diff options
Diffstat (limited to '16119.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 16119.txt | 4057 |
1 files changed, 4057 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/16119.txt b/16119.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ebf8d1c --- /dev/null +++ b/16119.txt @@ -0,0 +1,4057 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Doctrina Christiana, by Anonymous + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Doctrina Christiana + The first book printed in the Philippines, Manila, 1593. + A Facsimile of the copy in the Lessing J. Rosenwald + Collection, Library + +Author: Anonymous + +Editor: Edwin Wolf 2nd + +Release Date: June 23, 2005 [EBook #16119] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA *** + + + + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman, Tamiko I. Camacho, and the +PG Distributed Proofreaders Team + + + + + +[Transcriber's note: The Old-Tagalog characters used in this book are +represented by capital letters.] + + + + + + + DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA + + The First Book Printed in the Philippines. + Manila, 1593. A Facsimile of the Copy in + the Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection. + Library of Congress, Washington. + With an Introductory Essay + By Edwin Wolf 2nd + + + + +ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS + + +I want here to express my thanks and appreciation to Mr. Lessing +J. Rosenwald, through whose kindness this unique Doctrina was +presented to the Library of Congress and with whom the idea of this +publication originated. His interest and enthusiasm made possible +my work, and his friendly advice and encouragement have been both +valuable and heart-warming. + +I also wish to thank others who have given me great assistance. They +are Dr. A.S.W. Rosenbach to whom I continually turned for advice, +Dr. Lawrence C. Wroth of the John Carter Brown Library and Dr. Leslie +W. Dunlap of the Library of Congress who very kindly read over my +manuscript and gave me the benefit of their suggestions and criticisms, +Mr. David C. Mearns and Miss Elsie Rackstraw of the Library of Congress +and Mrs. Ruth Lapham Butler of the Ayer Collection of the Newberry +Library who so freely and generously made available to me the great +collections of works on the Philippines in their libraries, Dr. John +H. Powell of the Free Library of Philadelphia who helped me find +reference books of the utmost importance, and the many librarians +who courteously answered written queries about early Philippine +material. EDWIN WOLF 2ND. + + + + + + +DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA + + +The first book printed in the Philippines has been the object of a hunt +which has extended from Manila to Berlin, and from Italy to Chile, +for four hundred and fifty years. The patient research of scholars, +the scraps of evidence found in books and archives, the amazingly +accurate hypotheses of bibliographers who have sifted the material +so painstakingly gathered together, combine to make its history a +bookish detective story par excellence. + +It is easy when a prisoner has been arrested and brought to the dock to +give details of his complexion, height, characteristics and identifying +marks, to fingerprint him and to photograph him, but how inadequate +was the description before his capture, how frequently did false scents +draw the pursuer off the right track! It is with this in mind that we +examine the subject of this investigation, remembering that it has not +been done before in detail. And, to complete the case, the book has +been photographed in its entirety and its facsimile herewith published. + +In studying the Doctrina Christiana of 1593 there are four general +problems which we shall discuss. First, we shall give a physical +description of the book. Secondly, we shall trace chronologically the +bibliographical history of the Doctrina, that is, we shall record the +available evidence which shows that it was the first book printed in +the Philippines, and weigh the testimonies which state or imply to +the contrary. Thirdly, we shall try to establish the authorship of +the text, and lastly, we shall discuss the actual printing. + +It hardly needs be told why so few of the incunabula of the Philippines +have survived. The paper on which they were printed was one of the most +destructible papers ever used in book production. The native worms and +insects thrived on it, and the heat and dampness took their slower but +equally certain toll. Add to these enemies the acts of providence of +which the Philippines have received more than their share--earthquake, +fire and flood--and the man-made devastations of war, combined with the +fact that there was no systematic attempt made in the Philippines to +preserve in archives and libraries the records of the past, and it +can well be understood why a scant handful of cradle-books have been +preserved. The two fires of 1603 alone, which burned the Dominican +convent in Manila to the ground and consumed the whole of Binondo just +outside the walls, must have played untold havoc upon the records of +the early missionaries. Perhaps the only copies of early Philippine +books which exist today, unchronided and forgotten, are those which +were sent to Europe in the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, and may +now be lying uncatalogued in some library there. + +One copy of this Doctrina was sent to Philip II by the Governor of +the Philippines in 1593; and in 1785 a Jesuit philologist, Hervas y +Panduro, printed Tagalog texts from a then extant copy. Yet, since +that time no example is recorded as having been seen by bibliographer +or historian. The provenance of the present one is but imperfectly +known. In the spring of 1946 William H. Schab, a New York dealer, +was in Paris, and heard through a friend of the existence of a 1593 +Manila book. He expressed such incredulity at this information that his +friend, feeling his integrity impugned, telephoned the owner then and +there, and confirmed the unbelievable "1593." Delighted and enthused, +Schab arranged to meet him, found that he was a Paris bookseller and +collector who specialized in Pacific imprints and was fully aware of +the importance of the volume, and induced him to sell the precious +Doctrina. He brought it back with him to the United States and offered +it to Lessing J. Rosenwald, who promptly purchased it and presented it +to the Library of Congress. Where the book had been before it reached +Paris we do not know. Perhaps it is the very copy sent to Philip II, +perhaps the copy from which Hervas got his text. Indeed, it may +have been churned to the surface by the late Civil War in Spain, +and sent from there to France. In the course of years from similar +sources may come other books to throw more light upon the only too +poorly documented history of the establishment of printing in the +Philippine Islands. + + + +THE PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION + + +Let us first examine the book as it appears before us. The title-page +reads: + + + Doctrina Christiana, en + lengua espanola ytagala, cor + regida por los Religiosos de las + ordenes Impressa con licencia, en + S. gabriel. de la orden de. S. Domigo + En Manila. 1593 + + +The book, printed in Gothic letters and Tagalog [1] characters on +paper made from the paper mulberry, now browned and brittle with age, +consists of thirty-eight leaves, comprising a title-page as above, +under a woodcut [2] of St. Dominic, with the verso originally blank, +but in this copy bearing the contemporary manuscript inscription, +_Tassada en dos rreales_, signed _Juan de Cuellar_; and seventy-four +pages of text in Spanish, Tagalog transliterated into roman letters, +and Tagalog in Tagalog characters. The size of the volume, which +is unbound, is 9 1/8 by 7 inches, although individual leaves vary +somewhat due to chipping. Some of the leaves have become separated +from their complements, but enough remain in the original stitching +to indicate that the book was originally made up in four gatherings, +the first of twelve leaves, the second of ten, the third of ten, and +the fourth of six. Although the book is of the size called quarto, +the method of printing must have been page by page, so it is doubtful +that each sheet was folded twice in the usual quarto manner, but +more probable that it was printed four pages to a sheet of paper +approximately 9 1/8 by 14 inches, which was folded once. + +The volume is printed throughout by the xylographic method, that is to +say, each page of text is printed from one wood-block which was carved +by hand. Along the inner margins of some pages are vertical lines which +were made by the inked edge of the block, and the grain of the wood has +caused striations to appear in the printed portions throughout. The +unevenness of the impression indicates that the pages were printed +in some primitive manner without the help of a conventional press. + +The paper, which is one of the distinctive features of most old +Oriental books, has been discussed at length by Pardo de Tavera in +his study of early Philippine printing, and we can do no better than +translate the relevant passage in full: + + + "I have said before that the material composition of our + books is inferior. The imprints before 1830 were made on a + paper called by some rice paper, by others silk paper, and + by still others China paper, according to their taste. It + is detestable, brittle, without consistency or resistance, + and was called rice paper because it was supposed to be + made from that grain. It was the only kind then used in the + Philippines, not only for printing, but for all manner of + writing, letters, etc., and it is even recorded that in 1874 + when tobacco was a state monopoly, cigarettes were made with + this paper, and that the Indians and Chinese preferred it + (and perhaps they still do) to rag paper or other kinds, + because of the horrible taste it gives the tobacco. + + "In China they commonly made paper of bamboo, but more + principally from cotton and a plant which travellers have cited + only by its common name, which they transcribe in various ways, + calling it _kochu_, _kotsu_, or _kotzu_. Today it is known + that this plant is an ulmacea (_Broussonetia papyrifera_) + from a mash of which they still make cloth in Japan. Cotton + paper is superior to it, and naturally more expensive; but + the paper of inferior quality which was received in Manila, + where nothing was imported regularly but common articles of low + price, was of _kotsu._ As all Chinese-made paper it was coated + with alum, the finer [the paper] the thicker [the coating], + for the purpose of whitening it and making the surface smooth, + a deplorable business, for it made the paper very moisture + absorbent, a condition fatal in such a humid climate as + in these islands. Moreover, as the alum used is impure and + contains a large proportion of iron salts, the humidity and + weather oxidize it which finally darkens the paper, so that + Philippine books present a coloration which runs the gamut + of tones from the color of bone to that of dark cinnamon." [3] + + +Because the Doctrina Christiana, which may well be translated "The +Teachings of Christianity," contains the basic elements of the religion +which the missionaries were trying to spread among the unbaptized +in the remote regions of the world, it was the most useful handbook +they had. A summary of the contents of the present edition shows the +fundamental character of the work. After a syllabary comes the Pater +Noster, the primary and most popular prayer of Christianity. Then +follow the Ave Maria, Credo, Salve Regina, Articles of Faith, Ten +Commandments, Commandments of the Holy Church, Sacraments of the Holy +Church, Seven Mortal Sins, Fourteen Works of Charity, Confession +and Catechism. Here in a small compass is presented the simplest, +most easily learned and most essential tenets of the Catholic Church. + +So useful was the Doctrina considered as a guide for those who had +just been, or were about to be, converted that the missionary fathers +placed it in most cases foremost among the books necessary to have +in print in a strange land. It is generally accepted today, although +no extant copy is known, that the first book printed in Mexico [4] +in 1539 was a Doctrina in Mexican and Spanish. Recent research has +shown that the second book printed by the pioneer Jesuit press at Goa, +in India, in 1557 was St. Francis Xavier's _Doutrina Christao_ [5] +in the Malay language, of which also no copy has yet been located. But +there are copies of the first book to come from a South American press, +another Doctrina [6] printed in the native and Spanish languages at +Lima in 1584. So the choice of this book as the first to be printed +at Manila follows a widespread precedent. + +We have then a book, the Doctrina Christiana, in Spanish and Tagalog, +corrected by priests of more than one order--and this is important +in tracing the authorship of the work--and printed by the xylographic +method with license at Manila at the Dominican Church of San Gabriel +in 1593. So much we get from the title, and in itself it is a fairly +complete story, but from the date of its issue until the present time +that very fundamental information has not been completely recorded. + + + + +THE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL HISTORY + + +In tracing our clues down through the years, we find at the very +beginning the most valuable evidence which has been uncovered, short +of the book itself. From Manila on June 20, 1593, the Governor of the +Philippines, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, wrote a letter to Philip II of +Spain in which he said: + + + "Sire, in the name of Your Majesty, I have for this once, + because of the existing great need, granted a license for the + printing of the Doctrinas Christianas, herewith enclosed--one + in the Tagalog language, which is the native and best of these + islands, and the other in Chinese--from which I hope great + benefits will result in the conversion and instruction of the + peoples of both nations; and because the lands of the Indies + are on a larger scale in everything and things more expensive, + I have set the price of them at four reales a piece, until Your + Majesty is pleased to decree in full what is to be done." [7] + + +This states unequivocally that two books were printed at Manila some +time before June 20, 1593, one of which was the Doctrina in Tagalog, +and the other the same work in Chinese. Although we are chiefly +concerned here with the former, the fact that they were produced at +about the same time and probably at the same place makes it necessary +to trace the history of both in order to reconstruct the circumstances +surrounding the production of the one. Of the Chinese Doctrina no +copy has yet come to light, and except for two 1593 references, +there are no records of its existence. + +Another document [8] of 1593 verifies the information given in the +letter of Dasmarinas, differing from it only in one detail. In the +Archives of the Indies was found a manuscript account of 1593 listing +books written in the Philippines, which says: + + + "There have been printed primers and catechisms of the faith, + one in Spanish and Tagalog, which is the native language, and + the other in Chinese, which are being sent to Your Majesty, + the Tagalog priced at two reales and the Chinese at four, + which is hoped will be of great benefit." + + +The accounts of the printing of two Doctrinas contained in these +documents confirm some of the information of the title and add a bit +more. First, the letter says that the book was printed by permission +given by the Governor, which agrees with the "with license" of the +title, "for this once because of the existing great need." By a royal +cedula [9] of September 21, 1556, which was promulgated again on August +14, 1560, it had been ordered that Justices "not consent to or permit +to be printed or sold any book containing material concerning the +Indies without having special license sent by our Royal Council of the +Indies," and on May 8, 1584 this was implemented by the further order +"that when any grammar or dictionary of the language of the Indies be +made it shall not be published, or printed or used unless it has first +been examined by the Bishop and seen by the Royal Audiencia." This +latter portion was applied specifically to the Philippines in a letter +[10] from Philip II to the Audiencia of Manila, also dated May 8, +1584, to which further reference will be made. It can be gathered +from Dasmarinas' implied apology that he had never before given such +a license, and, since he had arrived in the Philippines in 1590, that +no books had been printed between that time and the licensing of the +Doctrinas. It is, moreover, likely that if any similar books had been +printed during the administrations of his predecessors he would have +mentioned the fact as a precedent for acting contrary to the cedulas. + +According to Dasmarinas he had priced the books at four reales a +piece, which followed the regular Spanish procedure, under which +books were subject to price control. The Governor, it will be noted, +also apologized for the high price he was forced to set, giving +general high prices [11] as his excuse. Yet, while the appraisal of +four reales for this book was high compared to the prevailing scale +in Spain, it was not high compared to prices allowed in Mexico. On +June 6, 1542 the Emperor had given the Casa de Cromberger, the first +printing-house in Mexico, permission [12] to sell books printed there +at seventeen maravedis a sheet, or exactly one half a real. If we +assume that, although the Doctrina had been printed page by page, +it was quarto in size and so appraised on the basis of eight pages +to a sheet, we find that the price per sheet comes to about fourteen +maravedis, or less than half a real. However, a contradiction occurs +between the letter of Dasmarinas and this copy of the Doctrina, +supported by the other 1593 document. On the verso of the title, Juan +de Cuellar, [13] the Governor's secretary and the logical person to +sign the official valuation, gives the price as two reales, and the +1593 account, while agreeing with the letter as far as the Chinese +Doctrina is concerned, also lists the price of the Tagalog Doctrina +as two reales. It is impossible to say what caused the discrepancy; +perhaps it was a decision on Dasmarinas' part to lower the cost, +notwithstanding inflationary values, in order to make the book more +readily available for the natives who were not economically as well +off as the Chinese, or it could be that after the letter had been +written it was noticed that the Chinese volume was larger than the +Tagalog one, and some adjustment made. In any event, the price of this +Doctrina was finally set at two reales, making it less than half the +price allowed in Mexico fifty years before. + +The evidence of the two 1593 documents would seem conclusive with +regard to printing in 1593, but witnesses were not long in appearing +who stated something quite different. The earliest of these was +Pedro Chirino, [14] a Jesuit priest, who came to the Philippines with +Dasmarinas in 1590. He went back to Europe in 1602, and while there +had a history of the Philippines printed at Rome in 1604. In 1606 he +returned to the islands, where he died in 1635. He left unpublished +the manuscript of another and more detailed history, dated 1610, +which contains a most significant passage, where, after speaking of +various early writers in native languages, he continues: + + + "Those who printed first were; P. Fr. Juan de Villanueva of + the Order of St. Augustine [who printed] certain little tracts, + and P. Fr. Francisco de San Joseph of the Order of St. Dominic + [who printed] larger things of more bulk." [15] + + +Concerning this Juan de Villanueva [16] very little indeed is +known. From what has been recorded it would seem that there were two +Augustinians of the same name who were in the Philippines before +1600. The first of these was a secular priest who came to Cebu +about 1566, may have taken the Augustinian habit some time after his +arrival, and died not long after 1569. The other Juan de Villanueva, +the date of whose arrival is unknown, was in Lubao in 1590, in Hagonoy +in 1593, and prior of Batangas from 1596 until his death in 1599. Of +the two there can be no doubt but that Chirino referred to the second +one. But, apart from Chirino's note, there is no record anywhere that +works by him existed, nor do the Augustinian chroniclers themselves, +except for the modern Santiago Vela who knew of Chirino's citation, +mention him as a linguist or a writer. The only possibility is that +between 1593 and 1599 Villanueva had printed some small xylographic +books no copies and no further record of which have appeared. + +As for Francisco de San Joseph, or Blancas de San Jose as he is more +frequently called, there are other references to his part in the +establishment of printing in the islands. From information doubtless +obtained from Diego Aduarte, then in Spain, Alonso Fernandez wrote +in his ecclesiastical history, printed at Toledo in 1611: + + + "Father Fr. Francisco Blancas printed in the Tagalog language + and characters a book of Our Lady of the Rosary in the year + 1602, which was the first book that was printed there of + that or any other material. After this he printed another of + the sacraments in the language of the Philippines, in both + characters, theirs and ours, from which the greatest results + have been achieved." [17] + + +Two years later the same author published at Madrid an account [18] +of the miracles performed by the Rosary of the Virgin, in which he +included a list of "Of some writers of the Order of St. Dominic who +were living in this year 1612," and gave the same information as above, +adding only that the printing took place in Bataan. + +Diego Aduarte, [19] whose history of the Dominican province of the +Philippines is one of the best contemporary ones written, bears out +these statements of which he was most probably the source. Aduarte came +to the islands in company with his close friend Blancas de San Jose +in 1595, went back to Spain as procurator of his order in 1607, and +returned to Manila in 1628, staying in the Orient until his death in +1636. His history was continued and edited after his death by a fellow +Dominican, Domingo Goncalez, who had it printed in 1640. Summarizing +the life and accomplishments of Blancas de San Jose, Aduarte wrote: + + + "So he was sent to Bataan, which is near there [Manila], + where he learned the language of the Indians, called Tagalog, + which is the most common in this country and is used among the + Indians for many leagues around the city. So rapid was his + study of the language that he began to preach in it within + three months, and could teach it to others in six.... And + believing that he was the instrument needed to bring the holy + gospel to the Indians, he spared no pains to investigate the + fitness of their words, the way to use them, and all the rest + so that he could succeed in mastering it.... He wrote many + books of devotion for them, and since there was no printing + in these islands, and no one who understood it or who was + a journeyman printer, he planned to have it done through a + Chinaman, a good Christian, who, seeing that the books of + P. Fr. Francisco were sure to be of great use, bestowed so + much care upon this undertaking that he finally succeeded, + aided by those who told him whatever they knew about it, + in learning everything necessary to do printing; and he + printed these books. . . . He [Blancas de San Jose] printed + a grammar to learn the Tagalog language, a memorial of the + Christian life, a book on the four last things, another on the + preparation for the communion, a confessionary, another on the + mysteries of the Rosary of Our Lady, and another to teach the + Tagalog Indians the Spanish language, and he left many very + pious and curious works in the language of these Indians." [20] + + +Blancas de San Jose, [21] as we have noted, came to the Philippines in +1595. He was at Abucay in Bataan from 1598 until 1602, and then spent +several years in and about Manila, preaching to the Indians and the +Chinese, whose language he also mastered. In 1614 he set out for Spain, +but died on the voyage before reaching Mexico. Of the books which he is +said to have had printed, only two are known to be extant, the _Arte +y Reglas de la Lengva Tagala_ [22] and the _Librong Pagaaralan nang +manga Tagalog nang uicang Castilla_ [23] (or _Libro en qve aprendan +los Tagalos, la lengua Castellana_), both printed at Bataan in 1610, +and until the discovery of the present Doctrina and the _Ordinationes_ +of 1604 the earliest surviving Philippine imprints known. + +We have not cited here in detail the account of Juan Lopez [24] in +the fifth part of his history of the Dominicans, because, although it +was printed nineteen years before the appearance of Aduarte's work, +the information therein contained regarding the Philippines was +acknowledgedly obtained from the unfinished manuscript which Aduarte +had with him in Spain. The pertinent passages add nothing to Aduarte's +information, and even the wording is reminiscent of his. + +The first suggestion that early Philippine books may have been printed +from wood-blocks occurred in Quetif and Echard's bibliography of +Dominican writers printed at Paris in 1719. There, after listing +eight works by Blancas de San Jose, they add: + + + "He published all these in the Philippines with the help + of a Chinese Christian using Chinese blocks, for in his day + European typographers had not yet arrived in those islands, + nor did they have types for their language." [25] + + +This was an amazing suggestion, for as far as we know the +bibliographers who made it had not actually seen the books; nor is it +entirely true. The first two works listed are two books we know were +printed typographically in 1610. The sixth is _De los mysterios del +Rosario de nuestra Senora Tagalice_, the book referred to by Fernandez +as having been printed in 1602, and generally accepted as being from +movable type, although no copy has been discovered to prove it. And +yet, it is not at all impossible that some time before 1602 Blancas de +San Jose had some of his writings printed from blocks. In any event, +the idea, later developed by Medina and Retana, that xylography was +used before a real printing-press was established, may have come from +this not wholly accurate note. + +For almost a hundred and fifty years no historian or bibliographer +wrote anything to challenge the basic affirmations of Chirino, +Fernandez and Aduarte. In the middle of the 18th century, Lorenzo +Hervas y Panduro, [26] a Jesuit, was forced by the expulsion of the +Jesuits from Spain to seek refuge in the Papal States, and took up +residence at Cesena. There he began work on a tremendous universal +history of the spiritual development of man, into which he wove the +results of his philosophical, social and linguistic studies. These +last were of particular importance, and Hervas is regarded as the true +founder of the science of linguistics and comparative philology. In +1785 he published the eighteenth volume of his massive work, the +_Origine, formazione, meccanismo, ed armonia degl' idiomi_, in which +he printed a Tagalog Ave Maria as written in 1593, with the note: + + + "The Ave Maria in the Tagalog of 1593 is to be read in the + Tagalog-Spanish Doctrina Christiana which was printed in + Tagalog and roman characters by the Dominican fathers in + their printing-house at Manila in the year 1593." [27] + + +In 1787 he finished his twenty-first volume, _Saggio pratico_, [28] +which was another philological study, including the Pater Noster +in over three hundred languages and dialects, among them Tagalog, +again from the 1593 Doctrina. Here, then, is ample proof that a copy +of this book was known to Hervas in 1785, and the only information +which his loose transcription of the title failed to give was that +the volume was "corrected by members of the orders," that it was +printed with license, and that it was printed at San Gabriel. + +At the beginning of the following century two German scholars, familiar +with Hervas' writings, noted the 1593 Doctrina. Franz Carl Alter, [29] +in his monograph on the Tagalog language, printed the Ave Maria from +the text which had appeared in 1785, and Johann Christoph Adelung, +[30] in his _Mithridates_, a comprehensive study of languages, +included the Tagalog Pater Noster from the _Saggio pratico_ of +1787. The latter also listed in a short bibliography of the Tagalog +language the Doctrina of 1593, giving exactly the same information +about it that Hervas had. Neither of these men apparently saw a copy +of the book, limiting themselves to extracts from Hervas, but they +perpetuated an earlier reference of the utmost importance. + +Shortly after the two Germans published their notices of the 1593 +Doctrina an entry appeared of a book printed at Manila in 1581. Jose +Mariano Beristain y Sousa, a learned Mexican writer, issued in +1819-21 a bibliography of Spanish-American books, in which he listed +alphabetically the authors, giving a short biography of each and +adding a list of his works. Under Juan de Quinones we find: + + + "'Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala,' Imp. en Manila, + 1581." [31] + + +No specific authority is given for this entry, but in his sketch of +the life of Quinones Beristain cited as sources, Juan de Grijalva, +Nicolas Antonio, Gaspar de San Agustin, and Jose Sicardo. It would +seem logical that one of these must have mentioned such a work as +printed in Manila in 1581, but in tracing down the sources no such +precise notice is found. + +Grijalva simply said that Quinones "concerned himself with Tagalog and +made a vocabulary and grammar of it." [32] Antonio [33] referred to +Grijalva, and carried the matter no further. San Agustin, describing +the Franciscan chapter of 1578, wrote: + + + "It was determined moreover in this chapter that P. Fr. Juan + de Quinones, prior of the Convent of Taal in Tagalos, and + Fr. Diego de Ochoa, prior of Bacolor in Pampanga, should + compose and fashion grammars, dictionaries, and confessionaries + in the two languages [respectively Tagalog and Pampanga] in + which they had ventured; which they executed very promptly + and well, and these were of great use to those who came to + these islands, for they had these by which they could study + the languages." [34] + + +Later, San Agustin, again mentioning Quinones, referred to Grijalva, +and added as an additional source for his information Tomas de +Herrera. Sicardo [35] added nothing new. Herrera, not cited directly +by Beristain, may however have been the source from which the "Imp." of +his entry came. Herrera wrote: + + + "He [Quinones] was the first to have learned the Tagalog + language of which he published a grammar and dictionary as + an aid to the ministers of the gospel." + + +If Beristain read this, he may have been misled by the Latin of +"published," [36] _in lucem edidit_, which may indeed mean printed +and published, but also means quite properly published in the sense +of written in manuscript and copied and circulated. We agree with +Schilling [37] that this latter meaning was the one intended. One +other statement that Quinones' works were printed may derive from +the same misunderstanding. About the year 1801 Pedro Bello wrote an +account, still in manuscript and unpublished, of the writings of the +Augustinians. His remarks on Quinones, first printed by Santiago Vela +[38], we believe are only an extension of Herrera's _in lucem edidit_. + +This same confusion in terminology has been used [39] to support +Beristain's claim by introducing as evidence the letter of Philip II of +May 8, 1584. Salazar, the Bishop of Manila, probably shortly after the +Synod of 1582, had written the King a letter, now unfortunately lost, +in which he spoke of a decision to standardize linguistic works. In +answer to the Bishop, the following letter in the form of a royal +cedula was sent: + + + "To the President and Judges of my Royal Audiencia situated + in the city of Manila in the Philippine Islands.--It has been + told me on behalf of Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, Bishop of + that place, that it was agreed that no priest might make a + grammar or vocabulary, and that if it were made it might not + be published before being examined and approved by the said + Bishop, because otherwise there would result great differences + and disagreements in the doctrine; and this having been seen + by my Council of the Indies, it was agreed that I should + order this my cedula which decrees that when any grammar or + vocabulary be made it shall not be published or used unless + it has first been examined by the said Bishop and seen by + this Audencia." [40] + + +Here again the word _publicado_ is brought forth to prove that the +letter referred to printed works, but here again the term is equally +applicable to manuscript works in common use and generally available. + +Further evidence that there was no printing as early as 1581 is to be +found in a letter [41] from Juan de Plasencia, a Tagalist of great +renown, to the King, dated from Manila, June 18, 1585, in which he +reported on the state of missionary work in China and Japan, and added +that he had written a grammar and a declaration of the whole Doctrina +in the most common language of the Philippines, and that he was then +making a dictionary, concluding by asking the King to send decrees +ordering those works to be printed in Mexico at the expense of the +Exchequer. Is it likely that Plasencia would have so written if an +_Arte y Vocabulario_ had been printed four years earlier? Furthermore, +San Antonio, recording the book on the customs and rites of the Indians +written by Plasencia at the request of the Governor Santiago de Vera, +and dated October 24, 1589, said that it was not printed "because +printing houses had not yet come to this country." [42] + +We then conclude with regard to Beristain's entry, that although +there existed in manuscript an _Arte y Vocabuldrio Tagalo_ by Juan de +Quinones, there is no evidence of the existence of any book printed +for him from wood-blocks or in type. Santiago de Vela [43] suggests +the possibility that there might have been a xylographic _Arte_ of +1581, but Schilling [44] questions this in the face of the complete +lack of reference to such a printed work by any 17th or 18th century +writer, and the tenuous notices of Bello and Beristain; yet to say +categorically that no such work was printed would be foolhardy in the +face of the scanty early records and the appearance of this Doctrina, +a single copy of which has just been discovered. + +The first important work devoted solely to the early history of the +Philippine press was by T.H. Pardo de Tavera, who in 1893 published +his study of printing and engraving in the Philippines. He there +recorded a 1593 Doctrina, but adamantly refused to accept it on the +hearsay evidence of others. His account is valuable because it shows +that there may have been a copy of the Doctrina in Java in 1885, +and so we quote from it at some length: + + + "A learned Dutch orientalist, Dr. J. Brandes, wrote me in 1885 + from Bali-Boeleleng (Java) telling me that in 1593 at Manila + there was printed a Doctrina Christiana in Spanish-Tagalog, + with the proper characters for the latter language. Other + orientalists, at the last Congress in London in 1891, gave + me the same information. Nonetheless, no one told me where + he had read such a thing, nor much less that he had managed + to see such a book, although inspecting a rare book which + I acquired in Paris (Alter, _Ueber die tagalische sprache_, + Vienna, 1803), I saw that the author cited such a Doctrina + Christiana and said that he knew of its existence through Abbe + Hervas. This is an error, and without doubt such a Doctrina was + in manuscript, because in 1591 [he should have said 1593] there + was no press in Manila nor in any part of the archipelago, + and today we know for certain and positively that the first + book issued there appeared in 1610." [45] + + +Pardo de Tavera was the first to call attention to Alter, and through +him to Hervas, and in all probability the orientalists at the London +Congress had seen the Doctrina cited by one of these or Adelung. But he +rejects that evidence in no uncertain terms. Mitigating somewhat his +assurance, he speaks following the above-quoted passage of printing +in China, and differentiates between xylographic and typographic +printing, and since he was obviously thinking in terms of printing +on a press with movable type his conclusions are not too extreme. + +In 1896 appeared Jose Toribio Medina's _La Imprenta en Manila_, which +was up to then the best, most complete and most scholarly work on early +Philippine printing, and is today with its subsequent additions and +corrections the standard bibliography of the subject. There Medina +cited most of the authorities we have already quoted, the letter of +Dasmarinas, Fernandez' _Historia eclesiastica_, Aduarte, Adelung, +Beristain and Pardo de Tavera. Then, basing his conclusions strongly +on the Dasmarinas letter and the note of Adelung, he listed [46] +as number one in his bibliography the Doctrina of 1593 in Spanish +and Tagalog, and as number two the Doctrina in Spanish and Chinese +of the same year. This is a verdict which has stood the test of +time, and one that is just now confirmed by the discovery of the +book itself. Two points, however, in his survey should be noted. In +his discussion of the printing and the authorship Medina does not +emphasize the Dominican origin of the book, although he does say that +"it does not appear bold to us to suppose that the imprint of these +Doctrinas ought to be the Hospital of San Gabriel in this village +[Binondo]," [47] and faithfully copies Adelung's imprint notice, "in +the Dominican printing-house," in his listing of the book. The other +point is that he says in his introduction and repeats in his entry +that the Doctrina had a Latin as well as Spanish and Tagalog texts, +an erroneous translation of Adelung's "mit lateinische und tagalische +Schrift." He was hesitant as are all bibliographers, who must perforce +record the probable existence of a book a copy of which they have +never seen, in committing himself as to whether it was printed from +blocks or from type or by a combination of the two methods. + +More positive and more succinct than Medina was T.E. Retana whose +earlier researches [48] into the history of the Philippines Medina +acknowledgedly made use of, and who in 1897 published his _La Imprenta +en Filipinas, Adiciones y Observaciones a La Imprenta en Manila_. He +took the material of Medina, added the evidence of Chirino and +Plasencia, and resummarized the problem. The letter of Dasmarinas +showed conclusively that a Doctrina was printed in 1593. Chirino said +that the first two whose works were printed were Juan de Villanueva and +Blancas de San Jose. Fernandez stated positively that the first book +printed in the Philippines was the book of Our Lady of the Rosary by +Blancas de San Jose printed at Bataan in 1602. Aduarte supported this +without mentioning a title, place or date of printing. If we are to +accept all these statements as incontrovertible, how can the apparent +contradictions be reconciled? The answer had already been hinted at, +but Retana solved the problem with amazing acumen, and arrived at +four conclusions, which are here printed in his own words: + + + "A--That the Doctrinas of 1593, though printed at Manila, were + not executed in type, but by the so-called xylographic method; + + B--That the initiative for the establishment of _typography_ + is owed to P. Fr. Francisco Blancas de San Jose; + + C--That the first _typographer_ was the Chinese Christian + Juan de Vera at the instigation of the said Father San Jose; + + D--That the first _typographical_ printing of this Dominican + author is of the year 1602." [49] + + +It is not difficult to say with the book itself in front of us, +that it is an example of xylographic printing, but it was a great +feat on the part of Retana, who had never seen a copy, to resolve +apparently irreconcilable differences of opinion on the part of +several unquestioned authorities by deducing that it was all a +matter of semantics--what did _printing_ mean? As for the sprite of +1581 introduced by Beristain, Retana dismissed it on the grounds of +insufficient evidence. In a word, he concluded that the first book +issued in the Philippines was a Doctrina printed from wood-blocks +in 1593. + +All subsequent writers on the subject have derived their information +from the sources we have already mentioned, and to a great degree +have been influenced by the findings of Medina and Retana. The +Rev. Thomas Cooke Middleton [50] in 1900 confessed that he did not +know what the first book printed was. Pardo de Tavera maintained his +old intransigence, when in the introduction to his bibliography for +the Library of Congress in 1903 he wrote that Medina's affirmation +that printing took place in 1593 "loses all validity in the face of +the categorical statement of F. Alonso Fernandez." [51] Medina did +not comment further in his _Adiciones y Ampliaciones_ [52] of 1904, +yet when the same year Perez and Gueemes [53] published their additions +to and continuation of Medina, bringing his bibliography down to +1850, they resurrected the 1581 _Arte_, but added no new evidence +to prove their case. Blair and Robertson, in their tremendous, +collective history of the Philippines, did not include a list of +Philippine imprints in their bibliography, [54] but referred readers +to Medina and Retana with whom they agreed. To celebrate the three +hundredth anniversary of typographical printing in the Philippines +Artigas y Cuerva [55] wrote a study which emphasized the part played +by Blancas de San Jose, but did not deny the existence of the 1593 +Doctrina. Retana [56] in 1911 brought his work on the subject up to +date, but retained all his major conclusions. In Palau's standard +bibliography of Spanish books we find the Doctrinas called "the two +earliest books known to have been printed in Manila." [57] Finally, the +most thorough recent work on the subject is to be found in Schilling's +[58] survey of the early history of the Philippine press published in +1937. There is little that can be added to the evidence uncovered by +these modern writers, but the appearance of the book