good to nobody, was a +source of annoyance to many.[232] Manifestly Luis de Leon's passion +for fair play was altogether incomprehensible to his opponents, and it +may be that he made no great effort to win their support. If, +however, his experience of the Inquisition had made him more cautious +in his dealings with it, the Inquisition had learned a lesson from its +previous experience with Luis de Leon. He was not arrested, but was +allowed to go about his business as usual; no prosecuting counsel was +appointed, and when the Supreme Inquisition at Madrid called upon the +Valladolid judge to make a report,[233] Juan de Arresse confined +himself to suggesting that Luis de Leon should be severely +reprimanded, and should be called upon to express publicly from his +University chair his regret for having described as heretical opinions +which were not his.[234] This must have been signed shortly after +August 7, 1582, the date on which the request of the Supreme +Inquisition reached Valladolid. Mitigated as it was, the suggestion of +the Valladolid judge seemed too severe to the Supreme Inquisition. For +reasons which are unknown the case was not ended till February 3, +1584. On this date Luis de Leon was summoned to Toledo and was there +privately reprimanded by the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal Gaspar de +Quiroga, to whom in 1580 he had dedicated his _In Psalmum vigesimum +sextum Explanatio_, a work written during the tenth month of his +imprisonment at Valladolid. Luis de Leon appears to have thought that +he had a friend in Quiroga, but for whose intervention his +imprisonment at Valladolid would have been still further prolonged. As +Quiroga became Grand Inquisitor on April 20, 1573, and as the prisoner +in the Valladolid cells was not released till the month of December +1576, Luis de Leon's gratitude has been thought excessive.[235] +However, he knew the facts better than anybody else, and Quiroga's +attitude at Toledo was benignant. Instead of giving the severe +reprimand which was suggested by the Valladolid Inquisitors, Quiroga +'charitably and kindly' rebuked the Augustinian in private and +dismissed him with a solemn warning not to uphold such views as he +was alleged to have defended.[236] It has been held that the +Inquisition proceeded against Luis de Leon a third time.[237] No +evidence to support this view has been hitherto produced. + +Meanwhile in 1583 appeared _Los nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta +casada_. The theologian, philosopher, and poet was also a man of +affairs. That he was so esteemed by his colleagues is proved by the +fact that he was nominated by them to take in hand, and settle, a +long-standing suit between the University of Salamanca and the +_Colegios Mayores_ which had secured from Rome two concessions that +were held to be injurious to the interests of the University. This +suit, begun in 1549, was taken charge of by Luis de Leon in January +1585; in February Dr. Antonio de Solis, a learned lawyer, was +dispatched to Madrid to give advice on legal points; Solis fell ill +and was replaced by Doctor Diego de Sahagun. The business involved an +interview with Philip II and, as the king was absent from the +capital, Luis de Leon wrote to the University authorities explaining +the situation, and suggesting that, in the interests of economy, the +mission should be recalled. The University evidently acted upon this +suggestion, for on August 1 Luis de Leon was back in Salamanca.[238] +He was re-appointed to take up the same work again on November 22, +1586, and on January 17, 1588, he was able to report that the +everlasting lawsuit was at an end, and that the contention of the +University of Salamanca had been accepted.[239] The _Claustro_ was so +overjoyed that it authorized the fulfilment of its promise to pay Luis +de Leon his salary and expenses. This elation and fit of generosity +proved to be premature. On March 5, 1588, Luis de Leon was obliged to +ask for the return of the original _cedula_ and to state that no use +could meanwhile be made of it.[240] The disappointment at Salamanca +was great, and the _Claustro_ showed its irritation by ordering the +return of Luis de Leon and by voting that the payment of his salary +be suspended after October 18, if he had not returned by that date. +Owing to Luis de Leon's illness a prolongation of his absence was +agreed to, later on; but this concession implied no change of mind on +the part of the _Claustro_. A certain University Professor, Dr. +Bernal, who had acted for several years as _Regidor_ of Salamanca, and +had been from the first hostile to Luis de Leon in this matter, moved +that the absentee be ordered back to Salamanca at once with a view to +avoiding the unnecessary expense of paying the salary of a substitute +to deliver lectures. This was carried by an overwhelming majority on +January 20, 1589,[241] and three days later it was resolved that Luis +de Leon be instructed to return to his chair within a month. As Luis +de Leon was plunged in important business which could not be broken +off lightly, Philip II caused a letter to be written on March 7 in +which he requested the _Claustro_ to authorize Luis de Leon's absence +from his chair till the end of August.[242] The royal request was +refused and, as if to mark a want of confidence in Luis de Leon, +another member was nominated to conduct the negotiations at Madrid. +Luis de Leon's mission was really ended, for his delegated powers had +expired; nevertheless, he acted as though they were still in force and +with such effect that on August 23 he appeared before the _Claustro_ +with the royal warrant.[243] He was warmly complimented on his +success, but the _Claustro_ was less profuse of deeds than of words. +On August 26 Luis de Leon made three requests:[244] (_a_) that his +arrears of salary be paid for the time that he had represented the +University in Madrid; (_b_) that some compensation be paid to his +monastery for the time he had been engaged on University business +after his mandate had expired; and (_c_) that he be given two years' +leave of absence from his chair. As to the first point, Doctor Diego +Henriquez was commissioned to examine vouchers and pay the petitioner +what was due; as to the second point, the decision was referred to a +group of professors who held their chairs by a life-tenure; it was +agreed to grant the third request, if the King's approval was secured. +This sounds like satisfactory treatment. In practice the concessions +were not made. On December 20, 1589, the arrears of salary still +remained unpaid; on October 20, 1589, it appeared that the _Claustro_ +had no power to grant leave of absence.[245] It had apparently the +power to fine Luis de Leon for not lecturing, and it did so with such +insistency that the Prior of the Augustinian monastery in Salamanca +felt compelled to lodge a protest against this action, which, it was +contended, was unconstitutional. This protest was set aside on March +9, 1590, and two professors--one of whom was the Jeromite Zumel--were +appointed to defend the position taken up by the University of +Salamanca.[246] It is impossible to deny that the behaviour of the +University of Salamanca to Luis de Leon was most unhandsome, not to +say shabby. + +As his life drew to a close, and as his fame increased, constant +demands were made upon him. Apparently he refused the invitation of +Sixtus V and Philip II to join a committee appointed to revise the +Vulgate; it is not clear that he altogether approved of the project, +nor of the plan on which the revision was to be carried out.[247] Not +only was his scholarship held in honour; his rigorous, valiant +righteousness was universally recognized. On April 13, 1588, the papal +nuncio signed a brief naming Luis de Leon one of two commissaries who +were entrusted with the delicate task of inquiring into the +administration of certain funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians +in Castile. The result of this inquiry seems not to be recorded, but a +passage in an extant autograph letter of Luis de Leon's suggests that +his conclusions were unfavourable to his official superior.[248] Luis +de Leon's zeal led him to champion (perhaps inopportunely) a change in +the constitution of his order.[249] In 1588 appeared his edition of +Saint Theresa; and as the letter dedicatory to Madre Ana de Jesus is +dated September 15, 1587, it may perhaps be inferred that the editor +before this date was personally acquainted with the great saint's +successor. If not a judge of scholarship, Ana de Jesus was an +excellent judge of character. She had shown uncommon insight in +choosing Luis de Leon as editor of her great friend's writings; she +esteemed him for his eminent sanctity; he proved worthy of her +confidence, and upheld her plans for reform against Nicolas de Jesus +Maria Doria, the Provincial of the Barefooted Carmelites in Spain. +Doria was supported by Philip II and, to some extent, by Sixtus V. The +proceedings of the Carmelite nuns were conducted from this point +onwards with supreme ability. Doctor Bernabe del Marmol was sent to +Rome on a secret mission. His object was to obtain the papal sanction +for reforms which had been advocated by Saint Theresa herself. Marmol +succeeded to admiration. His antagonists had no suspicion of his +errand. A papal brief, dated June 5, 1590, granted the desired +sanction; and a second brief, dated June 27, appointed Teutonio de +Braganza, Archbishop of Evora, and Luis de Leon to carry the first +brief into effect. Braganza was too busy to do the necessary work, and +authorized Luis de Leon to act for him. Luis de Leon begged the +University of Salamanca to grant him some days' leave to attend to the +business. This petition was rejected. But the indomitable man went on. +Taken aback and irritated, Doria hastened to the Prado and easily +induced Philip II[250] (who was, in fact, already won over to approval +of Doria's scheme) to obtain from the papal nuncio an order suspending +the delegate's instructions. After a reasonable time had elapsed Luis +de Leon returned to the charge, and called a meeting of those +immediately concerned; the papal nuncio made no sign, as the King had +not spoken to him again on the subject. Meanwhile Doria, who was +better informed as to what was afoot in Madrid than as to what was +afoot in Rome, once more interviewed Philip II and urged him to stop +Luis de Leon's proceedings. Philip took action. As Luis de Leon's +supporters were filing into the room where they were to discuss the +situation, they were approached by a member of the royal household who +informed them that he had it in command from the King to bid them +suspend the execution of the brief till fresh orders came from Rome. +Annoyed at this piece of fussiness, Luis de Leon is stated to have +left the room, remarking: 'No order of His Holiness can be carried out +in Spain'[251]. This report, which comes down to us on the dubious +authority of the Carmelite chronicler, Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, +may, or may not, be correct. The impetuous Luis de Leon was no doubt +extremely capable of showing that he resented Philip II's interference +in church matters. On the other hand, Santa Maria cannot have written +with any personal knowledge of the facts, as he belonged to a much +later generation. Even had he been an exact contemporary,[252] Santa +Maria's statements would call for careful examination, for he does not +appear to have had a critical intelligence, since he commits himself +to two assertions, one of which is certainly false and the +other--intrinsically unlikely--is without a shred of corroboration. +Santa Maria avers that Philip II showed his displeasure by forbidding +the Augustinians of Castile to elect Luis de Leon as their Provincial. +It is on record, however, that Luis de Leon was elected Provincial of +the Augustinians of Castile on the earliest opportunity (August 14, +1591) that presented itself. Santa Maria further states that Luis de +Leon took the King's annoyance so much to heart that his death was +hastened in consequence. No evidence is produced to support a story +so innately improbable. This legend evidently throve in credulous +opposition circles, for something of the same sort had been set about +earlier by Fray Jose de Jesus y Maria, a Carmelite historian who, +unaware that Luis de Leon had declined an archbishopric, added a +calumnious insinuation that the editor of Saint Theresa's works was a +disappointed aspirant to episcopal honours.