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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/16142-h.zip b/16142-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..ed07e7c --- /dev/null +++ b/16142-h.zip diff --git a/16142-h/16142-h.htm b/16142-h/16142-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1233010 --- /dev/null +++ b/16142-h/16142-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1062 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd"> +<html> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> +<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Communist Threat in the Taiwan Area, by John Foster Dulles and Dwight D. Eisenhower</title> + <style type="text/css"> + /*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ + + <!-- + body {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + p {margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; + text-align: justify;} + /* Front Matter ----------------------------------------- */ + p.fm1, p.fm2, p.fm3 {text-align: center; font-weight: bold;} + p.fm1 {font-size: 80%;} + p.fm2 {font-size: 90%;} + p.fm3 {font-size: 100%;} + p.fm4 {text-align: center; white-space: pre;} + pre {font-size: 0.7em;} + /* Headers ---------------------------------------------- */ + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {text-align: center; clear: both;} + h2 {text-align: left; + font-size: 110%;} + /* Horizontal Rules ------------------------------------- */ + hr {text-align: center; width: 50%; + margin-top: 1.5em;} + html>body hr {margin-left: 25%; margin-right: 25%; + width: 50%;} + hr.full {width: 100%;} + html>body hr.full {margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 0%; + width: 100%;} + hr.short {text-align: center; width: 20%;} + html>body hr.short {margin-left: 40%; margin-right: 40%; + width: 20%;} + /* General Formatting ---------------------------------- */ + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + ol, ul {margin-left: 10%; padding-left: 10%;} + li {list-style-type: disc; + padding-top: 1em; + font-size: 120%;} + span.pagenum {position: absolute; + right: 1%; + color: gray; + font-size: 8pt;} + .returnTOC {text-align: right; font-size: 70%; margin-top: -1.0em;} + p.center {text-align: center;} + /* Links ------------------------------------------------ */ + a:link {color: blue; text-decoration: none} + link {color: blue; text-decoration: none} + a:visited {color: blue; text-decoration: none} + a:hover {color: red} + --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> +</head> +<body> +<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Communist Threat in the Taiwan Area, by +John Foster Dulles and Dwight D. Eisenhower</h1> +<pre> +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: The Communist Threat in the Taiwan Area</p> +<p>Author: John Foster Dulles and Dwight D. Eisenhower</p> +<p>Release Date: June 28, 2005 [eBook #16142]</p> +<p>Language: English</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMMUNIST THREAT IN THE TAIWAN AREA***</p> +<p> </p> +<h3>E-text prepared by Justin Kerk, Richard J. Shiffer,<br /> + and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team</h3> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<p><a name="Contents" id="Contents"> </a></p> +<h1><i>The Communist Threat in the Taiwan Area</i></h1> +<ul> +<li><a href="#article1">Statement by Secretary Dulles</a></li> +<li><a href="#article2">White House Statement</a></li> +<li><a href="#article3">President Eisenhower's Report to the American People</a></li> +<li><a href="#article4">President Eisenhower's Letter to Premier Khrushchev</a></li> +</ul> +<br /> +<br /> +<p class="fm3">THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE</p> +<br /> +<p class="fm3">DEPARTMENT OF STATE PUBLICATION 6708</p> +<br /> +<p class="fm2">Far Eastern Series 76</p> + +<p class="fm2"><i>Released September 1958</i></p> + +<p class="fm2">Public Services Division</p> +<br /> +<p> </p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page1" id="page1"></a>[pg 1]</span></p> +<p> </p> +<h1><i>The Communist Threat in the Taiwan Area</i></h1> + +<h2><a name="article1" id="article1"></a> +<b>1. Statement by Secretary Dulles,</b><br /> +<b>September 4, 1958</b></h2> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#Contents">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>I have reviewed in detail with the President the serious situation +which has resulted from aggressive Chinese Communist military actions +in the Taiwan (Formosa) Straits area. The President has authorized me +to make the following statement.</p> + +<p>1. Neither Taiwan (Formosa) nor the islands of Quemoy and Matsu have +ever been under the authority of the Chinese Communists. Since the end +of the Second World War, a period of over 13 years, they have +continuously been under the authority of Free China, that is, the +Republic of China.</p> + +<p>2. The United States is bound by treaty to help to defend Taiwan +(Formosa) from armed attack and the President is authorized by joint +resolution of the Congress to employ the Armed Forces of the United +States for the securing and protecting of related positions such as +Quemoy and Matsu.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2" id="page2"></a>[pg 2]</span></p> + +<p>3. Any attempt on the part of the Chinese Communists now to seize +these positions or any of them would be a crude violation of the +principles upon which world order is based, namely, that no country +should use armed force to seize new territory.</p> + +<p>4. The Chinese Communists have, for about 2 weeks, been subjecting +Quemoy to heavy artillery bombardment and, by artillery fire and use +of small naval craft, they have been harassing the regular supply of +the civilian and military population of the Quemoys, which totals some +125,000 persons. The official Peiping radio repeatedly announces the +purpose of these military operations to be to take by armed force +Taiwan (Formosa), as well as Quemoy and Matsu. In virtually every +Peiping broadcast Taiwan (Formosa) and the offshore islands are linked +as the objective of what is called the "Chinese Peoples Liberation +Army."</p> + +<p>5. Despite, however, what the Chinese Communists say, and so far have +done, it is not yet certain that their purpose is in fact to make an +allout effort to conquer by force Taiwan (Formosa) and the offshore +islands. Neither is it apparent that such efforts as are being made, +or may be made, cannot be contained by the courageous, and purely +defensive, efforts of the forces of the Republic of China, with such +substantial logistical support as the United States is providing.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page3" id="page3"></a>[pg 3]</span></p> + +<p>6. The joint resolution of Congress, above referred to, includes a +finding to the effect that "the secure possession by friendly +governments of the western Pacific island chain, of which Formosa is a +part, is essential to the vital interests of the United States and all +friendly nations in and bordering upon the Pacific Ocean." It further +authorizes the President to employ the Armed Forces of the United +States for the protection not only of Formosa but for "the securing +and protection of such related positions and territories of that area +now in friendly hands and the taking of such other measures as he +judges to be required or appropriate in assuring the defense of +Formosa." In view of the situation outlined in the preceding +paragraph, the President has not yet made any finding under that +resolution that the employment of the Armed Forces of the United +States is required or appropriate in insuring the defense of Formosa. +The President would not, however, hesitate to make such a finding if +he judged that the circumstances made this necessary to accomplish the +purposes of the joint resolution. In this connection, we have +recognized that the securing and protecting of Quemoy and Matsu have +increasingly become related to the defense of Taiwan (Formosa). This +is indeed also recognized by the Chinese Communists. Military +dispositions have been made <span class="pagenum"><a name="page4" id="page4"></a>[pg 4]</span>by the United States so that a +Presidential determination, if made, would be followed by action both +timely and effective.