itself enables +us to say with certainty some things which they were able only to +surmise. However, as regards the authorship and the circumstances and +place of printing we are able, from the information given on the title, +to carry the investigation somewhat further. + + + + +THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE TEXT + + +The title tells us that the book was "corrected" by the priests of +more than one order, and since it was printed by the Dominicans, +we can assume that the ultimate responsibility for the preparation +of the text in consultation with friars of other orders also lay +in their hands. Our problem then is to discover what texts were +available to them in 1593 and who were the priests who formed the +editorial board. We have included in this study also the origins of +the Chinese text, for the two Doctrinas appeared at the same time, +and as we shall see the same Dominicans were probably responsible for +the production and preparation of both the Tagalog and the Chinese +texts. During the period under discussion there were priests of four +orders active in the islands, and so we shall speak in turn of the +Augustinian, Franciscan, Jesuit and Dominican fathers who might have +written or worked on the Doctrinas printed in 1593. + + + +THE AUGUSTINIANS + + +The first priests to come to the Philippines were six Augustinians +who accompanied Legazpi on the expedition which in 1565 established +the first permanent European settlement in the islands. Among them +was Martin de Rada, who was one of the most important and influential +priests during the early days of the Spanish colony, and who was the +first linguist of note to work in the Philippines. The first language +he learned was Visayan, [59] native to the island of Cebu where the +Spaniards first landed, but he also learned Chinese. In May 1572 he +was elected provincial of his order, and in June 1575 he went with +Jeronimo Marin, as ambassador to China, being "the first Spaniard +who entered into that said kingdom." [60] In preparation for the +voyage, we are told by Gonzalez de Mendoza, whose famous and popular +history of China first printed in 1585 derives in a great measure from +information brought back by Rada, that Rada "began with great care & +studie to learne that language [Chinese], the which he learned in +few daies: & did make thereof a dictionarie." [61] Rada was then not +only the first to write in Visayan, but also the first to compile a +Chinese dictionary, and more important still brought back with him +to Manila from China many books of which Mendoza gives a list. [62] +These books, printed in the usual Chinese method from wood-blocks, +could have provided models for the Spaniards in the Philippines who +lacked European facilities for printing, and they may have given +birth to the idea which resulted in the xylographic Doctrinas. + +Within the first few years several more Augustinian fathers [63] +arrived whose linguistic accomplishments are briefly noted by the +historians, but while these men were certainly pioneers in the speaking +of Tagalog and Chinese, they are not recorded as having written in +the language. According to Cano, [64] the first Tagalog grammar was +written by Agustin de Alburquerque, and Retana [65] considered him +one of the possible authors of the present Doctrina. This friar +reached the Philippines in 1571, accompanied Rada on his second +expedition to China in 1576, was elected provincial in 1578, and died +in 1580. However, there is no early record saying that Alburquerque +wrote any linguistic work. The statement was not made until the 19th +century, and in contradiction Juan de Medina, who wrote in 1630, +said that Juan de Quinones "made a grammar and lexicon of the Tagal +language, which was the first to make a start in the rules of its +mode of speech." [66] Furthermore, in the official acts [67] of the +Augustinian province we find that on August 20, 1578 Alburquerque +as provincial of the order commissioned Quinones to write a grammar, +dictionary and confessionary in the Tagalog language. The conclusions +of Santiago de Vela [68] are that it is doubtful that Alburquerque +wrote any linguistic works, and if he did they were liable to have +been rough preliminary studies [69] upon which the texts of Quinones +were based. In view of the lack of positive contemporary evidence +[70] we believe that Alburquerque may be eliminated except as the +instigator of such works, and we return again to Juan de Quinones. + +In so far as Quinones [71] was the author of a grammar and dictionary +claimed to have been printed at Manila in 1581, we have shown what +various writers have said, and though we must conclude that the work +was probably not printed, it is certain that he wrote in the Tagalog +language. Agustin Maria de Castro [72] said, although no earlier +writers support it, that Quinones actually presented a grammar, +dictionary and Doctrina in Tagalog at the Synod of 1582 for its +approval. Our total information about this Augustinian linguist boils +down to these essentials: that he did write a grammar and dictionary +of Tagalog about 1578-81, which may have been the earliest written +in the Philippines; that he may have presented these and a Doctrina +at the Synod of 1582 which approved Juan de Plasencia's works; that +there is no concrete evidence that any of these works were printed; +and that Quinones' works which were extant in manuscript in 1593 +might have been consulted in the preparation of the present Doctrina. + +Another member of the Order of St. Augustine who might have been +able to participate in the editing of the 1593 Doctrinas was Diego +Munoz. Munoz came to the islands in 1578, and died in 1594. Of him +San Agustin writes: + + + "Moreover in this year [1581] the ministry for the Sangleys + was founded in the convent of Tondo, and P. Fr. Diego Munoz + was named as its special minister. He devoted particular + zeal to the study of the Chinese language, and preached in + it with much elegance. And all the Sangleys who were going + to be baptized, and there were many, had recourse to this + ministry, and the teaching was continued with much vigilance + and care. And there never lacked a religious of our order + to apply himself to such holy work, from the time we came to + this land, as our original records of the province prove." [73] + + +To him is also attributed [74] a volume of manuscript panegyric sermons +in Tagalog, and because of this and his work at Tondo he may have +been consulted by the Dominicans. We also mention Lorenzo de Leon, +[75] who arrived in 1582, spent twelve years in the provinces, wrote +a book called the _Estrella del mar_ in Tagalog, and died in 1623, +and might also have helped. + + + + +THE FRANCISCANS + + +Although the first Franciscans did not arrive in the Philippines +until June 24, 1577, the writings of the linguists of that order +are more fully recorded. Among the earliest was Juan de Plasencia +who, the Franciscans claim, wrote the first Tagalog grammar. He was +fortunate in meeting soon after his arrival Miguel de Talavera, [76] +who had come with his parents on the expedition of Legazpi. Miguel, +then quite young, became in a manner of speaking the disciple of +Plasencia, and while the father taught him Latin, he in turn taught +Plasencia the elements of Tagalog which he had picked up. For two years +Plasencia ministered in the provinces of Tayabas, Laguna, and Bulacan +where he used and perfected his knowledge of the native language. On +May 20, 1579, when the provincial Pedro de Alfaro left for China, +he named Plasencia acting provincial during his absence. A reference +to the earliest linguistic writings of the Franciscans occurs in an +account by Santa Ines of the chapter meeting held in the Convent of +Los Angeles in July 1580, which was presided over by Plasencia: + + + "The third and last thing that was determined in this chapter + was that a grammar and dictionary of the Tagalog language + should be made and a translation of the Doctrina Christiana + completed. And since Fr. Juan de Plasencia, the president of + this same chapter, excelled all in the language, he was given + this responsibility, and he accepted it, and immediately set to + work. And then after great study, much lack of sleep and care, + together with fervent prayers and other spiritual duties, + of not little importance in the good profit of such work, + he reduced the language to a grammar, made a catechism, + a very full dictionary, and various translations." [77] + + +But the most important record of his writings is contained in +the description of the Synod called by Bishop Salazar in 1582. In +March, 1581, Domingo de Salazar, the first Bishop of Manila and the +Philippines, had arrived. The problems which faced him were manifold, +particularly those of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the treatment of the +natives by government administrators, and the means by which the gospel +could best be spread. A synod was called to resolve these points. One +matter of the utmost importance was the approval of standard Tagalog +texts, and Juan de la Concepcion gives the following account of what +transpired in this connection: + + + "His excellency presided at the meetings. At them the most + learned topics were discussed and the most learned persons + were present--the Dominican father Salvatierra, the most + outstanding scholars among the Augustinians and Franciscans, + the Jesuit fathers Sedeno and Sanchez, and the Licentiate + Don Diego Vasquez de Mercado as dean of the new cathedral. At + this convention or diocesan synod it was discussed whether the + Indians were to be ministered to in their native language, or + if they would be obliged to learn Spanish, and it was decided + to instruct them in their native tongue. The divine office, + the Doctrina Christiana, which Father Fr. Juan de Plasencia + had translated into the Tagalog language, was approved. His + work, the _Arte y Vocabuldrio Tagalo_, was judged most useful + because of the ease by which it permitted an understanding + and thorough knowledge of so foreign a language." [78] + + +The already quoted account of Santa Ines continues with a similar +description of the Synod, and says that when the problem of teaching +the natives was brought up only Plasencia could resolve it. + + + "Since, having seen his catechism and the translation which he + had made in Tagalog of the grammar and dictionary, those who + were at the Synod and understood anything of the language could + do nothing but admire the fitness of the terms, their efficacy + and strength. And they said that, without the particular + help of heaven, it seemed impossible that in so short a time + and with so few years in the country he could have done such + excellent work. And then, having approved them, they ordered + that various copies be made, particularly of the translation + of the Doctrina, so that with them and with no other would + the ministers teach the Indians, and so it was approved, + in order that there might be uniformity in all parts of the + Tagalog country. This translation is that which has come down + to this day, except that it is more polished." [79] + + +It must have been shortly after the handbooks of Plasencia received +the seal of ecclesiastical approval that Salazar wrote the King +speaking of the action taken, and got back in answer the cedula, quoted +before, giving the Bishop and Audiencia the right of censorship over +such works. The question of chronological precedence [80] between +Quinones and Plasencia is not important, for the specific approval +of Plasencia's texts by the Synod, attended by Quinones himself, +shows that Plasencia's books were accepted, and in conformity with +the ruling of the Synod would have been the only texts allowed to be +used generally in the Philippines. + +Another reference to writers in the native tongues in an anonymous +manuscript of 1649 introduces the names of other linguists: + + + "The first missionaries left many writings in the Tagalog + and Bicol languages, the best of which are those left by + Fathers Fray Juan de Oliver, Fray Juan de Plasencia, Fray + Miguel de Talavera, Fray Diego de la Asuncion, and Fray + Geronimo Monte. Mention is here made of the above fathers + because they were the first masters of the Tagalog language, + and since their writings are so common and so well received + by all the orders. They have not been printed, because they + are voluminous, and there are no arrangements in this kingdom + for printing so much." [81] + + +Miguel de Talavera we have spoken of before. That he helped Plasencia +in the compilation of his earliest works in Tagalog is clear, and +to him in part must be attributed the miracle of the production by +Plasencia of the texts "in so short a time and with so few years +in the country." Martinez says specifically that Talavera "was the +first interpreter among our priests, and greatly helped Fr. Juan +de Plasencia in the composition of the _Arte y Vocabulario_." [82] +Juan de Oliver was in somewhat the same relationship to Plasencia, +but instead of helping with the initial attempts, he carried on from +where Plasencia left off. Oliver came to the Philippines on the same +expedition which brought Bishop Salazar in 1581. According to Huerta +[83] he worked in various Tagalog villages, and mastered the Tagalog +and Bicol languages, in which he wrote twenty-two works, which Huerta +lists. Of these three are of particular interest to us. The first +entry says that he "corrected the Tagalog grammar written by Fr. Juan +de Plasencia, and added the adverbs and particles;" [84] the second +that "he perfected and augmented the Spanish-Tagalog dictionary, +written by the said Fr. Juan de Plasencia;" and the sixteenth lists +a _Catecismo de doctrina Cristiana esplicado_. + +Several authors, attempting to establish the priority of Quinones' +dictionary, question the existence of one by Plasencia at the Synod +of 1582 in the face of his own statement in 1585 that he "was then +making a dictionary." [85] To us there seems to be no inconsistency, +if Plasencia in 1585 was referring to a revision, unquestionably +made with his knowledge and help, by Juan de Oliver. In short, it +is reasonable to assume that Plasencia, burdened with administrative +duties from 1583 to 1586, during which time he was custodian of his +order, secured the aid of Oliver in reediting and continuing his +linguistic studies. Plasencia died in 1590. + +The other two Franciscans listed by the anonymous historian of +1649 are elsewhere recorded as having written various works in +Tagalog. To both Diego de la Asuncion [86] and Geronimo Montes y +Escamillo [87] were attributed grammars and dictionaries, and the +latter also wrote a _Devotional tagalog_, said to have been printed +at Manila in 1610. In speaking of these early linguistic texts, it is +not necessary to believe that each was a completely original work, +but rather that they were based upon a recognized model, which was +at first the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver text, and that the individual +missionaries used their experience in the field to produce, as it +were, new editions. That this was the case is borne out by the notes +of Pablo Rojo to his bibliography of Plasencia where speaking of the +grammar and dictionary he says that "perfected by other missionaries, +they have been the base for such grammars and dictionaries of Tagalog +as have been written, but in the form in which they came from the +hands of their author, they have not come down to us." [88] More +important still is Rojo's statement [89] that he found a portion of +Plasencia's Doctrina which had been believed lost, and from which he +quotes the Pater Noster. Since he does not say where the manuscript +was or how it was known to be Plasencia's text, we cannot put too +much reliance on the statement, but the text as there printed, while +similar to that of the present Doctrina, is not identical. + + + +THE JESUITS + + +Before passing on to the Dominicans we shall mention briefly the +linguists of the Society of Jesus. In the early days there were not +many Jesuits in the Philippines. However, there were some linguists +among them, chiefly of the Visayan tongue, in which they are said to +have printed a Doctrina [90] as early as 1610. Limiting ourselves to +a note of those who knew Chinese and Tagalog, we find that the first +mentioned by Chirino as an outstanding master of one of these was +Francisco Almerique, who arrived with Santiago de Vera in 1583. Shortly +thereafter he "began the study of the Chinese language in his zeal +to aid in the conversion of the many Chinese who came to Manila and +whom we in the Philippines call Sangleys." [91] And Colin says "his +principal occupation was with the Tagalog Indians, being the first of +the Company to learn their language." [92] Nothing further is said of +his accomplishments in these languages, but his knowledge would have +been available in 1593, for he was then still active in the islands. + +Chirino himself landed at Manila in 1590 shortly after Dasmarinas, +and went almost immediately to Taytay where he learned Tagalog and +was joined in 1592 by Martin Henriquez. At the time Juan de Oliver +was preaching in that district, and it is exceedingly probable that +he helped the newcomers with the language, for Chirino speaks of him +in terms of highest praise. Henriquez "learned the language in three +months and in six wrote a catechism in it, a confessionary, and a +book of sermons for all the gospels of the year in the said idiom," +[93] but he died on February 3, 1593 at Taytay. How thoroughly Chirino +himself had grasped the fundamentals of Tagalog is evident from his +three chapters [94] on the language and letters of the natives in +which he prints the Ave Maria in Tagalog and reproduces the Tagalog +alphabet--its first appearance in a European publication. But Chirino, +who remained in the provinces until 1595, would have mentioned his +participation and that of Henriquez in the Doctrina of 1593, so we +record them as possible but not probable consultants. + + + +THE DOMINICANS + + +Had Aduarte written that the first books printed at Manila were two +Doctrinas issued by the Dominicans at San Gabriel in 1593, and given +some details of their production, we could conclude our study with +a quotation from him, but nowhere does he mention them. In fact, +his inference was that the first book was that printed for Blancas +de San Jose, and yet we know that this Doctrina preceded anything +that Blancas de San Jose could have written, since he did not come +to the Philippines until 1595. We can assume, as Retana did, that +by printing Aduarte meant printing from movable type, but this does +not explain away the fact that Aduarte, who recorded in detail events +of far less significance, did not speak of the Doctrinas at all. The +best--and it is a most unsatisfactory best--that we can do is ascribe +the omission to the frailty of man, and record that there is no notice +of the Dominican Doctrina of 1593 in the most complete contemporary +Dominican history of the Philippines. + +The first members of the Order of St. Dominic [95] to land in the +Philippines were Bishop Salazar and his assistant, Christoval de +Salvatierra. But they were fully occupied with the administration of +the bishopric and could not devote themselves to regular missionary +work. It was not until July 25, 1587 that working Dominican +missionaries came. Then fifteen [96] under the leadership of Juan de +Castro arrived, and established the first Dominican province [97] +of the Philippines and China, thus consummating the hope expressed +as early as 1579. [98] + +In consultation with the other orders it was decided that the +Dominicans should be given the ministry of the territories of +Pangasinan and Bataan, which had theretofore been spiritually +exploited by few priests. Almost immediately, on September 15, 1587, +the vicariate of Bataan was founded and settled. In speaking of it, +Aduarte stressed the importance of a knowledge of the language of the +natives, which there would have been Tagalog, to the success of the +mission. Domingo de Nieva, one of the four members of the mission, +learned it rapidly and well, and soon began to preach to the Indians +in their own tongue. His aptitude for languages and its usefulness to +the Dominicans must have been very great, for Aduarte in listing the +priests who originally volunteered in Spain makes few comments about +individuals, but of Nieva he remarks that he "was afterwards of great +importance because of the great ease and skill with which he learned +languages, whether Indian or Chinese." [99] Unfortunately Nieva was +only a deacon, and so could not hear confession, a fact which was +greatly deplored, because during that first year no other priest +mastered the language sufficiently well to do it, but in September +1588 he reached the requisite age and was ordained. About that time +the friars in Bataan--one had died and another was ailing--were joined +by Juan de la Cruz, "who, being young, succeeded very well with the +language," [100] and also succeeded in surviving the climate. + +Early in 1588 Juan Cobo [101] arrived from Mexico. Shortly thereafter, +on June 12, 1588, the Dominican chapter held its first convocation. It +elected Juan de Castro the first provincial, adopted the general +ordinances [102] already made in Mexico, gave the convent at Manila +the title of priory, and designated as parts of the province four +vicariates. Of primary importance was the appointment then of Juan +Cobo to the mission for the Chinese. + +From the very earliest days of the Spanish occupation of Manila, +the governors had had trouble with the Chinese and Sangleys. [103] +These people had long conducted a profitable trade between China +and the Philippines, and many had settled permanently near Manila, +while others stayed there regularly between trading voyages. The +Chinese merchants were in full control of the shops of the city, and +so monopolized retail trade that the early governors legislated [104] +against them to give the Spaniards a chance to establish themselves +in business. In 1588 there were as many as seven thousand of them in +and around Manila. + +No one had objected to the Pangasinan and Bataan assignments, but when +it was suggested that the Dominicans also assume the responsibility for +the ministry over the Chinese and Sangleys in the suburbs of Manila, +the Augustinians vehemently resented what they considered an invasion +of their prior rights. Aduarte omits any account of a disagreement, +merely saying that since the Chinese had had no one to minister to +them the Dominicans assumed that responsibility, but in a letter [105] +from the Licentiate Gaspar de Ayala to Philip II, dated from Manila, +July 15, 1589, full details of the squabble are given. From this source +we learn that the Augustinians had a convent in the village of Tondo +in the Chinese district. There they had ministered to the natives in +their own language, but had rather neglected their Chinese-speaking +parishioners. Consequently after the arrival of the Dominicans the +Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring that the Bishop appoint +ministers of one order to administer to the Chinese in their own +language within thirty days. To meet the deadline the Augustinians +began to study Chinese at breakneck speed, but when the Bishop came +to Tondo to hear one of the friars, who was supposed to know the +language, preach in it, there was some trouble as a result of which +the Augustinian would not, or indeed could not, preach. Naturally, +when it was decided to award the territory to the Dominicans, the +Augustinians accused the Bishop of favoritism towards his own order. + +The whole situation is best described in the report on the Chinese +made by Salazar to the King on June 24, 1590: + + + "When I arrived in this land, I found that in a village called + Tondo--which is not far from this city, there being a river + between--lived many Sangleys, of whom some were Christians, + but the larger part infidels. In this city were also some + shops kept by Sangleys, who lived here in order to sell the + goods which they kept here year by year. These Sangleys were + scattered among the Spaniards, with no specific place assigned + to them, until Don Gonzalo Ronquillo allotted them a place + to live in, and to be used as a silk-market (which is here + called _Parian_), of four large buildings. Here, many shops + were opened, commerce increased, and more Sangleys came to this + city.... When I came, all the Sangleys were almost forgotten, + and relegated to a corner. No thought was taken for their + conversion, because no one knew their language or undertook + to learn it on account of its great difficulty; and because + the religious who lived here were too busy with the natives of + these islands. Although the Augustinian religious had charge + of the Sangleys of Tondo, they did not minister to or instruct + them in their own language, but in that of the natives or this + land; thus the Sangley Christians living here, were Christians + only in name, knowing no more of Christianity than if they + had never accepted it.... Then I appealed to all religious + orders to appoint some one of their religious to learn the + language and take charge of the Sangleys. Although all of them + showed a desire to do so, and some even began to learn it, + yet no one succeeded; and the Sangleys found themselves with + no one to instruct them and take up their conversion with the + necessary earnestness, until, in the year eighty-seven, God + brought to these islands the religious of St. Dominic." [106] + + +So we find, as the Dominicans undertook their mission, a large +settlement of Chinese, including both a settled and a floating +population, concentrated in the Parian, across the Pasig river from +the main city of Manila. + +The dominating figure of the Chinese mission from the time of his +arrival in the Philippines was Juan Cobo. In a letter, written by him +from the Parian of Manila, July 13, 1589, probably to ecclesiastical +authorities in Mexico, he gives an account of the early days of +the mission: + + + "The Order took a site next to this Parian, since there was + not a single house between Santo Domingo and the Parian. And + because of this opportunity the Order presently charged + itself with the Chinese, both Christians and infidels. And + upon P. Fr. Miguel de Benavides and P. Fr. Juan Maldonado was + imposed the responsibility for the care of the Chinese and for + learning their language. P. Fr. Miguel was less occupied with + other matters than Fr. Juan Maldonado, so that he progressed + in the language enough to begin to catechize in it. This was + the first year the Order was in Manila. + + "Presently in the second year when I came, the Order moved + P. Fr. Miguel and myself into another separate house at the + other edge of the Parian. So that there stood between Santo + Domingo and San Gabriel, which is the name of this church + of the Chinese, the whole of the Parian of the Sangleys. And + there a poor little church was built under the protection of + San Gabriel, to whom it fell by lot, and a poor house where + we two lived. We entered into it at the beginning of September + 1588. This was the first church for the Chinese built, and we + believe that there is today not another parish church [for + the Chinese] but that.... And P. Fr. Miguel catechized them + and preached to them in their Chinese language, and taught + the doctrine in it. I myself did not yet know the language, + but the Lord has been served, so that in a short time I + progressed in it." [107] + + +The account of Aduarte is not so accurate in some details, but +it supplies others not mentioned by Cobo. The first mission which +Benavides and Maldonado (or de San Pedro Martyr as he was later known) +built was near the village of Tondo, in a new settlement specially +founded for Christian Chinese, called Baybay, and it was named for Our +Lady of the Purification. The second mission which was established +by Benavides and Cobo was at first a palm-leaf hut. The name of San +Gabriel was decided upon by making lots with the names of various +saints on them and then drawing. San Gabriel came out three times in +a row, and "all were persuaded that the Lord was pleased to have the +patronage belong to this holy archangel." Soon, because of the good +works of the fathers who established a hospital there for the care +of the sick and poor, the demands upon the hut became so great that +a larger building was planned. At first it was to have been erected +on the site of the hut, but the inhabitants protested that a stone +building so near native houses might do them great damage in the +event of an earthquake, so the friars went to the other side of the +river, and there built a temporary building of wood which was later +completed in stone. It was here then that the Doctrina was printed, +in the Church of San Gabriel, near the Parian of Manila, at the edge +of the Chinese settlement. + +Under the care of Benavides and Cobo the mission flourished, +and the two fathers became increasingly proficient in the Chinese +language. When the provincial Juan de Castro began making preparations +for an inspection tour of his Chinese vicariate in 1590, he chose as +his companion Miguel de Benavides. The account of the events leading +up to this expedition is given in the already quoted letter of Salazar +on the Chinese: + + + "Of the Dominican religious who came to these islands, four + are engaged in ministering to the Sangleys. Two of these + four officiate in the Church of San Gabriel, which, together + with the house where the religious live, stands close to the + Parian. Another church with its house is on the promontory + of Baybay, near Tondo--which a river divides, separating it + from Manila. Two of the four have learned the language of + the Sangleys so well, and one of these two how to write also + (which is the most difficult part of the language), that the + Sangleys wonder at their knowledge.... After due consideration + of the matter, the Dominican fathers and myself decided that + it was necessary to go to China.... Thus we decided upon the + departure, sending at present no more than two religious: Fray + Miguel de Benavides, who was the first to learn the language + of the Sangleys; and Father Juan de Castro, who came as vicar + of the religious and who was made provincial here. We preferred + these two, as one is well acquainted with the language, and the + other is much loved and esteemed by the Sangleys on account of + his venerable gray locks and blessed old age; and we know that + in that land old people are much respected and revered." [108] + + +They sailed on May 22, 1590, but Juan de Castro before he left +appointed Cobo acting superior of the province with full authority +during his absence, and in the latter's place as head of the Chinese +mission sent Juan de San Pedro Martyr. + +There is no doubt but that at this time Benavides and Cobo were +the two outstanding Chinese linguists among the Spaniards in +the Philippines. To Benavides has been attributed [109] a Chinese +dictionary, and Schilling [110] uses the already quoted letter of Cobo +to prove that he also wrote a Doctrina in Chinese, but, granting that +such works were written by him, there is no evidence that they were +written in Chinese characters, and not in Chinese transliterated into +roman letters. The available evidence points to the fact that Cobo +was the only one who could then write in Chinese characters. Salazar +in his above quoted letter had said that "one of these two [have +learned] how to write also," and in the same letter he continued, +"Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican religious--who, as I have said before, +knows the language of the Sangleys and their writing, and who is most +esteemed by them--is sending to Your Majesty a book, one of a number +brought to him from China." [111] Further witness to Cobo's amazing +knowledge of Chinese writing is given by Aduarte: + + + "He knew three thousand Chinese characters, each different + from all the rest, for the Chinese have no definite number + of letters nor alphabet.... He translated a number [of + Chinese books]; for like those of Seneca, though they are + the work of heathens, they contain many profound sayings + like ours. He taught astrology to some of them whom he found + capable of learning; and to bring them by all means to their + salvation also taught them some trades that are necessary + among Spaniards, but which, not being used by the Chinese, + they did not know--such as painting images, binding books, + cutting and sewing clothes, and such things--doing all to + win men to God." [112] + + +Finally, as a more definite proof that Cobo could have been the +author of the Chinese Doctrina of 1593, we have the record [113] of a +_Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en Lengua China_ written by him, +as well as many other works in Chinese. + +In May 1590, then, the most accomplished Sinologist yet to work in +the Philippines was in charge of the Dominican province. "His first +act," wrote Aduarte, "was to strengthen the ministry to the Chinese by +appointing to it Father Domingo de Nieva, a priest of great virtue and +very able--which was tremendously important there--and one who best +mastered that language, as well as that of the Indians in which he +had had experience; and he worked in both of them, and wrote much +to the great advantage of those who came after him." [114] It is +surprising that no previous writer has emphasized the presence of +Domingo de Nieva, whose proficiency in Tagalog we have already noted, +at San Gabriel during the years when the printing of the Doctrinas +must have been planned and executed. His works are cited by Fernandez, +[115] and after giving a summary of his career, Aduarte added: + + + "He wrote much in the language of the Indians and other things + in the language of the Chinese for whom he had printed in + their language and characters a memorial upon the Christian + life, with other brief tracts of prayer and meditation, in + preparation for the holy sacraments, of confession and the + sacred communion. He was an enemy of sloth, and so worked + much in Chinese, in which he wrote a practically new grammar + of the Chinese language, a vocabulary, a manual of confession + and many sermons, in order that those who had to learn this + language might find it less difficult." [116] + + +Medina [117] records these various works as Manila imprints of unknown +date, and to this indefinite information about them we can add nothing +positive. However, it is apparent that some time before 1606, when +Nieva died on his way to Mexico, he had had books printed, and since +they were in Chinese they must have been printed from wood-blocks, +for at that early date it would have been impossible to have cast the +number of characters necessary to print in Chinese with movable type. + +With Nieva was Maldonado, or San Pedro Martyr. He had been one of the +first associates of Benavides in the first Chinese mission at Baybay, +but after the arrival of Cobo he had been sent by order of the first +chapter to Pangasinan. When Cobo was appointed acting provincial +San Pedro Martyr was again assigned to the Chinese ministry. He had +learned Tagalog, and after his return to the Parian "he learned more +words of the Chinese language than any other member of the order, +though he was not successful with the pronunciation." [118] + +On May 31, 1592, the Governor received a letter from the Emperor of +Japan demanding that an ambassador be sent to offer him the fealty +of the Philippines. Juan Cobo, as the best speaker of Chinese, was +chosen to represent the Spaniards, and he left Manila on July 29, +1592. After successfully convincing the Japanese Emperor of the amity +of the Spaniards, he left to come back to Manila, but his ship was +wrecked in November on the coast of Formosa, and there Cobo was killed +by hostile natives. Meanwhile Benavides had gone back to Spain with +Bishop Salazar in 1591, and did not return to the Philippines until +after his appointment as Bishop of Nueva Segovia in 1595. + +That left as the only two remaining experts in the Chinese language, +Domingo de Nieva and Juan de San Pedro Martyr, both of whom were at +San Gabriel in 1592. _Moreover, both of them knew Chinese and Tagalog._ +A text in Tagalog was available, based on the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver +model, which had circulated freely, and this, we believe, was further +edited--hence the "corrected by the religious of the orders"--by these +two Dominicans. In their editorial work they may have been helped +by Juan de la Cruz, who, we have noted, was sent to Bataan in 1588, +there learned Tagalog, and "succeeded so perfectly with it that Father +Fr. Francisco San Joseph, who was afterwards the best linguist there, +profited by the papers and labors of P. Fr. Juan de la Cruz." [119] +Juan de Oliver, the pioneer Franciscan Tagalist was still living and +available for consultation, and the polylingual Jesuit, Francisco +Almerique, also was in Manila at the time. A Chinese text had been +written by Juan Cobo, and both Nieva and San Pedro Martyr were capable +of preparing this for publication, again possibly aided by Almerique, +and also Diego Munoz, if as an Augustinian he had been willing to +cooperate with the Dominicans. Nothing remained to be done but have +the blocks cut and the impressions pulled. + + + +THE PRINTING OF THE BOOKS + + +The stage was set for the production of the Doctrinas. That there +were Chinese xylographic models upon which the books could be based +is evidenced by the account of Mendoza of the considerable number of +Chinese books brought to Manila by Martin de Rada as early as 1575. A +more likely model was a bilingual text in Spanish and Chinese which +Cobo describes in his letter of July 13, 1589, where speaking of the +Jesuits in China he says: + + + "Moreover the Father of the Company who was in China wrote and + printed in Chinese letters a whole book of the unity of God, + the creation of the world, and the commandments explained; + and in this book has gotten as far as the incarnation of + the Son of God. Concerning this I am not speaking of things + heard, for I have it, and am thus certain of it, as of all + the things that happened. How far I have progressed with the + Chinese letters I shall say later. This book was printed in + China in 1584. It circulates freely in China whence we have + our copy, and because of the writing, contrary to what others + have misleadingly said about the Chinese, they have done him + no ill: from which it may be inferred that the lion is not + so wild as they paint him." [120] + + +There is no direct evidence to support our belief that it was during +the brief period after Castro returned, probably late in 1590, and +relieved Cobo of his executive responsibilities, and June 1592 when he +left for Japan, that Cobo began intensive plans for the production of +bilingual texts. His recorded interest in such books, his influence +with the Chinese, his energy and his own linguistic aptitude would +naturally have stimulated him to undertake the task. Whether he +actually began work on the blocks from which the books were printed, +or merely suggested the feasibility of the idea, we do not know, +but we feel sure that Juan Cobo was the father of the production of +books in the Philippines. + +There is no need here to go into the history of printing in China; +the method used there and its antiquity have been fully described +by others. [121] That there were Chinese in Manila who understood +this age-old process would seem obvious from the reports of skilled +craftsmen whose presence was noted by all the writers of the period. We +have already quoted a reference to Juan Cobo's teaching them European +trades, and Salazar in his already cited letter speaks of them further: + + + "They are so skillful and clever, that, as soon as they see + any object made by a Spanish workman, they reproduce it with + exactness. What arouses my wonder most is, that when I arrived + no Sangley knew how to paint anything; but now they have + so perfected themselves in this art that they have produced + marvelous works with both the brush and the chisel.... What has + pleased all of us here has been the arrival of a bookbinder + from Mexico. He brought books with him, set up a bindery, + and hired a Sangley who had offered his services to him. The + Sangley secretly, and without his master noticing it, watched + how the latter bound books, and lo, in less than [lacuna in + MS.] he left the house, saying that he wished to serve him + no longer, and set up a similar shop." [122] + + +To turn over a manuscript copy of a book to a Chinaman who had already +some familiarity with the production of books in China, or who with a +given text could carve the blocks according to tradition, was then not +a matter of great difficulty. There were Chinese books which showed +what the result would be; there were Spanish books, definitely some +from Mexico, which provided samples of European characters and format. + +Who cut the blocks--that is exactly what Chinaman--we do not know, +nor do we know who handled the presswork, but it is logical to assume +that the whole process took place under the supervision of the fathers +of San Gabriel, Juan Cobo if work had begun before 1592, and certainly +Nieva and San Pedro Martyr. One further aide may have been the lay +brother, Pedro Rodriguez, who had been sent to San Gabriel with Nieva, +and who was a handyman or skilled mechanic, for Aduarte credits him +with rebuilding and restoring the hospital. + +In speaking of the book printed for Blancas de San Jose, Aduarte said +that the printing had been done by "a Chinaman, a good Christian," +[123] but in this particular account he does not give the Chinaman's +name. Yet, where he describes the founding of a second church of San +Gabriel in Binondo, sometime after March 28, 1594 [124] and before +June 15, 1596 when it was admitted to the chapter, he tells in some +detail of printing done by Juan de Vera. [125] + + + "There have been in this town [Binondo, then called Minondoc] + many Chinese of very exemplary lives. Juan de Vera was + not only a very devout man, and one much given to prayer, + but a man who caused all his household to be the same. He + always heard mass, and was very regular in his attendance at + church. He adorned the church most handsomely with hangings + and paintings, because he understood this art. He also, + thinking only of the great results to be attained by means + of holy and devout