[253] Santa Maria, not +knowing that Philip II highly esteemed Luis de Leon, seems to have +been content to report such gossip as filtered down to him. + +The correspondence connected with the papal brief dragged on till +January or February 1591.[254] To all who saw Luis de Leon at this +time it must have occurred that his career was drawing to a close. He +had never been robust; his sedentary habits, his ascetic practices, +and his prolonged imprisonment combined to wear him down. His last +years were packed with troubles. The Inquisition watched him with +suspicious eyes; he had always regarded the Dominicans and Jeromites +as his enemies; he had contrived to increase the forces hostile to him +by alienating the Carmelites. Doria was not without the power to make +his resentment felt; a few well-meaning Augustinians did Luis de Leon +more harm than good by suggesting that he had extorted from the +Inquisition the admission that his doctrinal teachings were +correct;[255] he was deeply affected by the enmity of other +Augustinians whom he (perhaps too hastily) denounced by name to the +Inquisitors.[256] Many of his colleagues at Salamanca stood aloof from +him; some were openly opposed to him; one or two carried their spite +so far as to suggest that he should be deprived of his University +chair. His constant absence from Salamanca gave his foes a handle; it +is conceivable that they might have succeeded in ousting him from his +chair had his life been prolonged. Apart from public business, +connected with his own order and with the proposed reform of the +Carmelite nuns, Luis de Leon was retained in Madrid by his failing +health. On January 11, 1591, he was examined by Doctor Estrada, who +reported that his patient was suffering from a cystic tumour of the +kidney.[257] This is a malady which might last many years. No doubt +Luis de Leon had had the tumour for a long while; it is extremely +likely that at the end the growth became malignant and that he died +from it. It has been alleged that Luis de Leon's end came +suddenly.[258] This is not so. His death was lingering. For all but +himself this was fortunate, and, even for himself the pause before the +end was convenient, for it enabled him to discharge certain duties. As +editor, he was naturally in possession of many of Saint Theresa's +papers; these he had time to make over to Doctor Sobrino, Professor of +Theology in the University of Valladolid, and to Fray Agustin +Antolinez, a future bishop, with instructions to return them to Madre +Ana de Jesus. Nevertheless the saint's papers were not destined to +reach Madre Ana de Jesus, for Philip II asked both the trustees to +give him the holograph copies to be deposited in the Library at the +Escorial. The trustees complied, and the papers are now stored in the +_Camarin de Santa Teresa_.[259] Assiduous to the last in the discharge +of his duties, Luis de Leon dragged himself to Madrigal, where a +Chapter of the Augustinian Order was to be held in August 1591. The +effort was too much for him. He had to take to his bed, and was still +there on August 14 when he was elected Provincial[260]. He did not +enjoy the honour long, for he died on August 23. + +Though most people who are interested in Luis de Leon at all are +familiar with Pacheco's portrait of him, Pacheco's character-sketch is +so apt to be overlooked that it may be briefly summarized here.[261] +Pacheco reports Luis de Leon as having a special gift of silence, as +being the most taciturn of men though one of the wittiest; as being a +man most trustworthy, truthful and upright, precise in speech and in +the keeping of promises, reserved, not given to smiling; in the +gravity of his countenance his nobility of soul and, still more, his +deep humility were obvious; most cleanly, chaste, and reflective, he +was a great monk and a close observer of laws; so marked was his +devotion to the Blessed Virgin that he fasted on the eve of feasts, +dined at three, and ate no supper; in her honour he wrote the lovely +hymn _Virgen que el Sol mas pura_, very spiritually-minded and greatly +given to prayer, at the time of his severest trials God hearkened to +him. Though by nature hasty, he was very long-suffering and gentle to +those with whom he had to deal; he was most abstemious in matters of +food, drink, and sleep; indeed with regard to sleep (as was stated to +Pacheco by Fray Luis Moreno de Bohorquez, who had lived in the same +monastery as Luis de Leon for four years) he carried mortification so +far that he seldom lay down, and the monk who had to make his bed +would often find that it had not been slept in. So great were his +intellectual gifts that he seemed more meet to teach every one than to +learn things from anybody. On matters concerning government his +judgement was sound; he was highly esteemed by prominent men both in +Spain and out of it; Philip II was wont to consult him in difficult +cases, and would send messengers from Madrid to Salamanca; when he +visited Madrid on University business he was admitted to private +audience and received signal marks of royal favour; with respect to +offers of bishoprics and the Archbishopric of Mexico he displayed his +courage and magnanimous spirits not only by stripping himself of rank +(a thing seldom done) but of all he had in the world; a man of truly +evangelical temper. In those holy exercises, and in fitting sequel to +his life, he piously ended his course as Provincial of Castile, +leaving all in great affliction, but with a still greater certainty of +his glory. + +This estimate was printed in 1599, eight years after Luis de Leon's +death and one year after Philip II's death. Making some allowance for +the partiality of an admirer, Pacheco's description may stand. A dry +contemporary chronicler, like Luis Cabrera de Cordoba,[262] after +paying tribute to Luis de Leon's intellectual gifts and heroic courage +in adversity, speaks of his death as a national loss. Even in his +lifetime Luis de Leon was recognized by men of exceptional genius as +one of themselves. His poems, which were not published till forty +years after his death, must have been handed about in manuscript long +before. In 1585 Cervantes in his _Galatea_ introduced Luis de Leon +into the _Canto de Caliope_. It cannot well be maintained that +Cervantes had been impressed by Luis de Leon's Latin treatises, by _De +los nombres de Cristo_, and by _La perfecta casada_. The _Canto de +Caliope_ records the names of those only whom Cervantes considered to +be eminent poets--masters _en la alegre sciencia dela poesia_--and +hence it is to the poet that he refers when he writes in his 84th +stanza: + + Quisiera rematar mi dulce canto + en tal sazon pastores, con loaros + un ingenio que al mundo pone espanto + y que pudiera en estasis robaros. + En el cifro y recojo todo quanto + he mostrado hasta aqui, y he de mostraros + Fray Luys de Leon el que digo + a quien yo reverencio, adoro, y sigo. + + + + +IV + + +[Footnote 189: Bartolome Jose Gallardo, _Ensayo de una biblioteca +espanola de libros raros y curiosos_ (Madrid, 1863-66-88-89), vol. IV, +col. 1328: 'En unos apuntes cronologicos que hacia en Salamanca un +curioso (jesuita?) a fines del siglo XVI, fol. 23 de un tomo de +_Papeles varios_, en folio, se lee: + +'Ano de 76, Martes 23 de diciembre dia de San Damaso, dieron por libre +a _fr. Luis_ sin pena. Y donde a 30 de diciembre entro en Salamanca a +las tres de la tarde con atabales, trompetas y gran acompanamiento de +Caballeros, Doctores, Maestros, &c.'] + +[Footnote 190: He is clearly wrong in stating that Luis de Leon was +set free on December 23. We have already seen that Luis de Leon +presented two applications in writing on December 15. From the nature +of these applications, it is a fair inference that he was free when he +made them.] + +[Footnote 191: Especially as the fact is confirmed by a contemporary +Augustinian, Fray Juan Quijano: see Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 206, +_n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 192: This date is given on the authority of the anonymous +writer quoted by Gallardo, _op. cit._, col. 1328: 'Y lunes _adelante_ +le presento el Comisorio al Claustro, para que se le diese su proprio +lugar, honra y catedra de _Durando_. El no la quiso y la Universidad +cedio 200 ducados de partido.' The date in this case is corroborated +by a summons from the Rector of the University: see P. Fr. Luis G. +Alonso Getino, O.P., _Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de Leon_ +(Salamanca, 1907), p. 244.] + +[Footnote 193: According to Blanco Garcia (_op. cit._, p. 207), Luis +de Leon did not vote, but assigned his proxy to Bartolome de Medina. +This incident occurred, but it happened at a meeting of the _Claustro_ +held two days later: see Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, pp. 252-254). +Medina seems to have thought that Luis de Leon's chair had not been +legally vacated, and that it was not in Luis de Leon's power to say +that he would assign it to Castillo.] + +[Footnote 194: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 258.] + +[Footnote 195: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...y martes +a 29 [de enero de 1577] empezo a leer. Hubo gran concurso, &c.'] + +[Footnote 196: _Monasticon Augustinianum_ (Munich, 1623), p. 208: +'Primam vero lectionem post tenebras ut auspicabatur, pleno concessu +ad novitatem evocato, inquit: _Dicebamus hesterna die_.' Blanco +Garcia, who quotes this passage (_op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 1), refers +also to p. 119 of a reprint issued at Valladolid in 1890: this reprint +I have not seen.] + +[Footnote 197: Early instances, dating from 1636, are given by Blanco +Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 209, _n._ 2. The story first appeared in print +in Spain in 1771, when it was given in the fifth volume of Juan Josef +Lopez de Sedano, _Parnaso Espanol_ (Madrid, 1768-1778).] + +[Footnote 198: C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 199: C. Muinos Saenz, _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. +LXXIX, p. 29.] + +[Footnote 200: Luis G. Alonso Getino, _Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. +Luis de Leon_ (Salamanca, 1907), pp. 242-243, 262-263.] + +[Footnote 201: C. Muinos Saenz, _El 'Deciamos ayer' de Fray Luis de +Leon_ (Madrid, 1905) and _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, +544-560; (1909), vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, +529-552; (1909), vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, and 177-197.] + +[Footnote 202: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 260-261.] + +[Footnote 203: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 262-263: 'E despues de +lo sobredicho en la dicha ciudad de Salamanca martes a la hora que dio +las diez de la manana el relox de la iglesia mayor, al fin de la +lecion del padre m. Pedro de Uceda, que se contaron veinti nueve dias +del mes de Enero... Antonio de Almaraz bedel puso en la posesion del +dicho salario al dicho padre m. fray Luis de Leon en la catedra +questa en el general mayor de theologia de escuelas mayores, el qual +la tomo e apprehendio sin contradicion ninguna, y _en lugar de +posesion leyo un poco_. E dijo y protesto... que estaba y esta presto +de leer el dicho salario e partido, e que si no leyere no se le pare +por ello perjuicio ni se le descuente de su salario y partido ni por +ello sea multado en cosa alguna, pues no es su culpa, hasta tanto que +le den hora en que lea, conforme a lo proveido por la junta de los +senores theologos... y le senalen lectura, e asi lo pidio e protesto, +siendo presentes por todo el Padre m. Pedro de Uceda... e Antonio de +Almaraz bedel, e otros muchos estudiantes y personas de la universidad +e yo Bartme. Sanchez notario e vicesecretario.'] + +[Footnote 204: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 266-268.] + +[Footnote 205: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, pp. 212-213.] + +[Footnote 206: Blanco Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 214, _n._ 1; Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 282-301.] + +[Footnote 207: The bishop seems to have resented Luis de Leon's +opposition to the candidature of the bishop's brother, Juan Gallo, for +the _catedra de visperas de teologia_. In this contest Juan Gallo, a +Dominican, was defeated by the Augustinian Fray Juan de Guevara +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 275-277). Guevara was present +when the bishop told Luis de Leon that 'he knew Luis de Leon's +hostility to his (the bishop's) brother had done him more harm than +all the rest' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 261). Later on, Juan +Gallo appears to