</p> + +<p>7. The President and I earnestly hope that the Chinese Communist +regime will not again, as in the case of Korea, defy the basic +principle upon which world order depends, namely, that armed force +should not be used to achieve territorial ambitions. Any such naked +use of force would pose an issue far transcending the offshore islands +and even the security of Taiwan (Formosa). It would forecast a +widespread use of force in the Far East which would endanger vital +free-world positions, and the security of the United States. +Acquiescence therein would threaten peace everywhere. We believe that +the civilized world community will never condone overt military +conquest as a legitimate instrument of policy.</p> + +<p>8. The United States has not, however, abandoned hope that Peiping +will stop short of defying the will of mankind for peace. This would +not require it to abandon its claims, however ill-founded we may deem +them to be. I recall that in the extended negotiations which the +representatives of the United States and Chinese Communist regime +conducted at Geneva between 1955 and 1958, a sustained effort was made +by the United States to secure, with particular reference to the +Taiwan <span class="pagenum"><a name="page5" id="page5"></a>[pg 5]</span>area, a declaration of mutual and reciprocal renunciation of +force, except in self-defense, which, however, would be without +prejudice to the pursuit of policies by peaceful means. The Chinese +Communists rejected any such declaration. We believe, however, that +such a course of conduct constitutes the only civilized and acceptable +procedure. The United States intends to follow that course, so far as +it is concerned, unless and until the Chinese Communists, by their +acts, leave us no choice but to react in defense of the principles to +which all peace-loving governments are dedicated.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page6" id="page6"></a>[pg 6]</span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="article2" id="article2"></a> +<b>2. White House Statement,</b><br /> +<b>September 6, 1958</b></h2> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#Contents">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>The President discussed the Taiwan Straits situation with the +Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of +Defense, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff—members of the +National Security Council. Also present were the Director of the +United States Information Agency, the Director of the Office of Civil +and Defense Mobilization, and the Acting Director of the Central +Intelligence Agency. The Vice President, because of a long-standing +out of town engagement, was unable to be present.</p> + +<p>Consideration was given to measures which would conform to the policy +enunciated on September 4 by the Secretary of State on the authority +of the President. But particular note was taken of the reported radio +statement of Mr. Chou En-lai indicating that the Chinese Communists +were prepared to resume ambassadorial talks with the United States "in +order to contribute further to the safeguarding of peace." These +talks, which had been conducted in Europe for several years, were +recently interrupted by the Chinese Communists.</p> + +<p>So far the United States has not received any official word on this +subject. We hope, however, <span class="pagenum"><a name="page7" id="page7"></a>[pg 7]</span>that the reported statement of Mr. Chou +En-lai is responsive to the urging, contained in our September 4 +policy statement, that "armed force should not be used to achieve +territorial ambitions," although such renunciation of force need not +involve renouncing claims or the pursuit of policies by peaceful +means. This is the course that the United States will resolutely +pursue, in conforming with our vital interests, our treaty +obligations, and the principles on which world order is based.</p> + +<p>The United States has sought to implement that policy in its past +talks at the ambassadorial level with the Chinese Communists. On July +28, 1958, and subsequently, we have sought a resumption of these +talks.</p> + +<p>If the Chinese Communists are now prepared to respond, the United +States welcomes that decision. The United States Ambassador at Warsaw +stands ready promptly to meet with the Chinese Communist Ambassador +there, who has previously acted in this matter.</p> + +<p>Naturally, in these resumed talks the United States will adhere to the +negotiating position which it originally took in 1955, namely, that we +will not in these talks be a party to any arrangement which would +prejudice the rights of our ally, the Republic of China.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page8" id="page8"></a>[pg 8]</span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="article3" id="article3"></a> +<b>3. President Eisenhower's Report to the American People,</b><br /> +<b>September 11, 1958</b></h2> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#Contents">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">My Friends</span>: Tonight I want to talk to you about the +situation, dangerous to peace, which has developed in the Formosa +Straits in the Far East. My purpose is to give you its basic facts and +then my conclusions as to our Nation's proper course of action.</p> + +<p>To begin, let us remember that traditionally this country and its +Government have always been passionately devoted to peace with honor, +as they are now. We shall never resort to force in settlement of +differences except when compelled to do so to defend against +aggression and to protect our vital interests.</p> + +<p>This means that, in our view, negotiations and conciliation should +never be abandoned in favor of force and strife. While we shall never +timidly retreat before the threat of armed aggression, we would +welcome in the present circumstances negotiations that could have a +fruitful result in preserving the peace of the Formosa area and +reaching a solution that could be acceptable to all parties concerned +including, of course, our ally, the Republic of China.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page9" id="page9"></a>[pg 9]</span></p> + +<p>On the morning of August 23d the Chinese Communists opened a severe +bombardment of Quemoy, an island in the Formosa Straits off the China +Coast. Another island in the same area, Matsu, was also attacked. +These two islands have always been a part of Free China—never under +Communist control.</p> + +<p>This bombardment of Quemoy has been going on almost continuously ever +since. Also, Chinese Communists have been using their naval craft to +try to break up the supplying of Quemoy with its 125,000 people. Their +normal source of supply is by sea from Formosa, where the Government +of Free China is now located.</p> + +<p>Chinese Communists say that they will capture Quemoy. So far they have +not actually attempted a landing, but their bombardment has caused +great damage. Over 1,000 people have been killed or wounded. In large +part these are civilians.</p> + +<p>This is a tragic affair. It is shocking that in this day and age naked +force should be used for such aggressive purposes.</p> + +<p>But this is not the first time that the Chinese Communists have acted +in this way.</p> + +<p>In 1950 they attacked and tried to conquer the Republic of Korea. At +that time President Truman announced the intention of protecting +Formosa, the principal area still held by Free China, <span class="pagenum"><a name="page10" id="page10"></a>[pg 10]</span>because of the +belief that Formosa's safety was vital to the security of the United +States and the free world. Our Government has adhered firmly ever +since 1950 to that policy.</p> + +<p>In 1953 and 1954 the Chinese Communists took an active part in the war +in Indochina against Viet-Nam.