books, gave himself to the great labor + necessary to establish printing in this country, where there + was no journeyman who could show him the way, or give him an + account of the manner of printing in Europe, which is very + different from the manner of printing followed in his own + country of China. The Lord aided his pious intentions, and + he gave to this undertaking not only continued and excessive + labor, but all the forces of his mind, which were great. In + spite of the difficulties, he attained that which he desired, + and was the first printer in these islands; and this not from + avarice--for he gained much more in his business as a merchant, + and readily gave up his profit--but merely to do service to + the Lord and this good to the souls of the natives." [126] + + +It is interesting to note that this narrative, which is in substance +similar to that about the books of Blancas de San Jose, nowhere +mentions the name of the priest in connection with Vera. It is probable +that Juan de Vera was, as Retana believed, the first typographer, and +it may be that he also printed the Doctrinas of 1593. It is impossible +to say with certainty, but it is not too fanciful to suppose that +Juan de Vera tried xylographic printing under the supervision of +Nieva and San Pedro Martyr, and after some experimenting achieved +typography in the time of Blancas de San Jose. + +Since we have here dealt with a volume printed entirely from +wood-blocks it does not seem necessary to discuss in detail the +subsequent typographical books. However, just as this goes to press, +a copy of the _Ordinationes Generales prouintiae Sanctissimi Rosarij +Philippinarum_, [127] printed at Binondo by Juan de Vera in 1604, +has been discovered, and also presented by Mr. Rosenwald to the +Library of Congress. This is the volume described by Remesal [128] +as being printed "in as fine characters and as correctly as if in +Rome or Lyon." No copy of the book had been described since his day, +although Medina [129] and Retana [130] both listed it from references +which probably derived from Remesal. Its discovery--almost unbelievable +coming so close on the heels of that of the Doctrina--helps to close +the gap between the latter and the two Bataan imprints [131] of 1610, +the _Arte y Reglas de la Lengva Tagala_ and the _Librong Pagaaralan +nang manga Tagalog nang uicang Castilla_. + +The full story of the early typographical products of the Philippines +must wait upon another occasion, for the questions posed by the scanty +records and the handful of surviving books are extremely knotty. Where +did the type come from? Medina suggested it was imported from Macao; +Retana believed it to have been cut in the Philippines. Fernandez +said that the first works of Blancas de San Jose were printed at +Bataan and the two 1610 books have that place of printing, yet in +1604 the _Ordinationes_ issued from Binondo. Remesal wrote that this +book was printed by Francisco de Vera, and the book itself bears the +name of Juan. Indeed, the history of the early typographers and the +output of their presses, as it has so far been written, presents many +problems, but they are problems which we feel are outside the scope +of this study. + +To summarize what we have learned of the earliest printing in the +Philippines: we have the possibility, but not a likely one, that +an _Arte_ by Juan de Quinones was printed xylographically in 1581; +we know that in the first half of the year 1593 two Doctrinas were +printed xylographically--although we have no way of telling which +came first--one in Tagalog from the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver text, +and one in Chinese written by Juan Cobo, both edited and printed under +the supervision of Domingo de Nieva and Juan de San Pedro Martyr; +we surmise that between 1593 and 1602 other works were also printed +xylographically, such as the small tracts of Juan de Villanueva and +some of the books of Blancas de San Jose, Nieva and others; and in +1602 was printed by Juan de Vera, in all likelihood from movable +type, the book of Our Lady of the Rosary by Blancas de San Jose. The +known facts are not many, and we can only hope that time and further +research will discover new ones to make the history of the earliest +Philippine imprints more complete and more satisfactory. + + +Philadelphia, January 20, 1947 EDWIN WOLF 2ND. + + + + + + + + +The most frequently cited authorities will be referred to as follows: + +ADUARTE--Diego Aduarte, _Historia de la Provincia del Sancto Rosario de +la Orden de Predicadores en Philippinas, Iapon, y China_, Manila, 1640. + +B. & R.--Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, _The +Philippine Islands 1493-1898_, Cleveland, 1903-09. + +CANO--Gaspar Cano, _Catalogo de los Religiosos de N.P.S. Agustin de +la Provincia del Smo. Nombre de Jesus de Filipinas_, Manila, 1864. + +CHIRINO--Pedro Chirino, _Relacion de las Islas Filipinas_, Rome, 1604. + +COLIN--Francisco Colin, _Labor Evangelica, Ministerios Apostolicos +de los Obreros de la Compania de Jesus, Fundacion, y Progressos de +su Provincia en las Islas Filipinas_ (ed. Pablo Pastells), Barcelona, +1900-02. + +HUERTA--Felix de Huerta, _Estado Geografico, Topografico, Estadistico, +Historico-Religioso, de la Santa y Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio +Magno ... de N.S.P.S. Francisco, en las Islas Filipinas_, Binondo, +1865. + +MEDINA--Jose Toribio Medina, _La Imprenta en Manila desde sus Origenes +hasta 1810_, Santiago de Chile, 1896. + +MEDINA (Juan de)--Juan de Medina, _Historia de los Sucesos de la +Orden de N. Gran P. S. Agustin de estas Islas Filipinas_, Manila, 1893. + +P. & G.--Angel Perez and Cecilio Gueemes, _Adiciones y Continuacion de +"La Imprenta en Manila" de D.J.T. Medina_, Manila, 1904. + +PEREZ--Elviro Jorde Perez, _Catalogo Biobibliografico de los Religiosos +Agustinos de la Provincia del Santisimo Nombre de Jesus de las Islas +Filipinas_, Manila, 1901. + +REMESAL--Antonio de Remesal, _Historia de la provincia de S. Vincente +de Chyapa y Guatemala de la orden de nro glorioso padre Sancto +Domingo_, Madrid, 1619. + +RETANA--Wenceslao Emilio Retana y Gamboa, _La Imprenta en Filipinas +Adiciones y Observaciones a La Imprenta en Manila de D.J.T. Medina_, +Madrid, 1897. + +SAN AGUSTIN--Gaspar de San Agustin, _Conquistas de las Islas +Philipinas_, Madrid, 1698. + +SAN ANTONIO--Juan Francisco de San Antonio, _Chronicas de la Apostolica +Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos de N.S.P. Francisco +en las Islas Philipinas_, Manila, 1738-44. + +SANTA INES--Francisco de Santa Ines, _Cronica de la Provincia de San +Gregorio Magno de Religiosos descalzos de N.P. San Francisco en islas +Filipinas, China, Japon, etc. escrita ... en 1676_, Manila, 1892. + +SANTIAGO VELA--Gregorio de Santiago Vela, _Ensayo de una Biblioteca +Ibero-Americana de la Orden de San Agustin_, Madrid, 1913-31. + +SCHILLING--Dorotheus Schilling, _Vorgeschichte des Typendrucks auf +den Philippen_, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 1937, pp. 202-16. + +TORRES--Pedro Torres y Lanza, _Catalogo de los documentos relativos +a las Islas Filipinas existentes en el Archivo de Indias de Seville_, +Barcelona, 1925-34. + +VINAZA--Cipriano Munoz y Manzano, Conde de la Vinaza, _Escritos de +los Portugueses y Castellanos referentes a las lenguas de China y el +Japon_, Lisbon, 1892. + + + + + +This facsimile of the Doctrina Christiana printed at Manila in 1593 +was printed by Edward Stern & Company, Inc., Philadelphia, in an +edition of twenty-five hundred copies, and published by the Library +of Congress, February 1947. The type used on the title page and for +headings is Forum, and that in the text Italian Old Style. + + + + + Doctrina Christiana, en + lengua espanola ytagala, cor + regida por los Religiosos de las + ordenes Impressa con licencia, en + S. gabriel. de la orden de. S. Domigo + En Manila. 1593 + + + + + + Tassada endos rreales + Juandecuellaz + + + + + + A. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. ij. l. m. n. o. + p. q. rr. s. s. t. u. v. x. y. z. z. + vocales. a. e. i. o. u. + Ba. be. bi bo bu. Ca ce ci. co. cu. + Da. de di do du. Fa fe fi fo fu. + Gua gue gui guo gu. Ha he hi. + ho hu. Ja je ji jo ju. La le li. + lo lu. Ma me mi mo mu. Na. + ne ni no nu. Pa pe pi po pu. + Qua que qui quo qu. Ra re. + ri ro ru. Sa se si so su. Ta te ti. + to tu. Ua ue ui uo uu. Xa xe xi. + xo xu. Ya ye yi yo yu. Za ze zi. + zo zu. + + Ban ben bin bon bun. Can cen + cin con cun. Dan den din don. + dun. Fan fen fin fon fun. Guan + guen guin guon gun. Han hen + hin hon hun. Jan jen jin jon jun. + Lan len lin lon lun. Man me + min mon mun. Nan nen nin non. + nun. Pan pen pin pon pun. Qua + quen quin quon qun. Ran ren + rin ron run. San sen sin son su. + Tan ten tin ton tun. Uan uen. + uin uon. uun. Xan xen xin xon + xun. Yan yen yin yon yun. Zan + zen zin zon zun. + + Ba be bi bo bu. Ca ce ci co cu. + Da de di do du. Fa fe fi fo fu. + Guan guen guin guon gun. Ha. + he hi ho hu. Ja je ji jo ju. La le. + li lo lu. Ma me mi mo mu. Na. + ne ni no nu. Pa pe pi po pu. Qua. + que qui quo qu. Ra re ri ro ru. Sa. + se si so su. Xa xe xi xo xu. Ya ye. + yi yo yu. Za ze zi zo zu. + + ¶El abc. en legua tagala. + + A O E HA PA KA SA LA TA NA BA MA GA DA YA + NGA WA. + + + + ¶El paternoster. + PADRE nuestro que estas en + Los cielos, sanctificado sea el tu + nombre. Venga anos el tu reyno. + hagase tu voluntad, asi en la tierra + como en el cielo. El pan nuestro + de cada dia da noslo oy. Y per + donanos nuestras duedas. asi como + nosotros las perdonamos a + nuestros deudores. Y no nos de + xes caer en la tentacion. Das + libranos de mal. Amen. + + + + Ang ama namin. + Ama namin nasa langit ca + y pasamba mo ang ngala + mo, mouisa amin ang pagcahari + mo. Y pasonor mo ang loob mo. + dito sa lupa para sa langit, bigya + mo cami ngaion nang amin caca + nin. para nang sa araoarao. at pa + caualin mo ang amin casalana, + yaing uinaualan bahala nami + sa loob ang casalanan nang + nagcasasala sa amin. Houag + mo caming ceuan nang di cami + matalo nang tocso. Datapo + uat ya dia mo cami sa dilan ma + sama. Amen Jesus. + + + + A MA NA MI. NA SA LA NGI KA. I PA SA BA + MO. A NGA LA MO. MO WI SA A MI. A + PE KA HA RI MO. I PE SO NO MO. A LO O MO. + DI TO SA LU PA. PA RA SA LA NGI. BI YA MO KA MI. + NGA O. NA A MI KA KA NI. PA RA NA SA A RA A RA. + A PA KA WA I MO. A A MI KA SA LA NA. YA YA + WI NA WA LA BA HA LA NA MI SA LO O. A KA SA LA NA. + NA NA KA SA SA LA SA A MI. HO WA MO KA MI E WA. NA + DI KA MI MA TA LO NA TO SO. DA TA PO WA. I A + YA MO KA MI. SA DI LA MA SA MA. A ME SE SO. + + + + El aue Maria. + Dios te salue Maria. lle + na degracia. El senor es + contigo. bendita tu, estretodas + las mugeres. Y bendito el fructo. + deus vientre Jesus. Santa Ma + ria uirgen y madre de Dios rue + ga por nosotros peccadores. aora + y en la ora denuestra muerte + amen. Jesus. + + + + Ang aba guinoo Ma + Aba guinoo Maria ma + toua cana, napopono ca + nang gracia. ang panginoon di + os, ce, nasayyo. Bucor cang pinag + pala sa babaying lahat. Pinag + pala naman ang yyong anac si + Jesus. Santa Maria yna nang, + dios, ypanalangin mo camima + casalanan ngaion at cun mama + tai cami. Amen Jesus. + + + + A BA GI NO O MA RI YA. MA TO WA KA NA. NA PO + PO NO KA NA GA RA SI YA. A PA NGI NO O DI + YO NA SA I YO. BO KO KA PI NA PA LA. SA BA BA YI. + LA HA. PI NA PA LA NA MA. A I YO A NA SE SE SO. + SA TA MA RI YA. I NA NA DI YO. I PA NA LA NGI MO + KA MI. MA KA SA LA NA. NGA O. A KU MA MA TA KA MI. + A ME SE SO. + + + + El credo en Romace + + Creo en dios padre, todo + poderoso. Criador del cie + lo y dela tierra. Y en Jesuchristo, + su unico hijo senor nro. Que fue + concebido del elpiritusancto. Y + Y nacio de la uirgen sancta Ma + ria. Padescio so el poder depocio + Pilato. Fue crucificado, muer + to, y sepultado, descendio alos + infiernos, y altercero dia resuscito, + dentre, los muertos. Subio a los cie + los, y esta asentado ala diestra de + dios padre todo poderoso, dende + uerna ajuzgar alos uiuos y alos + muertos. Creo en el espiritusato. + y la sancta yglesia catholica, la + comunio de los sanctos. La remi + sion de los peccados. La refuree + cion de la carne. La uida perdu + rable, que nunca seacaba. Ame. + + + + Ang sumagpalataia + + Sumasangpalataia aco sa di + os ama, macagagaua sa lahat, + mangagaua nang langit at nang lu, + pa. Sumasangpalataia aco naman + cai Jesuchristo yysang anac nang + dios panginoon natin lahat. Nag + catauan tauo siya salang nang es + piritusancto. Ypinanganac ni Sa + cta Maria uirgen totoo. Nasacta + otos ni poncio Pilato. Ypinaco + sa cruz. Namatai, ybinaon, nana + og sa manga infierno, nang ma + ycatlong arao nabuhai na naguli. + naquiat sa langit nalolocloc sa ca + nan nang dios ama, macagagaua + sa lahat. Sa caparito hohocom sa + nabubuhai, at sa nanga matai na + tauo. Sumasangpalataia aco na + man sa dios Espiritusancto. At + mei sancta yglesia catholica, at + mei casamahan ang manga satos. + At mei ycauauala nang casala + nan. At mabubuhai na maguli + ang na nga matai na tauo. At + mei buhai na di mauala mag pa + rating saan. Amen Jesus. + + + + SU MA SA PA LA TA YA A AKO. SA DI YO A MA. + MA KA GA GA WA SA LA HA. MA GA GA WA NA LA NGI. + A NA LU PA. SU MA SA PA LA TA YA A KO NA MA. KA SE SO. + KI RI TO. I I SA A NA NA DI YO. PA NGI NO O NA TI + LA HA. NA KA TA A TA WO SI YA. LA LA NA E PI RI TO SA TO. + I PI NA NGA NA. NI SA TA MA RI YA. BI SE TO TO O. NA SA + TA O TO NI PO SI YO. PE LA TO. I PI NA KO SA KU RU. + NA MA TA. I BI NA O. NA NA O SA MA NGA I PE NO. NA MA + I KA LO A RA. NA BU HA NA NA O LI. NA YA SA LA NGI. + NA LO LO LO SA KA NA. NA DI YO A MA. MA KA GA GA WA SA + LA HA. SA KA PA RI TO. HO HO KO. SA NA BU BU HA. A SA + NA NGA MA TA NA TA WO. SU MA SA PA LA TA YA A KO NA + MA SA DI YO E PI RI TU SA TO. A MA SA TA I LE SI + YA KA TO LI KA. A MA KA SA MA HA. A MA NGA SA TO. + A MA I KA WA WA LA. NA KA SA LA NA. A MA BU BU HA + NA MA U LI. A NA NGA MA TA NA TA WO. A MA BU HA + NA DI NA MA WA LA. MA PA RA TI SA A. A ME SE SO. + + + + La salue Regina + + Salue te dios reyna y ma + dre demisericordia, uida + dulcura y esperanca nra. Dios + te salue atillamamos los deste + ruados hijos de Gua. Atisuspi + ramos gimiendo yllorando en + aqueste ualle de lagrimas. Ga + pues abogada nuestra, buelue + anostros ellos tus misericor + diosos ojos. Y despues dea. + queste destierro muestra nos aje + sus bendito fruto de tu ueintre. O + clemente. O piadosa. O dulce uir + gen Maria. Ruega por nos sata + madre de dios quescamos dig + nos de las promisiones de Chris + to Amen. + + + + Ang aba po. + + Aba po sancta. Mariang ha + ri yna nang aua. Ycao ang + yquinabubuhai namin, at ang pi + nananaligan. Aba ycao nga ang + tinatauag namin pinapapanao + na tauo anac ni Gua. ycao din + ang ypinagbubuntun hininga na + min nang amin pagtangis dini sa + lupa baian cahapishapis. Ay + aba pintacasi namin, ylingo mo + sa amin ang mata mong maauai. + At saca cun matapos yering pag + papanao sa amin. ypaquita mo + sa amin ang yyong anac si Jesus. + Ay Sancta Maria maauain, ma + alam, uirgen naman totoo, yna + nang Dios. Cami ypanalangin + mo, nang mapatoloi sa amin + ang panga ngaco ni Jesuchristo. + Amen Jesus. + + + + A BA PO SA TA MA RI YA HA RI. I NA NA A WA + I KA A I KI NA BU BU HA NA MI. A A PI + NA NA NA LI GA. A BA I KA NGA. A TI NA TA WA NA MI. PI + NA PA PA NA NA TA WO. A NA NI E BA. I KA DI. A I PI + NA BU BU TU HI NI NGA NA MI. NA A MI PA TA NGI. DI NI + SA LU PA. BA YA KA HA PI HA PI. A A BA. PI TA KA + SI NA MI. I LI NGO MO SA A MI. A MA TA MO MA A WA + I. SA KA KU MA TA PO. YA RI PA PA PA NA SA A MI. + I PA KI TA MO SA A MI. A I YO A NA SI SE SO. SA TA + MA RI YA. MA A WA I. MA A LA. BI SE NA MA TO TO O. + I NA NA DI YO. KA MI I PA NA LA NGI MO. NA MA PA + TO LO SA A MI. A PA NGA NGA KO. NI SE SO KI TO. + A ME SE SO. + + + + Los Articulos dela fee, + son catorze. Los siete pertenesce + ata diuinidad, ylos otros siete + a la humanidad denro senor Je + suchristo Dios y hombre uerda + dero. ylos siete que pertenescen + ala diuinidad son estos. + + El primero, creer en un so + lo dios todo poderoso. + El segundo creer que es dios pa + dre. El tercero, creer qes dios hi + jo. El quarto, creer que es Dios + Espiritusancto. El quinto, creer + que es criador. El sexto, creer + qes satuador. El septimo, creer + que es glorificador. + + Los que pertenescenatasa + ta humanidad. Son estos. + + El Primero, creer que nues + tro senor Jesuchristo, en quato + hombre fue concebido del sptri + tu sancto. El segundo, que nascro + del uientre uirginal de la uirgen + sancta Maria, siendo ella uirge + antes del parto, yenelparto, y des + pues del parto. El tercero, que + rescibio muerte y pasion porsal + uar anosotros peccadores. El quar + to: que descendio alos infiernos, + ysacolas animas de los sanctos + padres que asta estauan esperan + do su sancto aduenimiento. El + quinto, que resuscito altercero + dia. El sexto, creer que subio + alos cielos, yseassento ala dies + tra de dios padre todo poderoso. + El septimo, que uerna ajuzgar + alos uinos y alos muertos. Con + uiene asaber, alos buenos paradar + la gloria, porq guardaron susma + damientos: yalos malos pena + percurable porque nolos guar + daron. Amen: + + + + Ang pono nang sinasangpa + lataianan nang manga chris + tiano labin apat na bagai. Ang + pitong naona ang sabi ang Dios + ang pagcadios niya. Ang pitog + naholi ang sabi,a, ang atin pangi + noon Jesuchristo ang pagcatauo + niya. Ang pitong naona ang sa + bi, ce ang Dios ang pagca dios ni + ya ay yceri. + + Ang naona sumangpalataia + sa ysang Dios totoo. Ang ycalua, + sumangpalataia, ycering dios si + yang ama. Ang ycatlo, Sumapalataia. + ycering dios siyang anac. Ang + ycapat sumangpalataia, ycering + dios siyang spiritusancto. Ang + ycalima, sumangpalataia, ycerig + dios siyang mangagaua nang la + hat. Ang ycanim, sumangpala + taia ycering dios siyang naca + uauala nang casalanan. Ang + ycapito sumangpalataia ycering + dios siyang nacalulualhati. + + Ang pitong naholi ang + sabi ce ang ating pagninoon + Jesuchristo ang pagcatauo ni + ya ay yari. + + Ang naona sumangpala + taia ang atin pagninoon + Jesuchristo, ypinaglehe ni San + cta Maria lalang nang spiritu + sancto. Ang ycalua sumang + palataia, ang atin pagninoon + Jesuchristo y pinanganac ni + sancta maria uirgen totoo, na + dipa nanganac, nang macapa + nganac na uirgen din totoo. + Ang ycatlo sumangpalataia, + ang atin panginoon Jesuchris + to nasactan, ypinaco sa cruz. + namatai sacop nang atin casa + lanan. Ang ycapat sumang + palataia, ang atin panginoon Je + suchristo nanaog sa manga in + fierno, at hinango doon ang ca + loloua nang manga sanctos nag + hihintai nang pagdating niya. + Ang ycalima sumangpalataia + ang atin panginoon Jesuchristo, + nang magycatlong arao nabu + hai nanaguli. Ang ycanim su + mangpalataia ang atin pangino + on Jesuchristo nacyat sa langit + nalolocloc sa canan nang dios + ama macagagaua sa lahat. Ang + ycapito sumangpalataia ang a + tin panginoon Jesuchristo saca + parito hohocom sa nabubuhai at + sa nangamatai na tauo. Ang ba + nal na tauo gagantihin niya nag + caloualhatian nang langit, ang + nacasonor silla nang caniyang + otos. Ang di banal pacasasamin + sa infierno ang di silla sumonor + nang otos niya. Ame. Jesus. + + + + A PO NO NA SI NA SA PA LA TA YA NA. NA + MA NGA KI NI TI YA NO. LA BI A PA NA + BA GA. A PI TO NA O NA. A SA BI I A DI YO. A + PA KA DI YO NI YA. A PI TO NA HO LI. A SA BI I. + A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. A PA KA TA WO NI YA. + A PI TA NA O NA. A SA BI A DI YO. A PA KA DI YO + NI YA. A PA DI. + + A NA O NA. SU MA PA LA TA YA SA I SA DI + YO TO TO O. A I KA WA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI DI + YO. SI YA A MA. A I KA LO. SU MA PA LA TA YA. + YA RI DI TO. SI YA A NA. A I KA PA. SU MA PA LA + TA YA. YA RI DI YO. S YA E PI DI TO SA TO A I + KA LI MA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI DI TO. SI YA MA GA + GA WA NA LA HA. A I KA NI. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI + DI TO. SI YA NA KA WA WA LA NA KA SA LA NA. A I KA PI + TO. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI DI YO. SI YA NA KA LU + LU WA HA TI. + + A PI TO NA HU LI. A SA BI I A A TI PA NGI + NO O SE SO KI TO. A PA KA TA WA NI YA. A YA RI. + A NA O NA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA + NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. I PI NA LE HE. NI SA TA MA RI + YA. LA LA NA E PI RI TO SA TO. A I KA WA. SU MA + PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. I PI + NA NGA NA. NI SA TO MA RI YA. BI SE TO TO O. NA DI PA + NA NGA NA. NA MA KA PA NGA NA NA. BI SE DI TO TO O. + A I KA LO. SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI + NO O SE SO KI TO. NA SA TA. I PI NA KO SA KU RU. SA + KO NA A TI KA SA LA NA. A I KA PA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. + A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. NA NA O. SA MA NGO + I PE NO. A HI NA NGO DO O. A KA LO LO WA NA MA + NGA SA TO. NA HI HI TA. NA PA RA TI NI YA. A I KA + LI MA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO O. SE SO + KI TO. NA MA I KA LO A RA. NA BU HA NA NA U LI. + A I KA NI. SU MA SA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO + O SE SO KI TO. NA YA SA LA NGI. NA LO LO LO SA KA + NA. NA DI YO A MA. MA KA GA GA WA SA LA HA. A I KA PI TO. + SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. + SA KA PA RI TO. HO HO KO. SA NA BU BU HA. A SA NA NGA + MA TA NA TA WO. A BA NA NA TA WO. GA GA TI HI NI YA. + NA KA LU WA HA TI A NA LA NGI. A NA KA SO NO SI LA + NA KA NI YA O TO. A DI BA NA PA KA SA SA I. SA I + PE NO. A DI SI LA SO MO NO. NA O TO NI YA. A ME. + SE SO. + + + + Los mandamientos de la + lei de dios son diez. Los tres + pertenescen alhonor de Dios. + ylos otros siete al prouecho del + proximo. + + El primero, amarasa dios + sobre todas las cosas. El + segundo, no jurarasu sancto nom + bre en uano. El tercero, sanctisi + caras las siestas. El quarto, hon + rraras atu padre y madre. El + quinto, no mataras. El sexto + nofornicaras. El septimo, no hur + taras. El octauo, noscuantarafal* + so testimonio. El noueno, no + dessearas la muger de suproxi + mo. El dezeno, nocobdiciaras, + los bienes agenos. Estos diez + mandamientos se encierran e + dos, amarasa dios sobre todas + las cosas. y atu proximo como + ati mesmo. + + + + Ang otos nang Dios,ce, + sangpouo. + + Ang naona, ybigin mo ang + dios lalo sa lahat. Ang y + calua, houag mo sacsihin ang + dios cundi totoo. Ang ycatlo + mangilin ca cun domingo at cu + siesta. Ang ycapat, ygalang mo + ang yyong ama, at ang yyong + yna. Ang ycalima houag mog + patayin ag capoua mo tauo. ag yca + nim, houag cag maquiapir sa di mo + asaua. Ang ycapito houag cang mag + nacao, ag ycaualo houag mog paga + uagaua nanguica ang capoua mo + tauo houag ca naman magsono + galing. Ang ycasiam houag cang + mag nasa sa di mo asaua. Ang y + capolo, houag mong pagnasa + ang di mo ari. Ytong sang + pouong Otos nang Dios da + laua ang inouian. Ang ysa + ybigin mo Ang Dios lalo + lalo sa lahat. Ang ycalua ybig + in mo naman ang capoua mo tauo + parang ang catauan mo. Amen. + Jesus. + + + + A O TO NA DI YO. I SA PO WO + A NA O NA. I BI I MO A DI YO. LA LO SA LA + HA. A I KA WA. HO WA MO SA SE HI A DI YO + KU DI TO TO O. A I KA LO. MA NGI LI KA. KU DO MI GO. + A KU PI TA. A I KA PA. I GA LA MO. A I YO A MA. + A A I YO I NA. A I KA LI MA. HO WA MO PA TA + YI A KA PO WA MO TO WO. A I KA NI. HO WA KA MA KI + A PI SA DI MO A SA WA. A I KA PI TO. HO WA KA + MA NA KA. A I KA WA LO. HO WA MO PA GA A GA A NA + WI KA. A KA PO WA MO TA WO. HO WA KA NA MA MA SO. + NO NGA LI. A I KA SI YA. HO WA KA MA NA SA. SA + DI MO A SA WA. A I KA PO LO. HO WA MO PA NA SA HI + A DI MO A RI. I TO SA PO WO. O TO NA DI YO. DA WA + A I NO WI A. A I SA. I BI I MO A DI YO. LA + LO SA LA HA. A I KA WA. I BI I MO NA MA. A KA + PO WA MO TA WO. PA RA NA KA TA A MO. A ME SE SO. + + + + Los mandamientos de las sa + cta madre yglesia, son cinco. + + El primero. ourmissa ente + ra los domingos y siestas + de guardar. El segundo, con + fesar alomenos una vez en el + ano. El tercero, comulgar de + necessidad por pascua florida. + El quarto, ayunar quando lo + manda la sancta madre ygtia. + El quinto, pagar diezmos y + primicias. + + Ang otos nang sancta y + gtia yna natin ceylima. + + Ang naona, maqui~nig nag + missa houag meilisan + cun domingo at sa siesta, pina + ngingilinan. Ang ycalua, mag + confesar miminsan man taon + taon, at cun mey hirap na yca + mamatai. Ang ycatlo, mag + comulgar cun pascua na yqui + nabuhai na naguli nang atin pa + nginoon Jesuchristo. Ang ycapat, + magayunar cun magotos ang sa + cta yglesia yna natin. Ang y + calima papamagohin ang Dios + nang dilan pananim, at ang scey + capoua yhayin sa dios. Amen. + + + + A O TO NA SA TA I LE SI YA. I NA NA TI A + A LI MA. + A NA O NA. MA KI YI NA MI SA. HO WA MA LI SA. + KU DO MI GO. A SA PI TA. PI NA NGI + NGI LI NA. A I KA WA. MA KO PI SA. MI MI SA MA. + TA O TA O. A KU MA HI RA NA I KA MA MA TA. A I + KA LO. MA KO MU GA. KU PA KU WA. NA I KI NA BU HA + NA NA U LI. NA A TI PA NGI NO O. SE SO KI TO. + A I KA PA. MA A YU NA. KU MA O TO. A SA TA + I LE SI YA. I NA NA TI. A I KA LI MA. PA PA + MA GO HI A DI YO. A DI LA PA NA NI. A A + SA I KA PU WO. I HA YI MO SA DI YO. A ME. + + + + Los sacramentos de la san + cta madre ygtia son siete. + + El primero baptismo. El segu + do confirmacion. El tercero Pe + nitencia. El quarto, comunio. + El quinto extrema uncion. El + septimo, orden de matrimonio. + + + + Pito ang mahal natanda + ycauauala nang casalanan ang + ngalan sacramentos. + + Ang naona ang baptismo. Ag + ycalua ang confirmar. Ang y + catlo ang confesar. Ang yca + pat ang comulgar. Ang ycali + ma ang extrema uncion. Ang + ycanim ang orden nang sacerdo + te. Ang ycapito ang pagcasal. + Itong daluan holi pinatotooba + nang dios ang tauo piliin ang + balan ybig. Amen. + + + + PI TO A MA HA NA TA DA. A KA WA WA LA NA KA SA + LA NA. A NGA LA SA KA RA ME TO. + A NA O NA. A BA TI MO. A I KA WA. A KU PI MA. + A I KA LO. A KO PI SA. A I KA PA. A KO MU GA. + A I KA LI MA. A E TE RE MA. U SI YO. A I + KA NI. A O DE NA SA SE DO TI. A I KA PI TO. + A PA KA SA. I TO DA WA HO LI. PI NA LO LO O BA. + NA DI YO A TA WO. PI LI I. A BA LA I BI. + + + + Los peccados mortales + son siete. + + El primero soberuia. El se + gundo Euaricia. El tercero, + Luxuria. El quarto yra. El + quinto, Gula*. El sexto Embi + dia. El septimo Accidia. + + Ang ponong casalanan, y + capapacasama nang caloloua + cey pito. + + Ang capalaloan. Ang caramo + tan. Ang calibogan. Ang ca + galitan. Ang caiamoan sapag + caen at sapag inum. Ang capa + naghilian. Ang catamara. + + + + A PO NO KA SA LA NA. I KA PA PA KA SA + MA NA KA LO LO WA. A PI TO. + A KA PA LA LO A. A KA RA MO TA. A KA LI + BO GA. A KA GA LI TA. A KA YA MO A. SA PA KA + E. A SA PA I NU. A KA PA NA HI LI A. + A KA TA MA RA. + + + + Las obras demisericordia, + que qualquier chistiano deue + cumplirson catorze. Las siete + spirituales, y las otras siete cor + porales. las siete corporales son + estas. + + Ujsitar los enfermos. Dar de + comer al que hahabre. Dar de + beuer al que hased. Recte + mir al que esta captiuo. Deltir + al desnudo, que lo hamenester. + Dar posada a los peregrinos. + Enterrar los muertos. + + Las otras siete obras de + misericordia spirituales, son + estas. Ensenas alos sim + ples queno saben. Dar consejo + al quelo hamenester. Castigar + al que hamenester castigo. Per + donar al que erro contrati. Su + friutas injurias de tu proximo + conpaciencia, al doliente, yatsa + nuedo. Consolar los tristes, y + desconsolados, Rogardios + por los uiuos y por los muertos. + Amen. + + + + Ang cauaan gaua labin apat ag + pitong naona paquinabang nag + catauan, ang pitong naholi pa + quinabang nang caloloua. Ang + pitong naona paquinabang na + catauan ay yari. + + Dalauin ang mei hirap. Paca + nin ang nagogotom. Painumi + ang nauuhao. Paramtan ang ua + lan damit. Tubsin ang nabihag. + Patoloyin ang ualan totoloya. + Ybaon ang namatai. + + Ang pitong naholi paquina + bang nang caloloua + ay yari. + + Aralan ang di nacaaalam. A + ralan ang napaaaral. Ang ta + bo sala, ce, papagdalitain. Ual + in bahala sa loob ang casalana + nang naccasasala sa iyo. Houag + ypalaman sa loob ang pagmo + mora nang tauo sa iyo. Aliuin + ang nalulumbai. Ipanalangin + sa dios ang nabubuhai at ang + nanga matai na christiano. + Amen Jesus. + + + + A KA A WA A GA WA. LA BI A PA. A PI + TO NA O NA. PA KI NA BA NA KA TA A. + A PI TO NA HO LI. PA KI NA BA. NA KA LO LO + WA. A PI TO NA O NA. PA KI NA BA NA KA TA A. + A YA RI. DA LA WI A ME HI RA. PA KA NA. + A NA GO GO TO. PA I NO MI. A NA U U HA. PA + RA TA. A WA LA DA MI. TU SI A NA BI HA. PA + TO LO YI. A WA LA TO TO LO YA. I BA O. A + NA MA TA. A PI TO A HO LI. PA KI NA + BA NA KA LO LO WA. A YA RI. + A RA LA. A DI NA KA A A LA. A RA LA. + A NA PA A A RA. A TA WO SA LA. PA PA DA + LI TA I. WA I BA HA LA SA LO O. A KA SA LA + NA. NA NA KA SA SA LA. SA I YO. HO WA I PA + LA MA SA LO O. A PA MO MO RA. A TA WO SA + I YO. A LI WI. A NA LU LU BA. A PA NA LA + NGI SA DI YO. A NA BU BU HA. A A NA + NGA MA TA NA KI NI TI YA NO. A ME SE SO. + + + + La confesion en Romance + + Jopeccador mucho herrado me + confieso adios yasancta Maria, + ya san Pedro ya san Pablo, + ya los bien aueuturados, san + Miguel harchangel, ya san + Juan baptista; ya todos los sanc + tos, yauos padre que peque mu + cho con el pensamientoi conla + palabra, y conta obra, por mi cul + pa por mi culpa, por mi guan cul + pa, por en de ruego a la bien aue + turada uirgen sancta Maria, + y alos bien auenturados apos + toles san Pedro y san Pablo, + y asanct Juan baptista, ya todos + los sanctos y sanctas querue + quen por mi anuestro senor. Je + suchristo. Amen. + + + + Acoy macasalanan nagcoco + pesal aco sa atin panginoon di + os macagagaua sa lahat at cai + sancta Maria uirgen totoo + at cai sanct Miguel archangel, + cai sanct Juan baptista sa san + ctos apostoles cai sanct Pedro, + at cai sanct Pablo at sa lahat + na sanctos at sa iyo padre, + ang naccasala aco sa panidim, + sa pag uica at sa paggaua aco nga + ce, sala aco,i, mei casalanan, aco, + i, salan lubha siyang ypmagsisi + sico caiangaiata nananalan + ngin aco cai sancta Maria + uirgen totoo at cai, S. Miguel archa + gel, at cai, S.Juan baptista, at sa san + ctos apostoles, cai S. Pedro at cai, S. + Pablo at sa lahat na sanctos, nag aco + a. ypanalangin nila sa atin pangi + noo dios ycao nama padre aco,i. + ypanalangin mo at haman caha + lili canang dios dito aco,i, ca + lagan mo sa casalanan co, at + parusahan mo aco. Amen, Jesu. + + + + A KO MA KA SA LA NA. A KO NA KO KO PI SA + SA A TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. MA KA GA GA + WA SA LA HA. A KA SA TA MA RI YA. BI SE TO TO O. + KA SA MI GE. A KA SI. KA SA SU WA BA TI TA. SA SA + TO A PO TO LI. KA SA PE RO. A KA SA PA LO. + A SA LA HA NA SA TO. A SA I YO PA RE. A NA + KA SA LA A KO. SA PA NI RI. SA PA WI KA. A + SA PA GA WA. A KO NGA A SA LA. A KO MA KA + SA LA NA. A KO SA LA LO HA. SI YA I PI NA SI SI + SI KO. KA YA NGA YA TO. NA NA NA LA NGI A KO + KA SA TA MA DI YO. BI SE TO TO O. KA SA MI GO. + A KA SI. A SA SO WA BA TI TA. A SA SA TO A + PO TO LI. KA SA PI RO. A KA SA PE LA. + A SA LA HA NA SA TO. NA A KO I PA NA LA + NGI NI LA. SA A TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. I KA + NA MA PA RE. A KO I PA NA LA NGI MO. A HA + MA KA HA LI LI KA. NA DI YO DI TO. A KO KA LA + GA MO. SA KA SA LA NA KO. A PA RU SA HA MO + A KO. A ME SE SO. + + + + Las preguntas en Romace + P. Eres christiano? R. si porlami + sericordia de Dios. P.que cosa es + christiano? R. El hombre bapti + zado que cree lo que ensena di + os, yla sancta yglesia madre nra. + P. qua les la senal del christiano + R. la sancta cruz. P. Aquien + adoran los christianos? R. a nro + senor Dios. P. que cosa es dios? + R. la primera causa, el princi + pio de todas las cosas, El que hi + co todas las cosas, y el no tiene + principio nifin. P. quantos dio + ses ay? R. un solo dios. P. qua + tas personas. R. tres P. como + se llama la primera? R. Dios + padre. P. como se llama la seu + da? R. Dios hijo. P. como se lla + ma la tercera? R. Dios spiritu + sancto. P. son por uenturatres + Dioses. R. no sontres dioses. + las personas son tres, ysolo ai + un dios. P. qual de las tres per + sonas se hizo hombre? R. la se + gunda persona que es el hijo. + P. como se hizo hombre? R. por + obra del spiritu sancto, en las + entranas de sancta Maria uirge + antes del parto, ydespues del + parto. P. para q se hizo hombre? + R. para podermorir en rescate + de los peccados de todos los + hombres. P. qual es erantos + peccados de los hombres? R. + el peccado de nuestros prime + ros padres. Adan y Eva, del + qual todos participamos, y fue + ra de esto, los peccados actua + les conque ofenden a dios ca + da dia. P. como rescato a los ho + bres? R. murio en la cruz y to + mo asucargo los peccados de + todos los hombres. P. despues + de muerto nro senor Jesuchris + to que hizo su alma? R. baxo + a los infiernos junta con la diui + nidad, ysaco las animas de los + sanctos padres que estauan a + guardando su sancto adueni. + miento. P. El cuerpo de nuestro + senor Jesuchristo fue sepultado? + R. si P. resuscito. R. si P.qua + do? R. al tercero dia, de su muer + te. P. que dose aca en la tierra nu + estro senor Jesuchristo? R. no, + sino subro a los cielos, despues + de quarenta dias de su. R. esurrec + cion y esta asentado ala diestra + de dios padre todo poderoso. + P. que asiento tiene alla en el + cielo? R. El mas abentaxado + de todos. P. ay dia enque uedra + ajuzgar uinos y muertos. R. si, + P. quando? R. no se sabe. P. + El alma del hombre aca base + quando muere el hombre? R. + no muere con el cuerpo como + en los otros animales, si no so + to el cuerpo muere y el alma + uiue para siempre. P. ande uol + uer adinir todos los que muere + buenos y malos? R. ande uol + uer adinir y juntar se el cuerpo + con el alma para ser juzgados + de chirsto nuestro senor. P. + despues de. R. esuscitados los + cuerpos de los hombres ande + uoluer amorir? R. no P.que + dara dios en premio a los bue + nos. R. la gloria del cielo al + la ueran adios y se alegraran + y regozi jaran para siempre ja + mas. P. que castigo dara dios + a los malos? R. echar los a en + el infierno allatendran torme + los y dolores para simpre ja + mas. P. que esta sancta ygle + sia. R. todos los hombres + christianos que creen en di + os, juntamente consu cabe + ca, Jesuschristo que esta en + el cielo, ysuuicauio en la tierra + que es el papa del Roma. P. En es + ta sancta yglesia y cosas que + quiten peccados? R. si P. que + cosas son? R. el baptisimo a + los no christianos, y la confe + sion a los ya christianos que + peccaron si searrepienten de + suspeccados de ueras ytiene + uoluntad de nunca mas boluer + apeccar. P. En esta sancta yglia + ay comunion de los sanctos? R. + si. P. que esta comunion de los + sanctos? R. la participacion + de los buenos christianos en las + buenas obras y sacramentos. + P. quando leuanta la ostia el pa + dre en la missa para quela ado + rentos christianos quien esta + asti? R. Jesuchristo nro senor + dios y hombre uerdadero como + esta en el cielo. P. En el caliz + quien esta? R. la sangre uer + dadera de nro senor Jesuchris + to como aquella que deruamo + en la cruz. P. que esta el chris + tiano obligado a hazer, para + saluarse? R. hazer y cumplir. + los diez mandamientos de dios + y los de la sancta madre yglesia. + + + + Ang tanongan. + + Tanongan. Christiano cana? + Sagot. Oo.t aua nang atin pa + nginoon dios. T. ano caia ang + christiano? S. ang binagan su + masangpalataia sa aral nang + dios at nang sancta yglesia + yna natin. T. alin caia ang tan + da nang christiano? S. ang sacta + cruz. T. sino caia ang sinasam + ba nang manga christiano? S. + ang atin panginoon dios. T. + ano caia ang dios? S. ang onag + mola. ang caona onahan sa lahat, + ang mei gaua sa lahat, siya,e, + ualan pinagmolan ualan caha + ganan. T. ylan ang dios? S. ysa + lamang. T. ylan ang personas? + S. tatlo. T. anong ngalang nang + naona? S. ang dios ama. T. anog + ngalan nang ycalua? S. ang di + os anac. T. anong ngalan nag + ycatlo? S. ang dios spiritusacto. + T. tatlo caia ang dios? S. dile + tatlo ang dios, ang personas + siyang tatlo, ang dios ysa + lamang. T. alin sa tatlong per + sonas ang nagcatauan tauo? + S. ang ycaluang persona nang + sanctissima trinidad ang dios a + nac. T. anong pagcatauan tauo + niya? S. pinaglalangan siya nag + dios spiritusancto satian ni sacta + Maria uirgen totoo nang dipa + nanganac siya. nang macapanga + nac na virgen din totoo. T. ayat + nagcatauan tauo siya? S, nang ma + yari mamatai siya tubus sacasa + lanan nang lahat na tauo. T. atin + caia ang casalanan nang tauo? + S. ang casalanan nang atin magu + gulang si Adan at si Eva nagin + casalanan natin, naramai pala ta + yo sapagcacasala nila sa pangino + on dios. bucor naman doon ang sa + diling casalanan nang balan nang + tauo nagcasasala sa dios arao + arao. T. Anong pagtubus niya + sa tauo? S. nagpacamatai siya + sa cruz, at sinacop niya ang san + libotan bayan. T. nang namatai + na ang atin panginoon Jesuchris + to sa cruz, anong guinaua nang + caloloua niya? S, nanaog sama + nga infiernos pati nang pagca + dios niya, at hinango doon ag + caloloua nang manga sanctos + padres naghihintai nagpagda + ting niya. T. ang catauan ni + Jesuchristo ybinaon? S. oo. T. + nabuhai nanaguli? S. oo. T. ca + ylan? S. nang magycatlong + arao nangpagcamatai niya. T. + humabilin dito sa lupa ang atin + panginoon Jesuchristo? S. di + le humabilin dito sa lupa, nac + yat sa langit nang magycapat + napoung arao nang pagcabu + hai niyang naguli, at nalolocloc + sa canan nang dios ama maca + gagaua sa lahat. T. anong pagca + locloc niya doon sa langit? S. + pinalalo siya nang dios ama ni + ya sa lahat. T. mei arao na yhoho + com sa nangabubuhai, at sana + ngamatai natauo? S. oo T. caila? + S. dile naaalaman. T. sino caia, + ang hocom? S. ang atin pangino + on Jesuchristo. T. ang caloloua + natin mamatai caia cun mama + tai ang catauan natin? S. dile ma + matai ang caloloua natin para + nang sa haiop, ang catauan la + mang mamatai, ang caloloua + mabubuhai magparating man + saan. T. mabubuhai caia mag + uli ang nangamatai natauo, ba + nal man, tampalasan man. S, oo + mabubuhai din maguli, at papa + soc na moli ang caloloua sa ca + tauan nang hocoman silang + dalua nang atin panginoon Je + suchristo. T. cun mabuhai na + maguli ang catauan nang ma + nga tauo mamatai pa caiang mo + li? S. dile. T. ano ygaganti + nang dios sa manga banal na + tauo. S. ang caluualhatian + sa langit doon maquiquita ni + la ang dios, at matotoua at ma + liligaia, at luluualhati magpa + rating man saan. T. ano ypa + rurusa niya sa manga tauo tan + palasan? S, yhoholog niya sa + ynfierno doon maghihirap sila + at maccacasaquet magparatig + man saan. T. ano caia ang san + cta yglesia? S. ang lahat nata + uo christiano sumasangpala + taia sa dios pati nang pononi + la si Jesuchristo,e, nasa langit + dito sa lupa ang cahalili niya + ang sancto Papa sa Roma? + T. dito sa sancta yglesia mei + ycauauala nang casalanan? + S, oo, T, ano caia ang ycauaua + la nang casalanan? S, ang + pinagbinag sa dipa christianos + at ang pagcoconfesal nang ma + nga christianos mei casalana, + cun magsising masaquet at + mei loob na di moli maccasa + la sa dios magparating man + saan. T, dito sasancta yglesia + mei casamahan ang manga + sanctos? S, oo, T, ano caia + ang casamahan nang manga + sanctos? S, ang pagpapaquina + bang nang manga Christianos + banal na tauo, sa gaua maga + ling sangpon nang sasacra + mentos. T, Nang binubuhat + ang ostia nang padre sapagmi + misa sino caia ang naroon? + S, ang atin panginoon Jesu + Christo Dios totoo, at tauog + totoo, para doon sa langit. T, sa + caliz sino caia ang naroon? S, + Ang dugong totoo nang atin + panginoon Jesuchristo, capara + niun nabohos sa cruz nang na + matai siya. T, ano caia ang ga + gauin nang manga Christiano + nang macaparoon sa langit? S, + Ang susundin nila ang sang + po, uong otos nang dios, pati + nang otos nang sancta yglesia + yna natin. + + + + TA NO NGA. + + KI NI TI YA NO KA NA. O O A WA NA A + TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. A NO KA YA + A KI NI TI YA NO. A BI YA GA NA TA WO. SU MA + SA PA LA TA YA. SA A RA NA DI YO. A NA SA + TA I LE SI YA. I NA NA TI. A LI KA YA + A TA DA NA KI NI TI YA NO. A SA TA KU RU. + SI NO KA YA. A SI NA SA BA. NA MA NGA KI NI + TI YA NO. A A TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. A + NO KA YA A DI YO. A O NA MO LA. A KA O + NA O NA HA SA LA HA. A MA GA WA SA LA HA. + SI YA WA LA PI NA MO A. WA LA KA HA GA NA. + I LA A DI YO. I I SA LA MA. I LA A + PE SO NA. TA LO. A NO NGA LA NA NA O NA. DI + YO A MA. ANO NGA LA NA I KA WA. DI YO A MA. + A NO NGA LA NA I KA LO. DI YO E PI RI TO + SA TO. TA LO KA YA A DI YO. DI LE TA LO A DI + YO. A PE SO NA SI YA TA LO. A DI YO I SA + LA MA. A LI SA TA LO PE SO NA. A NA KA TA A + TA WO. A I KA WA PE SO NA. NA SA TI SI MA TI + NI DA. NA DI YO A NA. A NO PA KA TA A TA WO + NI YA. PI NA LA LA NGA SI YA. NA DI YO E PI + RI TO SA TO. SA TI YA NI SA TO MA RI YA. + BI SE TO TO O. NA DI PA NA NGA NA. SI YA. NA MA + KA PA NGA NA NA. BI SE RI TO TO O. A A NA KA + TA A TA WO SI YA. NA MA YA RI MA MA TA SI YA. + TU BU SA KA SA LA NA. NA LA HA NA TA WO. A LI KA + YA A KA SA LA NA NI LA. A O NA KA SA LA NA. + NA MA GU GU LA NA TI. SI A DA. A SI E BA. + NA GI KA SA LA NA NA TI . NA RA MA PA LA TA YO. + SA PA KA KA O LA NI LA SA DI YO. BO KO NA MA DO + O. A SA DI LI A SA LA NA. NA BA LA NA TA WA. + NA KA SA SA LA SA DI YO. A RA A RA. TI NU + BU NI SE SO KI TO. A LA HA NA TA WO. O O. A NO + PA TU BU NI YA SA MA NGA TA WO. A PA KA MA TA + SI YA SA KU RU. A SI NA KO NI YA. A SA LI BU + TA BA YA. NA NA MA TA NA A A TI PA NGI NO O + SE SO KI TO SA KU RU. A NO GI NA WA NA KA LO LO WA + NI YA. NA NA O SA MA NGA I PE NO. PA TI NA + PA KA DI YO NI YA. A HI NA NGO DO O. A + KA LO LO WA NA MA NGA SA TO PA RE. NA HI NI TA + A PA RA TI NI YA. A KA TA A NI SE SO KI TO. + I BI NA O. O O. NA BU HA NA NA U LI. O O. KA I + LA. NA MA I KA LO A RA. A PA KA MA TA NI YA. + HU MA BI LI DI TO SA LU PA. A A TI PA NGI NO + O SE SO KI TO. DI LE HU MA BI LI DI TO SA LU PA. + NA YA SA LA NGI. NA MA I KA PA NA PO WO A + RA. A PA KA BU HA NI YA NA O LI. A NA LO + LO LO SA KA NA NA DI YO A MA. A KA GA GA WA + SA LA HA. A NO PA KA LO LO NI YA. DO O SA LA + NGI. PI NA LO LO SI YA NA DI YO A MA NI YA. + SA LA HA. MA A RA NA I HO HO. SA MA BU BU HA + A SA NA NGA MA TA NA TA WO. O O. KA I LA. DI LE + NA A A LA MA. SI NO KA YA A HO KO. A A + TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. A KA LO LO WA NA TI. + MA MA TA KA YA. KO MA MA TA A KA TA A NA TI. + DI LE MA MA TA A KA LO LO WA NA TI. PA RA NA SA I + BA HA YO. A KA TA A NA LA MA. A MA MA TA. A KA + LO LO WA MA BU BU HA. MA PA RA TI MA SA A + MA BU BU HA KA YA MA O LI. A NA NGA MA TA