have been appointed to another chair at Salamanca +(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 318).] + +[Footnote 208: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 303. Salinas, it +should be noted, denied having heard that this applied specially to +opponents of the Dominican order.] + +[Footnote 209: The verses ascribed to Domingo de Guzman are reproduced +in part by Adolfo de Castro, _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles desde la +formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias_ (Madrid, 1847-1880), vol. +XXXV, p. x; they are given in full by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera +in the _Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes_ (Sevilla, 1856), vol. +II, pp. 731-741; (Sevilla, 1857), vol. III, pp. 5-22, 69-80, 209-220. +La Barrera, following Gallardo, was careful to point out that lines +37-40 of the verses to Urganda la Desconocida are practically +identical with four lines in Domingo de Guzman's _glosa_. Sr. +Rodriguez Marin, in his edition of _Don Quixote_, published at Madrid +in 1916-1917, prints the four lines (vol. I, pp. 49-50) in inverted +commas. Cervantes, if he meant to quote, must have trusted to his +memory. + + GUZMAN CERVANTES + + que don Albaro de Luna, Que don Aluaro de Lu + que Anibal Cartajines, Que Anibal el de Carta + que Francisco Rey frances, Que Rey Francisco de Espa + se queja de la fortuna. Se quexa de la fortu. + +In Guzman's case I reproduce La Barrera's transcription. In the case +of Cervantes I follow the spelling adopted in the _princeps_ of the +First Part of _Don Quixote_. + +For some readers, it may be convenient to refer to the revised but +abridged reprint in C.A. de la Barrera, _El Cachetero del Buscapie_ +(Santander, 1916), pp. 133-136.] + +[Footnote 210: The first _quintilla_ of some verses by a poetaster on +Luis de Leon's side is quoted by Fray Antolin Merino in the preface to +his edition of the _Poesias_ of Luis de Leon contained in the _Obras +del Il. Fr. Luis de Leon_ (Madrid, 1804-1805-1806-1816), vol. XI, p. +xxv: + + Luis y Mingo pretenden + casarse con Ana bella, + cada cual pretende habella, + mas segun todos entienden + muerese por Luis ella. + +[Footnote 211: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328: '...En este +ano (79) domingo 6 de diciembre se proveyo la (catedra) de Biblia a +Fr. Luis de Leon, y el dia siguiente tomo la posesion: tuvo 281 votos, +y el maestro fr. Domingo de Guzman tuvo 245: llevola con 36 votos.'] + +[Footnote 212: Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, col. 1328-1329: +'Regularonse los cursos, y vino en llevarla por solo tres Cursos, y +esto fue quitando un voto senalado, que tenia cinco cursos, el cual se +sospecho era Dominico. No pudiendo conformarse con el, hubo concierto +entre los frailes, que votasen de Santo Domingo 100 y de San Agustin +50. Anduvo pleito hasta viernes 13 de Octubre de 81, que sentenciaron +en Valladolid en favor de fr. Luis de Leon.'] + +[Footnote 213: For example, by Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 268-274.] + +[Footnote 214: This is stated by Alonso Fernandez, who wrote more than +twenty years after the election. A relevant passage is given in Alonso +Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 272-273.] + +[Footnote 215: The terms of Suarez's order are reproduced by Blanco +Garcia, _op. cit._, p. 218, _n._ 3.] + +[Footnote 216: Nothing was known of this second suit by the Valladolid +Inquisitors till 1882, when a considerable part of the report of the +proceedings was published by Sr. D. Alvarez Guijarro in the _Revista +Hispano-Americana_. + +It was given later more fully in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (Madrid, 1896), +vol. XLI, pp. 15-31, by P. Francisco Blanco Garcia. The subsequent +references are to the _tirage a part_ entitled: _Segundo Proceso +instruido por la Inquisicion de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de Leon +con prologo y notas del P. Francisco Blanco Garcia_ (Madrid, 1896).] + +[Footnote 217: Zumel gives the date (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, +p. 40) as January 21; the delator, Santa Cruz, fixes the date a day +earlier (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 20).] + +[Footnote 218: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 31: '...mouime lo +uno por parecerme que los padres dominicos le querian oprimir por ser +de la compania contra la qual se muestran siempre apasionados y lo +otro y principal porque me parecio gran sin razon condenar por eregia +una cosa que la presuponen por cierta muchos sanctos y otros muchos +catholicos sanctos y no sanctos la afirman y defienden...'] + +[Footnote 219: Luis de Leon merely says (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 31) 'un fraile benito': Castaneda's full name is given in +the report of the Valladolid Inquisitors (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo +proceso_, p. 52).] + +[Footnote 220: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 32: '...porque se +dezia en la escuela que el maestro yuanez dezia que era error +pelagiano yo dixe que no tenia razon de ponelle aquella nota,...'] + +[Footnote 221: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 33: '...y despues +del acto me dixo el maestro Vanez que el quedaba bien satisfecho de la +manera como el sustentante auia declarado su opinion'.] + +[Footnote 222: Juan de Guevara and Pedro de Aragon, for example. This +emerges from the evidence of the Augustinian Fray Martin de Coscojales +(Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 37). Pedro de Aragon was Duns +Scotus Professor of Theology at Salamanca, a former pupil of Luis de +Leon's and a great admirer of his. He appeared as a witness against +Luis de Leon (Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-37).] + +[Footnote 223: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 20-27.] + +[Footnote 224: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 328.] + +[Footnote 225: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 28-34.] + +[Footnote 226: Even in his official _calificacion_ Joan de la Cruz +(Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 24) speaks of 'las [cosas] que +yo vi y las que oy y se por Relacion....'] + +[Footnote 227: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 35.] + +[Footnote 228: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 36-40.] + +[Footnote 229: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +p. 225; Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 40-45.] + +[Footnote 230: This seems to follow from a question which Luis de Leon +proposed to put to six witnesses: the Augustinians Juan de Guevara, +Pedro de Rojas, and Hernando de Peralto, and three laymen, Loarte, +Ruiz, and Madrigal: 'Item si saben etc. que el maestro fray Domingo +Ibanez, antes y al tiempo que juro y depuso en esta causa, era y es +enemigo capital del dicho fray Luis de Leon, ansi por ser fraile +dominico como porque se opuso contra el a una substitucion de +visperas, y se la llevo fray Luis de Leon con mucho exceso, de lo cual +el y sus frailes se sintieron mucho' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, +pp. 261-263). Luis de Leon was mistaken in supposing that Banez had +deposed against him at Valladolid. Alonso Getino endeavours to show +(_op. cit._, pp. 384-386) that Luis de Leon never competed against +Banez, and that his memory played him a trick on this point.] + +[Footnote 231: See note 222.] + +[Footnote 232: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 46-47: 'V.P. dexe +las cosas de la orden aunque esten en peor estado del que hahora +tienen, trate de su cathreda, y dexe de tomar a su cargo el remedio de +las tiranias. No llame tyrano a nadie, y sepa V.P. que publicamente +dicen muchos religiosos que V.P. no hico bien a nadie y disgustos si a +muchos, recibiendo buenas obras de aquellos a quien hahora maltrata, +cosa que no puede tener buen suceso ni puede parecer bien a nadie.'] + +[Footnote 233: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 52.] + +[Footnote 234: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, pp. 52-53: '...sea +gravemente Reprehendido, y... que en su cathedra publicamente declare +la calidad de las proposiciones que se le dieren diciendo que en +dezir que lo contrario de lo que el sustentaba era heregia, dixo mal, +y que esto era su parezer'. The official report of the proceedings +must be incomplete, for Arresse's _parecer_ mentions that Domingo de +Guzman had spoken of receiving an apology from Luis de Leon. No +evidence by Domingo de Guzman is disclosed in the record.] + +[Footnote 235: Fr. Heinrich Reusch, _Luis de Leon und die spanische +Inquisition_ (Bonn, 1873), p. 111.] + +[Footnote 236: Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53: 'En Toledo... +parescio siendo llamado, el Maestro fray Luis de Leon..., al qual su +senoria Illma reprehendio y declaro la culpa que contra el resulta +por los auctos y meritos deste processo, y le amoneste benigna y +caritativamente, que de aqui adelante se abstenga de dezir, ni +deffender publica ni secretamente, las proposiciones que paresce haver +dicho y defendido,... y el ha confesado que la sentencia dellas no +caresce de alguna temeridad, ni otras semejantes, con apercibimiento +que no lo cumpliendo se procedera contra el por todo rigor de derecho, +y el dicho fray luis de leon promettio de lo cumplir y que lo haria +assi.] + +[Footnote 237: By Sr. D. Carlos Alvarez Guijarro. Blanco Garcia +(_Segundo proceso_, p. 54, _n._ 1) dissents from this view.] + +[Footnote 238: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 305-308.] + +[Footnote 239: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 308-315.] + +[Footnote 240: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 316.] + +[Footnote 241: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 309, 317-318.] + +[Footnote 242: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 319-320.] + +[Footnote 243: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 321.] + +[Footnote 244: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 327-329.] + +[Footnote 245: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-331.] + +[Footnote 246: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 329-335.] + +[Footnote 247: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, +&c._, pp. 236-239.] + +[Footnote 248: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +pp. 239-240. The pressmark of this autograph letter in the British +Museum is Add. MSS. 28, 698.] + +[Footnote 249: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +pp. 242-244.] + +[Footnote 250: The whole episode is clearly set forth by Blanco +Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, pp. 246-250.] + +[Footnote 251: Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico_, +pp. 248-249; Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, pp. 349-351.] + +[Footnote 252: A passage in Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 349) +describes Santa Maria as 'contemporaneo de los sucesos'. This, though +literally true, is somewhat misleading. Santa Maria was twenty-four +the year that Luis de Leon died. See Gallardo, _op. cit._, vol. IV, +col. 489.] + +[Footnote 253: '...al principal de ellos [los que habian procurado el +Breve] y pretensor de mitra, le costo la vida el sentimiento que tuvo +de ver tan indignado al Rey Catolico'. I have not been able to consult +Jesus y Maria's work. My quotation, like Alonso Getino's (_op. cit._, +p. 354), is taken at second-hand from Vicente de la Fuente's edition +of Saint Theresa's works.] + +[Footnote 254: January 26, 1591, is the latest date attached to the +_Documentos_ published by Cristobal Perez Pastor, _Bibliografia +madrilena_ (Madrid, 1907), Parte III, pp. 404-409. On January 25, +1591, Luis de Leon signed a document undertaking to accept 1,000 +_reales_ in lieu of 2,800 due to him by the estate of Cornelio Bonard, +formerly a bookseller at Salamanca; see Cristobal Perez Pastor, +_Bibliografia madrilena_ (Madrid, 1906), Parte II, pp. 454-455.] + +[Footnote 255: F. Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 53. The +Salamancan Inquisitors reported to the Supreme Inquisition: +'...havemos entendido que los de su orden se xatan y alaban de que en +este sto offi se a declarado ser verdad lo que el dho frai luis +sustento...'] + +[Footnote 256: F. Blanco Garcia, _Segundo proceso_, p. 49.] + +[Footnote 257: C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540.] + +[Footnote 258: Alonso Getino, _op. cit._, p. 355.] + +[Footnote 259: C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros +excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540, _n._ 1.] + +[Footnote 260: Alonso Getino writes (_op. cit._, p. 355): 'al ser +elegido Provincial, nueve dias antes de morir, no puede suponerse que +estuviera enfermo de consideracion'. This is a guess very wide of the +mark. F. de Mendez, in the _Revista Agustiniana_ (1881), quoted (p. +351) Juan Quijano, a contemporary whose chronicle is now lost, as +saying that when Luis de Leon was elected Provincial he was already +confined to his bed with the illness of which he died.] + +[Footnote 261: The portrait and character-sketch will be found in the +photo-chromotype reproduction of Francisco Pacheco, _Libro de +descripcion de verdaderos retratos de illustres y memorables +varones_. The original is dated Sevilla, 1599. The reproduction, due +to Jose Maria Asensio y Toledo, was photo-chromotyped between 1881 and +1884. Owing to the rarity of the reproduction, it has been thought +desirable to reprint in an appendix the passage in which Pacheco deals +with Luis de Leon.] + +[Footnote 262: The reference is given by C. Muinos Saenz, _Sobre el +'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos_ in _La Ciudad de Dios_ (1909), +vol. LXXX, p. 119.] + + + + +V + + +By his contemporaries Luis de Leon was perhaps more esteemed as a +theologian or a scholar than as a man of letters. This judgement has +been reversed by posterity mainly on the strength of the Spanish poems +which were little known during the author's lifetime beyond a small +circle of his personal friends.[263] Experts tell us that as a +theologian he ranks below his master Melchor Cano; and in the annals +of scholarship Luis de Leon is less conspicuous than Benito Arias +Montano and than Francisco Sanchez (_el Brocense_). Few now read for +pleasure the treatises which Luis de Leon composed in a dead language: +in any case these treatises can add nothing to his reputation as a +writer of Spanish, and it is solely as a Spanish author that he +concerns us here and now. He was by no means the earliest of devout +writers to use Spanish as a literary medium. There is a long and +illustrious bead-roll of authors from Bernardino de Laredo to Saint +Theresa to prove the contrary. Much less was Luis de Leon the first +post-Renaissance scholar to recognize that Spanish had a great future +before it. Yet, if we take leave to assume that Luis de Granada was an +ascetic rather than an extatic, we may account Luis de Leon as perhaps +the first professional scholar to perceive that Spanish was adequate +to convey the subtleties of theology and the ravishments of mysticism. +His chief prose works in Castilian include the _Exposicion del libro +de Job_, a commentary dedicated to Madre Ana de Jesus, but not +published till near the end of the eighteenth century (1779). The +_provenance_ of this work calls for no explanation. Apart from the +quotation of a passage in Jorge Manrique's _Coplas_, the _Exposicion +del libro de Job_ offers few indications of Spanish origin and fewer +personal touches. Equally Biblical in origin are a rendering of the +_Song of Songs_ and a corresponding commentary; the existence of both +has a personal interest inasmuch as they prove that Luis de Leon was +enabled to carry out a long cherished design by means of which he +hoped, as he declared at Valladolid, to counterbalance the indiscreet +prying of Fray Diego de Leon. _La Perfecta Casada_ (1583) and _De los +nombres de Cristo_ (1583-1585) likewise have their roots in Scripture. +_La Perfecta Casada_ is avowedly based on the thirty-first chapter of +_Proverbs_, and _De los nombres de Cristo_, the first part of which +appeared simultaneously with _La Perfecta Casada_,[264] discusses the +various symbolic names applied to the Saviour in the Bible. + +_La Perfecta Casada_ is dedicated to Maria Varela Osorio, a recently +wedded bride, who may have been a distant kinswoman of the +author's.[265] Nowhere more clearly than in this treatise does Luis de +Leon justify the statement that he had a Hebrew soul. He takes for +granted the Oriental point of view, and illustrates his imperious +thesis with ample quotations from writers of all types--pagans, +Christians, saints, and laymen. There are references to Simonides, to +Sophocles, to Euripides, to Plutarch, to Saint Clement of Alexandria, +to Saint Cyprian, to Saint Ambrose, to Garcilasso de la Vega. It seems +likely that _La Perfecta Casada_ was written after _De los nombres de +Cristo_, which was almost certainly begun in prison. But there is +perhaps nothing in the internal evidence of the style which would +point to that conclusion. The style of _La Perfecta Casada_ is +vigorous and clear; but it is marred by gusts of rhetoric and by an +excess of copulative conjunctions. These peculiarities produce the +effect of relative inexperience, and might easily mislead a too +confident critic. + +_De los nombres de Cristo_ is cast in the Platonic form of dialogue, +and, in the section entitled _Pastor_, Plato is quoted by name. But +the Hellenic influence, though present, is not dominant. Already +Alonso de Orozco had anticipated Luis de Leon with _De los nueve +nombres de Cristo_,[266] and there are points of contact in the +handling as is inevitable from the similarity of the subject. But it +cannot be denied that Luis de Leon's work is suffused with a warmer, +more human interest than Orozco's brief sketch. These more intimate +personal elements are present on almost every page of _De los nombres +de Cristo_. Nobody can read far without perceiving that Marcello, +hindered by his _poca salud y muchas occupaciones_, is manifestly a +double of Luis de Leon; there are passages which gloss themes +developed metrically elsewhere; there are retrospicient glances at the +Valladolid trial; the scene of the dialogue is laid within view of La +Flecha, and the details of the landscape are reproduced with exact +fidelity; Luis de Leon has a freer hand in _De los nombres de Cristo_ +than in his other prose works, but here again in his paraphrases of +the Biblical passages relating to Christ his interpretation is at one +with the interpretation of the prophets. And this identity of +sentiment has in it nothing dramatic. Those who have alleged that Luis +de Leon came of Jewish stock may have been--apparently were--mistaken; +but their mistake is comprehensible, for more than any contemporary +Spanish poet--more even than Herrera in his odes--is he saturated with +the Jewish spirit. In all his work Luis de Leon adheres closely to the +Bible. In the _De los nombres de Cristo_ he is also a Platonist within +limits: not so much as regards the manner (which tends to an +oratorical pomp more reminiscent of Cicero) as in his conciliatory +method. With the Jewish and Hellenic blend of influence we must rate +the Latin influence--that of Horace and of Virgil. The influence of +Horace on Luis de Leon has been often noted. It exists no doubt, but +has perhaps been exaggerated: why should we suppose that his love of +moderation was learnt from Horace and was not partly, at least, +temperamental? May not the references to Horace be a characteristic of +humanism? An opinion backed by the weight of classical authority must +reach us with irresistible force, must it not? However this may be, +the predominant influence in _De los nombres de Cristo_, as in all +Luis de Leon's prose, is Scriptural and Christian. In maturity of +development, in intellectual force, in beauty of expression, and in +general adequateness, _De los nombres de Cristo_ exhibits Luis de +Leon's prose at its culmination. The book is dedicated to Pedro +Portocarrero,[267] Bishop of Calahorra, who had previously twice been +rector of Salamanca University. It seems probable that Luis de Leon's +friendship with him dates back to 1566-1567, when Portocarrero held +the office of rector for the second time. Besides _De los nombres de +Cristo_ Luis de Leon dedicated to Portocarrero _In Abdiam prophetam +Explanatio_ (1589) and the manuscript collection of his poems. For +some reason not very obvious this collection of verses was not +published till 1631 when it was issued by Quevedo, who hoped that it +would help to stem the current of Gongorism in Spain. The poems, +printed forty years after the author's death, appeared too late to +affect the public taste. Gongora himself had died in 1627, but his +influence was undiminished. Quevedo, who had obtained his copies of +Luis de Leon's verses from Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, a canon of +Seville cathedral, did his share as editor by writing two prefaces, +one addressed to Sarmiento de Mendoza, and the other to Olivares who +was manifestly expected to pronounce against Gongorism. Olivares, +however, had no reason to love Quevedo, and was resolved to take no +active part in what he doubtless regarded as a scribblers' quarrel. +Gongorism pursued its way unchecked. Quevedo's edition, though +incomplete and disfigured by certain errors, was reprinted at Milan +during the same year (1631), and then all interest in Luis de Leon +flickered out for a while. + +In the prefatory note of the 1631 Madrid edition--entitled _Obras +propias, y traduciones latinas, griegas y italianas_--Luis de Leon +speaks of his poems slightingly as mere playthings of his youth, now +brought together at the request of an anonymous friend--perhaps Benito +Arias Montano--to whom they had been ascribed. Luis de Leon arranges +the material in three books, containing respectively his original +compositions, his translations from authors profane, and his versions +of certain psalms, a hymn, and chapters from the Book of Job. But, +beyond the general statement as to the early date of composition, Luis +de Leon gives no precise information as to when individual poems were +written. The assertion that the poems date back almost to the author's +childhood is contradicted by concrete facts. Take, for instance, the +celebrated _Noche serena_ dedicated to Oloarte. If, as I conjecture, +the dedicatee of the _Noche serena_ is identical with the Diego de +Loarte, archdeacon of Ledesma, who gave evidence at Salamanca on +January 27, 1573, and who on that date had known Luis de Leon for +fourteen years, the _Noche serena_ cannot have been composed earlier +than 1559 when Luis de Leon was thirty-one--youthful, indeed, but long +past his _ninez_. On January 17, 1573, Francisco Salinas testified at +Salamanca to having known Luis de Leon for six years: whence it +follows that _El aire se serena_ cannot have been written before 1567, +when Luis de Leon was bordering on his fortieth year. As Don Carlos +died on July 24, 1568, the _Cancion a la muerte de don Carlos_ and the +_Epitafio al tumulo del principe don Carlos_ must necessarily have +been composed after that date; that is, when Luis de Leon was just +forty and had left his _ninez_ far behind him. Besides a general +dedication to Portocarrero, the collection includes three individual +poems which are dedicated to that personage: (1) _Virtud, hija del +Cielo_; (2) _No siempre es poderosa_; (3) _La cana y alta cumbre_. In +_La cana y alta cumbre_ there is a reference to + + la cruda guerra + que agora el Marte airado + despierta en la alta sierra. + +These verses can scarcely allude to anything but the Alpujarras rising +of 1568-1571, and the conjecture hardens into certainty in view of the +mention of Alonso and Poqueira: this is clearly the Alonso +Portocarrero who, as Hurtado de Mendoza records, perished at Poqueira, +'trabado del veneno usado dende los tiempos antiguos entre cazadores'. +This poem must have been written when Luis de Leon was at least +forty-one. _Virtud, hija del cielo_, in mentioning the _Mino_, refers +to Portocarrero's appointment in Galicia; and as Portocarrero's term +of office appears to have lasted from 1571 to 1580, the poem cannot be +dated earlier than 1571 when Luis de Leon was over forty-three. If the +mention of _la morisca armada_ in the lines _A Santiago_ glances at +the battle of Lepanto which was fought on October 7, 1571, then the +poem must have been written after that date, when the author was close +on forty-four. The verses dedicated to Juan de Grial, with their +closing reference to the writer's trials: + + Que yo, de un torbellino + traidor acometido, y derrocado + del medio del camino + al hondo, el plectro amado + y del vuelo las alas he quebrado; + +the fervent entreaty _A todos los santos_ and its unreserved lament: + + No niego, dulce amparo + del alma, que mis males son mayores + que aqueste desamparo; + mas cuanto son peores, + tanto resonaran mas tus loores; + +the very beautiful and justly renowned _Virgen que el sol mas pura_, +with its heart-rending supplication: + + los ojos vuelve al suelo + y mira un miserable en carcel dura + cercado de tinieblas y tristeza: + +possibly[268] the song _Del conocimiento de si mismo_, with its +significant simile: + + el gusanillo de la gente hollado + un rey era, conmigo comparado; + +and assuredly the famous _quintillas_ beginning _Aqui la envidia y +mentira_: these compositions were probably composed during, or after, +the writer's imprisonment at Valladolid, that is to say between the +spring of 1572 and the winter of 1576, when Luis de Leon was from +forty-four or forty-five to forty-eight or forty-nine. _Del mundo y su +vanidad_ glances at + + la grave desventura + del lusitano, por su mal valiente, + la soberbia bravura + de su animosa gente + desbaratada miserablemente. + +This passage obviously recalls the disastrous defeat of Sebastian I, +King of Portugal, at Al-Kaor al-Kebir in August 1578, when Luis de +Leon was more than fifty years of age. If these inferences are valid, +it would follow that many of his original poems were not composed till +he was nearly forty or more. It is difficult to reconcile these +conclusions with the author's categorical assertion that the poems +were produced during his early years. As Luis de Leon was the least +vain, as well as the most truthful of men, an explanation must be +found, and it is perhaps permissible to suggest that Luis de Leon +wrote a prefatory note to Portocarrero intending it to be placed at +the beginning of the Second Book which contains his poems translated +from Roman and other authors. By some mischance the poet's intention +was frustrated; perhaps a leaf was out of place in Sarmiento de +Mendoza's copy; perhaps Quevedo is directly responsible for what +occurred. At any rate, the letter dedicatory was bisected, the greater +part of it being transferred to the beginning of the First Book, while +a mere morsel came to be printed at the beginning of the Third Book. +This surmise may serve till a better explanation is forthcoming. + +It is not to be inferred from the foregoing summary that all Luis de +Leon's original and graver compositions were written during his +maturity, but there is some reason to think that his earlier efforts +in verse took the form of translations. Though it is undoubtedly true +that his poems as a whole were not published till 1631, four isolated +pieces of his strayed into print as early as 1574 when they were +included by Francisco Sanchez, _el Brocense_, in the notes to his +edition of the _Obras del excelente poeta Garci-Lasso de la +Vega_.[269] At that date Luis de Leon was in the secret prison-cells +of the Inquisition at Valladolid. Sanchez had been a colleague of his +at Salamanca for some six years, was on friendly terms with him, knew +the exact turn things were taking, felt that no good, and possibly +some harm, might be done by mentioning the prisoner's name, and +accordingly gave a version of an Horatian ode with the comment: 'vn +docto destos reynos la traduxo bi[~e]'[270]. This needs +interpretation. There can be no doubt that Luis de Leon was a very +competent Latin scholar; neither is there any doubt that he had a +profound admiration for Horace. At his best, his Horatian versions, +if somewhat lacking in polish, are remarkably faithful and vigorous. +But when we find him in his translation of the eighteenth ode of the +Second Book rendering _salis avarus_ by _de sal avariento_--the second +person singular of the present indicative of the verb _salire_ being +mistaken for the genitive of the substantive _sal_[271]--we may +perhaps conclude that a boyish exercise has somehow escaped +destruction. + +It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is restricted in +his choice of themes, and it is impossible to deny that his sacred +profession acted as something of a limitation to him. Still, when the +mood was on him, he rent his chains asunder as readily as Samson broke +the seven green withs at Gaza: 'as a thread of tow is broken when it +toucheth the fire.' Perhaps nobody would guess off-hand that the +_Profecia del Tajo_ was the handiwork of a sixteenth-century monk, a +dweller in the rarefied atmosphere of mysticism. It only remained for +a friar in the opposition camp to discover nearly three hundred years +later a tendency in Luis de Leon to treat sensual themes in a sensual +fashion.[272] To deal seriously with a belated judgement based on +malignant ignorance would be a waste of time. It is the very irony of +fate that the poem which has been the subject of severe censure should +prove to be a translation from Cardinal Bembo.[273] The standard of +the twentieth century is not the standard of the sixteenth, and it is +certain that Luis de Leon has not the unfettered liberty of a godless +layman. He is restrained by his austere temperament, by his monk's +habit, by Christian doctrine. Nevertheless he moves with easy grace +and dignity on planes so far apart as those of patriotism, of +devotion, of human sympathy, of introspection. His patriotism finds +powerful expression, as already noted, in the _Profecia del Tajo_, +besprinkled with sonorous place-names, these growing fewer as the +movement is accelerated, and Father Tagus describes with a mixture of +picturesque mediaeval sentiment and martial music the onset of the +Arabs and the clangour of arms as they meet the doomed Gothic host. In +the sphere of devotional poetry Luis de Leon nowhere displays more +unction, more ecstatic piety than in the verses on the Ascension +beginning with the line: + + Y dexas, Pastor santo. + +It will be observed that the conjunction _y_, so superabundant in _La +Perfecta Casada_, is the first word of this poem, of which Churton has +supplied a well-known rendering: + + And dost Thou, holy Shepherd, leave + Thy flock in this dark vale alone, + In cheerless solitude to grieve, + Whilst Thou to endless rest art gone? + + The sheep, in Thy protection blest, + Untended wilt Thou leave to mourn? + The lambs, once cherished at Thy breast, + Forlorn,--oh! whither shall they turn? + + Where shall those eyes now find repose, + That pine Thy gracious glance to see? + What can they hear but sounds of woes, + Sad exiles from discourse with Thee? + + And who shall curb this troubled deep, + When Thou no more amidst the gloom + Shalt chide the wrathful winds to sleep, + And guide the labouring vessel home? + + For Thou art gone! that cloud so bright + That bears Thee from our gaze away, + Springs upward into dazzling light, + And leaves us here to weep and pray. + +Four additional stanzas, accepted as authentic by perhaps the most +painstaking of Luis de Leon's editors, are thus Englished by Churton: + + Our life has lost its richest store, + The balm for sorrow's inward thorn, + The hope, that, gladd'ning more and more, + Out-brighten'd all the springs of morn. + + Ah me! my soul, what hateful chain + Holds back thy freeborn spirit's flight? + Oh break it, disenthrall'd from pain, + And mount those azure depths of light. + + Why should'st thou fear? What earth-born spell + Is on thee, with thy choice at strife + The soul no dying pang can quell, + But loss of Christ is death in life. + + Dear Lord, and Friend, more dear to me + Than all the names Earth's love hath found, + Through darkest gloom I'll follow Thee, + Or cheer'd with beaming glory round. + +Now there is no question of mere executive skill and simple +craftsmanship in Luis de Leon's poems. He is, indeed, always sound and +competent in these respects; but artistry is not his supreme virtue as +a poet. He is ever prone to be a little rugged in his manner, and this +ruggedness has proved something of a trap to the unwary. Luis de Leon +has no real mannerisms, and is no more to be parodied than is +Shakespeare. Yet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish him at his +worst from his imitators at their best. Though withheld so long from +the public, Luis de Leon's poems, while still in manuscript, were +repeatedly imitated--especially by Augustinians. To my way of +thinking, he is most nearly approached by his friend Arias Montano. +But it should be said that this is not the general verdict. That goes +decisively in favour of Miguel Sanchez, _el Divino_. Miguel Sanchez is +the author of a beautiful _Cancion de Cristo Crucificado_, a poem +which, though not published till 1605 with the real writer's name +attached to it, has constantly been ascribed to Luis de Leon.[274] The +_Cancion_ is no doubt a composition of great charm and mystic unction; +but it lacks the concentrated force of Luis de Leon. Luis de Leon has +a lofty dignity of his own; he outstrips all rivalry by virtue of his +nobility, by virtue of his intellectual vigour, by virtue of sheer +excellence rather than by curious refinements of technique. These +positive qualities defy reproduction by even the most accomplished of +imitators. It has been said that Luis de Leon's verse, as well as his +prose, has noticeable roughnesses; but let us not derive a wrong +impression from this assertion. Luis de Leon is not 'finicking'. +Withal he is a master of his art. Retrograde as we may perhaps think +him in some matters, he was on the side of the reformers in the +matter of metrics. He was a partisan of Boscan's innovating methods: +so much might be expected from a man of his period. It is to be noted +that, in his best poems, he shows a decided preference for _liras_, a +form apparently invented by Bernardo Tasso before it was transplanted +to Spain by Garcilasso de la Vega. Luis de Leon was of opinion that +those who violate poetry, using it for purposes of a meretricious +kind, deserved punishment as public corrupters of two most sacred +things: poetry and morals. It is one of the curious ironies of art +that the measure which the seductive Garcilasso used for amatory +purposes should have appealed to Luis de Leon as the vehicle most +suited to enraptured chants and hymns of philosophic meditation. + +It is obvious that Luis de Leon took a keen interest in all the real +essentials of his art. It is no less obvious that he saw matters in +their actual perspective, that he attached no undue importance to +technique, as such, and that he gave no less weight to the choice of +matter than to the choice of form. Luis de Leon was not incapable of +metrical audacities: as when he divides into two separate words +adverbs in _-mente_ occurring at the end of a line. This practice was +audacious, but it was not an innovation. Juan de Almeida defended it +by citing a host of precedents from other literatures and, had Almeida +been a prophet, he might have foretold that this device was destined +to be repeated hundreds of years later by that innovating genius Ruben +Dario. But Almeida was not a prophet. His titles to remembrance are +that he was learned, and that he may rank with Miguel Sanchez, with +Alonso de Espinosa, and with Benito Arias Montano as among the least +unsuccessful of Luis de Leon's followers. They often follow his lead +with undeniable adroitness. Yet they never attain his incomparable +concentration, his majestic vision of nature and his characteristic +note of ecstatic aloofness. Nowhere is he more himself than in the +immortal stanzas dedicated to Oloarte under the title of _Noche +serena_ of which Churton has bequeathed us an English version which I +will quote, though it gives but a far-off echo of the original's magic +melody: + + When nightly through the sky + I view the stars their files unnumber'd leading, + Then see the dark earth lie + In deathlike trance, unheeding + How Life and Time with those bright orbs are speeding: + + Strong love and equal pain + Wake in my heart a fire with anguish burning; + The tear-drops fall like rain, + Mine eyes to fountains turning, + And my sad voice pours forth its tones of mourning: + + O mansion of high state, + Bright temple of bright saints in beauty dwelling, + The soul, once born to mate + With these, what force repelling + Hath bound to earth, its light in darkness quelling? + + What mortal disaccord + Hath exiled so from Truth the mind unstable? + Why of its blest reward + Forgetful, lost, unable, + Seeks it each shadowy fraud and guileful fable? + + Man lies in slumber dead, + Like one that of his danger hath no feeling, + The while with silent tread + Those restless orbs are wheeling, + And, as they fly, his hours of life are stealing. + + O mortals, wake and rise; + Think of the loss that on your lives is pressing; + The soul, that never dies, + Ordain'd for endless blessing, + How shall it live, false shows for truth caressing? + + Ah, raise your fainting eyes + To that firm sphere which still new glory weareth, + And scorn the low disguise + The flattering world prepareth, + And all the world's poor thrall hopeth or feareth. + + O what is all earth's round, + Brief scene of man's proud strife and vain endeavour, + Weigh'd with that deep profound, + That tideless Ocean-river, + That onward bears Time's fleeting forms for ever? + + Once meditate, and see + That fix'd accord in wondrous variance given, + The mighty harmony + Of courses all uneven, + Wherein each star keeps time and place in heaven. + + Who can behold that store + Of light unspent, and not, with very sighing, + Burst earth's frail bonds, and soar, + With soul unbodied flying, + From this sad place of exile and of dying? + + There dwelleth sweet Content; + There is the reign of Peace; there, throned in splendour, + As one pre-eminent, + With dove-like eyes so tender, + Sits holy Love,--honour and joy attend her. + + There is reveal'd whate'er + Of Beauty thought can reach; the source internal + Of purest Light, that ne'er + To darkness yields; eternal + Bloom the bright flowers in clime for ever vernal. + + There would my spirit be, + Those quiet fields and pleasant meads exploring, + Where Truth immortally, + Her priceless wealth outpouring, + Feeds through the blissful vales the souls of saints adoring. + +The fact that the original is cast in the _lira_ form would compel one +to assign this composition to a date not earlier than 1542, when +Garcilasso's poems were first published. Nothing, however, could be +more remote from Garcilasso's nebulous half-pagan melancholy; we are +no less distant from the pseudonymous nymphs of Cetina and Francisco +de la Torre: the elegant Amaryllis of the one, the elusive Filis of +the other, though destined to be re-incarnated by a tribe of later +poets, find no place in these stately numbers. Luis de Leon does not +emulate Alcazar's epigrammatic wit, nor Herrera's Petrarchan +sweetness, nor Ercilla's tumultuous rhetoric. He has an individuality +all his own, the moral purpose of the man is wedded to the poet's art +in such wise that he strikes a note individual and completely new in +Spanish literature--a note rarely heard in any literature till we +catch its strain in the verses of him who tells us that + + The Youth, who daily farther from the east + Must travel, still is Nature's Priest, + And by the vision splendid + Is on his way attended; + At length the Man perceives it die away, + And fade into the light of common day. + +In Luis de Leon, as in Wordsworth, art is raised to a hieratic +dignity: both have a splendid simplicity, a most lofty expression of +sublime meditation--qualities rare everywhere in every age, and rarest +of all in the flamboyant, if gloomy, Spain of the sixteenth century. + +Luis de Leon has his weak points. He does not attain to the angelic +melody of St. John of the Cross. He is apt to be indifferent to sheer +beauty of form; though he often reaches it, this success seems with +him to be a happy accident. Lucidity is not his main object; though he +uses simple terms, his immense range of knowledge tempts him at whiles +to indulge in allusions which it might tax all the ingenuity of +commentators to explain. Commentators of Luis de Leon have a +sufficiently heavy task before them in reconstructing the text of his +poems--the heavier because the originals no longer exist. Sr. de Onis +has given us some idea of the problems to be solved.[275] Whatever +flaws are revealed in Luis de Leon's manner, he is nearly always +vital, nearly always has something elevating, illuminating and +beautiful to say. As a human being, too, he is not above criticism. +There is an unpleasant savour in the story that he asked Antonio Perez +to let him have the Chrysostom manuscript which he proposed to +translate in Paris, the profits to be divided. We need not believe +this perhaps calumnious little tale. Antonio Perez is open to +suspicion of being an assassin and a traitor; he may also have been +untruthful. Luis de Leon is not a candidate for canonization. He was +no icicle of perfection. He was something vastly more interesting than +a chill intellectual: a man ardent, austere, conscious of resplendent +intellectual faculties, perhaps a little arrogant when off his guard, +incautious but wary, individualistic but self-sacrificing, emotional, +sensitive, reticent: a mass of conflicting qualities blended, unified +and held in subjection by sheer strength of will, fortified by a +professional discipline, deliberately embraced and rigorously +followed. Add to this that he had in a supreme degree the creative +impulse, an irrepressible instinct for self-expression. It is not +strange that the self-expression of a personality so fine, so complex, +so rich, so rare, should produce the series of compositions which +entitle Luis de Leon to rank among the very greatest of Spanish +poets, and beside the most glorious figures in the history of any +literature. He stands a little apart from the rest of Spanish poets in +a splendid solitude which befits him; he must perforce be solitary, +dwelling as he most often does at altitudes inaccessible to ordinary +mortals. + + Those solemn heights but to the stars are known, + But to the stars, and the cold lunar beams: + Alone the sun arises, and alone + Spring the great streams. + + + + +V + + +[Footnote 263: They must have been known to the dedicatee of the +_Noche serena_, whom I am inclined to identify with Diego de Olarte +who appeared before the Valladolid tribunal (_Documentos ineditos_, +vol. XI, pp. 301-302). But the only positive evidence on this head is +given by Francisco de Salinas who testified 'que era amigo del dicho +fray Luis de Leon, el cual venia muchas veces a casa deste testigo, y +oyo deste testigo la especulativa, y comunicaba con este testigo cosas +de poesia y otras cosas del arte' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. +302-303).] + +[Footnote 264: In the early editions--those of 1583, 1585, 1587, 1595, +and 1603--_De los nombres de Cristo_ and _La Perfecta Casada_ are +bound up together. Each treatise has a separate pagination in all five +cases.] + +[Footnote 265: Luis de Leon's mother was 'Ines de Valera, hija de Juan +de Valera, vecino que fue de la villa de Belmente, escudero, que vivia +de su hacienda' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 170-171). The +substitution of Varela for Valera, or vice versa, is easy in Spanish. +An example of such a substitution in the case of Luis de Leon's mother +is given by Blanco Garcia, _Fr. Luis de Leon_, p. 24, _n._ 1. Blanco +Garcia mentions a tombstone in the monastery of San Jeronimo at +Granada with the following inscription: + +'_En esta capilla esta enterrado el noble hidalgo el Lic. Lope de Leon +del C del Rey nuestro Senor, Oidor que fue de Granada, y Asistente de +Sevilla: fallecio a 24 de Julio de 1562 anos: y Dona Ines Barela_ +(sic), _y Alarcon, su mujer, doto esta capilla para entierro suyo y de +sus descendientes._' + +The name of Luis de Leon's maternal grandmother was Mencia Alvarez +Osorio. From these circumstances, it appears possible that some +relationship existed between the dedicatee of _La Perfecta Casada_ and +the author of that treatise. Luis de Leon had four maternal uncles, +three of whom were laymen--Francisco de Valera, Bernardino de Valera, +and Cristobal de Alarcon, 'capitan que fue en Italia'. All three had +died before April 15, 1572 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 181). + +It is also possible that Isabel Osorio (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. +XI, p. 271), to whom the manuscript of the vernacular version of the +_Song of Songs_ was lent, may likewise have been related to Luis de +Leon.] + +[Footnote 266: Orozco's treatise was printed in _La Ciudad de Dios_ +(1888), vol. XXI, pp. 393-401, and vol. XXII, pp. 543-550. It is +reproduced by Sr. D. Federico de Onis in his edition of _De los +nombres de Cristo_ in the series of _Clasicos Castellanos_ (1914), +vol. XXVIII, pp. 261-281, and (1917), vol. XXXIII, pp. 257-271.] + +[Footnote 267: Nowhere have I found an indication of Portocarrero's +birth-date. He became Bishop of Calahorra in 1587, and was translated +to Cordoba in 1594; he died on September 20, 1600.] + +[Footnote 268: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 48) writes, however: 'la +_Cancion del conocimiento de si mismo_, que es la primera cuya fecha +se puede averiguar, la escribio diez anos despues de entrar en +religion'. This is an inference from the closing lines of the poem: + + aunque sane del mal y su accidente + diez anos ha que soy convaleciente. + +In a note to the passage quoted above, Alonso Getino refers to the +_Cancion al nacimiento de la hija del Marques de Alcanices_, written, +as he thinks, 'en un tono impropio de un imberbe'. He appears to have +no doubt as to the authenticity of this composition: the correctness +of the ascription of this poem to Luis de Leon is at least +questionable.] + +[Footnote 269: The pieces printed by Sanchez are translations of Ode +X, Book II; Ode XXII, Book I; Ode XIII, Book IV; and Epode II.] + +[Footnote 270: _Obras del excelente poeta Garcilasso de la Vega_, +Salamanca, 1577. This (second) edition is the earliest to which I have +access. On pp. 91-92 Sanchez writes: 'Trato este elegantemente +Horacio, Oda 10. lib. I. Y porque un docto destos reynos la traduxo +bi[~e], y ay pocos casos destos en nuestra lengua, le pondre aqui +todo: y ansi enti[~e]do hazer en el discurso destas sentencias quando +se ofreciere'. On p. 94, Sanchez writes: 'Por traer el lugar de +Horacio, donde todo esto se toma, aure de poner toda la Oda, sacada +por el mismo que traduxo la otra'. On pp. 97-98 Sanchez writes: 'Al +reves desto se burla Horacio de una dama, motejandola de vieja: y [~q] +ya se le passo la flor, aunque ella no lo piensa. Y por estar +traduzida por el mismo [~q] las pasadas, pogo aqui la Oda, que es +del libro 4 l. 13.'] + +[Footnote 271: This slip has been pointed out by Menendez y Pelayo in +both editions (Madrid, 1878[?] and 1885) of his _Horacio en Espana. +Solaceas bibliograficas_.] + +[Footnote 272: Alonso Getino (_op. cit._, p. 50) and in _El Correo +Espanol_ (1908). A reply to these views has been made in the form of +an open letter to Sr. Berrueta, Director of _El Labaro_, by P. Conrado +Muinos Saenz. The reply of Muinos Saenz will be found in _La Ciudad de +Dios_ (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560, vol. LXXIX, pp. +18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, +177-197.] + +[Footnote 273: M. Menendez y Pelayo, _Antologia de poetas liricos +castellanos_ (1908), vol. XIII, p. 332.] + +[Footnote 274: It is printed among Luis de Leon's poems in the +_Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta +nuestros dias_, vol. XXXVII, pp. 12-13. As this is perhaps the +best-known edition of Luis de Leon's poems, most of my quotations are +taken from it.] + +[Footnote 275: _Sobre la transmision de la obra literaria de Fr. Luis +de Leon_ in _Revista de Filologia espanola_ (1915), vol. II, pp. +217-257.] + + + + +APPENDIX + +EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON + + +Silas obras acertadas de algun Artifice le estan (como dize el Sabio) +alabando siempre, con cuanta mayor razon las de Dios nos dan motivo +para engrandecer su infinita Sabiduria. i mas cuando vemos que nacen +algunos ombres, acopanados de tantas gracias que parece que fueron +hechos, sin otro medio, por sus divinas manos, sien alguno se puede +esto verificar, es en el gran Maestro (como veremos) sus Progenitores +fueron de Belmonte, de clarissimo linage, en el cual resplandecieron +muchos varones insignes en letras i Santidad. El Licenciado Lope de +Leon su Padre, siendo uno de los mayores letrados de su tiempo, vino +por Oidor a Sevilla, donde hizo oficio de Asistente, i en ella tuvo +(para onra de nuestra Patria) este ilustre hijo, que siendo promovido +luego ala chancilleria de Granada, nacio en ella, elano 1528 para +engrandecer l' Andaluzia la Nacion Espanola, i el mundo. En lo +natural, fue pequeno de cuerpo, en devida proporcion, la cabeca +grande, bien formada, poblada de cabello algo crespo, i el cerquillo +cerrado, la frente espaciosa, el rostro mas redondo que aguileno, +(como lo muestra el Retrato) trigueno el color, los ojos verdes i +vivos. En lo moral, con especial don de Silencio, el ombre mas callado +que sea conocido, si bien de singular agudeza en sus dichos, con +estremo abstinente i templado, en la comida bevida, i sueno. de mucho +secreto, verdad, i fidelidad: puntual en palabra i promessas; +compuesto, poco onada risueno. Leiasse en la gravedad de su rostro, el +peso de la nobleza de su alma, resplandecia enmedio desto por +eccelencia una umildad profunda. fue limpissimo, mui onesto i +recogido, gran Religioso, i observante de las Leyes. Amava ala +santissima Virgen ternissimamente, ayunava las visperas de sus +fiestas, comiendo alas tres de la tar de, ino haziendo colacion. de +aqui nacio aqella regalada Cancion que comienca; _Virgen q'el Solmas +pura_. fue mui espiritual, i de mucha Oracion, i en ella en tiempo de +sus mayores trabajos, favorecido de Dios particularissimamente. con +ser de natural colerico fue mui sufrido i piadoso para los que le +tratavan. tan penitente i austero consigo, que las mas noches no se +acostava en cama, i el que la avia hecho la hallava ala manana de la +misma manera certificalo el Padre Maestro frai Luis Moreno de +Bohorquez (onra de su Religion, que estuvo 4 anos en su compania) a +quien devemos la verdad deste discurso, Professo en el Monesterio de +San Agustin de Salamanca, en 29 de Enero de 1544, siendo de edad de 16 +anos. en lo adquisito, fue gran Dialetico i Filosofo, Maestro graduado +en Artes, i Dotor en Teologia, por aquella insigne Universidad; donde +fue Catedratico mas de 36 anos, en la Catedra de Santo Tomas de +Durando, de Filosofia moral, i de Prima de Sagrada Escritura, que tuvo +con crecido premio, por que leyesse una leccion, supo Escolastico tan +aventajadamente, como sino tratava de Escritura, i de Escritura, como +sino tratava de Escolastico. fue la mayor capacidad de ingenio que sea +conocida en su tiempo, para todas Ciencias i Artes; escrevia no menos +que nuestro Francisco Lucas, siendo famosso Matematico, Aritmetico, i +Geometra; i gran Astrologo, i Judiciario, (aunque lo uso con +templanca) fue eminente en el uno i otro derecho, Medico superior, que +entrava en el General con los desta Facultad, i arguia en sus actos. +fue gran Poeta Latino i Castellano, como lo muestran sus versos. +estudio sin Maestro la Pintura, i la exercito tan diestramente que +entre otras cosas hizo (cosa dificil) su mesmo Retrato. tuvo otras +infinitas abilidades, que callo por cosas mayores. La lengua Latina, +Griega, i Hebrea, la Caldea i Siria, supo como los Maestros della. +pues la muestra con cuanta grandeza? siendo el primero que escrivio +en ella con numero i elegacia; digalo el Libro de los Nombres de +Cristo i perfeta casada, encarecido i admirado de los doctos, que no +sabe acabar de loarlo Antonio Possevino en su Biblioteca. escrivio en +Latin Comentarios sobre los Cantares, i fue el primero que allano las +dificultades de la letra: i sobre el Psalmo 26 i el Profeta Abdias, i +la Epistola ad Galatas, i un tratado de utriusq agni: expuso otros +libros de la Escritura que no estan impressos. ai muchas obras suyas +de mano en verso, divididas en tres partes, la primera de las cosas +proprias, la segunda lo que traduxo de autores Profanos, la tercera de +los Psalmos, Cantares i Capitulos de Job. lo cual asido siempre +estimadissimo, con la carta a don Pedro Puertocarrero, a quien lo +dirige, escrivio otra en san Felipe de Madrid ano 1587 alas Carmelitas +descalcas, en favor del espiritu i escritos de Santa Teresa de Jesus, +que anda con su libro, digna de la eccelencia de su ingenio. Al passo +destas grandezas, fue la invidia que le persiguio, pero descubrio +altamente sus quilates, saliendo en todo superior, i con el mayor +triumfo i onra que en estos Reinos sea visto. fue varon de tanta +autoridad, que parecia mas a proposito para mostrar alos otros, que +para aprender de ninguno. grande su juizio i prudencia en materias de +govierno, alcanco mucha estimacion en Espana i fuera della con los +mayores ombres; consultavalo el Rei Filipo Segundo en todos los casos +graves de conciencia enviandole correos estraordinarios a Salamanca; i +despues yendo por orden de la Universidad, con particular comision, a +su Magestad, lo trato i comunico, haziendole especial favor imerced. i +en los acometimientos onrosos de Obispados, i del Arcobispado de +Mexico, descubrio su valor i animo grande, no solo para desnudarse de +la dignidad (cosa intentada de pocos) mas aun de todo cuanto tenia en +la tierra: varon de veras Evangelico. en estos santos exercicios i con +esta continuacion de vida, siendo Provincial de la Provincia de +Castilla, acabo su curso santamente (dexando en todos harto +desconsuelo, aun que mayor certeza de su gloria) en la villa de +Madrigal en 24 de Agosto del ano 1595. de 63 anos de edad. traxeronle +con la devida onra a san Agustin de Salamanca donde avia tomado el +abito, i yaze sepultado en el claustro de aquel ilustre Convento. I +para cumplimiento de su Elogio i de mi desseo no me contente con menos +(en onra de tan insigne varon) de que los versos Latinos fuessen del +Licenciado Rodrigo Caro, i los Castellanos de Lope de Vega, en su +Laurel de Apolo, con que se encarecen bastatem[~e]te. + + + + +EPIGRAMMA + + + Hispalis, Iliberis, Salmantica, Monta, Toletum + Municipem iactant te, Ludovice, suum. + Contigit id magno quondam certamen Homero: + Contigit Hesperio sicq3 Melesigeni. + + Agustino Leon, Frai Luis divino + o dulce Analogia de Agustino! + conque verdad nos diste + al Rei Profeta en verso Castellano, + que con tanta elegancia tra duziste; + o cuanto le deviste + (como en tus mismas obras encareces) + ala invidia cruel, porquien mereces + Laureles inmortales; + tu prosa, i verso iguales + conservaran la gloria de tu nombre; + i los Nombres de Cristo Soberano + tele daran eterno, porque asombre + la dulce pluma de tu heroica mano + de tu persecusion la causa injusta, + tu fuiste gloria de Agustino Augusta, + tu el onor de la lengua Castellana, + que desseaste introduzir escrita, + viendo que ala Romana tanto imita + que puede competir con la Romana. + Si en esta edad vivieras + fuerte Leon en su defensa fueras. + + + + +INDEX + + +A + +Abarca de Sotomayor (Ana), 93 _n._ + +_Agustiniana, Revista_, _passim_ + +Alarcon (Cristobal de), 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (fulano de), 110 _n._ + +Alarcon (Ines de), 27 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Alarcon (Maria de), 28 _n._ + +Alava (Andres de), 90, 128 _n._, 139 _n._ + +Albornoz (Francisco de), 90, 139 _n._ + +Alcanices (Marques de), 235 _n._ + +Alcazar (Baltasar de), 229 + +Almansa (Francisco de), 39, 40, 93 _n._, 94 _n._ + +Almansa (Pedro de), 94 _n._ + +Almaraz (Antonio de), 189 _n._ + +Almeida (Juan de), 33 _n._, 129 _n._, 224 + +Alvarez (Luis), 44 + +Alvarez Guijarro (Carlos), 193 _n._, 198 _n._ + +Alvarez Osorio (Mencia), 234 _n._ + +Ambrose (Saint), 205 + +Ana de Jesus (La Madre) 12, 30 _n._, 174, 180, 181, 203 + +Antolinez (Agustin), 180 + +Aragon (Pedro de), 165, 194 _n._ + +Arboleda (Francisco de), 56, 57, 112 _n._ + +Arce (Antonio de), 137 _n._ + +Arias Montano (Benito), 62, 63, 83, 119 _n._, 120 _n._, 202, 210, 221, + 224 + +Arias (Diego), 59, 114 _n._ + +Aristotle, 82 + +Arresse (Juan de), 166, 197 _n._ + +Asensio y Toledo (Jose Maria), 201 _n._ + + +B + +Banez (Domingo), 10, 154, 161, 164, 194 _n._, 195 _n._, 196 _n._ + +Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la), 190 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Barrientos, 48, 100 _n._ + +Bejar (Septimo duque de), 58 + +Bembo (Pietro), 83, 84, 218 + +Bernal, Dr., 170 + +Berrueta, 237 _n._ + +Blanco Garcia (Francisco), _passim_ + +Bolivar (Pedro), 138 _n._ + +Bonard (Cornelio), 199 _n._ + +Boscan Almogaver (Juan), 223 + +Braganza (Teutonio de), 175 + +Bravo, 33 _n._ + + +C + +Cabrera de Cordoba (Luis), 184 + +Calderon de la Barca Henao de la Barreda y Riano (Pedro), 3 + +Cancer, Dr., 66, 68, 77, 137 _n._ + +Cano (Melchor), 81, 131 _n._, 202 + +Caravajal (Diego de), 112 _n._ + +Carlos (el maestro Don), 33 _n._ + +Carlos (el principe Don), 211 + +Caro (Rodrigo), 244 + +Carranza (Bartolome de), 21, 35 _n._, 85, 134 _n._ + +Castaneda (Juan de), 161, 194 _n._ + +Castillo (Garcia del), 33 _n._ + +Castillo (Hernando del), 66, 67, 89, 137 _n._ + +Castro (Adolfo de), 190 _n._ + +Castro (Leon de) 13, 14,15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24 _n._, 31 _n._, + 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 35 _n._, 54, 62, 77, 80, 86, 110 _n._ + +Castro (Pedro de) 91, 139 _n._, 141 _n._ + +Cayetano (_see_ Vio). + +Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de) 3, 58, 155, 184, 191 _n._ + +Cetina (Gutierre de) 228 + +Churton (Edward) 219, 220, 225 + +Cicero 207 + +Ciguelo (Juan) 77, 78, 128 _n._ + +Cipriano (el maestro) 81 + +Clement of Alexandria (Saint) 205 + +Copernicus (Nicolaus) 61, 114 _n._, 115 _n._ + +Coscojales (Martin de) 165, 194 _n._ + +Cruesen (Nicolaas) 148, 149 + +Cruz (Joan de la) (_see_ Santa Cruz) + +Cueto (Francisco) 71, 114 _n._, 117 _n._ + +Cyprian (Saint) 205 + + +D + +Dario (Ruben) 224 + +Doria (Nicolas de Jesus Maria) 174, 175, 176, 179 + + +E + +Ercilla y Zuniga (Alonso) 229 + +Espinosa (Alonso de) 224 + +Espinosa (Ana de) 41, 95 _n._ + +Estrada (Doctor) 180 + +Euripides 205 + + +F + +Fernandez (Alonso) 193 _n._ + +Frechilla (Doctor) 77, 91, 139 _n._, 140 + + +G + +Galileo 57, 112 _n._ + +Galvan (Juan), 84 + +Gallardo (Bartolome Jose), 145, 185 _n._, 187 _n._, 191 _n._, + 192 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Gallego (Juan), 36 _n._ + +Gallo (Juan), 33 _n._, 34 _n._, 190 _n._ + +Gallo (Gregorio), 9, 154 + +Gaona (Diego de), 107 _n._ + +Garcia del Castillo, 146 + +Garcilasso, _see_ Lasso de la Vega (Garci). + +Getino (Luis G. Alonso), _passim_ + +Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco), 209, 215 + +Gongora (Luis de), 209 + +Gonzalez (Diego), 21, 39, 94 _n._, 128 _n._ + +Gonzalez de Tejada (J.), 28 _n._, 29 _n._, 100 _n._ + +Grajal (Gaspar de), 10, 13, 20, 21, 22, 29 _n._, 33 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 42, 108 _n._, 157, 162 + +Granada (Luis de), 203 + +Grial (Juan de), 213 + +Guevara (Juan de), 11, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 81, 108 _n._, 190 _n._, + 194 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Guevara (Martin de), 127 _n._ + +Guigelmo, 132 _n._ + +Guijano de Mercado (Doctor), 91, 92, 128 _n._, 139 _n._, 140 _n._, + 144 _n._ + +Gustin (Celedon), 46, 144 _n._, 163 + +Gutierrez (Juan), 107 _n._ + +Gutierrez (Marcelino), 115 _n._ + +Guzman (Domingo de), 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 164, 190 _n._, + 191 _n._, 192 _n._, 197 _n._ + + +H + +Haedo (Diego de), 24 _n._, 96 _n._ + +Henriquez (Dr. Diego), 171 + +Henry VIII, 1 + +Herrera (Fernando de) 207, 229 + +Homer 83 + +Horace 83, 159, 207, 208, 217, 236 _n._ + + +I + +Ibanez, _see_ Banez. + +Ibarra (Juan de) 138 _n._ + +Isaiah 13, 15, 34 _n._ + + +J + +Jeronimo (San) 32 _n._, 33 _n._, 108 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Jesus y Maria (Jose de) 178, 199 _n._ + +John Chrysostom (Saint) 33 _n._ + +John of the Cross (Saint) 230 + +Junta (Lucas) 28 _n._ + +Justin (Saint) 82, 83 + + +L + +Laredo (Bernardino de) 203 + +Lasso de la Vega (Garci) 155, 205, 216 _n._, 223, 228, 236 _n._ + +Leo (Saint) 83 + +Leon (Antonio de) 28 _n._ + +Leon (Cristobal de) 8 + +Leon (Diego de) 43, 44, 204 + +Leon (Francisco de) 7 + +Leon (Gomez de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._ + +Leon (Lope de) 6, 23 _n._, 25 _n._, 27 _n._, 234 _n._, 238 + +Leon (Luis de), his full name, 5; + + his Jewish descent, 5-6; + + his birthplace, 6; + + his date of birth, 7; + + he goes to Madrid, then to the University of Salamanca, 7; + + he enters a religious order, 7; + + renounces his share of the paternal estate, 8; + + professes in the Augustinian order, 8; + + his name appears on the list of theological students at Salamanca, + 8; + + he lectures at Soria, 9; + + matriculates at Alcala de Henares, 9; + + graduates at Toledo, 9; + + graduates as licentiate of theology at Salamanca, 9; + + fails to obtain the chair of Biblical exegesis at Salamanca, 10; + + thwarts the designs of Domingo Banez, 10; + + is elected Professor of Theology at Salamanca, 10; + + is transferred to the chair of Scholastic Theology and Biblical + Criticism, 10, 11; + + is chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, 12; + + incurs the enmity of Leon de Castro, 13, 14; + + lectures on the Vulgate, 14; + + is elected on the committee appointed to revise Francois Vatable's + version of the Bible, 15; + + threatens to burn Castro's _Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam_, + 16; + + out-argues Bartolome de Medina, 18; + + goes to Belmonte, 19; + + falls ill, 19; + is mentioned as an offender before the Inquisitionary Committee, 20; + + hands in a written statement to the local Inquisition, 21; + + his arrest is recommended by that body, 22; + + he finds fault with Leon de Castro's knowledge of Latin and Greek + and proposes to call witnesses to prove this point, 33 _n._; + + quarrels with Medina, 36 _n._; + + appeals to the Consejo Real at Madrid and wins his case, 36 + _n._; + + is taken to Valladolid jail by Almansa, 40; + + is lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, 40; + + is nervous about his health, 41; + + asks for books, for powders for his heart-attacks, and for a knife + to cut his food, 41; + + is charged with translating into Spanish the _Song of Solomon_, + and admits having done so, 42; + + implies that a copy may have reached Portugal, 44; + + proves a formidable foe, 46; + + petitions that his University Chair should be kept open until the + end of his trial, 47; + + his petition is refused and Medina is appointed in his place, 48; + + his health suffers from imprisonment, and he asks for the + companionship of a monk of his order, 49; + + he requests to be transferred to a Dominican Monastery, 50; + + petitions for leave to go to confession and to say Mass, 50; + + his requests are refused, 50; + + the increasing bias of the tribunal against him, 51; + + he complains of his bad memory, 51; + + his fearless attitude, 52; + + he brands all Dominicans as enemies, 52; + + objects to the Faculty of Theology at Alcala de Henares, 53; + + inveighs against Medina and Castro, 54; + + prevents Montoya's election as Provincial of the Augustinians in + Spain, 55; + + describes Montoya as notorious for lying, 56; + + entrusts Arboleda to collect favourable evidence, 56; + + brands Diego de Zuniga as a deliberate perjurer, 57; + + his criticism on Zuniga's book, 60; + + his counsel, Dr. Ortiz de Funes, 65; + + his skill in drawing up his own defence, 65; + + he is told to choose two _patronos_ from four names unknown to + him, 66; + + requests that he be given Sebastian Perez as _patrono_, 66; + + suggests that Dr. Cancer or Hernando del Castillo may be appointed + with Perez, 66; + + asks that Castillo's name be removed from the list of + _patronos_, 67; + + threatens to appeal to the Inquisitor-General against the enforced + choosing of unknown _patronos_, 67; + + decides to accept as _patronos_ Fray Mancio de _Corpus + Christi_ and either Medina or Dr. Cancer, 68; + + Mancio is appointed _patrono_ and makes a report favourable to + him, 69; + + all information of this is withheld from him, 69; + + he protests against his papers being entrusted to Mancio, 69; + + his suspicions and distrust of Mancio, 69-71; + + he becomes reconciled with Mancio, 72; + + loses judicial favour owing to his vacillations over Mancio, 73; + + his demeanour in court, 74; + + his portrait by Pacheco, 79; + + his want of humour, 80; + + his gift of sarcasm, 80; + + his versatility, 81; his conservatism, 81; + + his teachers, 81; + + his books, 81, 82; + + his knowledge of Italian, 83; + + his curiosity about astrology, 84, 85; + + he urges the Court to prosecute Castro for perjury, 86; + + declares that his detention is illegal and demands compensation for + it, 86; + + his health declines and his irritability increases, 87; + + he is blamed by Castillo for teaching erroneous doctrine, 89; + + his moods of depression, 89; + + Menchaca, Alava, Tello Maldonado, and Albornoz recommend that he be + tortured, 90; + + a more lenient view is adopted by Guijano de Mercado and Frechilla, + 91; + + the Supreme Inquisition brushes aside the views of both parties, 91; + + he is publicly reprimanded by order of the Supreme Inquisition and + acquitted, 92; + + his Spanish version of the _Song of Solomon_ is confiscated, + 92; + + he asks for an official certificate of acquittal and for arrears of + salary as regards his chair, 92; + + his applications are granted but their fulfilment delayed, 92; + + his return to Salamanca, 145; + + he meets the _Claustro_ of the University, 146; + + renounces all claim to his Chair so long as it is occupied by + Castillo, 146; + + creation of a provisional new chair for him by the _Claustro_, + 147; + + he lectures in his new chair January 29, 1577, 147; + + his famous alleged phrase _Dicebamus hesterna die_, 147-150; + + difficulties about his lecture-hours, 151; + + he presents himself as a candidate for the Chair of Moral + Philosophy, 152; + + is strenuously opposed by Zumel, 152; + + defeats Zumel by a majority of seventy-nine votes, 153; + + takes the degree of M.A., 153; + + is appointed member of the committee for the reform of the calendar, + 153; + + his contest with Domingo de Guzman for the Biblical chair at + Salamanca, vacant by the death of Gregorio Gallo, 154-155; + + he defeats Guzman by thirty-six votes, 157; + + appeal lodged by Guzman against irregularity in voting, 157; + + judgement given in favour of Luis de Leon, 157; + + he reads himself into the chair at Salamanca, December 7, 1579, 158; + + publishes a Latin commentary on the _Song of Solomon_, 158; + + chivalrously supports Montemayor against Domingo de Guzman at a + theological meeting in Salamanca, 160-161; + + through this action he is involved in a quarrel with Domingo Banez, + 161; + + the case comes before the Valladolid Inquisition, 162; + + he presents himself voluntarily before the Inquisitionary tribunal + at Salamanca on March 8, 163; + + appears again before it on March 31, and offers to apologize if he + has exceeded in his defence of Montemayor, 163; + + his lecture on predestination (1571) is brought before the tribunal + by Zumel, 164; + + his enemies, Zumel, Guzman, and Banez, 164; + + he receives a severely reproachful letter from Villavicencio, 165; + + is summoned to Toledo and privately reprimanded by Quiroga, 167; + + publishes _Los Nombres de Cristo_ and _La perfecta + casada_, 168; + + is appointed to settle the suit between the University of Salamanca + and the _Colegios Mayores_, 168; + + progress of the suit and conduct of the _Claustro,_ 168-173; + + he refuses the invitation of Sixtus V and Philip II to join the + committee for the revision of the Vulgate, 173; + + is appointed by the papal nuncio to inquire into the administration + of funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, 173; + + begins the publication of his edition of Saint Theresa's works, 174; + + upholds Madre Ana de Jesus's reforms, 174; + + is appointed by the Pope to execute them, 175; + + is opposed by Doria and Philip II, 175-176; + + his weakening health and the continuous opposition of his enemies, + 178-179; + + he is reported to be suffering from tumour, 180; + + his lingering illness, 181; + + he is elected Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, August 14, + 1591, 181; + + his death, August 23, 1591, 181; + + his character by Pacheco, 181-183; + + his prose works, 202-210; + + his poems, 210-221; + + his versification, 221-229; + + his character, 230-232. + +Leon (Miguel de) 8, 28 _n._ + +Leon (Pedro de) 25 _n._ + +Leon (Pero Fernandez de) 26 _n._ + +Loarte (Diego de) [_see_ Oloarte and Olarte] 195 _n._, 211 + +Lopez (Diego) 117 _n._, 118 _n._ + +Lopez de Sedano (Juan Josef) 188 _n._ + +Lucas (Francisco) 241 + +Lucas (Saint) 124 _n._ + + +M + +Madrigal 195 _n._ + +Mancio de _Corpus Christi_ 35 _n._, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 81, 91, + 122 _n._, 123 _n._, 124 _n._ + +Manrique (Angel) 30 _n._ + +Manrique (Jorge) 203 + +Marmol (Dr. Bernabe del) 174, 175 + +Martinez de Cantalapiedra (Martin) 13, 20, 21, 22, 31 _n._, 33 +_n._, 37 _n._, 42 + +Medina (Bartolome de) 18, 19, 20, 21, 33 _n._, 35 _n._, 36 _n._, + 37 _n._, 38 _n._, 42, 48, 54, 62, 68, 70, 77, 80, 100 _n._, + 105 _n._, 110 _n._, 123 _n._, 129 _n._, 146, 151, 154, 155, + 187 _n._ + +Menchaca (Francisco de) 90, 139 _n._ + +Mendez (F. de) 5, 26, 200 _n._ + +Mendoza (Bernardino de) 35 _n._ + +Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de) 212 + +Menendez y Pelayo (Marcelino) 236 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Merino (Antolin) 191 _n._ + +Mondejar (Marques de) 35 _n._ + +Montemayor (Prudencio de) 159, 160, 161, 163 + +Montoya (Gabriel) 55, 56, 120 _n._ + +Moreno de Bohorquez (Luis) 182, 240 + +Muinos Saenz (Conrado) 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 119 _n._, 188 _n._, + 200 _n._, 201 _n._, 237 _n._ + +Muniz 33 _n._ + +Munon 33 _n._ + + +N + +Napoleon 1 + +Nino (Hernando) 138 _n._ + + +O + +Olarte (Diego de) 233 _n._ + +Olivares (Conde-duque de) 209 + +Olivares (Pedro de) 23 _n._ + +Oloarte (_see_ Loarte and Olarte) 210, 225 + +Onis (Federico de) 230, 235 _n._ + +Orozco (Alonso de), 206, 235 _n._ + +Ortiz de Funes (Doctor), 65, 66, 67, 68, 104 _n._ + +Osorio (Isabel), 42, 43, 234 _n._ + + +P + +Pacheco (Francisco), 78, 79, 80, 160, 181, 182, 184, 200 _n._, + 201 _n._ [_and_ Appendix] + +Palacios (Francisco de), 162 + +Paul (Saint), 12 + +Peralto (Hernando de), 195 _n._ + +Perez (Antonio), 230, 231 + +Perez (Sebastian), 66, 67 + +Perez Pastor (Cristobal), 199 _n._ + +Philip II, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184, 243 + +Picatoste y Rodriguez (Felipe), 112 _n._ + +Pindar, 83 + +Pineda, 115 _n._ + +Pinelo (Gabriel), 95 _n._ + +Pinto (Hector), 53, 108 _n._, 162 + +Plantin, 82 + +Plato, 205 + +Plutarch, 205 + +Ponce de Leon (Basilio), 24 _n._, 149, 150 + +Portocarrero (Alonso), 212 + +Portocarrero (Pedro), 208, 211, 212, 215, 235 _n._ + +Portonariis (Gaspar de), 104 _n._ + +Possevino (Antonio), 242 + +Poza (Licenciado), 85, 132 _n._ + +Pozas (Marques de), 57 + + +Q + +Quevedo (_see_ Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas) + +Quijano (Juan), 186 _n._, 200 _n._ + +Quiroga (Gaspar de), 167 + + +R + +Ramos (Nicolas), 77, 138 _n._ + +Rejon (Alonso), 36 _n._ + +Reusch (Heinrich), 197 _n._ + +Riego (El Inquisidore), 132 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Benito), 90 + +Rodriguez (Diego), _see_ Zuniga, 58, 63, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 117 _n._, + 118 _n._ + +Rodriguez (Diego), 151 + +Rodriguez Marin (Francisco), 114 _n._, 191 _n._ + +Rojas (Pedro de), 57, 112 _n._, 114 _n._, 118 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz, 195 _n._ + +Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza (Juan), 3 + + +S + +Sahagun (Doctor Diego de), 168 + +Sainz de Baranda (Pedro), _passim_ + +Salinas (Francisco de), 7, 80, 84, 154, 190 _n._, 211, 233 _n._ + +Salva (Miguel), _passim_ + +Samson, 217 + +Sanchez (Bartolome), 189 _n._ + +Sanchez (Francisco), _el Brocense_ 32 _n._, 202, 216, 236 _n._ + +Sanchez (Miguel), 222, 224 + +Sanchez de Olivares (Diez), 23 _n._ + +Sanchez de Olivares (Leonor), 6, 23 _n._ + +Sancho (Francisco, bishop of Segoibe), 152 + +Sancho (Francisco), 33 _n._, 100 _n._, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Sancho (el maestro Francisco), 93 _n._ + +Santa Cruz (Joan de), 162, 163, 193 _n._, 195 _n._ + +Santa Maria (Francisco de), 176, 177, 178, 199 _n._ + +Sarmiento de Mendoza (Manuel), 209, 215 + +Sebastian I, 214 + +Shakespeare, 221 + +Siluente (Alonso), 49, 94, 101 _n._ + +Simonides, 205 + +Sixtus V, 173, 174 + +Sobrino (Doctor), 180 + +Solana (Andres de), 165 + +Solis (Antonio de), 168 + +Sophocles, 83, 205 + +Suarez (Pedro), 158, 193 _n._ + + +T + +Tapia (Mencia de), 28 _n._ + +Tasso (Bernardo), 223 + +Tellez Giron (Rodrigo), 23 _n._ + +Tello Maldonado (Luis), 90, 139 _n._ + +Theresa (Saint), 12, 174, 175, 178, 180, 181, 199 _n._, 203, 242 + +Tiberius, 1 + +'Tirso de Molina', 3 + +Torre (Francisco de la), 228 + + +U + +Uceda (Gaspar de), 110 _n._ + +Uceda (Pedro de), 100 _n._, 189 _n._ + +'Urganda la Desconocida', 155, 191 _n._ + + +V + +Vadillo (Doctor), 70 + +Valbas (Doctor), 32 _n._ + +Valera (Bernardino de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Francisco de), 234 _n._ + +Valera (Ines de), 233 _n._, 234 _n._ + +Valera (Juan de). 233 _n._ + +Valladolid (Diego de), 39 + +Vanez (_see_ Banez) + +Varela Osorio (Maria), 204 + +Vatable (Francois), 15, 16, 17, 33 _n._, 82, 104 _n._, 105 _n._ + +Vega Carpio (Felix Lope de) 3, 244 + +Velazquez 79 + +Vicente de la Fuente 31 _n._, 32 _n._, 199 _n._ + +Villanueva (Leonor de) 6, 23 _n._ + +Villavicencio (Lorenzo de) 165 + +Vio (Cardinal Thomas de), surnamed Cajetanus 133 _n._ + +Vique (Juan) 33 _n._ + +Virgil 83, 207 + + +W + +Wordsworth 229 + + +Z + +Zumel (Francisco) 152, 153, 159, 164, 172, 193 _n._ + +Zuniga (Diego de), _see_ Arias and Rodriguez, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, + 77, 83, 113 _n._, 114 _n._, 115 _n._, 117 _n._, 118 _n._, 119 _n._ + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Fray Luis de Leon, by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRAY LUIS DE LEON *** + +***** This file should be named 16148.txt or 16148.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/4/16148/ + +Produced by Stan Goodman, Pilar Somoza and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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