</p> + +<p>In the fall of 1954 they attacked Quemoy and Matsu, the same two +islands they are attacking now. They broke off that attack when, in +January 1955, the Congress and I agreed that we should firmly support +Free China.</p> + +<p>Since then, for about 4 years, Chinese Communists have not used force +for aggressive purposes. We have achieved an armistice in Korea which +stopped the fighting there in 1953. There is a 1954 armistice in +Viet-Nam; and since 1955 there has been quiet in the Formosa Straits +area. We had hoped that the Chinese Communists were becoming +peaceful—but it seems not.</p> + +<p>So the world is again faced with the problem of armed aggression. +Powerful dictatorships are attacking an exposed, but free, area.</p> + +<p>What should we do?</p> + +<p>Shall we take the position that, submitting to threat, it is better to +surrender pieces of free territory in the hope that this will satisfy +the appetite of the aggressor and we shall have peace?</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page11" id="page11"></a>[pg 11]</span></p> + +<p>Do we not still remember that the name of "Munich" symbolizes a vain +hope of appeasing dictators?</p> + +<p>At that time the policy of appeasement was tried, and it failed. Prior +to the Second World War Mussolini seized Ethiopia. In the Far East +Japanese warlords were grabbing Manchuria by force. Hitler sent his +armed forces into the Rhineland in violation of the Versailles Treaty. +Then he annexed little Austria. When he got away with that, he next +turned to Czechoslovakia and began taking it bit by bit.</p> + +<p>In the face of all these attacks on freedom by the dictators, the +powerful democracies stood aside. It seemed that Ethiopia and +Manchuria were too far away and too unimportant to fight about. In +Europe appeasement was looked upon as the way to peace. The +democracies felt that if they tried to stop what was going on that +would mean war. But, because of these repeated retreats, war came just +the same.</p> + +<p>If the democracies had stood firm at the beginning, almost surely +there would have been no World War. Instead they gave such an +appearance of weakness and timidity that aggressive rulers were +encouraged to overrun one country after another. In the end the +democracies saw that their very survival was at stake. They had no +alternative <span class="pagenum"><a name="page12" id="page12"></a>[pg 12]</span>but to turn and fight in what proved to be the most +terrible war that the world has ever known.</p> + +<p>I know something about that war, and I never want to see that history +repeated. But, my fellow Americans, it certainly can be repeated if +the peace-loving democratic nations again fearfully practice a policy +of standing idly by while big aggressors use armed force to conquer +the small and weak.</p> + +<p>Let us suppose that the Chinese Communists conquer Quemoy. Would that +be the end of the story? We know that it would not be the end of the +story. History teaches that, when powerful despots can gain something +through aggression, they try, by the same methods, to gain more and +more and more.</p> + +<p>Also, we have more to guide us than the teachings of history. We have +the statements, the boastings, of the Chinese Communists themselves. +They frankly say that their present military effort is part of a +program to conquer Formosa.</p> + +<p>It is as certain as can be that the shooting which the Chinese +Communists started on August 23d had as its purpose not just the +taking of the island of Quemoy. It is part of what is indeed an +ambitious plan of armed conquest.</p> + +<p>This plan would liquidate all of the free-world positions in the +western Pacific area and bring <span class="pagenum"><a name="page13" id="page13"></a>[pg 13]</span>them under captive governments which +would be hostile to the United States and the free world. Thus the +Chinese and Russian Communists would come to dominate at least the +western half of the now friendly Pacific Ocean.</p> + +<p>So aggression by ruthless despots again imposes a clear danger to the +United States and to the free world.</p> + +<p>In this effort the Chinese Communists and the Soviet Union appear to +be working hand in hand. Last Monday I received a long letter on this +subject from Prime Minister Khrushchev. He warned the United States +against helping its allies in the western Pacific. He said that we +should not support the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea. He +contended that we should desert them, return all of our naval forces +to our home bases, and leave our friends in the Far East to face, +alone, the combined military power of the Soviet Union and Communist +China.</p> + +<p>Does Mr. Khrushchev think that we have so soon forgotten Korea?</p> + +<p>I must say to you very frankly and soberly, my friends, the United +States cannot accept the result that the Communists seek. Neither can +we show, now, a weakness of purpose—a timidity—which would surely +lead them to move more aggressively <span class="pagenum"><a name="page14" id="page14"></a>[pg 14]</span>against us and our friends in the +western Pacific area.</p> + +<p>If the Chinese Communists have decided to risk a war, it is not +because Quemoy itself is so valuable to them. They have been getting +along without Quemoy ever since they seized the China mainland 9 years +ago.</p> + +<p>If they have now decided to risk a war, it can only be because they, +and their Soviet allies, have decided to find out whether threatening +war is a policy from which they can make big gains.</p> + +<p>If that is their decision, then a western Pacific Munich would not buy +us peace or security. It would encourage the aggressors. It would +dismay our friends and allies there. If history teaches anything, +appeasement would make it more likely that we would have to fight a +major war.</p> + +<p>Congress has made clear its recognition that the security of the +western Pacific is vital to the security of the United States and that +we should be firm. The Senate has ratified, by overwhelming vote, +security treaties with the Republic of China covering Formosa and the +Pescadores, and also the Republic of Korea. We have a mutual security +treaty with the Republic of the Philippines, which could be next in +line for conquest if Formosa fell into hostile hands. These treaties +commit the United States to the defense of the treaty areas.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page15" id="page15"></a>[pg 15]</span> In +addition, there is a joint resolution which the Congress passed in +January 1955 dealing specifically with Formosa and the offshore +islands of Free China in the Formosa Straits.</p> + +<p>At that time the situation was similar to what it is today.</p> + +<p>Congress then voted the President authority to employ the Armed Forces +of the United States for the defense not only of Formosa but of +related positions, such as Quemoy and Matsu, if I believed their +defense to be appropriate in assuring the defense of Formosa.</p> + +<p>I might add that the mandate from the Congress was given by an almost +unanimous bipartisan vote.</p> + +<p>Today, the Chinese Communists announce, repeatedly and officially, +that their military operations against Quemoy are preliminary to +attack on Formosa. So it is clear that the Formosa Straits resolution +of 1955 applies to the present situation.</p> + +<p>If the present bombardment and harassment of Quemoy should be +converted into a major assault, with which the local defenders could +not cope, then we would be compelled to face precisely the situation +that Congress visualized in 1955.</p> + +<p>I have repeatedly sought to make clear our position in this matter so +that there would not be danger of Communist miscalculation. The +Secretary <span class="pagenum"><a name="page16" id="page16"></a>[pg 16]</span>of State on September 4th made a statement to the same end. +This statement could not, of course, cover every contingency. Indeed, +I interpret the joint resolution as requiring me not to make absolute +advance commitments but to use my judgment according to the +circumstances of the time. But the statement did carry a clear meaning +to the Chinese Communists and to the Soviet Union. There will be no +retreat in the face of armed aggression, which is part and parcel of a +continuing program of using armed force to conquer new regions.</p> + +<p>I do not believe that the United States can be either lured or +frightened into appeasement. I believe that, in taking the position of +opposing aggression by force, I am taking the only position which is +consistent with the vital interests of the United States and, indeed, +with the peace of the world.</p> + +<p>Some misguided persons have said that Quemoy is nothing to become +excited about. They said the same about south Korea—about Viet-Nam, +about Lebanon.</p> + +<p>Now I assure you that no American boy will be asked by me to fight +<i>just</i> for Quemoy. But those who make up our Armed Forces—and, I +believe the American people as a whole—do stand ready <span class="pagenum"><a name="page17" id="page17"></a>[pg 17]</span>to defend the +principle that armed force shall not be used for aggressive purposes.</p> + +<p>Upon observance of that principle depends a lasting and just peace. It +is that same principle that protects the western Pacific free-world +positions as well as the security of our homeland. If we are not ready +to defend this principle, then indeed tragedy after tragedy would +befall us.</p> + +<p>But there is a far better way than resort to force to settle these +differences, and there is some hope that such a better way may be +followed.</p> + +<p>That is the way of negotiation.</p> + +<p>That way is open and prepared because in 1955 arrangements were made +between the United States and the Chinese Communists that an +Ambassador on each side would be authorized to discuss at Geneva +certain problems of common concern. These included the matter of +release of American civilians imprisoned in Communist China, and such +questions as the renunciation of force in the Formosa area. There have +been 73 meetings since August 1955.</p> + +<p>When our Ambassador, who was conducting these negotiations, was +recently transferred to another post, we named as successor Mr. [Jacob +D.] Beam, our Ambassador to Poland. The Chinese Communists were +notified accordingly the latter part of July, but there was no +response.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page18" id="page18"></a>[pg 18]</span></p> + +<p>The Secretary of State, in his September 4th statement, referred to +these Geneva negotiations. Two days later, Mr. Chou En-lai, the +Premier of the People's Republic of China, proposed that these talks +should be resumed "in the interests of peace." This was followed up on +September 8th by Mr. Mao Tse-tung, the Chairman of the People's +Republic of China. We promptly welcomed this prospect and instructed +our Ambassador at Warsaw to be ready immediately to resume these +talks. We expect that the talks will begin upon the return to Warsaw +of the Chinese Communist Ambassador, who has been in Peiping.</p> + +<p>Perhaps our suggestion may be bearing fruit. We devoutly hope so.</p> + +<p>Naturally, the United States will adhere to the position it first took +in 1955, that we will not in these talks be a party to any +arrangements which would prejudice rights of our ally, the Republic of +China.</p> + +<p>We know by hard experiences that the Chinese Communist leaders are +indeed militant and aggressive. But we cannot believe that they would +now persist in a course of military aggression which would threaten +world peace, with all that would be involved. We believe that +diplomacy can and should find a way out. There are measures that <span class="pagenum"><a name="page19" id="page19"></a>[pg 19]</span>can +be taken to assure that these offshore islands will not be a thorn in +the side of peace. We believe that arrangements are urgently required +to stop gunfire and to pave the way to a peaceful solution.</p> + +<p>If the bilateral talks between Ambassadors do not fully succeed, there +is still the hope that the United Nations could exert a peaceful +influence on the situation.</p> + +<p>In 1955 the hostilities of the Chinese Communists in the Formosa area +were brought before the United Nations Security Council. But the +Chinese Communists rejected its jurisdiction. They said that they were +entitled to Formosa and the offshore islands and that, if they used +armed force to get them, that was purely a "civil war" and that the +United Nations had no right to concern itself.</p> + +<p>They claimed also that the attack by the Communist north Koreans on +south Korea was "civil war," and that the United Nations and the +United States were "aggressors" because they helped south Korea. They +said the same about their attack on Viet-Nam.</p> + +<p>I feel sure that these pretexts will never deceive or control world +opinion. The fact is that Communist Chinese hostilities in the Formosa +Straits area do endanger world peace. I do not believe that any +rulers, however aggressive they may be, will flout efforts to find a +peaceful and honorable <span class="pagenum"><a name="page20" id="page20"></a>[pg 20]</span>solution, whether it be by direct negotiations +or through the United Nations.</p> + +<p>My friends, we are confronted with a serious situation. But it is +typical of the security problems of the world today. Powerful and +aggressive forces are constantly probing, now here, now there, to see +whether the free world is weakening. In the face of this there are no +easy choices available. It is misleading for anyone to imply that +there are.</p> + +<p>However, the present situation, though serious, is by no means +desperate or hopeless.</p> + +<p>There is not going to be any appeasement.</p> + +<p>I believe that there is not going to be any war.</p> + +<p>But there must be sober realization by the American people that our +legitimate purposes are again being tested by those who threaten peace +and freedom everywhere.</p> + +<p>This has not been the first test for us and for the free world. +Probably it will not be the last. But as we meet each test with +courage and unity, we contribute to the safety and the honor of our +beloved land—and to the cause of a just and lasting peace.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page21" id="page21"></a>[pg 21]</span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="article4" id="article4"></a> +<b>4. President Eisenhower's Letter to Premier Khrushchev,</b><br /> +<b>September 13, 1958</b></h2> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#Contents">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dear Mr. Chairman</span>: I have your letter of September 7. I agree +with you that a dangerous situation exists in the Taiwan area. I do +not agree with you as to the source of danger in this situation.</p> + +<p>The present state of tension in the Taiwan area was created directly +by Chinese Communist action, not by that of the Republic of China or +by the United States. The fact is that following a long period of +relative calm in that area, the Chinese Communists, without +provocation, suddenly initiated a heavy artillery bombardment of +Quemoy and began harassing the regular supply of the civilian and +military population of the Quemoys. This intense military activity was +begun on August 23rd—some three weeks after your visit to Peiping. +The official Peiping Radio has repeatedly been announcing that the +purpose of these military operations is to take Taiwan (Formosa) as +well as Quemoy and Matsu, by armed force. In virtually every Peiping +broadcast, Taiwan (Formosa) and the offshore islands are linked as the +objective of what is called the "Chinese Peoples Liberation Army".</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page22" id="page22"></a>[pg 22]</span></p> + +<p>The issue, then, is whether the Chinese Communists will seek to +achieve their ambitions through the application of force, as they did +in Korea, or whether they will accept the vital requisite of world +peace and order in a nuclear age and renounce the use of force as the +means for satisfying their territorial claims. The territory concerned +has never been under the control of Communist China. On the contrary, +the Republic of China—despite the characterizations you apply to it +for ideological reasons—is recognized by the majority of the +sovereign nations of the world and its Government has been and is +exercising jurisdiction over the territory concerned. United States +military forces operate in the Taiwan area in fulfillment of treaty +commitments to the Republic of China to assist it in the defense of +Taiwan (Formosa) and the Penghu (Pescadores) Islands. They are there +to help resist aggression—not to commit aggression. No upside down +presentation such as contained in your letter can change this fact.</p> + +<p>The United States Government has welcomed the willingness of the +Chinese Communists to resume the ambassadorial talks, which were begun +three years ago in Geneva, for the purpose of finding a means of +easing tensions in the Taiwan area. In the past, the United States +representative at these talks has tried by every reasonable means to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page23" id="page23"></a>[pg 23]</span>persuade the Chinese Communist representative to reach agreement on +mutual renunciation of force in the Taiwan area but the latter +insistently refused to reach such agreement. The United States hopes +that an understanding can be achieved through the renewed talks which +will assure that there will be no resort to the use of force in the +endeavor to bring about a solution of the issues there.</p> + +<p>I regret to say I do not see in your letter any effort to find that +common language which could indeed facilitate the removal of the +danger existing in the current situation in the Taiwan area. On the +contrary, the description of this situation contained in your letter +seems designed to serve the ambitions of international communism +rather than to present the facts. I also note that you have addressed +no letter to the Chinese Communist leaders urging moderation upon +them. If your letter to me is not merely a vehicle for one-sided +denunciation of United States actions but is indeed intended to +reflect a desire to find a common language for peace, I suggest you +urge these leaders to discontinue their military operations and to +turn to a policy of peaceful settlement of the Taiwan dispute.</p> + +<p>If indeed, for the sake of settling the issues that tend to disturb +the peace in the Formosa area, the Chinese Communist leaders can be +persuaded to <span class="pagenum"><a name="page24" id="page24"></a>[pg 24]</span>place their trust in negotiation and a readiness to +practice conciliation, then I assure you the United States will, on +its part, strive in that spirit earnestly to the same end.</p> + +<p>Sincerely,</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dwight D. Eisenhower</span></p> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMMUNIST THREAT IN THE TAIWAN AREA***</p> +<p>******* This file should be named 16142-h.txt or 16142-h.zip *******</p> +<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> +<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/1/4/16142">https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/4/16142</a></p> +<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed.</p> + +<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: The Communist Threat in the Taiwan Area + + +Author: John Foster Dulles and Dwight D. Eisenhower + + + +Release Date: June 28, 2005 [eBook #16142] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMMUNIST THREAT IN THE TAIWAN +AREA*** + + +E-text prepared by Justin Kerk, Richard J. Shiffer, and the Project +Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team + + + +THE COMMUNIST THREAT IN THE TAIWAN AREA + +Statement by Secretary Dulles + +White House Statement + +President Eisenhower's Report to the American People + +President Eisenhower's Letter to Premier Khrushchev + +The Department of State +Department of State Publication 6708 +Far Eastern Series 76 + +Released September 1958 + +Public Services Division + + + + + + + +THE COMMUNIST THREAT IN THE TAIWAN AREA + +1. Statement by Secretary Dulles, + +September 4, 1958 + + +I have reviewed in detail with the President the serious situation +which has resulted from aggressive Chinese Communist military actions +in the Taiwan (Formosa) Straits area. The President has authorized me +to make the following statement. + +1. Neither Taiwan (Formosa) nor the islands of Quemoy and Matsu have +ever been under the authority of the Chinese Communists. Since the end +of the Second World War, a period of over 13 years, they have +continuously been under the authority of Free China, that is, the +Republic of China. + +2. The United States is bound by treaty to help to defend Taiwan +(Formosa) from armed attack and the President is authorized by joint +resolution of the Congress to employ the Armed Forces of the United +States for the securing and protecting of related positions such as +Quemoy and Matsu. + +3. Any attempt on the part of the Chinese Communists now to seize +these positions or any of them would be a crude violation of the +principles upon which world order is based, namely, that no country +should use armed force to seize new territory. + +4. The Chinese Communists have, for about 2 weeks, been subjecting +Quemoy to heavy artillery bombardment and, by artillery fire and use +of small naval craft, they have been harassing the regular supply of +the civilian and military population of the Quemoys, which totals some +125,000 persons. The official Peiping radio repeatedly announces the +purpose of these military operations to be to take by armed force +Taiwan (Formosa), as well as Quemoy and Matsu. In virtually every +Peiping broadcast Taiwan (Formosa) and the offshore islands are linked +as the objective of what is called the "Chinese Peoples Liberation +Army." + +5. Despite, however, what the Chinese Communists say, and so far have +done, it is not yet certain that their purpose is in fact to make an +allout effort to conquer by force Taiwan (Formosa) and the offshore +islands. Neither is it apparent that such efforts as are being made, +or may be made, cannot be contained by the courageous, and purely +defensive, efforts of the forces of the Republic of China, with such +substantial logistical support as the United States is providing. + +6. The joint resolution of Congress, above referred to, includes a +finding to the effect that "the secure possession by friendly +governments of the western Pacific island chain, of which Formosa is a +part, is essential to the vital interests of the United States and all +friendly nations in and bordering upon the Pacific Ocean." It further +authorizes the President to employ the Armed Forces of the United +States for the protection not only of Formosa but for "the securing +and protection of such related positions and territories of that area +now in friendly hands and the taking of such other measures as he +judges to be required or appropriate in assuring the defense of +Formosa." In view of the situation outlined in the preceding +paragraph, the President has not yet made any finding under that +resolution that the employment of the Armed Forces of the United +States is required or appropriate in insuring the defense of Formosa. +The President would not, however, hesitate to make such a finding if +he judged that the circumstances made this necessary to accomplish the +purposes of the joint resolution. In this connection, we have +recognized that the securing and protecting of Quemoy and Matsu have +increasingly become related to the defense of Taiwan (Formosa). This +is indeed also recognized by the Chinese Communists. Military +dispositions have been made by the United States so that a +Presidential determination, if made, would be followed by action both +timely and effective. + +7. The President and I earnestly hope that the Chinese Communist +regime will not again, as in the case of Korea, defy the basic +principle upon which world order depends, namely, that armed force +should not be used to achieve territorial ambitions. Any such naked +use of force would pose an issue far transcending the offshore islands +and even the security of Taiwan (Formosa). It would forecast a +widespread use of force in the Far East which would endanger vital +free-world positions, and the security of the United States. +Acquiescence therein would threaten peace everywhere. We believe that +the civilized world community will never condone overt military +conquest as a legitimate instrument of policy. + +8. The United States has not, however, abandoned hope that Peiping +will stop short of defying the will of mankind for peace. This would +not require it to abandon its claims, however ill-founded we may deem +them to be. I recall that in the extended negotiations which the +representatives of the United States and Chinese Communist regime +conducted at Geneva between 1955 and 1958, a sustained effort was made +by the United States to secure, with particular reference to the +Taiwan area, a declaration of mutual and reciprocal renunciation of +force, except in self-defense, which, however, would be without +prejudice to the pursuit of policies by peaceful means. The Chinese +Communists rejected any such declaration. We believe, however, that +such a course of conduct constitutes the only civilized and acceptable +procedure. The United States intends to follow that course, so far as +it is concerned, unless and until the Chinese Communists, by their +acts, leave us no choice but to react in defense of the principles to +which all peace-loving governments are dedicated. + + + + +2. White House Statement, + +September 6, 1958 + + +The President discussed the Taiwan Straits situation with the +Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of +Defense, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff--members of the +National Security Council. Also present were the Director of the +United States Information Agency, the Director of the Office of Civil +and Defense Mobilization, and the Acting Director of the Central +Intelligence Agency. The Vice President, because of a long-standing +out of town engagement, was unable to be present. + +Consideration was given to measures which would conform to the policy +enunciated on September 4 by the Secretary of State on the authority +of the President. But particular note was taken of the reported radio +statement of Mr. Chou En-lai indicating that the Chinese Communists +were prepared to resume ambassadorial talks with the United States "in +order to contribute further to the safeguarding of peace." These +talks, which had been conducted in Europe for several years, were +recently interrupted by the Chinese Communists. + +So far the United States has not received any official word on this +subject. We hope, however, that the reported statement of Mr. Chou +En-lai is responsive to the urging, contained in our September 4 +policy statement, that "armed force should not be used to achieve +territorial ambitions," although such renunciation of force need not +involve renouncing claims or the pursuit of policies by peaceful +means. This is the course that the United States will resolutely +pursue, in conforming with our vital interests, our treaty +obligations, and the principles on which world order is based. + +The United States has sought to implement that policy in its past +talks at the ambassadorial level with the Chinese Communists. On July +28, 1958, and subsequently, we have sought a resumption of these +talks. + +If the Chinese Communists are now prepared to respond, the United +States welcomes that decision. The United States Ambassador at Warsaw +stands ready promptly to meet with the Chinese Communist Ambassador +there, who has previously acted in this matter. + +Naturally, in these resumed talks the United States will adhere to the +negotiating position which it originally took in 1955, namely, that we +will not in these talks be a party to any arrangement which would +prejudice the rights of our ally, the Republic of China. + + + + +3. President Eisenhower's Report to the American People, + +September 11, 1958 + + +MY FRIENDS: Tonight I want to talk to you about the +situation, dangerous to peace, which has developed in the Formosa +Straits in the Far East. My purpose is to give you its basic facts and +then my conclusions as to our Nation's proper course of action. + +To begin, let us remember that traditionally this country and its +Government have always been passionately devoted to peace with honor, +as they are now. We shall never resort to force in settlement of +differences except when compelled to do so to defend against +aggression and to protect our vital interests. + +This means that, in our view, negotiations and conciliation should +never be abandoned in favor of force and strife. While we shall never +timidly retreat before the threat of armed aggression, we would +welcome in the present circumstances negotiations that could have a +fruitful result in preserving the peace of the Formosa area and +reaching a solution that could be acceptable to all parties concerned +including, of course, our ally, the Republic of China. + +On the morning of August 23d the Chinese Communists opened a severe +bombardment of Quemoy, an island in the Formosa Straits off the China +Coast. Another island in the same area, Matsu, was also attacked. +These two islands have always been a part of Free China--never under +Communist control. + +This bombardment of Quemoy has been going on almost continuously ever +since. Also, Chinese Communists have been using their naval craft to +try to break up the supplying of Quemoy with its 125,000 people. Their +normal source of supply is by sea from Formosa, where the Government +of Free China is now located. + +Chinese Communists say that they will capture Quemoy. So far they have +not actually attempted a landing, but their bombardment has caused +great damage. Over 1,000 people have been killed or wounded. In large +part these are civilians. + +This is a tragic affair. It is shocking that in this day and age naked +force should be used for such aggressive purposes. + +But this is not the first time that the Chinese Communists have acted +in this way. + +In 1950 they attacked and tried to conquer the Republic of Korea. At +that time President Truman announced the intention of protecting +Formosa, the principal area still held by Free China, because of the +belief that Formosa's safety was vital to the security of the United +States and the free world. Our Government has adhered firmly ever +since 1950 to that policy. + +In 1953 and 1954 the Chinese Communists took an active part in the war +in Indochina against Viet-Nam. + +In the fall of 1954 they attacked Quemoy and Matsu, the same two +islands they are attacking now. They broke off that attack when, in +January 1955, the Congress and I agreed that we should firmly support +Free China. + +Since then, for about 4 years, Chinese Communists have not used force +for aggressive purposes. We have achieved an armistice in Korea which +stopped the fighting there in 1953. There is a 1954 armistice in +Viet-Nam; and since 1955 there has been quiet in the Formosa Straits +area. We had hoped that the Chinese Communists were becoming +peaceful--but it seems not. + +So the world is again faced with the problem of armed aggression. +Powerful dictatorships are attacking an exposed, but free, area. + +What should we do? + +Shall we take the position that, submitting to threat, it is better to +surrender pieces of free territory in the hope that this will satisfy +the appetite of the aggressor and we shall have peace? + +Do we not still remember that the name of "Munich" symbolizes a vain +hope of appeasing dictators? + +At that time the policy of appeasement was tried, and it failed. Prior +to the Second World War Mussolini seized Ethiopia. In the Far East +Japanese warlords were grabbing Manchuria by force. Hitler sent his +armed forces into the Rhineland in violation of the Versailles Treaty. +Then he annexed little Austria. When he got away with that, he next +turned to Czechoslovakia and began taking it bit by bit. + +In the face of all these attacks on freedom by the dictators, the +powerful democracies stood aside. It seemed that Ethiopia and +Manchuria were too far away and too unimportant to fight about. In +Europe appeasement was looked upon as the way to peace. The +democracies felt that if they tried to stop what was going on that +would mean war. But, because of these repeated retreats, war came just +the same. + +If the democracies had stood firm at the beginning, almost surely +there would have been no World War. Instead they gave such an +appearance of weakness and timidity that aggressive rulers were +encouraged to overrun one country after another. In the end the +democracies saw that their very survival was at stake. They had no +alternative but to turn and fight in what proved to be the most +terrible war that the world has ever known. + +I know something about that war, and I never want to see that history +repeated. But, my fellow Americans, it certainly can be repeated if +the peace-loving democratic nations again fearfully practice a policy +of standing idly by while big aggressors use armed force to conquer +the small and weak. + +Let us suppose that the Chinese Communists conquer Quemoy. Would that +be the end of the story? We know that it would not be the end of the +story. History teaches that, when powerful despots can gain something +through aggression, they try, by the same methods, to gain more and +more and more. + +Also, we have more to guide us than the teachings of history. We have +the statements, the boastings, of the Chinese Communists themselves. +They frankly say that their present military effort is part of a +program to conquer Formosa. + +It is as certain as can be that the shooting which the Chinese +Communists started on August 23d had as its purpose not just the +taking of the island of Quemoy. It is part of what is indeed an +ambitious plan of armed conquest. + +This plan would liquidate all of the free-world positions in the +western Pacific area and bring them under captive governments which +would be hostile to the United States and the free world. Thus the +Chinese and Russian Communists would come to dominate at least the +western half of the now friendly Pacific Ocean. + +So aggression by ruthless despots again imposes a clear danger to the +United States and to the free world. + +In this effort the Chinese Communists and the Soviet Union appear to +be working hand in hand. Last Monday I received a long letter on this +subject from Prime Minister Khrushchev. He warned the United States +against helping its allies in the western Pacific. He said that we +should not support the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea. He +contended that we should desert them, return all of our naval forces +to our home bases, and leave our friends in the Far East to face, +alone, the combined military power of the Soviet Union and Communist +China. + +Does Mr. Khrushchev think that we have so soon forgotten Korea? + +I must say to you very frankly and soberly, my friends, the United +States cannot accept the result that the Communists seek. Neither can +we show, now, a weakness of purpose--a timidity--which would surely +lead them to move more aggressively against us and our friends in the +western Pacific area. + +If the Chinese Communists have decided to risk a war, it is not +because Quemoy itself is so valuable to them. They have been getting +along without Quemoy ever since they seized the China mainland 9 years +ago. + +If they have now decided to risk a war, it can only be because they, +and their Soviet allies, have decided to find out whether threatening +war is a policy from which they can make big gains. + +If that is their decision, then a western Pacific Munich would not buy +us peace or security. It would encourage the aggressors. It would +dismay our friends and allies there. If history teaches anything, +appeasement would make it more likely that we would have to fight a +major war. + +Congress has made clear its recognition that the security of the +western Pacific is vital to the security of the United States and that +we should be firm. The Senate has ratified, by overwhelming vote, +security treaties with the Republic of China covering Formosa and the +Pescadores, and also the Republic of Korea. We have a mutual security +treaty with the Republic of the Philippines, which could be next in +line for conquest if Formosa fell into hostile hands. These treaties +commit the United States to the defense of the treaty areas. In +addition, there is a joint resolution which the Congress passed in +January 1955 dealing specifically with Formosa and the offshore +islands of Free China in the Formosa Straits. + +At that time the situation was similar to what it is today. + +Congress then voted the President authority to employ the Armed Forces +of the United States for the defense not only of Formosa but of +related positions, such as Quemoy and Matsu, if I believed their +defense to be appropriate in assuring the defense of Formosa. + +I might add that the mandate from the Congress was given by an almost +unanimous bipartisan vote. + +Today, the Chinese Communists announce, repeatedly and officially, +that their military operations against Quemoy are preliminary to +attack on Formosa. So it is clear that the Formosa Straits resolution +of 1955 applies to the present situation. + +If the present bombardment and harassment of Quemoy should be +converted into a major assault, with which the local defenders could +not cope, then we would be compelled to face precisely the situation +that Congress visualized in 1955. + +I have repeatedly sought to make clear our position in this matter so +that there would not be danger of Communist miscalculation. The +Secretary of State on September 4th made a statement to the same end. +This statement could not, of course, cover every contingency. Indeed, +I interpret the joint resolution as requiring me not to make absolute +advance commitments but to use my judgment according to the +circumstances of the time. But the statement did carry a clear meaning +to the Chinese Communists and to the Soviet Union. There will be no +retreat in the face of armed aggression, which is part and parcel of a +continuing program of using armed force to conquer new regions. + +I do not believe that the United States can be either lured or +frightened into appeasement. I believe that, in taking the position of +opposing aggression by force, I am taking the only position which is +consistent with the vital interests of the United States and, indeed, +with the peace of the world. + +Some misguided persons have said that Quemoy is nothing to become +excited about. They said the same about south Korea--about Viet-Nam, +about Lebanon. + +Now I assure you that no American boy will be asked by me to fight +_just_ for Quemoy. But those who make up our Armed Forces--and, I +believe the American people as a whole--do stand ready to defend the +principle that armed force shall not be used for aggressive purposes. + +Upon observance of that principle depends a lasting and just peace. It +is that same principle that protects the western Pacific free-world +positions as well as the security of our homeland. If we are not ready +to defend this principle, then indeed tragedy after tragedy would +befall us. + +But there is a far better way than resort to force to settle these +differences, and there is some hope that such a better way may be +followed. + +That is the way of negotiation. + +That way is open and prepared because in 1955 arrangements were made +between the United States and the Chinese Communists that an +Ambassador on each side would be authorized to discuss at Geneva +certain problems of common concern. These included the matter of +release of American civilians imprisoned in Communist China, and such +questions as the renunciation of force in the Formosa area. There have +been 73 meetings since August 1955. + +When our Ambassador, who was conducting these negotiations, was +recently transferred to another post, we named as successor Mr. [Jacob +D.] Beam, our Ambassador to Poland. The Chinese Communists were +notified accordingly the latter part of July, but there was no +response. + +The Secretary of State, in his September 4th statement, referred to +these Geneva negotiations. Two days later, Mr. Chou En-lai, the +Premier of the People's Republic of China, proposed that these talks +should be resumed "in the interests of peace." This was followed up on +September 8th by Mr. Mao Tse-tung, the Chairman of the People's +Republic of China. We promptly welcomed this prospect and instructed +our Ambassador at Warsaw to be ready immediately to resume these +talks. We expect that the talks will begin upon the return to Warsaw +of the Chinese Communist Ambassador, who has been in Peiping. + +Perhaps our suggestion may be bearing fruit. We devoutly hope so. + +Naturally, the United States will adhere to the position it first took +in 1955, that we will not in these talks be a party to any +arrangements which would prejudice rights of our ally, the Republic of +China. + +We know by hard experiences that the Chinese Communist leaders are +indeed militant and aggressive. But we cannot believe that they would +now persist in a course of military aggression which would threaten +world peace, with all that would be involved. We believe that +diplomacy can and should find a way out. There are measures that can +be taken to assure that these offshore islands will not be a thorn in +the side of peace. We believe that arrangements are urgently required +to stop gunfire and to pave the way to a peaceful solution. + +If the bilateral talks between Ambassadors do not fully succeed, there +is still the hope that the United Nations could exert a peaceful +influence on the situation. + +In 1955 the hostilities of the Chinese Communists in the Formosa area +were brought before the United Nations Security Council. But the +Chinese Communists rejected its jurisdiction. They said that they were +entitled to Formosa and the offshore islands and that, if they used +armed force to get them, that was purely a "civil war" and that the +United Nations had no right to concern itself. + +They claimed also that the attack by the Communist north Koreans on +south Korea was "civil war," and that the United Nations and the +United States were "aggressors" because they helped south Korea. They +said the same about their attack on Viet-Nam. + +I feel sure that these pretexts will never deceive or control world +opinion. The fact is that Communist Chinese hostilities in the Formosa +Straits area do endanger world peace. I do not believe that any +rulers, however aggressive they may be, will flout efforts to find a +peaceful and honorable solution, whether it be by direct negotiations +or through the United Nations. + +My friends, we are confronted with a serious situation. But it is +typical of the security problems of the world today. Powerful and +aggressive forces are constantly probing, now here, now there, to see +whether the free world is weakening. In the face of this there are no +easy choices available. It is misleading for anyone to imply that +there are. + +However, the present situation, though serious, is by no means +desperate or hopeless. + +There is not going to be any appeasement. + +I believe that there is not going to be any war. + +But there must be sober realization by the American people that our +legitimate purposes are again being tested by those who threaten peace +and freedom everywhere. + +This has not been the first test for us and for the free world. +Probably it will not be the last. But as we meet each test with +courage and unity, we contribute to the safety and the honor of our +beloved land--and to the cause of a just and lasting peace. + + + + +4. President Eisenhower's Letter to Premier Khrushchev, + +September 13, 1958 + + +DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: I have your letter of September 7. I agree +with you that a dangerous situation exists in the Taiwan area. I do +not agree with you as to the source of danger in this situation. + +The present state of tension in the Taiwan area was created directly +by Chinese Communist action, not by that of the Republic of China or +by the United States. The fact is that following a long period of +relative calm in that area, the Chinese Communists, without +provocation, suddenly initiated a heavy artillery bombardment of +Quemoy and began harassing the regular supply of the civilian and +military population of the Quemoys. This intense military activity was +begun on August 23rd--some three weeks after your visit to Peiping. +The official Peiping Radio has repeatedly been announcing that the +purpose of these military operations is to take Taiwan (Formosa) as +well as Quemoy and Matsu, by armed force. In virtually every Peiping +broadcast, Taiwan (Formosa) and the offshore islands are linked as the +objective of what is called the "Chinese Peoples Liberation Army". + +The issue, then, is whether the Chinese Communists will seek to +achieve their ambitions through the application of force, as they did +in Korea, or whether they will accept the vital requisite of world +peace and order in a nuclear age and renounce the use of force as the +means for satisfying their territorial claims. The territory concerned +has never been under the control of Communist China. On the contrary, +the Republic of China--despite the characterizations you apply to it +for ideological reasons--is recognized by the majority of the +sovereign nations of the world and its Government has been and is +exercising jurisdiction over the territory concerned. United States +military forces operate in the Taiwan area in fulfillment of treaty +commitments to the Republic of China to assist it in the defense of +Taiwan (Formosa) and the Penghu (Pescadores) Islands. They are there +to help resist aggression--not to commit aggression. No upside down +presentation such as contained in your letter can change this fact. + +The United States Government has welcomed the willingness of the +Chinese Communists to resume the ambassadorial talks, which were begun +three years ago in Geneva, for the purpose of finding a means of +easing tensions in the Taiwan area. In the past, the United States +representative at these talks has tried by every reasonable means to +persuade the Chinese Communist representative to reach agreement on +mutual renunciation of force in the Taiwan area but the latter +insistently refused to reach such agreement. The United States hopes +that an understanding can be achieved through the renewed talks which +will assure that there will be no resort to the use of force in the +endeavor to bring about a solution of the issues there. + +I regret to say I do not see in your letter any effort to find that +common language which could indeed facilitate the removal of the +danger existing in the current situation in the Taiwan area. On the +contrary, the description of this situation contained in your letter +seems designed to serve the ambitions of international communism +rather than to present the facts. I also note that you have addressed +no letter to the Chinese Communist leaders urging moderation upon +them. If your letter to me is not merely a vehicle for one-sided +denunciation of United States actions but is indeed intended to +reflect a desire to find a common language for peace, I suggest you +urge these leaders to discontinue their military operations and to +turn to a policy of peaceful settlement of the Taiwan dispute. + +If indeed, for the sake of settling the issues that tend to disturb +the peace in the Formosa area, the Chinese Communist leaders can be +persuaded to place their trust in negotiation and a readiness to +practice conciliation, then I assure you the United States will, on +its part, strive in that spirit earnestly to the same end. + +Sincerely, + +DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMMUNIST THREAT IN THE TAIWAN +AREA*** + + +******* This file should be named 16142.txt or 16142.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/1/4/16142 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. 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