NA TO WO. + BA NA MA. TA PA LA SA MA. O O NA BU BU HA RI + MA U LI. A PA PA SO NA MO LI. A KA LO LO + WA SA KA TA A NI YA. NA HO KO MA SI LA DA WA. + NA A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. KU MA BU HA + NA MA O LI. A KA TA A NA MA NGA TA WO. MA MA TA + PA KA YA MO LI. DI LE. ANO I GA GA TI NA DI YO + SA MA NGA BA NA NA TA WO. A KA LU WA HA TI A A SA LA + NGI. DO O MA KI KI TA NI LA A DI YO. A MA TO + TO WA. A MA LI LI GA YA. A LU LU WA HA TI. MA PA + RA TI MA SA A. A NO I PA RU RU SA NA DI YO + A MA NGA TA WO TA PA LA SA. I HO HO LO NI YA. + SA I PE NO. DO O MA HI HI RA SI YA. A MA KA + KA SA KI. MA PA RA TI MA SA A. A NO KA YA A + SA TA I LE SI YA. A LA HA NA TA WO KI NI TI YA NO. + SU MA SA PA LA TA YA SA DI YO. PA TI NA PO + PO NI LA SI SE SO KI TO. NA SA LA NGI. A DI + TO SA LU PA. A KA HA LI LI NI YA. A SA TO PA + PA. DI TO SA SA TA I LE SI YA. MA I KA WA WA LA + NA KA SA LA NA. A NO KA YA A I KA WA WA LA + NA KA SA LA NA. A PA BI YA SA DI PA KI NI TI + YA NO. A A PA KO KO PI SA. A MA NGA KA + NI TI YA NO. MA KA SA LA NA. KU MA SI SI MA SA KI. + A MA LO O. NA DI MO LI MA KA SA LA SA DI YO + MA PA RA TI MA SA A. DI TO SA SA TA I LE SI + YA. MA KA SA MA HA. A MA NGA SA TO. O O. A NO + KA YA A KA SA MA HA. NA MA NGA SA TO. A PA PA + PA KI NA BA. NA MA NGA KI NI TI YA NO. BA NA NA + TA WO. SA GA WA MA GA LI. SA PO NA SA SA KA RA ME TO. + NA BI NU BU HA A O TI YA NA PA RE. SA PA MI + MI SA. SI NO KA YA A NA RO O. A A TI PA + NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. DI YO TO TO O. A TA WO + TO TO O. PA RA DO O SA LA NGI. SA KA LI. SI NO + KA YA A NA DO O. A DU GO TO TO O. NA A TI PA + NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. KA PA RA NI U NA BO HO SA KU + RU. NA NA MA TA SI YA. ANO KA YA. A GA GA I + NA MA NGA KI NI TI YA NO. NA MA KA PA RO O SA + LA NGI. A SU SU DI NI YA. A SA PO WO O TO NA DI + YO. PA TI NA O TO NA SA TA I LE SI YA. + I NA NA TI. + + + Laus Deo + + + + + +NOTES + +[1] Tagalog characters are said to be similar to old Javanese, Ignacio +Villamot, _La Antigua Escritura Filipina_, Manila, 1922, p. 30. They +were replaced under the Spanish occupation by roman letters, and +are not now used. The best definitive grammar is Frank R. Blake's _A +Grammar of the Tagalog Language_, New Haven, 1925, where, p. 1, he +defines the language as follows: "Tagalog is the principal language +of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippine Archipelago. It is +spoken in Manila and in the middle region of Luzon. Tagalog, like +all the Philippine languages about which anything is known, belongs +to the Malayo-Polynesian family of speech, which embraces the idioms +spoken on the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia, and Malaysia, on the +Malay peninsula, and on the island of Madagascar." + +[2] The woodcut, showing St. Dominic beneath a star holding a lily and +a book, the usual symbols of this saint, and clad in the white habit +and black cloak of his order, seems to be of oriental workmanship, +differing vastly from contemporary Spanish and Mexican cuts of the +same type. The clouds, for instance, are characteristically Chinese, +and the buildings in the background more reminiscent of eastern +temples than European churches. + +[3] T.H. Pardo de Tavera, _Noticias sobre La Imprenta y el Grabado +en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893, pp. 9-10. Dard Hunter in _Papermaking +through Eighteen Centuries_, New York, 1930, pp. 109-16, describes +papermaking in China, and mentions the use of "makaso" or "takaso," +both species of the paper mulberry, as material for the making +of paper. The paper mulberry's scientific name is _Broussonetia +papyrifera_. Later, on p. 141, he speaks of the use by the Chinese +of gypsum, lichen, starch, rice flour and animal glue for sizing. + +[4] The best short summaries in English of the beginnings of printing +in Mexico are Henry R. Wagner's introduction to the exhibition +catalogue of _Mexican Imprints 1544-1600 In the Huntington Library_, +San Marino, 1939, pp. 3-10; and Lawrence C. Wroth, _Some Reflections +on the Book Arts in Early Mexico_, Cambridge (Mass.), 1945. + +[5] J.B. Primrose, _The First Press in India and Its Printers_, +The Library, 4th Series, 1939, XX, pp. 244-5. + +[6] Jose Toribio Medina, _La Imprenta en Lima_, Santiago de Chile, +1904-17, no. 1, p. 3. + +[7] A contemporary copy of this letter--the original is not known--lay +forgotten and unnoticed in the Archives of the Indies (1-1-3/25, +no. 52), Torres, III, no. 4151, p. 83, until discovered there by +Pascual de Gayangos, who called it to the attention of W.E. Retana, +who first printed it in _La Politica de Espana en Filipinas_, no. 97, +Oct. 23, 1894. It was later rediscovered independently by Medina who +also printed it in his _La Imprenta en Manila_, p. xix. Gomez Perez +Dasmarinas, formerly corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena in Spain, +was appointed governor of the Philippines in 1589, landed at Manila +in May 1590, and remained in office until his death in October 1593. + +[8] _Relacion de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Filipinas +fecho este ano de 1593_, an apparently inedited MS. in the A. of I., +Index 9, no. 81, from which the passage was quoted by Retana in his +edition of Antonio de Morga's _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid, +1909, p. 425, and Manuel Artigas y Cuerva, _La Primera Imprenta en +Filipinas_, Manila, 1910, p. xi. This may be the MS. listed by Torres, +III, no. 4229, p. 91, as _Breve sumario y memorial de apuntamientos +de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Islas Filipinas_, undated +but probably 1593. + +[9] _Recopilacion de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias_, Madrid, +1681, I, ff. 123v-124r, where they are Laws 1 and 3, Title XXIV, +Book I. + +[10] Medina, p. xxviii, from. _Libro de provisiones reales_, Madrid, +1596, I, p. 231. + +[11] Inflation in the Philippines was discussed in a report sent by +Bishop Salazar to the King in 1583, B. & R., V, pp. 210-11, translated +from Retana, _Archivo del bibliofilo filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97, +III. no 1. + +[12] Henry R. Wagner, _The House of Cromberger_, in _To Doctor +R[osenbach]_, Philadelphia, 1946, pp. 234 & 238, where he gives +some interesting comparative figures: in 1542 the Casa de Cromberger +could charge 17 maravedis a sheet; in Spain in 1552 Lopez de Gomara's +_Historia de las Indias_ was appraised at 2 maravedis a sheet; and +in Mexico Vasco de Puga's _Provisiones_ of 1563 was permitted to sell +at the tremendous figure of one real or 34 maravedis a sheet. + +[13] Juan de Cuellar was mentioned in the Letter of Instruction given +by Philip II to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas on August 9, 1589, as among +those "who are men of worth and account" in the Philippines and who +should be provided for and rewarded accordingly, B. & R., VII, p. 151, +translated from the original MS. in the A. of I. (105-2-11), Torres, +III, no. 3567, p. 17. Cuellar received a commission from Dasmarinas +and signed various documents during his administration as secretary +and notary. Antonio de Morga, _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Mexico, +1609, f. 13v, reports that Cuellar was one of two survivors of the ship +on which Dasmarinas sailed in October 1593 as part of an expedition +to conquer the fort of Terrenate in Maluco. On the second day out, +while the ship was weather-bound at Punta del Acufre, the Chinese +rowers mutinied, and only Cuellar, there described as the governor's +secretary, and the Franciscan father, Francisco de Montilla, survived +the ensuing massacre. They were set ashore on the coast of Ylocos, and +made their way back to Manila. A similar account appears in Chapter XVI +of Leonardo de Argensola's, _Conqvista delas Islas Malvcas_, Madrid, +1609. We have been able to find no subsequent record of Cuellar. + +[14] Colin, I, pp. 501, 507-14, 561-6. + +[15] Pedro Chirino, _Primera parte de la Historia de la provincia +de Philipinas de la Compania de Ihs_, unpublished MS. of 1610, +from which the present passage was quoted by Retana, col. 25. For an +account of the MS. see Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435n. Schilling, p. 214, +demonstrates that according to the original punctuation the meaning +is that the first printers were Villanueva and Blancas de San Jose, +but with the shifting of a semi-colon it could be read to mean that the +first printers were of the Order of St. Augustine. We can see no reason +to shift the semi-colon, and have retained it in its original place. + +[16] Retana, col. 26, said that he was able to find no information +regarding Villanueva except for the listing of his name by Cano, +p. 43, as having arrived in the Philippines at an unknown date. The +destruction of the early records of the Augustinians when the English +sacked Manila in 1762 accounts for the paucity of information, but +there are a few references which throw some little light on the two +Villanuevas. San Agustin, p. 212, says that when Herrara sailed for +Mexico in 1569 he left in Cebu only "P. Fr. Martin de Rada and two +virtuous clerics, the one named Juan de Vivero, and the other Juan +de Villanueva, who had come with Felipe de Salcedo." Salcedo had +come back to Cebu in 1566. Francisco Moreno, _Historia de la Santa +Iglesia Metropolitana de Filipinas hasta 1650_, Manila, 1877, p. 226, +states that Villanueva came in 1566, and died shortly after 1569. San +Antonio, I, p. 173, writes, "Another cleric was the Licentiate Don +Juan de Villanueva, of whom the only thing known is that he was a +churchman and lived but a short time--and that after the erection of +the church." This refers to the foundation of the church in Manila in +1571. Of the other Villanueva our information comes from Perez, p. 63. + +[17] Alonso Fernandez, _Historia Eclesiastica de Nvestros Tiempos_, +Toledo, 1611, pp. 303-4. The book referred to here is called _De los +mysterios del Rosario de nuestra Senora_ by Jacques Quetif and Jacques +Echard, _Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum_, Paris, 1719, II, p. 390; +and _Devotion del Santisimo Rosario de la Bienaventurada Virgen_ +by Vicente Maria Fontana, _Monvmenta Dominicana_, Rome, 1675, p. 586. + +[18] Fernandez, _Historia de los insignes Milagros qve la Magestad +Diuina ha obrado por el Rosario santissimo de la Virgen soberana, su +Madre_, Madrid, 1613, f. 216. I have been unable to locate a copy of +this book in the United States, but the passage is printed in Retana, +_Aparato Bibliografico de la Historia General de Filipinas_, Madrid, +1906, I, pp. 64-5. It was first cited in modern times by Pedro Vindel, +_Catalogo_, Madrid, 1903, III, no. 2631. + +[19] A sketch of the life of Aduarte was added to his history +by Goncalez, II, pp. 376-81, and a notice also appears in Ramon +Martinez-Vigil, _La Orden de Predicadores ... seguidas del Ensayo de +una Bibliotheca de Dominicos Espanoles_, Madrid, 1884, p. 229. + +[20] Aduarte, II, pp. 15-18. + +[21] Artigas, _op. cit._, pp. 3-22, stresses the part played by +him in establishing printing and gives much information regarding +this father. There, referring to the _Acta Capitulorum Provincialium +provinciae Sanctissimi Rosarii Philippinarum_, Manila, 1874-77, Artigas +traces the career of Blancas de San Jose as follows: in Abucay from +May 24, 1598 until April 27, 1602; at San Gabriel in Binondo from +April 27, 1602 until May 4, 1604; as Preacher-General of the order +at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Manila from 1604 to 1608; back +at Abucay from April 26, 1608 until May 8, 1610; and at San Gabriel +again from May 8, 1610 until May 4, 1614. + +[22] Medina, no. 8, p. 7. A copy of this book and an unique copy of +the recently discovered _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127, are +in the Library of Congress. Both books are entirely typographical, +and the Tagalog in the 1610 volume has been transliterated. These two +and the present Doctrina are, so far as I have been able to find out, +the only Philippine imprints before 1613 in the United States. + +[23] Medina, no. 14, p. 11. The text was written by Thomas Pinpin, +who appears as the printer of the former book, and a confessionary +by Blancas de San Jose, who probably edited the volume, is included. + +[24] Juan Lopez, _Quinta Parte de la Historia de San Domingo_, +Valladolid, 1621, ff. 246-51. + +[25] Quetif and Echard, _op. cit._, II, p. 390. This same statement was +made in Antonio de Leon Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental y +Occidental, Nautica, y Geografica_ (ed. Antonio Gonzalez de Barcia), +Madrid, 1737-38, col. 737, and was reprinted almost word for word +by Jose Mariano Beristain y Sousa, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana +Septentrional_, Mexico, 1883-97, I, p. 177. + +[26] A fairly complete biography is given by Vinaza, pp. 112-7, +where he points out that several of the major Jesuit biographers have +erroneously stated that Hervas went to America some time before 1767. + +[27] Lorenzo Hervas y Panduro, _Origine, formazione, meccanismo, +ed armonia degli' idiomi_, Cesena, 1785, p. 88. + +[28] Hervas, _Saggio Pratico delle lingue, Con prolegomeni, e +una raccolta di orazioni Dominicali in piu di trecento lingue, +e dialetti_, Cesena, 1787, pp. 128-9. Although Schilling, p. 208, +says that Hervas had a copy of the 1593 Doctrina before him, which +"had been lent or given" by Bernardo de la Fuente, Hervas merely says +that he took his information "from the best documents, which showed +the grammar; and the Tagalog and Visayan dictionary were given me by +Messrs. D. Antonio Tornos and D. Bernardo de la Fuente." There is no +doubt, however, but that Hervas had a copy of the Doctrina, or accurate +and extensive transcripts from a copy known to one of his friends. + +[29] Franz Carl Alter, _Ueber die Tagalische Sprache_, Vienna, +1803, p. vii. Alter speaks of having had extensive correspondence +with Hervas. + +[30] Johann Christoph Adelung, _Mithridates oder allgemeine +Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser als Sprach probe in beynahe +fuenfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten_, Berlin, 1806, I, pp. 608-9. + +[31] Beristain, _op. cit._, II, p. 464. The first edition was published +in 1819-21, but we have used the second for our quotations. + +[32] Juan de Grijalva, _Cronica de la orden de N.P.S. Augustin de +Nueva Espana_, Mexico, 1624, f. 199v. + +[33] Nicolas Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, Madrid, 1783, I, +p. 764. The first edition was Rome, 1672, but I could locate no copy +in this country. + +[34] San Agustin, p. 352. On pp. 443-4 referring to Grijalva and +Herrera, he says merely that Quinones "was very learned in the Tagalog +language, and wrote a grammar and dictionary of it." + +[35] "He succeeded in learning that language with such perfection that +he composed a treatise, as a light and guide for the new missionaries, +and a vocabulary, with which in a short time they could instruct those +islanders in the mysteries of the faith," Medina, p. xxvii, assumed +that this referred to Jose Sicardo, _La Cristiandad del Japon_, Madrid, +1698, where he could find nothing about Quinones, but Beristain cited +specifically his _Historias de Filipinas y Japon_, which Santiago Vela, +VI, p. 441, thinks must be his additions to Grijalva, including a life +of Quinones, which San Agustin used and quoted from. The quotation +here is from San Agustin, p. 442, where Sicardo is given as the source. + +[36] Tomas de Herrera, _Alphabetvm Avgvstinianvm_, Madrid, 1644, I, +p. 406, according to P. & G., p. xxiv. + +[37] Schilling, p. 204. + +[38] Pedro Bello, _Noticia de los escritores y sus obras impresas +y manuscritas en diferentes idiomas por los religiosos agustinos +calzados hasta 1801_, unpublished MS., from which the citation is +given by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441. + +[39] P. & G., pp. xxv-xxvi. + +[40] Medina, p. xxviii, who gives as source the A. of I. and _Libro +de provisiones reales_, Madrid, 1596, I, p. 231. In his note Medina +says that this cedula was not in the _Recopilacion_, but referring +back to the note on p. xxiv, we find that he there prints a law of +the same content and date, cited as Law 3, Title XXIV, Book 1 of the +_Recopilacion_, where we have seen it, with the extremely significant +addition, "it shall not be published, _or printed_, or used." If +this phrase was not included in the original cedula sent to Manila, +but added when printed as applying to all the Indies, it is important +evidence that the King felt an admonition against printing unnecessary +where no facilities for printing existed. + +[41] Retana, col. 10, cited from the original MS. in the A. of +I. (68-1-42), Torres, II, no. 3211, p. 150. + +[42] San Antonio, II, p. 297. This work, treated at length by San +Antonio, is proof of the high esteem in which Plasencia was held as +a Tagalist. It was incorporated in a document of Governor Francisco +Tello, dated July 13, 1599, now in the A. of I. (67-6-18), and first +printed in the appendix to Santa Ines, II, pp. 592-603, and translated +in B. & R., VII, pp. 173-96. + +[43] Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 442-3. His study of the questionable _Arte_ +of 1581 is the most thorough and detailed yet written. + +[44] Schilling, p. 205. + +[45] Pardo de Tavera, _op. cit._, pp. 8-9. After quoting the latter +part of this passage, Medina, p. xviii, adds a quizzical note, +"I want to cite the opinion of so distinguished a student of +the Philippines because it shows how tangled and confused is the +information concerning the primitive Philippine press, even among +men best informed on the subject." + +[46] Medina, nos. 1 and 2, p. [3]. + +[47] Medina, p. xix. + +[48] Retana had published many of his findings in _La Politico de +Espana en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1891-98; in his edition of Joaquin +Martinez de Zuniga, _Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893; +and in the _Archivo del Bibliofilo Filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97. + +[49] Retana, cols. 7-8. We shall speak of Juan de Vera later. + +[50] Thomas Cooke Middleton, _Some Notes on the Bibliography of the +Philippines_, Philadelphia, 1900, pp. 32-33. + +[51] Pardo de Tavera, _Biblioteca Filipina_, Washington, 1903, +pp. 9-10. + +[52] Medina, _La Imprenta en Manila desde sus Origenes hasta 1810 +Adiciones y Ampliacones_, Santiago de Chile, 1904. + +[53] P. & G., pp. xxi-xxvi. + +[54] B. & R., LIII, p. 11. + +[55] Artigas, _op. cit._ He admitted that the celebration should have +been held in 1902. + +[56] Retana, _Origenes de la Imprenta Filipina_, Madrid, 1911. Retana +had also published between 1897 and 1911 several other books which +contained some information about the early Philippine press, the +_Aparato Bibliografico_ in 1906 and his edition of Morga in 1909, +both of which have already been cited. + +[57] Antonio Palau y Dulcet, _Manuel del Librero Hispano-Americano_, +Barcelona, 1923-37, III, p. 72. + +[58] Schilling, _op. cit._ + +[59] Chirino, p. 3, writes that he was "the first who made converts +to Christianity in the Philippines, preaching to them of Jesus Christ +in their own tongue--of which he made the first vocabulary, which +I have seen and studied;" and Juan de Medina (who originally wrote +his history in 1630), p. 54, says that in visiting Cebu in 1612 he +"saw a lexicon there, compiled by Father Fray Martin de Rada, which +contained a great number of words." Grijalva, _op. cit._, f. 124V, +writes that Rada "by the force of his imaginative and excellent ability +learned the Visayan language, as he had learned the Otomi in this land +[Mexico], so that he could preach in it in five months." + +[60] Perez, p. 5. + +[61] Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, _The Historie of the great and mightie +kingdom of China ... Translated out of Spanish by R. Parke_, London, +1588, p. 138. The original edition of 1585 said he made an "arte y +vocabulario." We must take the phrase "in few daies" in a comparative +sense, but that an Augustinian, probably Rada, knew some Chinese as +early as July 30, 1574 is shown by a letter from Governor Lavezaris +to the King from Manila, sending him "a map of the whole land of +China, with an explanation which I had some Chinese interpreters +make through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted +with the elements of the Chinese language," B. & R., III, p. 284, +from the original MS. in the A. of I. (67-6-6), Torres, II, no. 1868, +p. 10-11. Antonio de Leon Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental +i Occidental, Nautica i Geographica_, Madrid, 1629, p. 31, also +records Rada's Chinese grammar and dictionary. Santiago Vela, VI, +pp. 444-60, gives a full history of Rada and his writings. He went +to China a second time in May 1576, and in 1578 accompanied La Sande +on his expedition to Borneo, dying on the way back to Manila in June +of that year. + +[62] Gonzalez de Mendoza, _op. cit._, pp. 103-5. + +[63] Diego Ordonez Vivar came to the Philippines in 1570, filled +various ministries there, and according to Agustin Maria de Castro +was in Japan in 1597, where he witnessed the martyrdom of the +Franciscans; he died in 1603, Perez, p. 10. Juan de Medina, p. 74, +says, "Father Diego de Ordonez learned this language [Tagalog] very +quickly." Alonso Alvatado had been on the unsuccessful 1542 expedition +of Villalobos, and returned to the Philippines in 1571. Perez, p. 11, +records that he became familiar with the Tagalog language, was the +first prior of Tondo, ministered to the Chinese there, and was the +first Spaniard to learn the Mandarin dialect. He was elected provincial +in 1575, and died at Manila the following year. Jeronimo Marin came +to the islands with Alvarado, acquired skill in the Visayan, Tagalog +and Chinese languages, accompanied Rada on his first expedition to +China, was in Tondo in 1578, and later returned to Spain to recruit +new missionaries for the province, dying in Mexico in 1606, Perez, +pp. 11-12. + +[64] Cano, p. 12. Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, expresses the opinion that +Cano's statement was an overenthusiasm, and is not valid. + +[65] Retana, col. 9. + +[66] Juan de Medina, p. 156. + +[67] Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, where he cites the first book of the +_Gobierno_ of the Augustinian province. + +[68] Santiago Vela, I, pp. 84-6 treats of the whole question in detail. + +[69] A Doctrina in Tagalog, attributed to Alburquerque by Agustin +Maria de Castro in his unpublished _Osario_, is said by Santiago Vela, +I, p. 85, to have been arranged and perfected by Quinones, and was +probably that presented by him to the Synod of 1582, if indeed he +did present such a work then. For an account of the MS. _Osario_, +see Schilling, p. 205n. + +[70] Perez, p. 20n, quotes Vicente Barrantes, _El teatro tagalo_, +Madrid, 1890, p. 170, as saying that "according to the Augustinian +writers" Alburquerque compiled an _Arte de la Lengua Tagala_ between +1570 and 1580, the manuscript of which disappeared when the English +sacked Manila in 1762. It may be that Barrantes referred to Cano +or possibly Castro, but it must be emphasized that no contemporary +historian, as far as has been discovered up to this time, has made +such a statement. + +[71] Quinones came to the Philippines in 1577 and spent his time in +missions in and about Manila. He was named prior of Manila in 1586, +and provincial vicar in 1587 in which year he died, Perez, p. 19, +and Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 433-4. + +[72] Again Castro, as cited by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435, is the only +authority for this, although San Agustin, p. 391, lists Quinones' +name among those present at the Synod. + +[73] San Agustin, p. 381. It should be noted that this statement is +in direct contradiction to those we shall cite later in connection +with the controversy between the Augustinians and Dominicans over +the Chinese ministry. The convent at Tondo had been founded in 1571, +so San Agustin here must refer specifically to the Chinese mission. + +[74] Perez, p. 22. + +[75] Perez, p. 29. + +[76] Huerta, pp. 443 & 500-01. In 1580, under the influence +of Plasencia, Talavera took the habit of the Franciscan order and +preached throughout the Philippines until his death in 1616. Huerta +lists six works in Tagalog by him, all of them devotionary tracts, +the last of which he notes was printed at Manila in 1617, and is +listed by Medina, no. 20, pp. 14-5. His works are also recorded by +Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737-38, II, f. 919r. + +[77] Santa Ines (written originally in 1676), p. 211. Virtually the +same information is given by San Antonio, I, pp. 532-3 & 563. + +[78] Juan de la Concepcion, _Historia general de Philipinas_, Manila, +1788-92, II, pp. 45-6. Schilling, p. 203n, maintains that the early +writers were mistaken in believing that the Synod was held in 1581. On +October 16, 1581 the Bishop called a meeting of ten priests at the +Convent of Tondo to discuss the execution of the decree about slaves, +Torres, II, pp. cxliv-v. No laymen were present and no other topic was +discussed. The decisions of this meeting were sent in a letter from +Salazar to the King, dated from Tondo, October 17, 1581, translated +in B. & R., XXXIV, pp. 325-31, from the original MS. in the A. of +I. (68-1-42), Torres, II, no. 2686, p. 95. The following year a real +Synod was held, this time including lay government officials as well +as priests, at which was discussed a variety of subjects. Robert +Streit, _Bibliotheca Missionum_, Aachen, 1928, IV, pp. 327-31, cites +a MS. account of it by the Jesuit father Sanchez who was present; and +Valentin Marin, _Ensayo de una Sintesis de los trabajos realizados +por las Corporaciones Religiosas Espanoles de Filipinas_, Manila, +1901, I, pp. 192 et seqq., cites another MS., then in the Archives +of the Archiepiscopal Palace of Manila, _Memoria de una junta que +se hizo a manera de concilio el ano de 1582, para dar asiento a las +cosas tocantes al aumento de la fe, y justificacion de las conquistas +hechas y que adelante se hicieron por los espanoles_, from which he +quotes extensively. With reference to the Synod see further Lorenzo +Perez, _Origen de las Misiones Franciscanas en el extremo oriente_, +in Archivo Ibero-Americano, 1915, III, pp. 386-400. + +[79] Santa Ines, p. 212. Again similar accounts are to be found in +San Antonio, I, pp. 563-6, in far more detail and phrased in even +more laudatory terms, and the fullest early biography of Plasencia +is given by San Antonio, II, pp. 512-79. Modern surveys appear in +Marin, _op. cit._, II, pp. 573-82, and Lorenzo Perez, _op. cit._, +pp. 378 et seqq. + +[80] Chirino, _Primera parte_, quoted by Retana, col. 24, implied that +Quinones and Plasencia wrote at about the same time: "The first who +wrote in these languages were, in Visayan, P. Fr. Martin de Rada, and +in Tagalog, Fr. Juan de Quinones, both of the Order of St. Augustine, +and at the same time Fr. Juan de Oliver and Fr. Juan de Plasencia +of the Order of St. Francis, of whom the latter began first, but the +former [wrote] many more things and very useful ones." However, San +Antonio, I, p. 532, wrote perhaps with bias in favor of his own order, +"Although the Augustinian fathers had come earlier and did not lack +priests fluent in the idiom, the language had not yet been reduced to +a grammar, so that it could be learned by common grammatical rules, +nor was there a general vocabulary of speech; except that each one +had his own notes, to make himself understood, and everything was +unsystematized." + +[81] _Entrada de la seraphica Religion de nuestro P. S. Francisco +en las Islas Philipinas_, MS. of 1649, first published in Retana, +_Archivo_, I, no. III, translated in B. & R., XXXV, p. 311. + +[82] Medina, p. 15, quoting from Martinez whom we are unable to trace. + +[83] Huerta, pp. 492-3. Oliver died in 1599. San Antonio, II, p. 531, +says that Plasencia was the first to write a catechism (called +in Tagalog "Tocsohan"), and Oliver was the first to translate the +explanation of the Doctrina. Oliver's works are noted by Leon Pinelo, +_op. cit._, 1737-38, II, col. 730, and Barrantes, _op. cit._, p. 187. + +[84] Sebastian de Totanes, _Arte de la Lengua Tagala_, Manila, 1850, +p. v, (first edition printed in 1745) says of Oliver that "up to +the present day our province reveres him as the first master of +this idiom." + +[85] See note 42. + +[86] Huerta, p. 517. Nothing is known of Diego de la Asuncion +except that he wrote five works in Tagalog including an _Arte_ and +_Diccionario_. Huerta was unable to find any record of him in the +mission lists, the capitularies or the death records, but that he was +in the Philippines before 1649 we can be sure of from the notice of +him in the manuscript of that date. + +[87] Huerta, p. 495. Montes y Escamilla came to the islands in 1583 +and remained there until his death in 1610. Five works in Tagalog +are attributed to him, an _Arte_, _Diccionario_, _Confesionario_, +_Devocional tagalog_, and a _Guia de Pecadores_. The _Devocional_ +is listed by Medina, no. 16, p. 12. + +[88] Pablo Rojo, _Fr. Juan de Plasencia_, _Escritor_, Appendix 3 of +Santa Ines, II, p. 590. An early reference by Fernandez, _Historia +Eclesiastica_, p. 300, speaking of the Franciscan missionary successes +among the natives, says, "They learned the Doctrina Christiana which +the priests translated into Tagalog." + +[89] Rojo, in Santa Ines, II, pp. 590-1, says that the Doctrina +then being used among the Tagalogs was the same as that written by +Plasencia except for modernization in accordance with the changes +which had taken place in the language since his time. + +[90] Medina, no. 15, p. 11. + +[91] Chirino, p. 14. + +[92] Colin, II, p. 325. + +[93] Chirino, p. 27. + +[94] Chirino, chaps. XV-XVII, pp. 34-41. + +[95] On May 13, 1579, Philip II wrote to the Governor of the +Philippines, "Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the Dominican order, and +bishop of the said islands, has reported to us that he is going to +reside in these islands; and that he will take with him religious of +his order to found monasteries, and to take charge of the conversion +and instruction of the natives," B. & R., IV, p. 141, translated +from the original MS. in the Archivo-Historico Nacional, _Cedulario +indico_, t. 31, f. 132V, no. 135. Twelve of the twenty who set out +from Europe with Salazar died before reaching Mexico, and the others +were so sick that all but one remained there, so when Salazar landed +at Manila in March 1581 he was accompanied by twenty Augustinians, +eight Franciscans, and only one Dominican, Christoval de Salvatierra. + +[96] For these and other general facts I have used Aduarte and +Remesal where they are supported by the other historians, Juan de +la Concepcion, San Antonio, San Agustin, Juan de Medina and Santa +Ines. It should be noted that Remesal acknowledged as his source for +much of the material on the Philippines the unpublished MS. history +of the Franciscan, Francisco de Montilla. The fifteen Dominicans were +Juan de Castro, Alonso Ximenez, Miguel de Benavides, Pedro Bolanos, +Bernardo Navarro, Diego de Soria, Juan de Castro the younger, Marcos +Soria de San Antonio, Juan de San Pedro Martyr (or Maldonado), Juan +Ormaza de Santo Tomas, Pedro de Soto, Juan de la Cruz, Gregorio de +Ochoa, Domingo de Nieva, and Pedro Rodriguez. + +[97] By a bull of October 20, 1582 Pope Gregory XIII confirmed the +appointment already obtained from Pablo Constable de Ferrara, General +of the Dominican Order, making Juan Chrisostomo vicar-general of the +Philippine Islands and China, and giving him authority to establish +a province there, B. & R., V, pp. 199--200, translated from Hernaez, +_Coleccion de bulas_, Brussels, 1879, I, p. 527, where it is printed +from the original MS. in the Vatican, Bular. Dom., t. 15, p. 412. + +[98] In 1580 the Dominicans of Mexico had begun plans for +the establishment of a province in the Orient, and sent Juan +Chrisostomo to Europe to obtain the necessary permission from lay +and ecclesiastical authorities. The Jesuit Alonso Sanchez, who had +been sent to Spain to explain the situation in the Philippines, +was at court, and told the King and Council of the Indies--quite +subverting his mission--that there was no need for more priests +and particularly no need for a new order there. Chrisostomo was +discouraged, but the scheme was revivified by Juan de Castro who +finally secured a letter from Philip II on September 20, 1585 endorsing +the plan. Twenty-two volunteers sailed from Spain on July 17, 1586. In +Mexico the Dominicans again found Sanchez propagandizing against the +mission and also encountered the efforts of the Viceroy to persuade +the friars to remain there. Notwithstanding, twenty friars subscribed +to a set of ordinances at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Mexico on +December 17, 1586. Of the twenty, fifteen went to the Philippines, +three went directly to China, and Juan Chrisostomo, who was ill and +weak, and Juan Cobo, who had business there, stayed behind in Mexico. + +[99] Aduarte, I, p. 9. + +[100] Aduarte, I, p. 70. + +[101] Juan Cobo had stayed behind in Mexico on business, and during +his stay had been so moved by the scandals of the government there +that he preached publicly against them, as a result of which he +was banished by the Viceroy. He brought with him from Mexico a +fellow-reformer and exile, Luis Gandullo, and four other recruits +for the Philippine mission. + +[102] These are printed in the _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127, +and by Remesal, pp. 677--8, who says that "these ordinances were +printed in as fine characters and as correctly as if in Rome or Lyon, +by Francisco de Vera, a Chinese Christian, in the town of Binondo in +the year 1604 through the diligence of Fr. Miguel Martin." + +[103] Sangley, a term used by the natives to designate Chinese, +was derived from the Cantonese _hiang_ (or _xiang_) and _ley_ +meaning a "travelling merchant." It was adopted by the Spaniards +and in most instances used interchangeably with Chinese. If any +distinction existed it was that a Sangley was a permanent resident +of the Philippines--quite contrary to the derivation of the word--or +a Chinese of partially native blood. See San Agustin, p. 253. + +[104] Particularly the Memorial to the Council of the Indies sent with +Sanchez, April 20, 1586, translated in B. & R., VI, pp. 167-8, from the +original MS. in the A. of I. (1-1-2/24), Torres, II, no. 3289, p. 159. + +[105] B. & R., VII, pp. 130-1, translated from the original MS. in +the A. of I. (67-6-18), Torres, III, no. 3556, pp. 15-6. See the +statement of San Agustin quoted on p. 22, which gives the irreconciled +Augustinian view. Most of the contemporary witnesses, however, seem +to agree with the Dominicans. + +[106] B. & R., VII, pp. 220-3, translated from Retana, _Archivo_, +III, pp. 47-80, and there printed from the original MS. in the A. of +I. (68-1-32), Torres, III, no. 3698, p. 32. + +[107] Remesal, pp. 681-2. + +[108] B. & R., VII, pp. 223-5, as in note 106. + +[109] Martinez-Vigil, _op. cit._, p. 246, lists as written by +Benavides a _Vocabularium sinense facillimum_, and Vinaza, p. 17, +cites his entry. + +[110] Schilling, p. 210, says that in his letter Cobo himself +recorded that "Benavides wrote the first Chinese catechism in the +Philippines." He does not however differentiate between writing in +Chinese characters and writing transliterated Chinese, and moreover +"hizo doctrina" may only mean that he taught the doctrine, not +necessarily that he wrote one. + +[111] B. & R., VII, p. 238, as in note 106. + +[112] Aduarte, I, p. 140. + +[113] Aduarte, I, p. 140, says, before the previously quoted passage, +that Cobo "put the Doctrina Christiana in the Chinese language," +and Vinaza, pp. 17-23, lists seven books by him, including the famous +translation of the Chinese classic, _Beng-Sim-Po-Cam_, the original +MS. of which, with an introductory epistle by Benavides, dated from +Madrid, December 23, 1595, is in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid; an +_Arte de las letras chinas_; _Vocabulario chino_; _Catecismo o doctrina +christiana en chino_; (cited from Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737-38, I, +col. 142); _Tratado de astronomia en chino_; _Linguae sinica ad certam +revocata methodum_ (called by Martinez-Vigil, _op. cit._, p. 263, "the +first works or work on the Chinese language"); and _Sententiae plures_, +excerpted from various Chinese books. See also Beristain, _op. cit._, +I, p. 316, and Quetif and Echard, _op. cit._, II, pp. 306-7. + +[114] Aduarte, I, p. 122. + +[115] Fernandez, _Historia Eclesiastica_, p. 304, "In the Chinese +language and letters, P. Fr. Domingo de Nieva, of San Pablo of +Valladolid, printed a memorial of the Christian life; and P. Fray +Tomas Mayor, of the province of Aragon, from the Convent and College +of Orihuela, the Symbol of Faith." In his _Historia de los Insignes +Milagros_, f. 217, Fernandez states that both these works were printed +at Bataan. Since Mayor did not arrive in the islands until 1602 his +work is not pertinent to the present discussion. Mayor's book was seen +but inadequately described by Jose Rodriguez, _Biblioteca Valentina_, +1747, p. 406, from a copy then in the Library of the Dominican Convent +at Valencia, but now lost. Medina records it under the year 1607, +no. 6, p. 6. See also Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737--38, II, f. 919r, +and Antonio, _op. cit._, I, p. 330. + +[116] Aduarte, I, p. 342. + +[117] Medina, nos. 399-402, pp. 261-2. + +[118] Aduarte, I, pp. 255-8. San Pedro Martyr moved back and forth a +good deal. The first year in the Philippines he was with Benavides at +Baybay; the second year he was in Pangasinan. In 1590 he was ordered +to the Chinese mission in Cobo's place by Castro before he left for +China. When Castro got back and Cobo could resume his old station, +San Pedro Martyr went to the vicariate of Bataan "the language of +which he learned very well," and when Cobo left for Japan in 1592, +San Pedro Martyr went back to San Gabriel. + +[119] Aduarte, I, p. 323. + +[120] Remesal, p. 683. + +[121] See Hermann Huelle, _Ueber den alten chinesischen Typendruck und +seine Entzvicklung in den Laendern des Fernen Ostens_, N.P., 1923; +Thomas Francis Carter, _The Invention of Printing in China and its +Spread Westward_, New York, 1925; and Cyrus H. Peake, _The origin and +development of printing in China in the light of recent research_, +in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1935, X, pp. 9-17. + +[122] B. & R., VII, pp. 226, as in note 106. + +[123] Aduarte, II, pp. 15-18. + +[124] Medina, p. xix, supposed that the Doctrina was printed in +the Hospital of San Gabriel in Minondoc, but Aduarte, I, p. 107, +says that when the village of Baybay became overcrowded, it became +necessary to spread the Chinese Christian settlement to a new site +directly across the river, where land was given them by Don Luis +Perez Dasmarinas, the son and successor of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, +and there a second church of San Gabriel was built. According to an +inscription on a painting of Don Luis, exhibited at the St. Louis +Fair of 1904 and illustrated in B. & R., XXX, p. 228, he bought the +land from Don Antonio Velada on March 28, 1594, so that San Gabriel +of Minondoc could not have been the place where the 1593 volumes were +printed. Marin, _op. cit._, II, p. 617, says that San Gabriel was +moved several years after its foundation to Binondo at the request +of the city, and was rebuilt twice. It is apparent that San Gabriel +in the Parian was abandoned after the church in Binondo was built. + +[125] Juan de Vera was probably a comparatively common name at this +time, because upon baptism the natives and Chinese assumed any Spanish +name they pleased, and since Santiago de Vera was governor from 1584 to +1590, his last name would have been very popular. Aduarte, I, p. 86, +mentions an Indian chief, Don Juan de Vera, who helped the Dominicans +in Pangasinan, and Retana, col. 23, quotes from a document sent by +the Audiencia of the Philippines to the King, August 11, 1620, the +appointments as official interpreters of one Juan de Vera on June 15, +1598, and the same or another Juan de Vera on October 9, 1613. + +[126] Aduarte, I, p. 108. + +[127] The title-page of this unique book is as follows: [row of +type ornaments] / _Ordinationes Generales_ / prouinciae Sanctissimi +Rosarij / [type ornament] Philippinarum. [type ornament] / Factae per +admodum Reuerendum patrem fratrem / Ioanem de Castro, primum vicarium +generalem e- / iusdem prouintiae. De consilio, & vnanimi con / sensu +omnium frattu, qui primit_9_ in pro / uintiam illam se contulerunt, +euan / gelizandi gratia./ Sunt que semper vsque in hodiernum diem in +om- / nibus eiusdem prouintiae capitulis infalibiliter / acceptatae, +inuiolabiliter ab omnibus / fratribus obseruandae. / Binondoc, per +Ioannem de Vera china / Christianum. Cum licentia. 1604. / [row of +type ornaments]. The volume, an octavo bound in maroon levant morocco +by Sangorski and Sutcliffe, consists of eight leaves, as follows: +title-page as above, on the verso the permission signed at Manila, +June 24, 1604, by Fr. Miguel Martin de San Jacinto, prior provincial of +the Dominican Province of the Philippines; the text of the ordinances +in Latin on eleven pages, with the device of the Dominican order on +the verso of the last page; blank. + +[128] See note 102. + +[129] Medina, _Adiciones y Ampliacixones_, p. [5]. + +[130] Retana, cols. 77-8, where he gives as his source Hilario Ocio, +_Resena biografica de los religiosos de la provincia del Santisimo +Rosario de Filipinas_, Manila, 1891, I, p. 63. Ocio did not cite +Remesal as his source, but the information, including the printer's +name as Francisco de Vera, is the same. + +[131] Both title-pages are reproduced in Francisco Vindel, _Manual +Graphico-Descriptivo del Bibliofilo Hispano-Americano_, Madrid, +1930--34, IX, p. 22, and VII, p. 181 respectively. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Doctrina Christiana, by Anonymous + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA *** + +***** This file should be named 16119.txt or 16119.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/1/16119/ + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman, Tamiko I. Camacho, and the +PG Distributed Proofreaders Team + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |